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The Saint as Exemplar in Late Antiquity

Author(s): Peter Brown


Source: Representations, No. 2 (Spring, 1983), pp. 1-25
Published by: University of California Press
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PETER BROWN

The Saint as Exemplar


in Late Antiquity*

IN A THOUGHTFUL discussionof a recentbook,a reviewerraised the


followingobjection:
Tracy [D. Tracy, authorof The AnalogicalImagination]may well have to defendhimself
againsttheologianswho argue thatapplyingthe notionof 'classic' to personshas onlya lim-
itedusefulness.Personsare notworksofart,notpiecesofliterature, notparadigmaticactions.
... By makingthemintoclassics,do we not neglectcertainaspectsof theirlivesand remove
themfromhistory?'

It mightbe helpfulto beginany paper on thesaintas an exemplarin Late Antiquity


by explainingin some detailwhysuch an eminently commonsensicalremarkwould
have impresseda Late Antique reader-pagan, Jewish or Christian-as the tacit
abandonmentof the rationaleof theirwhole culture.For the Classics, a literary
tradition,existedforthe sole purposeof "making[persons]intoclassics": exposure
to the classics of Greek and Latin literaturewas intendedto produce exemplary
beings,theirraw humanitymoldedand filedaway by a double discipline,at once
ethical and aesthetic.2It was assumed that to be able to put words and thoughts
togetherin an orderlyand old-fashionedmannerimpliedthat one could also put
one's lifetogetherwith orderlyand old-fashioneddecency.3Books,therefore, were
thereto producepersons;any otherfunctionwas consideredvaguelyridiculous:
Two thingscan be acquired fromthe ancients[wroteLucian of Samosata, attackinga par-
venu who had made his moneyin thebooktrade]:theabilityto speak and act as one oughtby
emulatingthe best modelsand shunningthe worst;and when a man clearlyfailsto benefit
fromthemin one way or the other,what else is he doing but buyinghauntsformice and
lodgingsforworms,and excusesto thrashhis servantsfornegligence?4

We findourselvesin a world whose centraleliteswere held togetherby what


Henri-Irenee Marrou has brilliantlycharacterisedas "The Civilization of the
Paideia."5 The Greco-Romanworld,in whichthe saintslaterappeared,was a civi-
lizationofpaideia in the same way as our own is a civilizationof advancedtechnol-
ogy. It invariablytendedto opt for the necessaryself-delusionthat all its major
problemscould be botharticulatedand resolvedin termsofitsone majorresource-
in this case, by the paradigmaticbehaviorof elites groomedby paideia. Hence a
notoriousfeatureof the Roman Empire, which has long puzzled and frequently

REPRESENTATIONS 1:2 * Spring, 1983 ? THE REGENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA

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irritatesmodernscholars.Not only does the day-to-dayrunningof this greatlegal
and administrative institutiontendto crumble,on close inspection,intoa congeries
of "interpersonalacts"6; legal and institutionalstructurestend to be deliberately
excludedfromcontemporary analysisand frommostcontemporary expectationsof
changeand decision-making.7 It was widelyagreedthatany problemthatwas going
to get solvedhad firstto be reducedto a clear-cutissue of deportment, thatcould be
viewedin relationto a constellation ofvividhumanexemplarspreservedin theclas-
sics: foronly then could the impressiveresourcesof the civilizationof paideia be
broughtto bear withhope ofsuccess.No one would expecta new emperorto drafta
new constitution, hardly,even,to institutea new "policy:"8but what upper-class
contemporaries could hope and articulatevolubly,was thathe would be a new Au-
gustus,be a new Trajan.9
Beforewe dismissthe ancientRomans as hopelesslyencapsulatedfromreality
by theirbackward-looking literaryculture,'0we shouldrememberthatany complex
and self-confident societycan onlyarticulateand mobilizea verysmall sliverof the
intractablerealityin whichit findsitselfcaught.By and large,it will tendto diag-
nose itsown ills in termsofwhat it feelsit has to hand as meanswithwhichto offer
a cure. To do otherwisewould be to facedespair.
What is moretrulypeculiarabout the late classical worldis the overwhelming
tendencyto findwhat is exemplaryin personsratherthan in moregeneralentities.
Despite a past litteredwithmagnificent politicalexperiments,a stateofaffairsnever
wieldedthe same exemplarypower as did individualheroesand heroines.Political
cautionin an Imperial post-democratic age should not be ruled out.1 Yet I would
suggestthatthe balance towardsseeingpersonsas classicshad alreadybeen tipped
bytheintenselypersonalmannerin whichthecultureofpaideia was passed on from
generationto generation.Intensivemale bondingbetweenthe generationslay at the
heartofthe"CivilizationofPaideja." No studenteverwent,as we do, to a university
conceivedof as an impersonalinstitutionof learning-to "Cal," to "the G.T.U."
(How muchtheseabbreviationsspeak of our desireto treatlearningas a studiously
impersonalprocess!)He would always have gone to a person-to Libanius, to Ori-
gen,to Proclus.The mostpoignantlyexpressedrelationin the ancientand medieval
worldswas thatbetweenteacherand pupil. Fromthe farewellpoem of Paulinus to
Ausonius,his old master
Thee shallI behold,in everyfibrewoven.
ShallI beholdthee,in mymindembracethee,
Instantand present,there,in everyplace.'2
to Dante's encounterwith Bruno Latini in the Inferno,we are neververyfarfrom
la carae buonaimaginepaterna
di voi,quandonelmondoad ora ad ora
m'insegnavatecomel'uoms'eterna.13

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Thus, while we, as students,are encouragedto shake offthe shabbyparticularisms
ofthe all too-personalpresent,in orderto look forwardto a magnificently universal
and impersonal"Shape of Things to Come," ancient men did the exact opposite:
seeingin the presenta universalinsoucianceand mediocrity, theyturnedfromthis
general state of affairsto find,among the ancients,vivid personsas objectsof a
personalloyaltyand imitation.
Rather than be surprisedby such a reflex,we should rememberhow long it
survivedwithoutseriouschallenge.Exemplars,if carefullysoughtout, studiedand
rememberedat appropriatemoments,were stillthoughtto add a strandof steelto
the frail fiberof eighteenthcenturygentlemen:"Fancied myselfBurke," wrote
Boswell-admittedlyone of the frailest-"and drankmoderately."''4
What is moresurprisingis the mannerin whicha remotepast was held to be
immediatelyavailable to late classicalmen. We are in a worldthathas notyetbeen
"condemnedto history"by Hegel. Historicalchangewas palpable to ancientmen;
the causes of some majorchangeshad been intentlystudiedby Greeks;yetthe late-
eighteenthand nineteenthcenturyidea of a past renderedinevitably,irrevocably
irrelevantby unidirectionalmotionin all ages was totallyalien to ancientmen.The
vast sadness of time concentrated on the more concreteand immediateinjuriesin-
flictedby the devouringpower of death and on the perennialingratitudeof negli-
gence and loss of memory.It is the sadness of a child in the house of dead
grandparents:the familyfurniture is stillall there;but nobodynow keeps it as tidy
as had granny.
The analogyof changethatsprangmostreadilyto mindto men ofpaideia was
intimatelylinkedto the systemof educationthatall had received.Men whose ideal
was the abilityto recall large chunksof preciseand exquisitelyshaped material,
internalizedby memoryat an early age, knew only too well what it was like to
rummagein a silt of memoriesforthe perfectcitation,forthe correctword,forthe
tellingrhetoricalstructure.15Historical change was like that: a processof neglect
that made it ever more difficult,but neverimpossible,to whistleagain a bar of a
favoritearia of Mozart, to recitethe openinglines of a speech fromShakespeare.
Contemporariesfeltthattheyhad to overcomethe abusive forceof time,by finding
out and clearingaway the "droppingsof this age"'6 as these had piled like light
guano overthe vestigia, the footprints leftby the majesticfiguresof the past.17 Far
fromencouraginga helplessnostalgiafora lostpast,thiswas a basicallycomforting
and optimisticdoctrine.For if the exempla of the past were merelyoverlaidby the
passingoftime,and notrenderedirreversibly obsolescent,theywere available to the
presentand the future.Hence the enormousfaithevincedby the last Romansofthe
WesternEmpire in the imminentrenovatio oftheirfloundering society:like the Ba-
lineseof the nineteenthcentury,theytendedto agree that"the declinewas the way
historyhad happened to happen, not the way it had had to happen."18 If they
wished to articulatea more modernawareness of decline as an irreversible, and

