Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
DEMOCRACY
POPULISM
2017
Book of Abstracts
Knjiga sažetaka
Program Committee
Milena Dragićević Šešić, PhD, UNESCO Chair in Cultural policy and management,
University of Arts in Belgrade, Co-Chair of Program Committee
Mirjana Nikolić, PhD, Faculty of Dramatic Arts Belgrade, Co-Chair of Program
Committee
Dušan Spasojević, PhD, Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Belgrade, Co-Chair of
Program Committee
Dadiana Chiran, MA, School of Advanced Social Studies, Nova Gorica, Slovenia
Nancy Duxbury Carreiro, PhD, University of Coimbra, Portugal
Svetlana Hristova, PhD, Southwest University in Blagoevgrad, Bulgaria
Nicoleta Corbu, PhD, National University of Political Studies and Public Administration
(SNSPA), Bucharest, Romania
Maja Korać-Sanderson, Feminist Research Group, Centre for Social Justice and Change,
University of East London, United Kingdom
Ivan Kovačević, PhD, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade
Tobias Linné, PhD, Lund University, Sweden
Irina Diana Madroane, PhD, West University of Timisoara, Romania
Monika Mokre, PhD, Institute of Culture Studies and Theatre History, Institute for
Cultural Management and Cultural Studies, University for Music and Performing Arts,
Webster University Vienna, Austria
Hans Vorländer, PhD, University of Dresden, Germany
Organising Committee
Ljiljana Rogač Mijatović, PhD, Faculty of Dramatic Arts, Belgrade, Chair of the Organising
Committee
Ana Martinoli, PhD, Faculty of Dramatic Arts, Belgrade
Nina Mihaljinac, PhD, Faculty of Dramatic Arts, Belgrade
Neda Radulovic, Faculty of Dramatic Arts, Belgrade
Edited by
Nina Mihaljinac, PhD, Faculty of Dramatic Arts, Belgrade
Neda Radulovic, Faculty of Dramatic Arts, Belgrade
Cover design
Aleksandra Jovanić, PhD
The Conference has been organized with the support of Ministry of Education, Science
and Technological Development of Republic of Serbia as part of the project no. 178012
Identity and memory: transcultural texts of dramatic arts and media.
Međunarodna naučna konferencija MEDIJI, DEMOKRATIJA, POPULIZAM 2017
Fakultet dramskih umetnosti u Beogradu - Institut za pozorište, film, radio i televiziju
Beograd, 9–10. novembar 2017.
Programski odbor
dr Milena Dragićević Šešić, UNESKO katedra za kulturnu politiku i menadžment,
Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu, kopredsedavajuća Programskog odbora
dr Mirjana Nikolić, FDU, Fakultet dramskih umetnosti, Beograd, kopredsedavajuća
Programskog odbora
dr Dušan Spasojević, Fakultet političkih nauka, Univerzitet u Beogradu,
kopredsedavajući Programskog odbora
Dadiana Čiran, MA, Univerzitet u Novoj Gorici, Slovenija
dr Nensi Daksburi Kareiro, Univerzitet Koimbra, Portugal
dr Hans Forlander, Tehnološki Univerzitet Drezdena, Nemačka
dr Svetlana Hristova, Univerzitet u Blagoevgradu, Bugarska
dr Nikoleta Korbu, Univerzitet u Bukureštu, Rumunija
dr Maja Korać-Sanderson, Univerzitet Istočnog Londona, Velika Britanija
dr Ivan Kovačević, Filozofski fakultet, Univerzitet u Beogradu
dr Tobias Line, Univerzitet Lund, Švedska
dr Irina Diana Madroane, Univerzitet u Temišvaru, Rumunija
dr Monika Mokre, Institut za studije kulture i pozorišnu istoriju, Univerzitet za muziku i
izvođačke umetnosti, Vebster univerzitet u Beču, Austriji
Organizacioni odbor
dr Ljiljana Rogač Mijatović, Fakultet dramskih umetnosti, Beograd, predsednica
Organizacionog odbora
dr Ana Martinoli, Fakultet dramskih umetnosti, Beograd
dr Nina Mihaljinac, Fakultet dramskih umetnosti, Beograd
Neda Radulović, Fakultet dramskih umetnosti, Beograd
Uredile
dr Nina Mihaljinac, Fakultet dramskih umetnosti, Beograd
Neda Radulović, Fakultet dramskih umetnosti, Beograd
Korektura
mr Aleksandra Protulipac
Dizajn korice
dr Aleksandra Jovanić
Daniele Albertazzi
Regionalism, nationalism and "chameleonic" populism: the case of the Italian
Lega Nord_16
Bojana Barlovac
Social media and populism in the Serbian presidential election_18
Predrag Cvetičanin