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above all, as a communal,historicalprocess,theyhad to turnto the shabbypen-
umbraoftheirculture:it is onlyamongastrologersthatwe can findbotha language
of irreversible determinism, and, at the same time,a languagethatwas able to em-
brace topicsas unwieldyas the fateand motionof large masses of men,such as an
empire.'9By and large,theirattitudewas like thatof Mark Twain when facedwith
the inconstancy of Bostonweather:"if you do notlike it,wait a minute."
This is the reactionof a human community unlikeour own, in that,forall its
politicaland militaryupheavals,no major ecologicalor technologicaldevelopment
had intervened fora millennium, to createtotallynew conditions, and so totallynew
codesofliving.The Late Antiqueconfidence in thecontinuedrelevancein thefourth
centuryA.D. ofmoralparadigmsfirstenunciatedin thesixthcenturyB.C. is simplya
part of historya longueduree in the Mediterranean.Reading the inscriptionof a
gentleman-farmer ofthesecondcenturyA.D. in Asia Minor,praisinghimas a "man
worthyof Hesiod," we have littlereasonto thinkthat,giventheminimalchangesin
agrariantechnologyand the glacial tenacityof local customarylaw, he experienced
so muchas a flickerof "cognitivedissonance"in investinghis interpersonal relations
withan old-timedignity.Seen in termsofthecompactessenceofthelifeofa man of
paideia-which was how he relatedto and spoke with othersboth in face-to-face
situationsand in his correspondence and literaryproduction-themoral landscape
of such a man had erodedas littleas had the denselysettled,pre-nomadiclandscape
of his province.20
It is perhapsthe finalassumptionofthe "civilizationofPaidela" thatis themost
alien to us, and that awakens in us seriousresistance.It was surprisingenoughto
believe that so compacta code of styleand deportmentcould possiblypermeatea
highlycomplexsociety,which had to face its fair share of perilousnovelties.It is
strangeto believe that a vertiginously distantpast can saturatethe presentin its
moral paradigms. But we positivelyrebel against the idea that the raw stuffof
humanindividuality can be thoughtto be capable of givingway entirely,so thatthe
human person not only draws encouragementand validationfromthe moral ex-
emplarsof the past, but is actuallyable to make himselftransparentto the values
summedup in theseexemplars:this is a "person made intoa classic" with a ven-
geance!It is easierto dismissthe "CivilizationofPaideja" as precieux,as backward-
looking,as perpetually-maybe pointedly-irrelevantto any age in which it was
held up foresteem:it is far harderto take it forwhat it claimedto be-an instru-
mentforproducingpersonstotallyformedto itsnorms,a pressure-machine designed
to turnout the human equivalentof industrialdiamonds.
A late classical man would have seen the matterfroma significantly different
to
angle. We tend imagine the "Civilization of Paideja" as a of
system discipline
workingrelentlesslyfromthe outside in. Our post-Augustiniansensitivity to the
abyssus conscientiae,the unplumbeddepthsof the inner world, leaves us highly
scepticalthat a disciplineof such apparentlysuperficialcontent,so literaryin its

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contentand so aestheticin itsaims,could possiblyhave reachedas deep as it claimed
to do; and, in any case, we would be appalled if it had succeeded.What concerned
classical men was the capacityof the innerto permeatethe outer.They expected
theirsoul to display its quality in theirbody,and, along with the body,in those
concreteand visibleparticularsof poise and lifestyle thatcountedso muchforthem.
While it was obvious to themthat the soul was private,in the sense that it was
patentlyshieldedby the body fromthe view of outsiders,it by no means followed
fromthis thatthe bodywas privatefromthe soul. They believedwithoutquestion
that moral paradigmsthat had bittento any depthin the soul would and should
show themselvesby reassuringlyconsistent body-signals-bypoise,by toneof voice,
evenbythecontrolofbreathing,and certainlyoflaughter,whichthegravetendedto
avoid as carefullyand as successfullyas farting(to which it was closelyrelatedin
ancient respiratorytheory).21They wanted the bewitchingserenitythat was the
markofa man aus einemGuss: "The attireofa man and thegaitofhis feet,and the
laughterofhis teethshow himforwhat he is."22The processby whichthebodyand
the care of the body (its hair and its costume)came to be thoughtof as so private
fromthesoul, a vehicleofsuch reducedconductivity betweentheselfand othersthat
all stylesof particulardeportment could be dismissedas in some way formsof eva-
sive or protectivemaneuvering, involvesshiftsin psychology, in social relations,and
even,perhaps,in costume:forup to aroundA.D. 300, we are stillin a worldused to
nudity,and to a cutofclothesthatthoughtlittleofit.23Such shiftshad onlybegunto
happen in Late Antiquity:as JohnChrysostom said, thebeliever"shouldbe discern-
ible, by everything,by his gait,by his look,by his garb,by his voice.And this,as I
have said, not that display,but thatthe profitof the beholdersmay be the rule by
whichwe formourselves."24
The deeper problem,of course,is that body and soul were subjectedto what
would strikea modernman as too narrowand too unbendinga set of paradigms.
Here modernman and late classical productsof paideia would part companyas
totallyas modernEuropeans mustpart companyfromtraditionalJavanese.25The
imageryof formation itselfis not altogetherreassuring:the sculptorofthe soul does
not,like Michelangelo,bringout the surprisingessenceoftheblock;rather,he chis-
els and filesand polishesaway the unnecessarylumpsofstonethatstandin theway
ofa perfectshape.26Once again,it is onlyto theastrologers, who treatedtheirclients
as a cat's cradle of conflicting planetaryinfluences,that one can turnto get some
sense of the knotsand twistedgrainof the individuality of ancientmen.27An over-
poweringsense of the normativeand a consequentlack of sensitivity to the particu-
lars oftheindividualpsychehas been noticedby thebeststudiesofthe classicalcare
of souls.28The resultcan be a certainsameness.Tolstoy'sopeningremarksin Anna
Karenina-"All happy familiesare alike, but an unhappyfamilyis unhappyafter
its own fashion"29 -strikes us as somewhatchilling;our Late Classical reader
would have foundit a statementof the obvious.Continuitythroughreplicationwas

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what the "Civilizationof Paideza" could achieve:individualitycould be leftto the
onlytoo predictableravagesoftimeand eccentricity, withoutbeingraisedto a value
in its own right.

In Late Antiquehagiography,we can followthisold-fashionedfaithin the ca-


pacityof a cultureto "make personsintoclassics"facingideologicaland sociological
pressuressuch as the "Civilizationof Paideja" had neverfaced.Let us look at what
is new in the role of the Christiansaintas exemplar.
First, and most obvious: the world of paideia, withoutbeing in any manner
irreligious,had been a largelyclosed system,devotedto the maximizationby well-
tried,purelyhumanmethods(rangingfromteachingto the pressuresof familyand
peer group), those human potentialities that were long knownto be necessaryfor
human interactionin well-definedand exclusivelyhuman situations.Judaism,and
later Christianity, broughtto this Mediterranean-widesystemof disciplinethe un-
precedentedweightof a providentialmonotheism, which,in both cases, placed an
exceptionalweighton thejoining pointsbetweenGod and men,and which,in the
case of Christianity,proposedas its centralfigure,the Exemplarofall exemplars,a
being,Christ,in Whom human and divinehad cometo be joined.
The old constellationsof exemplarscould neverlook the same. But we mustbe
carefulas to whythisshouldbe so: it was notthatsuch exemplarswere pagan, still
less thatthe moralparadigmsof the ancientswere deemedirrelevantto believersin
the new faith.The oppositewas the case: classical literaturewas ransackedwith,if
anything,greaterattentionthan ever before,in orderto steel the uncertainmoral
fiberoftheaverageChristian.30 Rather,God, and no purelyhumansystemoftrans-
mission,was now held to play thedecisiverole in bringingtheexemplarsofthepast
alive fromage to age. The idea of a community ofthe righteous,linkingIsrael to its
forebears and through those to God, has been rightlydescribedas "a singularfea-
turein religioushistory."'31With thisbelief,theexemplarceases to be merelya past
human paradigmreactivated,by human means,in the present:the "man of God,"
the "righteousman," has a revelatoryquality about him. The knownpresenceof
righteousmen in Israel had the effectof bringingGod Himselfback fromexile in
the heartsof thosewho doubtedHis abidingpresencein a darkeningworld.32No
longerthoughtof as guidingstars,set in a flatand distantsky,the saintsof Israel
and the Early Churchare a Milky Way throwndown fromHeaven to earth,33 by a
God Who "wishes all mento be saved."34The saintis a giftof God to his or herage
and region.
Furthermore, in Christianthought,God Himselfwas proposedto man as the
Exemplar behindall exemplars:
makingofmanwas according
Forthefirst totheimitationofGod'slikeness-wroteGregory
ofNyssa-, andthepromise ofChristianity is thatmanwillbe broughtbacktotheoriginal
If,then,originalmanbe God'slikeness,
happiness. ourdefinition notmissthe
willprobably
is an imitation
markifwe declarethatChristianity ofthedivinenature.35

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The result of this view was to present human history as containing a sequence of
exemplars, each of which made real, at varying times and in varying degrees, the
awesome potentialityof the firstmodel of humanity-Adam, human nature created
"in the image of God," before the Fall. For
in Moses and men like him the formof thatimage was keptpure. Now when the beautyof
of the sayingthatman is
the formhas notbeen obscured,thenis made plain the faithfulness
an image of God.36

In Christ, the original beauty of Adam had blazed forth;and it is forthat reason that
the life of the Christian holy man could be treated as a prolonged and deeply circum-
stantial "imitation of Christ."
We should begin, however, by making a careful (though inevitably somewhat
schematic) distinction between this, the Late Antique form of the Imitation of
Christ, and that disciplining of the religious sensibilityassociated with later Christo-
centric devotion in the late Middle Ages and Reformation. This latter strand of the
Western religious sentiment is so far better known, it still runs so imperceptiblyin
the blood of modern Christians, that the Late Antique ideal of the "Christ-carrying
man" is frequently not even recognised as such. Somehow the well-known face of
our sufferingSavior seems refracted,in the Early Christian and Byzantine tradition,
into too bewildering a scatter of images, some too grandiose, others too inconsequen-
tial, and some, even downright inappropriate to modern Western eyes.37
At the risk of an oversimplification,by which I do not in any way intend to
diminish the richness of the more recent Western concept, the Late Antique Imita-
tion of Christ, though it did include a powerful affectiveaspect, which frequently
took visual form,38did not take as its startingpoint the projection of the imagination
and the sensibilityof the believer on to a relatively fixed and delimited image of the
historical Jesus and the circumstances of His life and Passion. That passing of the
mind to a precise image "out there," such as would cause Margery Kemp to fall to
"great boisterous weeping" at the sight of a pieta on the altar of a side-chapel, or the
sight of a man carryinga plank across his back, was notably less prominentin Early
Christian disciplines of meditation. Late Antique men did not tend to kneel, as do
the donors on Flemish Primitive paintings, gazing with sad eyes at a hill of Golgotha
fixed foreverwith a merciless exactitude. A leap of the imagination across time seen
as a thrillingbut real chasm, demanding to be crossed by the Christian heart, lies at
the back of late medieval and modern devotion:
There is a greenhill faraway,
Outside a citywall . ..