Local and global cultural practices in Serbia and their political use_22
Nevena Daković
Populism of post-memory: narrative, discourse, style _24
Branislav Dimitrijević
Art, populism and the post-transitional condition_26
Dajana Đedović
Vuk's fair in the age of the working class and Vuk's fair in the age of the Serbian
people – similarities and differences_30
Aco Divac
How to be popular in populist time?_32
Rada Drezgić
"We don't want migrants in our school": media reports on the reactions of the
local population of Sid on the departure of the refugee children to school_34
Hasiba Hrustić
Misconceptions in the media discourse and intentions in relation to Islam_36
Aleksandar Janković
The twilight of elite populism – the metastasis of media formats_40
Sadržaj
Daniele Albertazzi
Regionalizam, nacionalizam i „kameleonski” populizam: slučaj italijanske Severne
lige_17
Bojana Barlovac
Društvene mreže i populizam na predsedničkim izborima u Srbiji_19
Predrag Cvetičanin
Lokalne i globalne kulturne prakse u Srbiji i njihova politička upotreba_23
Nevena Daković
Populizam post-sećanja: narativ, diskurs, stil_25
Branislav Dimitrijević
Umetnost, populizam i post-tranziciono stanje_27
Dajana Đedović
Vukov sabor u vreme radnog naroda i Vukov sabor u vreme srpskog naroda -
sličnosti i razlike_31
Aco Divac
Kako biti popularan u vreme populizma?_33
Rada Drezgić
„Nećemo migrante u našoj školi“: pisanje medija o reakcijama domicilnog
stanovništva opštine Šid povodom polaska u školu dece izbeglica_35
Hasiba Hrustić
Zablude u medijskom diskursu ili namere u odnosu na islam_37
Aleksandar Janković
Sumrak elitnog populizma – metastaza medijskih formata_41
Ljubica Josić, Nina Ožegović, Nada Zgrabljić Rotar
Populism and Croatian non-profit media in culture_42
Eglė Juocevičiūtė
Artist on the front-page: status of art in the Lithuanian newspapers during 1990–
1991_44
Jovana Karaulić
Media representation of populist cultural performances_46
Violeta Kecman
Media literacy of young people: recognition of populism in the media the
discourse with which young people are brought into contact_48
Ana Letunić
Populism as a political communication style in the media representation of
cultural performance_50
Zoran Lutovac
Populism and democracy in Serbia_52
Kristina Malešević
Theoretical debate on media populism communication style in media messages_54
Juraj Marušiak
Opposing liberalism in Central Europe – is it still populism?_56
Ana Martinoli
Media crisis and strengthening of populism in Serbia – contemporary journalism
between political, economic and professional challenges_58
Jovanka Matić
Populism in power and media populism: the case of Serbia_60
Nina Mihaljinac
Misogyny and populist revisionism_62
Snježana Milivojević
More information – less democracy_66
Miloš Milošević
New media (anti)democratic potential and (mis)use on the example of the
presidential candidate Luka Maksimović_68
Ljubica Josić, Nina Ožegović, Nada Zgrabljić Rotar
Populizam i hrvatski neprofitni mediji u kulturi_43
Eglė Juocevičiūtė
Umetnik na naslovnoj strani: status umetnosti u litvanskim novinama u periodu
1990 -1991_45
Jovana Karaulić
Medijska reprezentacija populističkih kulturalnih izvedbi_47
Violeta Kecman
Medijska pismenost mladih: prepoznavanje populizma u medijskom diskursu sa
kojim se mladi dovode u vezu_49
Ana Letunić
Populizam kao politički komunikacijski stil u medijskoj reprezentaciji kulturalne
izvedbe_51
Zoran Lutovac
Populizam i demokratija u Srbiji_53
Kristina Malešević
Teorijska rasprava o medijskom populizmu: komunikacioni stil u medijskim
porukama_55
Juraj Marušiak
Suprotstavljanje liberalizmu u Centralnoj Evropi – da li je to i dalje populizam?_57
Ana Martinoli
Kriza medija i jačanje populizma u Srbiji – savremeno novinarstvo između
političkih, ekonomskih i profesionalnih izazova_59
Jovanka Matić
Populizam na vlasti i medijski populizam: slučaj Srbije_61
Nina Mihaljinac
Mizoginija i populistički revizionizam_63
Snježana Milivojević
Više informacija – manje demokratije?_67
Miloš Milošević