The late classical sense that the present still lay wide open to permeation by a past
conceived of as distant fromit merely through the accident of time led Early Chris-
tians to look in a differentdirection in order to imitate Christ. Gregory of Nyssa-
and many Christians less profound and idosyncratic than himself-scanned the

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human race as a whole, findingin the righteousof all ages that shimmerof the
originaland futuremajestyof man. Adam had borneit and Christhad broughtit
back, evanescent,elusivebut reassuringly the same, like the fleetingexpressionof a
facecunningly carved (here Gregory was thinkingoftheancientequivalentsofthose
littleanamorphicpictures-now available in plastic-which show different scenes
when viewedfromdifferent angles) so thatfromone side the divinequalityof man
mightappear, a sweetlightsmileplayingacrossthewholeface,whilefromtheother
all thatcould be seen was the hard frownof fallenman.39The imitationof Christ,
therefore,stroveto bringthe elusivetouchof the majestyof Adam intothe present
age. Though the phrase does not, to my knowledge,occur among Late Antique
Christianwritersin this context,repraesentatio Christi,makingChristpresentby
one's own lifein one's own age and region,appears to be the aim and effectof the
Early Christian Imitatio Christi.
shinesdownon all menlikethe
man,havingbecomeforebearing,
Indeed,theChrist-bearing
sun, showingto all the lifeof Heaven.40

The idea had a long past in the pagan philosophical tradition: in his Life of
Pythagoras,Jamblichusspoke of the wise man reflectingGod in his life,as the
blazing disc of the sun is caughtin the water at the bottomof a still well.41 The
theologicalbackgroundand the implicationsof the idea have been studiedwithre-
newed sympathyand justifiableenthusiasm.42 It mightbe worthour while,there-
fore, to step aside for a moment, from theology, to consider some of the concrete
circumstances that rendered such a belief, in its various forms,eminentlyadapted to
the rise of Christianity in the Late Antique world.
I would like to begin by acknowledging a debt to the recent work of Edward
Shils and CliffordGeertz, on the nature of charisma itself,and on the subtle manner
in which charisma can be seen to be distributed and "reactivated" in complex so-
cieties. I do not think that to apply their methods does violence to the nature of our
period. Rather, like a traveller returned home after a spell of residence abroad, I
have found that their work has helped me to see, with the claritythat can come from
an instantof unfamiliarity,some of the centralproblemsof a veryfamiliartopic-
the Christianizationof the Mediterraneanworld.
For Shils, the main concernis how the "centralvalue system,"that is, "the
values which are pursued and affirmedby the elites of the constituentsub-systems"
comesto penetratethe cluttered"periphery"of moresensible,imme-
of a society,43
diateloyaltiesand preoccupations, thatmake up thedayto day lifeofa largesociety.
For onlywhenthis"centralvalue system"permeatesparts,at least,ofitsperiphery,
if at verydifferent can a societymaintainthe minimumsense of
levelsof intensity,
commonpurposeand continuity. For
call thecentralvalues or beliefsystemofa society
what sociologistsand social anthropologists
can be lived up to only partially,fragmentarily, and only in an approximate
intermittently

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way.... For the rest of the time, the ultimate values of the society, what is sacred to its
members, are suspended amidst the distractions of concrete tasks."

Giventhisview ofthelargelyhalf-perceived penetrationofthe largersocietyby


its "centralvalue system,"it is possibleto view charismanotso muchas an eruption,
as theAussertdglichbreakingthroughtheroutinestructures ofinstitutional life;but,
rather,charismacan be seen as somethingless dramaticand less highly"person-
alised." It is more like a water table: the pure water of "centralconcerns"slowly
continuesto seep beneaththe gravelof daily life.A significant event,and notneces-
sarilyonly a significantperson,can bring this seepage together into a momentary
reservoirofseriousconcern.Charisma,therefore, is seen less in termsoftheextraor-
dinary,set aside fromsociety,so much as the convincingconcentration in an event,
in an institution, in a disciplineor in a personoflingeringsensesoforderand higher
purpose.Ratherthaninevitablymarkinga momentofbreakdownand ofnew depar-
ture,"Concentratedand intensecharismaticauthoritytransfigures the halflifeinto
incandescence. "45
Now iftherewas evera societywhichsufferedfroma permanentache of "cen-
ter" and "periphery,"it was the Roman Empire.If evertherewas a bodycommitted
by its ideologyto ensurethat a peripherywrapped,in the words of the Cherubic
Hymn of the orthodoxEucharisticLiturgy,"in the cares of this life," should be
touchedwith the dread of the "comingpresenceof the King of Kings," it was the
ChristianChurchthathad developedin the Roman Empire. Furthermore, the cul-
ture and concreteinstitutions of the Church had tended to coagulate in the same
locationswherethe "centralvalue system"of the Empire had alreadyexistedat its
greatestintensity.Beforethe conversionof Constantineand forcenturiesafter,the
Churchshouldneverbe seen (as it is so oftenpresentedin maps) as a singlewash of
colorspreadingevenlyand inexorablyacrosstheorbisterrarum:it was an archipel-
ago of littleislandsof "centrality"scatteredacross an "unsownsea" of almosttotal
indifference.
Hence the crucial importanceof the holyman as "Christ-carrying" exemplar.
In almostall regionsofthe Mediterranean,fromthethirdcenturyonwards,he was
far morethan an exemplarof a previouslywell-organisedand culturallycoherent
Christianity:veryoften,he quite simplywas Christianity.Looking at Pachomius
readingthe Gospels in the little,newly-founded churchin the desertedvillage of
Tabennisi, notingthat he "controlledhis eyes as he ought and that his mouth
matchedhis mind," men of the world,seeingthe man of God in theirmidst,had
even greaterdesireto becomeChristiansand believers.46 What all ofthemmay not
have known(thoughsomemonkslearnedofthefactwiththrilleddelight)47 was that
theirexemplaras a Christianhad come,onlyrecently, froma totallypagan village.
Pachomiusand manyof his monkshad to learn theirChristianity, as it were, "on
thejob," while actingas exemplarsto a bodyof laymenevenless Christianizedthan
themselves.We mustlookout fromtheneatpages ofstandardhistoriesofthechurch

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in orderto catchboththe excitingprospectsand flexibilities, but also the deep lack
of cultural and religious resources-amountingto a real impoverishment-that
characterizedlifethe Great Frontierof new Christiancommunities in Late Antiq-
uity.A holyman,or thelegendand shrinelaterconnectedwitha holyperson,could
stand for a littledrop of the "centralvalue system"of Christianityoozing trem-
ulouslyto thesurface.At theshrine,theangelthathad "stretched forthhis hand and
strokedhis [themartyr's]whole body;and straightwayhe was healed as if he had
neverbeen torturedat all,"48mightnow standat itsunpretentious altar,to touchthe
agonizedill.49 The well-to-dowould be encouraged,on the day of the saint,to give
alms to the poor, "or producea book forthe house of God in his name or buy a
Gospel and place it in the martyr'sshrine."50A small,shabbygesture:but without
it,would Saint Anthonyeverhave heardthewordsoftheGospel "If thou wouldst be
perfect.. ." read out fromhis villagechurch?A fresco,later,perhaps,a littleencaus-
tic icon,mightremindthe passer-byof a touchof beautyand unbrokenharmonyin
a dirtyand preoccupiedworld:
AndthisboyShenoufe withbeautiful
was a fairperson,morethanthemall; he was ruddy,
and
eyes, hair like
entwined of
clusters hennablossom.5'

Only we, who can hide behindbooks and machinesforthe propagationof the Gos-
of the
the crucial importance,in the frontier-life
pel, can affordto underestimate
Early Church,of the humanexemplar:
I am convincedthat God added to the lengthof their days [wrote the cultivatedCon-
stantinopolitanlawyerSozomenof the holymen of Syria]fortheexpresspurposeof further-
ing the interestsof religion.52
The idea oftheholyman as Christmade accessibleadds a ratherdifferent shade
ofcolorthanI had firstthoughtpossible,to thepictureof the holy man, whose "Rise
and Function"I had sketchedout a decadeago, in moregrisaille tones.In thatstudy,
the holyman was presentedas "rural patron"and as a "charismaticOmbudsman"
in the villagesof the easternMediterranean.53
At the riskof appearingundulyautobiographical,it mightbe helpfulif I were
to make plain some of the intellectualcircumstancesunder which I came to this
view,and the furtherconsiderations thatwould lead me, at thismoment,to modify
it. If thereis any virtuein such a personal approach, it is to add a sense of the
slownessof fleshand blood to changesof perspectivethatcan so easilybe portrayed,
in modern academic circumstances,as deceptivelyeffortless,as dispassionate
"switches"fromone currentmethodology to another.I can only say that I have
neverfoundthe matterso simple.
I would not have writtenthat articlein the way in which I did withoutthe
decisiveimpetusof a specifictraditionof anthropologicalwork available to me at
that time.To be candid,this traditionamountedto the literatureand the seminal
ideas to whichI had accessby theonlymeansproperto a scholar:thatis, notbythe
dutifulscanningofbibliographies;butthroughfirmand nurturing tiesoffriendship,