(Anti)demokratski potencijal i (zlo)upotreba novih medija na primeru
predsedničkog kandidata Luke Maksimovića_69
Irina Milutinović
Media ethics and populist discourse about femicide in Serbia_70
Lidija Mirkov
Political discourse and the rhetoric of populism_72
Nikola Mlađenović
Trump’s parallax: populist configuration and media_74
Rastko Močnik
Populism as a symptom of late capitalism_76
Monika Mokre
Left wing populism and the media: the case of Podemos_78
Mirjana Nikolić
Media illiteracy of young people as a part of populist political strategy_82
Danica Pajović
Populism and media: (in)voluntary engagement of television in promoting
populist construct of social reality_84
Mishel Pavlovski
Political communication, democracy and transition (Macedonian Case)_88
Dominique Payette
A unique phenomenon in French-speaking world: the populist private radio
stations in Quebec City area_90
Goran Peković
Political populism and media legislation in Serbia_92
Nenаd Perić
Populist politics – populist media_94
Neda Radulović
Populism, nationalism, androcentrism: intersections of populism and nationalism
in appropriating female body_96
Irina Milutinović
Medijska etika i populistički diskurs o femicidu u Srbiji_71
Lidija Mirkov
Politički diskurs i retorika populizma_73
Nikola Mlađenović
Trampova paralaksa: populistička konfiguracija i mediji_75
Rastko Močnik
Populizam kao simptom savremenog kapitalizma_77
Monika Mokre
Populizam levice i mediji: slučaj Podemos_79
Mirjana Nikolić
Medijska nepismenost mladih kao deo populističke političke strategije_83
Danica Pajović
Populizam i mediji: (ne)voljni angažman televizije u perpetuiranju populističkog
konstrukta društvene stvarnosti_85
Mišel Pavlovski
Politička komunikacija, demokratija i tranzicija (slučaj Makedonije)_89
Dominique Payette
Jedinstveni fenomen francuskog govornog područja: populističke privatne radio
stanice u gradskoj oblasti Kvebek_91
Goran Peković
Politički populizam i medijsko zakonodavstvo u Srbiji_93
Nenаd Perić
Populistička politika - populistički mediji_95
Neda Radulović
Populizam, nacionalizam, androcentrizam: intersekcije populizma i nacionalizma
u aproprijaciji ženskog tela_97
Slobodan Reljić
From "revolt of masses" to "fake news": why mass media can not save "free
world" from populism?_98
Irina Ristić
If the city is ours, can it be yours, when our guys get to the power?_100
Milena Stefanović
Populist manifests in cultural policy – New narrative for Europe_102
Irena Šentevska
TV Series Nemanjići – Birth of a Kingdom and its populist subtexts_104
Danijela Vićentijević
Media rhetorical strategies: encouraging political populism_112
Hans Vorländer
Populism in modern democracy_114
Bojan Vranić
Right questions, wrong fears: democracy, political identity and ethno-populism in
Central and South-East Europe_116
Divna Vuksanović
Entertainment and populism: media representation of the migrant crisis in the
21st century_118
Susanne Weichselbaumer
Republika Srpska – entity or More? Media events – populist performances and the
zeitgeist_120
Slobodan Reljić
Od „pobune masa” do fake news-a: zašto masovni mediji ne mogu spasiti „slobodni
svet“ od populizma_99
Irena Ristić
Ako je grad naš, može li biti i vaš kad naši dođu na vlast?_101
Milena Stefanović
Populistički manifesti u kulturnoj politici – Novi narativ za Evropu_103
Irena Šentevska
TV Serija Nemanjići – rođenje kraljevine i njeni populistički podteksti_105
Danijela Vićentijević
Medijska retorička strategija: ohrabrivanje političkog populizma_113
Hans Vorländer
Populizam u modernoj demokratiji_115
Bojan Vranić
Prava pitanja, pogrešni strahovi: demokratija, politički identitet i etnopopulizam
u Centralnoj i Jugoistočnoj Evropi_117
Divna Vuksanović
Zabava i populizam: medijska reprezentacija migrantske krize u 21. stoleću_119
Susanne Weichselbaumer
Republika Srpska – entitet ili nešto više? Medijski događaji – populistički nastupi i
zeitgeist_121
Discussions
Ana Martinoli
Panel talk: New media and populism_122
Stevan Vuković
Panel talk: Art and populism_124