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of admiration and respect for individual practitioners of these disciplines. In this
respect, I mention with particular indebtedness Mary Douglas and Sally
Humphreys, the last both a historian and a teacher of anthropology: they were later
joined by two Islamicists, Ernest Gellner and Michael Gilsenan. Equally important
were those who already showed that what the anthropologistshad preached could be
practised in our own discipline, the scholar of ancient history,Keith Hopkins, and
the medieval legal historian, Paul Hyams, who firstlent me his copy of Douglas's
seminal Purity and Danger. Much of this interchange had been made possible by a
"micro-climate" in historical studies maintained and exemplified more than in any
other man, by Arnaldo Momigliano, at University College, London. Last, but not
least, there was the heavy buzzing of bees in the back of my own bonnet.
Looking back at what I would now have to abandon and modifyin my previous
picture of the holy man, I think that the greatest single feature of my portrayal of the
holy man in need of revision would be his "splendid isolation." In presentinghim in
this way, I had been influenced by three roughly convergentconcerns.
The firstof these was historical. The work of Norman Baynes had led xre to
view as central to the quality of Byzantine civilization, the emergence of what he
aptly characterised as

the double ethicwhichis of primarysignificancein East Roman life-two standards:one for


the ordinaryChristianlivinghis lifein the work-a-dayworld,and theotherthe standardfor
thosewho were hauntedby the wordsof Christ,"If thouwouldstbe perfect....

It still strikes me that "A society that wanted nothing less than saints seems to have
paid insufficientattention to the gradual improvement of sinners."55 If a modern
version of Lecky's disdainful History of European Morals from Augustus to Char-
lemagne is to be written,this would be a central theme. The appearance in 1964 of
A. H. M. Jones's magnificentlysane Later Roman Empire reinforcedthis impres-
sion.56 But this reading of Baynes did not prepare me as well, as a historian, to deal
with figures in Late Antiquity who were thought of as less dramatically removed
from the average ethical life of their fellows, as were the heroes of the Christian
ascetic movement: thus it took me a long time to begin to understand the pagan
thelos anir, the rabbi, even the saintly bishop; and the later role of the Muslim holy
man was, at that time, unknown to me.57
The second concern was psychoanalytic: This was a time when historians with
Freudian interests,such as E. R. Dodds, had been concerned to apply psychoanalytic
insights to the emotions and behavior of the holy men themselves.58By contrast, I
was more implicated in and deeply indebted to the later insights of Melanie Klein,
of which I had direct experience through psychoanalysis throughout the late 1960s
and early 1970s. As a result, I tended to look, rather, at the psychological dynamics
of groups, especially of small groups. It was the tendency of such groups to invest
persons or things with heightened qualities of good or evil that struck me. The
mechanisms of "cathecting" with good feelings, of the "projection" of bad feelings

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ontoothers,and, above all, thebrittleand intensepsychicdefencesof "idealization,"
seemedto me to givea clue to understanding whyLate Antiquemenchargedcertain
personsand objectswith such vividand positivequalities. For, as I passed thesein
reviewin the course of the early 1970s, each struckme in its own way, as being
opaque and facelessas a Rohrschachtest-a strangeron theedgeofa village,a little
square of painted wood, the confusedand bloodyoutcomeof an ordeal, the chill
anonymity ofhumanremains.59Could therebe a psychoanalytic answer,couchedin
termsof "projection"and "idealization,"to the remarkof Durkheimthat I once
copied,withsatisfaction,intothe flyleafof a book?
Since neitherman nor naturehave of themselvesa sacred character,theymustget it from
anothersource.60

These two concernsled naturallyto thelast: A strandofpost-Durkheimian and


of Britishfunctionalist anthropology impressedme, above all, by its deep sanityand
toleranceforthe strangenessof others.For a historian,rearedin a traditionof re-
ligious historythat showed a scarcelyveiled intellectualist contemptforthe long,
fumbling cunning of unlettered men, it stillseems to me that thistraditionof social
anthropology was the onlyentrancethroughwhichit was possible,at thattime,to
pass intoaspectsof Late Antiquitythatwere frequently farbetterdocumentedand
morecapable (once judged worthyof study)of yieldingoriginalresultsforthe his-
toryof the Early Church,than were the moreelevatedhighroadsof Dogmen-and
Kirchengeschichte.61 To stoopbeneaththatlow and veryconcretelintelis not,in my
to
opinion, "go in search oftrendynon-religious explanationsofthesocial needsthat
created"thereputationofthesaintsin Late Antiquity:62 it is a signofrespectforthe
alien in our own past.
But ifthattraditiondid have a limitation, to whichI succumbedwholeheartedly
and, like any outsider to a foreign
discipline, almost certainlycaricatured,it was the
tendencyto isolate the holy man yet furtherfromthe world of shared values in
which he operatedas an exemplar.I found,largelyin anthropologicalstudiesof
spirit-possession and divination,a coherentmethodwith which to understandthe
social strategiesand the social ritualsby which"holy" personsand objectscould be
vestedwith "objectified"characteristics, throughbeing segregatedin variousways
fromthe commonnetworksof society.63 This emphasison the "separationof the
sacred"64largelyconfirmed bothNorman Baynes'sperceptionofthe "double ethic"
in Late Roman lifeand myown,psychoanalytic concernwith,and personalexperi-
ence of, the urgent,poignantneed of men and women to "idealise," to "cathect"
some area of lifewith unalloyedgoodnessand trenchantcertainty.At thattime,I
suppose,I believedthat,even if Voltairehad been wrongto say that Religionhap-
pened when the firstknave met the firstfool,the Christianityassociatedwith the
holy man usually seemed to me to have happened when the firstpsychologically
sensitivedoctormet the firstanxious patient,and the firstconfusedclientmet the
firstgood counsellor.Lest a modernreaderthinkthistoo cold and clinicalan image,

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I would remindhim or her thatwe are speakingof the Britainof the late 1960s, a
societythathad everyreasonto be proudofa medicalwelfaresystem,whosepsychi-
atric and counsellingserviceshad shown that it was still possible,in a complex
modernsociety,to "stretchout a helpinghand to thosein distress."65
What tendedto be pushed to one side in such a basicallyclinicalimage of the
activityof the holy man were those unspokenbonds of admirationand love that
might,forall I knew,have bound the saintsto theirlocal clients-preciselyas ac-
cessible exemplars,and not exclusivelyas sociologicallyand clinically"removed"
decision-makers.Certain considerationsbegan to make me thinkthat I had to
change my mind. In a personal letter,ProfessorAverilCameron pointedout the
lack, in myaccount,ofthe East Roman sense ofthe holyman as the averageChris-
tian writlarge: a bridgeof sharedvalues, if oftenas frailas the path of the moon
acrossthe sea, linkedtheman oftheworldto his exemplar.A studentpointedout to
me that some of the miraclesperformedby the Syrianholy men happened at the
request of familieswho could not possiblyhave knowntheirbuddingsaints in a
public role,as patron,arbitratorand counsellor:somemoreintimate,perhapsmore
intrinsic,essenceof sanctityled themto the still-secludedhermit.66William Chris-
tian's Person and God in a Spanish Valley showed me that dead saints were some-
thingmorethan neutralobjectsthatcould "take an even heavierchargeof urgency
and idealisationwithoutansweringback," and so "could be saturatedwiththe val-
ues projectedon to themby the group."67They seemedto have maintaineda firm
profileof belovedand admiredpersons;and thisprofilewas notthe resultof a mo-
mentarydecisionor reflexto "invest" them with sanctity:it had been both con-
structedand maintainedby a long processof sensitizationto distinctive, exemplary
in
traits"learned early childhood and carriedthrough to the grave."68
But in orderto make senseofall this,I had to bendmymindto a taskforwhich
I was largelyunprepared.Social historiansof the Later Roman Empire,to which
serious professionI trustthat I still belong,can pluck down with both hands the
miraculouslyabundant crop of anecdotal material containedin the Lives of the
Saints. Its veryparticularity,and its strictdelimitationto precisetimesand places,
made it inevitablethatsuch materialshouldfirstbe used, to seize, wheneverpossi-
ble, the particularand the momentaryand especiallyby someonelike myself,who
had learnedthatit was possible,throughanthropological studies,to look withfresh
eyes at the small communitiesthat formed the basis of all Late Antique religious
history.Furthermore, it was absolutelyessentialto pit a new-wonsense of and re-
spectforprecisesocial needsand precisesocial circumstances againstthedrearyand
self-confident uniformityof pronouncements of all but a veryfew scholarsof Late
Antique "popular religion,"caught,as theserespectedgentlemenseemedto me to
be, in the mentalitesauvage of an amalgamof Humeian pragmatismrendered"sci-
entific"by a "cultural Darwinism." In the early 1970s this amalgam still passed,
amonghistoriansoftheancientworldand ofhagiography, as thelatestand mostup-
to-dateancillarytool forthe student.69

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Now a historianhot on the trackof such material,culled by such methods,has
virtuallyto performa backwardsomersaultto changecoursein the directionhinted
at in the criticismsof others,in William Christian'sbook and in the approachthat
has surfacedin the work of Shils and Geertz. What I had now to studywere the
abidingmentalstructures of the Mediterraneanvillagers,havingbeen content,pre-
viously,to say thatsuch menwere notblindprimitives, but cannyfarmerscopingas
best theycould with "life'sgreatcasuistry."I now had to ask myselfwhat abiding
"Identikit"of religiousexpectationsled our villagersto recognizein a holy man,
howeverspasmodically,imperfectly, a manner,a fig-
and in howeverself-interested
ure who distilledin concreteand accessibleformvalues and expectationsthathad a
lifetime,a viscosityand a resiliencethatoutlivedtheday-to-daystrategiesofpatron-
age, "objectification"and arbitration,whose spoor I had learned to trace,in the
sources,withsuch relish,in individualincidentsin the livesof individualholymen.
How, again, did the biographersand disciplesof these men thinkthat theywere
contributing to and drawingfromthatheavyatmosphereof "centralvalues," when
theywrotetheseLives? Such questionsenabledme to movejust a littlefurther than
I thoughtI could at thetime,towardsansweringa questionposedto myworkin the
admirablerecentarticleof Han Drijvers,in the BirminghamSymposiumon The
ByzantineSaint:
Whatis theinfluence ofa written on humanbehaviour
and preachedtradition in a given
and socialsituation?
historical In otherwords,whatis theinterrelation sociological
between
elements
and ideological in society?70

To move froma largelyBritishtraditionof social anthropologyto a largely


Americantraditionof culturalanthropology is an eminentlyrespectablemove,and
can bring with it a considerablewideningof one's cultural horizon. Yet it is a
feather-light task comparedwithlearninghow to lean one's weightagainstthe solid
boulders of Christianbeliefsystems.It involvedrecapturingthe enduringimagesof
order,of beauty,of respitethat the 'Christ-carrying man,' or his shrine,brought
with him into the village. To do this was to studytopicsthat I had neverstudied
before;and thatI am not confident thatI will everbe able to handle withthe same
delightedcertaintyas when,as a social historian,I turnedoverand oversolid gold
nuggetsof "Mediterraneanpeasant life,"panned fromtheLives oftheSaints.For I
have had to attemptto seize a longue duree of Jewish and Christianimaginative
structuresin the Near East, passing fromthe Old Testament,throughlate Jewish
and ChristianApocrypha,throughthe Gospels,and comingto rest,in the daily life
of the Church in the villages,in a tantalisinghumus of Early Christianliturgy,
ritual and prophylaxis.Reading Late Roman inscriptions, I found,to my surprise,
that my eye now lightedon different lines of the text. I no longernotedonly the
enterpriseof rural deans,thejubilationof deserterswho had made it to the monas-
tery,thedubiousevidencesofgood-neighborliness revealedin invocationsagainstthe
evil eye carvedon the lintelsof farmhousesin villagesthat flankedthe columnof

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Saint Symeon on Telnesin. Instead, a fragmentof the Psalms would strike me by its
sheer repetitiveness,like the solemn, customary greetingsof a Near Eastern country,
"gently whispered salaams" come to rest on the stone. The life of the local holy man
was thought to be resonant with such sweet noises.
Travelling in the Islamic Mid-East, I was deeply affectedby a still half-com-
prehended series of contacts with a healing shrine. As far as I could judge, in the
inner chambers of this shrine, the atmosphere was so electric,not with what a West-
ern traveller might dismiss, or the cautious might avoid, as "fanaticism," but with an
imminent possibility of release, carefully maintained by traditional forms of ac-
clamatory prayer (distant Muslim cousins of the invocations on the Syrian inscrip-
tions that I had read in the Bodleian Library). It was as if these acclamations merely
waited for the person or the family with sufficientresolution and sufficientgood
conscience in the face of the obvious, to reach out and to pluck a condensed essence of
healing and mercy out of the all-embracing hubub. Prolonged habitual exposure to a
traditional liturgy(that of the Orthodox Church) furtherpersuaded me of one thing:
that the heavy silt of Biblical citations, the stale, interchangeable topoi and conven-
tional pieties, that I had learned even fromthe Bollandist editors of the Lives of the
Saints to avoid if I were ever to seize the "real" historical contentof such texts,were
of as high a carat content as were the solid nuggets that I had loved to pan from
Byzantine hagiography.

The remainder of this paper, therefore,aims to explore a few of the meth-


odological consequences of a thoroughly unsystematic evolution. How, in practice,
did the Late Antique saint both fulfillin the eyes of others, and internalise in him-
self, the double role of "Christ carrier" and representative of the "central value
system?"
Let us begin with the holy man at his most particular, as the particular disciple
of a particular master. Let us take as our starting point a marble plaque discovered
in the ruins of a little church in central Anatolia. It is an inscription set up by a
certain Lucianus, the disciple of none other than the great martyr,Saint Lucian of
Antioch.71

Having livedwithoutconceit,
Having honouredas is due,
Lucian the martyr,
He who nurturedyou.
With him Christmade you
A followerof Himself,
A carrierof His Cross:
A Cross dwelton divinelyin the mind,
And touchedby you [themartyrLucian]
In concretepains [ofdeath].

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Such languageenablesus to sensesomethingofthevigourofthe earlyphases of
the asceticmovementof the fourthcentury.In this movement,the intensityof the
master-pupilrelationship,thathad ensuredthe continuity and the characteristics of
of
the "Civilization Paideia," had been heightened to such an extent that literacy
itself,boththemediumand the raisond'e'treoftraditionalpaideia, was vaporizedin
theintensity offaceto faceloyalty.Directforceofexamplewas whatmatteredmost;
and the "ImitationofChrist,"notmediatedby anytextor visual aid, was thelogical
extensionto the divineMaster of the tangible,almostpre-verbaladherenceof the
human pupil to his human model. A littlelater,the Pachomianmonasterieshad
groupedlarge bodiesof men throughthe same hope of directcontactwitha master:
"knowingthat,in listeningto him, we make ourselvesservantsof Jesus."72The
earlymonkslookedup, throughchainsofreveredteachersand ecclesiasticalleaders,
to see, in these,thefigureoftheirLord. "Indeed," said themonksto thePatriarchof
Alexandria,"when we look at you,it is as if we look upon Christ."73
Behind this sudden faithin the possibilityin theirown times,and in widely
separate areas, of the Imitationof Christ,therelies the experienceof the Great
Persecution.Desultorythoughthese persecutionsmightappear to a modernhisto-
rian, what brutalitiesand death did occur in the yearsbetween303 and 320 fitted
withperfectprecisionintotheexpectationsofa pre-existing mentality ofthereprae-
sentatioChristi,as this had grownin resonanceand circumstantiality in the course
ofthethirdcentury:74 thepassingincidentsofmartyrdom and prisonwere amplified
in such a way as permanently to affect(and possiblyto distort)theawarenessofthe
asceticmovementof its own originsand raisond'e'tre.Seen in retrospect, the Era of
the Martyrs(as it came to be called in Egypt)was a momentofheightenedaccelera-
tionin thepassingon ofthe "presenceofChrist"in theworld.The martyrsbrought
Christintothepresentnotonlybytheirenduranceofphysicalpain and humiliation.
For a Late Antique martyrdom was morethan a re-enactment of the pains of the
Passion: in it, God's mightyhand reacheddown intothe present,withmagnificent
declaratoryeffect,to grant,yet again, stunningvictoryover pain and the devil.75
Others could embarkon less drasticprivations,drivenless by the need to identify
themselvespassivelywithsuch pain, as nervedby the same hope of victory:
willneveragaindrink
AndI, Julius,byreasonofthepainswhichI saw thesaintssuffering,
wineor anointmybodywithoil,tillthedayofmydeath.76
The openingchaptersof the firstGreek Life ofPachomiusechoedthe same belief:
Christi,firstparticularizedby themartyrs,
the repraesentatio was particularizedyet
Seen
again by the monks.77 in this asceticism
perspective, was not a consolationfor
the absence of opportunitiesfor the martyr'sexperienceof pain, an experience
amplyrecreatedby ingeniousformsofself-torture (in whichhermitshave oftenbeen
presentedas indulgingtheirmasochisticurges): rather,it was a way of passingon,
in a mannerappropriateto the times,the mightyimage of the presenceof Christ
amongmen.