Artistic initiatives
Yael Bartana
True Finn_126
Uroš Đurić
Populist project_128
Kristina Norman
A monument to please everyone_130
Ana Martinoli
Panel: Novi mediji i populizam_123
Stevan Vuković
Panel: Umetnost i populizam_125
Umetničke inicijative
Jael Bartana
Pravi Finac_127
Uroš Đurić
Populistički projekat_129
Kristina Norman
Spomenik koji će se dopasti svima_131
The ideology of the Italian party Lega Nord (LN – Northern League) has rapidly
changed since Matteo Salvini became its leader in December 2013. Having put aside its
regionalist claims, the party has focused on immigration/law and order, collaborated at
various levels with nationalist parties/organisations, and claimed that it wishes to
represent all Italians, not just those living in the north of the country. This talk aims to
start from this specific case study to spark a more general discussion about populism’s
flexibility and adaptability.
To show the extent of the change impressed by Salvini on the LN, I will consider
the findings of a content analysis of his tweets and Facebook posts, as well as the LN’s
social media presence. I will argue that, under Salvini’s personalistic style of leadership:
a) regionalism has been replaced by "empty nationalism" in the LN discourse – as the
party now avoids spelling out how the considerable economic and social differences
between northern and southern Italian regions should be bridged; b) populism remains
central to the party's strategic communication, however the EU as taken Rome's place
as the people’s "enemy".
16
Daniele Albertazzi
Katedra za političke nauke i internacionalne studije
Univerzitet Birmingem, Velika Britanija
17
Bojana Barlovac
Faculty of Political Sciences
University of Belgrade, Serbia
In March 2017 Serbia saw presidential campaign which some dubbed the dirtiest
since the 1990s votes orchestrated by then strongman Slobodan Milosevic. It featured
the Serbian then PM Aleksandar Vucic and ten other candidates. Being largely
underrepresented in the mainstream media with no political debates and with
unaffordably high rates of TV slots, these ten candidates were forced to find other
channels of communication. Hence Twitter emerged as the main platform for all the
dissonant voices moving thus the entire presidential campaign online. This way Serbia
joined the Western countries’ club where politicians are increasingly shifting
communication to social media as it allows them to directly address the electorate and
easily distribute their messages to targeted audiences. In the Serbian case, these
messages seem to have been shaped by politicians using certain populist
communication strategies to win over people’s hearts.
Therefore, this paper provides an in-depth analysis of populism on social media
(Twitter) during the 2017 election campaign. As a contested concept in political
communication, populism has been well-researched in the conventional media, but little
is known on its relationship with nonconventional media. According to Gianpetro
Mazzoleni, "populism can only be fully understood (or investigated) within the
framework of the media-driven influences that shape its contemporary features". This
paper focuses on statements of the presidential candidates in Serbia during the
campaign in a bid to explore the populist strategies used. This research will contribute
results with a critical discourse analysis in combination with empirical research
methods and analysis.
18
Bojana Barlovac
Fakultet političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Srbija
19
Gordana Bekčić Pješčić
Faculty of Political Sciences
University of Belgrade, Serbia
The paper deals with the phenomenon of almost complete absence of credible
and high quality literary criticism in print and electronic media in Serbia, which is
accompanied by a decline in the reputation of the profession of literary critic. The
observed phenomenon is understood as a consequence of cultural degradation of
Serbian society over the past decades.