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A world of heightened confidence that exemplar would rapidly succeed exem-
plar, as monk succeeded martyr along the Nile, has left us with some of the most
vivid examples of a purely personal system of exemplary behavior ever preserved in
the Christian church.
Go and join a man who fearsGod:-advised Abba Poimen-just by remainingnear him,you
will gain instruction.78

Totally poor, and so with no goods to leave behind except the robe he had stood up in
and the mat on which he had lain; even if educated, largely (if not totally) deprived
of the expensive and time-consumingtools of literaryfame: there was really only one
legacy that an Abba could leave to the world-his words and his example. And, in
that, they have done us proud:
Abba Or and Abba Athredid notcome fromthe same partof the countryyet,untiltheyleft
theirbodies, therewas great peace betweenthem.Abba Athre'sobediencewas great,and
great was Abba Or's humility.I spentseveraldays with them,withoutleavingthemfora
moment,and I saw a greatwonderthatAbba Athredid. Someonebroughtthema littlefish
and Abba Athrewanted to cook it forthe old man. He was holdingthe knifein the act of
cuttingup thefishand Abba Or called him.He lefttheknifein themiddleofthefishand did
notcut up therestofit. I admiredhis greatobedience,forhe did notsay,"Wait tillI have cut
up the fish."I said to Abba Athre,"Where did you findsuch obedience?"He said to me, "It
is notmine,but theold man's." He tookme withhim,saying,"Come and see his obedience."
He tookthefish,intentionally cookedsomeof it badly,and offeredit to theold man who ate it
withoutsayinganything.Then he said to him,"Is it good,old man?" He replied,"It is very
good." Afterwardshe broughthim a littlethatwas well cookedand said, "Old man, I have
spoiled it," and he replied,"Yes, you have spoiled it a little."Then Abba Athresaid to me,
"Do you see how obedienceis intrinsicto theold man?" I came away fromthere[concludes
Abba Sisoes, our narrator]and what I have told you, I have triedto practiceas far as I
could.79

These anecdotes grip us: "the flash of a signal light, brief,arresting,intense."80 But
the monk's journey moved on from such delightfulparticularity. It took him out on
to a plateau, surrounded by a mountain range of breath-taking immensity.For the
greatest figuresin the long historyof the righteous on earth stood behind him. To be
a "man of God" was to revive, on the banks of the Nile, all other "men of God" in
all other ages. "The ascetic must observe most closely [said Anthony] the life and
practice of the great Elijah."'81 Occasionally, the lost countenance of Adam could
blaze again among these humbled faces:
Just as Moses, while his face was glorified,tookon the gloryof Adam, so the face of Abba
Pambo shone like lightning,and he was like a kingsittingon his throne.82

It is Adam as we see him on the mosaic pavement of a fifth-century Syrian church:


man as monarch of the creation, sittingwith Imperial serenityamidst the wild beasts
in Paradise. His quiet pose, like that of Pambo at his meditations, captures the
mighty order of man's first estate.83 Little wonder that strong millennial hopes

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flickeredaroundthe personsofthe holymen,and aroundthe walled monasteriesof
the Nile. For his region,Abba Apollon was "like some new prophetand apostle
dwellingin our own generation."84
The specificallyLate Roman gusto fordeclaratoryceremonialheightenedthis
hope, by givingit visibleform.85It was possibleforan adaptationof the Imperial
ceremonialsof a statearrivalto make the tinyrelic-jarof the bones of the prophet
Zachariah seem "as if livingand present"to the populationsthroughwhich the
cortegepassed on its way fromJerusalemto Constantinople.86 More disquieting,
laywomenfoundthatone oftheonlyways in whichtheycould,withoutdisapproval,
gain contactwithSaint Martinwas to stylisetheirrelationswithhimas iftheywere
Martha, or Mary Magdalen fallingat the feetof Christand wipingthemwithher
hair.87LittlewonderthatSulpicius Severus'Life ofMartin is shadowedby fearsof
Antichrist:falsevisionsoftheDevil, who appearedto Martindressedas an Imperial
Christ;88stories,of a youthwho had declaredhimselfto be Elias, thenChrist,and
who had been "adored" as such (possiblyby gesturesverysimilarto thosewhich
Martin receivedfromhis admirers)by a Spanish bishop.89In such ways thereprae-
sentatioChristiby the holyman continuedto trembleperilouslyon the edge of the
"Pursuit of the Millennium." This is a furthersubject,intimatelyrelevantto the
quality and the means of the expansionof Christianity in the Roman world:it can
be safelyleftto othersto complete.90
What I thinkis more germaneto the immediatethemeof this paper is the
mannerin whichmenwho were frequently recentparticipantsin the "centralvalue
system"of the Christianchurch,and whose Christianculturecan be shownto have
had none of the culturalsoliditywhich modernChristiansused to be able until
recentlyto wrap around themselves,passed on this "centralvalue system"in their
own persons.The Christiancultureof Pachomiusand his monks,forinstance,must
have been a thingofrags and patches.9'Thus, it is onlyin thecourseoflong,intense
discourseson the meaningof Scriptureswhichtheywould all have been readingfor
the veryfirsttime,that some of the mostvividanecdotesin the life of Pachomius
emerge,and are thenarrangedintoroughbiographicalsequence.But theirimmedi-
ate contextis an attemptto understanda genuinelyalien Gospel in thelightoftheir
own experiences:Pachomiuslearnedhow to rememberthe nails of Christ'sPassion,
when treadingbarefootamongthe terribleacacia-thornsto gatherfirewoodforhis
newly-founded community.92 The idea of the growthof Christ in the soul can so
oftenseem a doctrineveiledin a goldenfogwhen we read it in the pages evenof so
exquisitean exponentas Gregoryof Nyssa. It derivedits unbrokenvigor,in Early
Christiantimes,fromtheinnumerable,heroicflounderings ofmencompelledto dis-
coverChristianityonlyin the act of becomingChristianexemplars.
What resourcesdid thesemen have to turnto? Han Drijversmentioned"writ-
ten and preachedtradition."To this I would like to add liturgicalprayer.Chewing
throughthe Psalms and the exclamatoryprayersto Jesus thatalreadyformedsuch
an importantpartofasceticculture-like thevillagewomenwhomAbba Marcarius

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rememberedseeing as a child,chewingat masticto sweetentheirbreaths93 -the
monk would be taken,instantly,out of time,into the world of the prophets.For
thesewerepropheticaevoces,now heavyand potentin theirown mouths.Christwas
eternal,and so could be addressedin all ages and in all places throughthem.And so
was the Devil. The "PropheticSound" ofthe Psalms drovehim away, as Martin,a
verynewlyordainedexorcistdid, as he crossedthe frightening Alps.94There were
even "spirit-bearingfathers"who opinedthatthe permanentenemyof the human
race had a particularhorrorof Psalm 67.95Such certaintiesabout essentialsstood
out like rocksin a sea of doubt and partial ignorance,quite as clear, and oftenas
distant,as the presentcryof the muezzinin half-Muslimlands.
In the case of Martin,one can touchon a furtherlayerin his appropriationof
the "centralvalue system"ofthe new faith.He was made an exorcistlongbeforehe
had any otherecclesiasticalrank,suchas would have broughthimintoclosercontact
with any other formof Christianculture.For lesser figures,the long exorcistic
prayersof the Christianswere an occasion for virtuosocadenzas of charismatic
power. Such prayersmade of exorcisma powerfulpreachingdevice,that brought
intothe presentan awesomemap ofthe cosmosand the truebalance of powerwith
it.96Martin made thesediffusedvalues part of the whole of himself:when he per-
formedan exorcism,he did not need to "raise a hurricaneof words," as did the
averageclergyman.97 Faced by a berserkhouse slave in Trier,it was enoughforhim
to put his fingersintothe man's throat,daringthe devilto chew on them.98It is the
approach,in silentand so morepalpable certainty, ofthedread "fingerofGod" that
had firstformedthe universe,and whose power was reactivatedin exorcistic
prayer.99
Last, but not least, I thinkthat the lasting,warm late classical sense of the
intimacyand resilienceof bonds of invisiblefriendshipwith the companyof the
righteousgave to the "Christcarryingman" a senseofresourceslodgeddeep within
himself.As longas we look at thesaintsonlyas distant"good examples,"as modern
men tendto do, or as effective "patrons,"as Late Roman men frequently tendedto
do, we will nottouchon a layerof the formation of the Christiansensibilitywhich
is, in my opinion,as yetinsufficiently explored.In a plethoraof books on the an-
thropologyand the psychologyof the various Fathersof the Church,I have yetto
findveryfewstudiesthattell me about the Christianbeliever'smap of his own self.
Yet fewperiodsin the ancientworld devotedsuch seriousand consequentialatten-
tionto themannerbywhichthefrailessenceoftheconcreteidentity couldbe seen as
supportedand givenconsistency, throughbeingflankedby hierarchiesofprotectors,
thoughtofas close in theirinteraction withthebeliever'ssoul as iftheywereaspects
of his or her own self.If I thinkI have movedin any way beyondtheratherdistant
portrayalof the holyman, whichcharacterisedmyworkofthe early 1970s, it is in
the explorationof this difficulttheme.'00As forits implications:let me just remind
you thatwe all stillhave Christiannames-in a Westerncountryat any rate.For a
Late Antiqueman or woman,thatmeantto take a guideand companionat baptism,

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who could act almostas an ideogramforone's own soul,whenbaptisedat theshrine
of a saint.Thus a woman,in a partiallyChristianisedfamily,was able to recognise
the martyr-saint Thecla simplybecause her littlegrand-daughter, named afterand
ever-protected by the saint,lookedjust like Thecla!101The one was a reflection of
theother.It was in thisdeep mannerthatChristwas thoughtto dwell at therootof
the self.It was He who revealedHimselfas theever-present boethos,the Helper, of
Anthony,once Anthonyhad overcomethe rival claims of layersof demonicself.'02
The martyrsand saintshad carriedthisChrist"in theirverymarrow,"' 03 to such an
extentthatthe protectionof the saint was certainto bringclose to the believerthe
deeperparadigmof Christhimself.It was notmerelyculturalconfusionthatcaused
a shipownerto recountto Paulinus of Nola a miraculousdeliveryfromthestorm,in
termsof a double visionof Christand of Saint Felix:
Yes,theLordHimselfsatat thestern,nowwithhisownshiningcountenanceandgleaming
hair,as described nowin therevered
in theApocalypse, and con-
appearanceofHis friend
mylordandourcommon
fessor, patronFelix.104

we catcha hintoftheresourcesofthepersonality,
In thisveryvisual uncertainty, as
conceivedby Late Antique Christians,when they looked at the "Christ-bearing
man.)"
At death,all of thisbecame plain. The greatmen ofthe desertwere greetedby
carefullyorderedprocessionsof guides and protectors.It is, at one and the same
time,the finalmeetingof mastersand theirpupil, on whichthe patient"makingof
personsintoclassics"had always depended;and it is themomentwhen,in themeet-
ing ofChristand man,thegloryofthehumanselfcouldbe glimpsedin its awesome
fullness:
It was said ofAbba Sisoesthatwhenhe was at thepointofdeath,whiletheFatherswere
sittingbesidehim,his faceshonelikethesun.He said to them,"Look,Abba Anthony is
coming."A littlelater,he said,"Look,thechoirofprophets is coming."Againhiscounte-
nanceshonewithbrightness and,lo, he spokewithsomeone. Thentheold menaskedhim,
"Withwhomareyouspeaking, Father?"He said,"Look,theangelsarecoming tofetchme,
and I am begging themto letme do a littlepenance.... TrulyI do notthinkI haveeven
madea beginning yet...." Oncemorehiscountenance becamelikethesunandtheywereall
filledwithfear.He saidtothem,"Look,theLordis coming...." Thentherewas a flashof
lightningand all thehousewas filledwitha sweetodor.105

Late Antique Christianslived perched,in this manner,betweenparticularity


and grandeur.A culturethatproducedthemostconfident and influentialmetaphysi-
cal formulationsof the Christian faith-the unflinchingly essentialistnature of
whichcan weighon manyof us like so manycrystalgirders-was the same culture
and the human warmthto attemptto link
that had the rigor,the consequentiality
this mighty,transcendant structurewiththe existentialpositionof the believerin a
confidentlynon-Christianworld.Because theywere late classicalmen,Early Chris-
tians likedtheirhuman beingswhole and all of one piece. Hence theiroverwhelm-

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ing sense of the possibility of the realization of the image of God in man, that could
bring Christ into the present. Hence their faith, in the fourth and fifthcenturies,
that the ascetic life (and its offshootsamong the laity) could replace the "Civilization
of Paideia" in the ancient endeavor to "make persons into classics." Rather than
dismiss Byzantine hagiography, as has been habitual until comparatively recently,as
an interestingrubbish-tip to be picked over by historians of social conditions and of
popular beliefs, I would stronglyrecommend that an hour spent in the company of a
Pachomius, an Abba Sisoes or a Saint Martin can tell us more than a whole course
in modern dogmatics, how to begin to answer the challenge posed by Dietrich
Bonhoefferalmost half a centuryago, when he wrote that,
It is becomingclear everyday thatthemosturgentproblembesettingour churchis this:how
can we live the Christianlifein the modernworld.106

The Late Roman saints had tried to answer just such a question in their own
time. To uncover with sympathywhat resources they could hope to bring to bear in
acting as exemplars to a profoundly pre-Christian society might bring us 3 little
closer to understanding the rise and functionof such persons in the Mediterranean
and Near Eastern world of Late Antiquity.

Notes

*This paper was deliveredat theGraduate TheologicalUnion at Berkeleyas partof a semi-


nar sponsoredby the Berkeley-HarvardProjectin ComparativeEthics,and, at Harvard, as
part of the same Project'sconferenceon "Sacred Personsas the Embodimentof Moral Val-
ues." I am gratefulforthecommentsof Charles F. Keyeson thelatteroccasion.I would wish
to referto his own article,"Charisma: FromSocial Life to Sacred Biography,"thatformsthe
introductionto studiesconcernedwith problemssimilar to my own, now available in the
Journal of the American Association of Religion: Thematic Studies 48, 3 and 4 (1982).
1. J. B. Cobb, Jr.,ReligiousStudiesReview 7 (1981), 287.
2. A. J. Festugiere,Antiochepaienne et chretienne(Paris, 1959), pp. 211-25 is a brilliant
shortstudy.
3. Ps.-Clement,RecognitionesI, 25, 2.
4. Lucian, The Ignorant Bookseller 17: tr. A. M. Harmon, Loeb Classical Library
(Cambridge,Mass., 1969), Vol. III, p. 195.
5. H. I. Marrou, A History of Education in the Ancient World, tr. G. Lamb (New York,
1956), pp. 96-101 and 217-26.
6. F. Millar, The Emperor in the Roman World (London, 1977), p. xi.
7. Interestingexceptionsare providedby writerson militarymatters:Anonymusde rebus
bellicis, ed. E. A. Thompson, A Roman Reformerand Inventor (Oxford, 1952), praef. 4,
p. 91, is aware of thislimitation.On Vegetius,now see W. Goffart,Traditio33 (1977),
65-100.
8. P. Veyne,Le Pain et le Cirque (Paris, 1976), p. 638, cannotbe cited too often:"Les
optionspolitiquesde l'Antiquit6n'6taientpas la o6 nous les chercherions,
dans des pro-

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grammesrivauxde politiqueconstitutionnelle ou bien sociale et elles kaient oi nous ne
les chercherionspas, dans des options administratives oi encore dans la modalite
d'obeissance,dans le stylede commandement."
9. E. g., PanegyriciLatini XII, 4, 5 and 11, 6.
10. R. MacMullen, Roman Government's Response to Crisis (Yale, 1976) pp. 37-48 re-
mainsundulysevere;cf.P. Brown,"The Last Pagan Emperor,"Societyand theHoly in
Late Antiquity(Berkeley,1982), pp. 83-102.
11. E. Bowie, "The Greeks and theirPast in the Second Sophistic,"Past and Present,46
(1970), 3-41.
12. Paulinus,Poem 10. 54-56: tr. H. Waddell, WanderingScholars(London, 1927), p. 11.
13. Inferno,cantoXV, lines 83-85.
14. W. JacksonBates, Samuel Johnson(New York,1975), p. 361.
15. Marrou, History of Education, pp. 197-205; J. Fontaine, Sulpice Severe: Vie de Saint
134 (Paris, 1968), vol. II, pp. 389-92.
Martin,Sourceschrktiennes
16. Jerome, Vita Malchi 1: Patrologia Latina [hereafterP.L.] 33: 55.
17. G. Ladner, The Idea ofReform(New York,1967), pp. 251-52. Cf. P. Alexander,The
Oracle ofBaalbek, DumbartonOaks Studies 10 (Washington,D.C., 1967), pp. 31-32,
on "footprints"as a formof respectforthe presenceof the great.Not surprisingly,
the
footprintsof Christ at the place of His Acsensionremainedunobliterated:Sulpicius
Severus,ChroniconII, 33: P.L. 20: 148A.
18. C. Geertz, Negara: The Theatre State in Nineteenth-Century Bali (Princeton, 1980), p.
18.
19. Panegyrici Latini VIII (V), 102: "sive incuria rerum sive quadam inclinatione
fatorum."By and large,literarymen preferred incuriaas, at least,remediable.
20. L. Robert,Bulletin epigraphique, 1980, 520; cf. H. I. Marrou, Clement d'Alexandrie:
Le Pedagogue,Sources chretiennes70 (Paris, 1960), p. 89: "Des lors,une description
peut etrelivresquesans cesserd'etrehistorique."
21. Plutarch,On Progressin Virtue,esp. pp. 7 and 15; on laughter:Gregoryof Nyssa, De
hominisopificia,12. 5; on suicideaftera fart:Diogenes Laertius,vi.94.
22. Eccli. 19. 27(LXX = Sirach 19.30).
23. H. I. Marrou, Decadence romaine ou Antiquite tardive? (Paris, 1977), pp. 15-20, with
typicalacuteness,is the firstto pose therelationbetweenchangingstylesofcostumeand
the sense of the selfin Late Antiquity.
24. John Chrysostom, Homiliae in Matth., IV, 4.
25. C. Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York, 1973), pp. 360-411.
26. Plotinus,Enneads I, 6, 9.
27. P. Brown, The Making ofLate Antiquity(Cambridge,Mass., 1978), pp. 75-76.
28. I. Hadot, Seneca und die griechisch-romische Tradition der Seelenleitung (Berlin,
1969), pp. 27-29.
29. Tr. R. Edmonds,PenguinClassics, 1954, p. 13.
30. I. Sevcenko,"A Shadow Outline of Virtue:The Classical Heritageof Greek Christian
a Symposium,ed. K. Weitzmann(Princeton,1980),
Literature,"in Age ofSpirituality:
pp. 53-73 is masterly.
31. A. Goldberg, "Der Heilige und die Heiligen: Voriuberlegungen zur Theologie des
heiligen Menschen im rabbinischen Judentum," in Aspekte friihchristlicherHeiligen-
verehrung,Oikonomia6 (Erlangen,1977), 16-34 at 19.
32. Goldberg,ibid.,p. 25.
33. Paulinus,Poem 19.18. The image reappears,surprisingly,
in the Qasida Sasaniyyaof
Abu Dulaf, line 188: C. E. Bosworth, The Medieval Islamic Underworld (Leiden,
1976), p. 213.

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34. Vita Symeonis Junioris, prolog. ed. P. van den Ven, Subsidia Hagiographica 32
(Brussels, 1962), 1; Vita Theodori Syceotae, ed. A. J. Festugiere,Subsidia Hagio-
learningand
graphica48 (Brussels 1970) i: 1 (cf. the editor'sremarks,of characteristic
somewhatless insight,on this,"le communbagage de nos auteurs:"i, p. vi).
35. Gregoryof Nyssa, De perfectione christiana, as citedin Ladner, Idea of Reform, p. 91.
36. Gregoryof Nyssa, De hominis opificio 8.
37. On theveryreal problem,forany non-Byzantine, ofthe Emperor'sImitationof Christ,
see the thoughtfulremarksof Ladner, Idea of Reform, pp. 132-33 and 267.
38. Apophthegmata Patrum: Patrologia Graeca 65 [hereafter PG.]: Poimen 144. Compare
the verydifferent methodsused in late medievalGermany:M. Baxandall, The Lime-
wood Sculptors of Renaissance Germany (Yale, 1980), pp. 50-69.
39. Gregoryof Nyssa, De opificio 8, cf.3.
40. Ps.-Athanasius,De passione et cruce Domini: P. G. 28: 237A.
41. Jamblichus,Vita Pythagorica 15, 68.
42. E.g. H. von Balthasar,Presence et pensee: Essai sur la philosophie religieuse de Gre-
goire de Nysse (Paris, 1942), and J. Danielou, Platonisme et theologie mystique (Paris,
1953).
43. Edward Shils, Center and Periphery: Essays in Macrosociology (Chicago, 1975), p. 4. I
owe muchto the furtherelaborationof Shils' ideas by C. Geertz,"Centers,Kings and
Charisma," in Culture and its Creators, eds. J. Ben David and T. N. Clarke (Chicago,
1977), pp. 150-171; but noton the issues on whichI touchin thispaper.
44. Shils, Center and Periphery, p. 111. 45. Ibid., p. 130.
46. Vita Pachomii Graeca Prima 29. This crucialtextis editedand translated(with a few
major errors)by A. A. Athanassakis,Societyof Biblical Literature(Scholar's Press,
Missoula, Montana, 1975).
47. V. Pachom. 25.
48. E. A. E. Reymondand J. W. Barns,Four Martyrdomsfrom the Pierpont Morgan Cop-
tic Codices (Oxford,1973), p. 158.
49. Ibid., p. 182. 50. Ibid., pp. 176-177. 51. Ibid., p. 194.
52. Sozomen,IHistoria Ecclesiastica VI, p. 34.
53. "The Rise and Functionof the Holy Man in Late Antiquity,"Journal of Roman Stud-
ies, 61 (1971), now available withupdatedfootnotes in Society and the Holy, pp. 103-
52; see also "Town, Village and Holy Man," now ibid., 153-65.
54. N. H. Baynes,"The ThoughtWorldof East Rome," Byzantine Studies and Other Es-
says (London, 1960), 24-46 at p. 26.
55. P. Brown,Religion and Society in the Age of Saint Augustine (London, 1972), p. 334.
56. A. H. M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire (Oxford,1964), vol. II, pp. 938-85. Jones
would always speak to me of thisaspectof his workwithtransparent enthusiasm.It is
he who always urgedthe need fora modernLecky.
57. For myfirstattemptsto remedythis,see "The Philosopherand Societyin Late Antiq-
uity," Center for Hlermeneutical Studies, Colloquy 34 (Berkeley, 1980), 1-17 and
"Greek Paideia and Islamic Adab: Contrastsand Comparisons,"Sources of Moral Au-
thority:the Place of Adab in South Asian Islam, ed. Barbara Metcalf (forthcoming). I
would not have come to thisinterest(and the challengeit posed to my previousmeth-
odology)if I had not benefitted fromthe example of the workof Dr. FrancisRobinson
of Royal Holloway College, London,on the learnedmen of the FirangiMahal.
58. E. R. Dodds, Pagan and Christian in an Age of Anxiety (Cambridge,1965), pp. 29-36.
59. "Rise and Function"in Society and the Holy, at p. 114; "A Dark-Age Crisis:Aspectsof
theIconoclastControversy," English Historical Review, 88 (1973), ibid., 251-301; "So-
cietyand the Supernatural:a medievalchange,"Daedalus, 104 (1975), ibid., 302-32;

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"Relics and Social Statusin theAge of Gregoryof Tours," StentonLecture1977, ibid.,
222-50.
60. E. Durkheim,The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life (New York,1915), p. 107.
61. "Learning and Imagination," Society and the Holy, pp. 3-21.
62. H. E. Chadwick,"Pachomiusand the Idea of Sanctity,"The ByzantineSaint,Univer-
sityof BirminghamFourteenthSymposiumof ByzantineStudies,ed. S. Hackel, Studies
Supplementaryto Sobornost5 (1981), 12.
63. Society and the IIoly, pp. 130-32.
64. Durkheim,ElementaryForms,p. 299. 65. Libanius, Orat. 47, 11.
66. R. M. Price,"The Role of MilitaryMen in Syria and Egypt,"OxfordD. Phil., 1974.
67. Society and the IIoly, pp. 269 and 318.
68. William A. Christian Jr., Person and God in a Spanish Valley (New York, 1972),
p. 130.
69. P. Brown, The Cult oftheSaints (Chicago, 1981), pp. 13-21.
70. H. J. W. Drijvers,"Hellenisticand OrientalOrigins,"The ByzantineSaint,p. 33.
71. S. Eyice-J.Noret,"S. Lucien disciplede S. Lucien d'Antioche,"AnalectaBollandiana,
91 (1973), 363-77 at p. 365.
72. Theodore,Cathechesis,ed. Lefort,p. 151. 73. VPachom. 144.
74. Carefulreadingof T. D. Barnes, Constantineand Eusebius (Cambridge,Mass., 1981)
leaves no doubtas to the confidenceof the late thirdcenturyChurch,and theabilityof
its leadersto imposea pre-formed perspectiveon theexcitements of theirtimes.
75. A. Grabar, Martyrium(Paris, 1946), ii: 74; J.W. Salomonson,Voluptatemspectandi
non perdat sed mutet. Observations sur l'iconographie des martyrs en Afrique romaine
(Amsterdam,1979), pp. 47-50 and 86-88.
76. Reymond and Barns, Four Martyrdoms, p. 222. 77. VPachom. 1.
78. Apophthegmata Patrum: Poimen 65, cited in P. Rousseau, Ascetics, Authorityand the
of the whole sub-
treatment
Church(Oxford,1978), p. 21-by farthe mostthoughtful
ject.
79. Apophth. Pistos, tr. B. Ward, The Sayings of the Desert Fathers (London, 1975), pp.
166-67.
80. Rousseau,Ascetics,p. 12.
81. Athanasius,VAnt 7. 82. Apophth.Pambo 12.
83. M. Y. and P. Canivet,"La mosaique dans l'eglisesyriaquede Hudrte(V e. s.)," Cahiers
archeologiques, 24 (1975), 49-60.
84. IHistoria Monachorum vii, 8.
85. S. G. MacCormack, Art and Ceremony in Late Antiquity (Berkeley, 1981).
86. Jerome, Adv. Vigilantium 5: see E. D. Hunt, "Traffic in Relics," The Byzantine Saint,
p. 179.
87. Sulpicius Severus,Dialogi II, 6: PL. 20: 216. For the more normal dire effectof a
womanbrushing,ifonlyaccidentally, againstthefootofa bishop:F. Nau, "Histoiredes
solitaires,"Revue de lOrient chretien,13 (1908), no. 32, 62-64. Martin usually ex-
pectedwomento avoid him: Dial. II, 9-10.
88. Sulpicius Severus,Vita Martini 24: 174D.
89. Ibid., 173B.
90. See esp. R. van Dam, "GregoryofThaumaturgusand theConversionof Pontus,"Clas-
sical Antiquity(forthcoming), who in thisand otherwork,has made particularlycon-
scious and fruitfuluse of Geertz's "Centers,Kings and Charisma" to understandthe
problemsof the expansionof Christianityand the relocationsof power accompanying
the end of the Empire in the West.

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91. Hence constantdebateon the"orthodoxy"ofthePachomiansettlements, raisedbytheir
possible connectionwith the Gnosticliteraturediscoverednear a major monastery,at
Nag Hammadi: Chadwick,"Pachomius," The ByzantineSaint,pp. 17-19.
92. V Pachom. 1 1.
93. A. Guillaumont,"Une inscription coptesur la 'Prierede Jesus,'" OrientaliaChristiana
Periodica,34 (1968), 310-25, at p. 322.
94. Sulp. Sev., V Mart. 6: 162.
95. Ps.-Athanasius, Quaestiones ad Antiochum ducem 14, P G. 28: 605B.
96. Brown, Cult of the Saints, pp. 106-113.
97. Sulp. Sev., Dial. III, 6: 215A 98. Sulp. Sev., V Mart. 17: 170B.
99. 0. B6cher,ChristusExorcista(Stuttgart,1972), p. 18.
100. Brown,The Making ofLate Antiquity, pp. 69-72, withthearticlesto whichI was most
deeplyindebted;furtherin Cult oftheSaints,pp. 50-59.
101. Vie et Miracles de S. Thecle/,13 ed. G. Dagron, Subsidia Hagiographica62 (Brussels,
1978), p. 314.
102. Brown, Making of Late Antiquity, pp. 89-91; R. Gregg and D. Groh, Early Arianism:
A View ofSalvation(Philadelphia,1981), pp. 131-59 and in totois now essential.
103. Vita lIonorati38, ed. S. Cavallin (Lund, 1952).
104. Paulinus, Letter49, 3, tr. P. G. Walsh, AncientChristianWriters(New York, 1967),
p. 261.
105. Apophth.Sisoes 14, tr.Ward,p. 180.
106. D. Bonhoeffer, The Cost ofDiscipleship(New York,1963), p. 60.

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