Since its birth, literary criticism has a responsible social function. Critics nurture
and direct readers' habits and public attitudes towards recognized artistic values and
authors. The global spread of information technology has brought many benefits for all
visual arts, as well as for music, but not for literature to the same extent. Reading still
requires the same amount of time, regardless of the speed of the internet and the kind
of device the reader uses, so that the emergence of "non-reading culture" in all age
groups, even among young people, becomes an epidemic. The lack of a strategic
approach to the development of reading culture and taste in the educational system of
the Republic of Serbia further influences the general decline in cultural habits.
In this paper, literary criticism is viewed as a discursive practice of responsible
cultural policy. The author considers the social consequences of the hyper production of
easy-going books as a new mainstream. Media promotion of such editions will be
viewed from the perspective of decline of educational function of the media. The general
goal of the work is to observe and elaborate the link between cultural and political
populism in the context of the decline in critical thinking in society.
Key words: populism, culture, literary criticism, critical thinking, media, political
populism, cultural policy
20
Gordana Bekčić Pješčić
Fakultet političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Srbija
Ključne reči: populizam, kultura, književna kritika, kritičko mišljenje, mediji, politički
populizam, kulturna politika
21
Predrag Cvetičanin
Faculty of Arts
University of Niš, Serbia
Local and global cultural practices in Serbia and their political use
Key words: local cultural, global culture, political populism, cultural participation, taste,
symbolic social divisions
22
Predrag Cvetičanin
Fakultet umetnosti
Univerzitet u Nišu, Srbija
Sporovi oko ukusa imaju svoje jasne društvene i političke implikacije. Kako
navodi Herbert Gans (Gans 1974/1999) priroda sporova oko ukusa tiče se prirode
dobrog života i posebno toga kakva kultura i čija kultura treba da dominiraju u društvu.
Nešto slično kaže i Pjer Burdije u Distinkciji: da je u svakom sukobu oko umetnosti u
pitanju nametanje umetnosti života, to jest, pretvaranje arbitrarnog načina života u
legitiman način života koji odbacuje sve druge načine života kao arbitrarne (Bourdieu
1979). Kako je svaki socijalni kontakt istovremeno i akt procenjivanja Drugog, ljudi
upotrebljavaju ukuse da podignu simboličke granice između njih i onih kategorija ljudi
koje ne vole, pri čemu odbacivanje i prezir nisu privilegija ni jedne od socijalnih grupa.
Ako viši slojevi preziru vulgarne i primitivne kulturne prakse neobrazovanih, ruralnih i
onih koji rade fizičke poslove, ovi ništa manje ne odbacuju njihovu kulturu kao
određenu, izveštačenu i feminiziranu.
U našim istraživanjima kulturne participacije u Srbiji, pokazalo se da osnovna
opozicija u polju kulturnih praksi nije ona između elitne i masovne kulture, niti pak
između kulturno aktivnih i kulturno neaktivnih, nego opozicija između lokalnih i
globalnih kulturnih praksi. I da populističke političke snage jedan deo podrške svojih
sledbenika stiču potvrđivanjem vrednosti i promovisanjem specifičnih verzija lokalnih
kulturnih praksi.
Prezentacija je zasnovana na podacima iz četiri istraživanja: Kulturne potrebe,
navike i ukus građana Srbije i Makedonije (2005), Kulturne prakse građana Srbije (2010),
Životne strategije i strategija preživljavanja domaćinstava i pojedinaca u društvima
jugoistočne Evrope u periodu krize (2015) i Neformalne prakse i neformalne institucije u
društvima jugoistočne Evrope (2017).
23
Nevena Daković
Faculty of Dramatic Arts
University of Arts Belgrade, Serbia
The paper analyzes the populism of the narrative rhetoric of post-memory on the
Novi Sad raid. Repetitive and recycled phrases – taken from speeches, newspaper
articles or TV reports on the occasion of various anniversaries of the Raid – reveal
multiplied interpretations of this historical event as well as narratives of dissonant and
divided memory. In the analysis of populism – understood above all as a
"communication or political style" – a special place belongs to visual texts (TV reports,
photographs, etc.) as the domain of visual represents a privileged (post)-memory field.
The populism of assimilated and appropriated narratives points to the various
memory communities that construct a "portrayed" post-memory of Ration as the
Holocaust, the Hungarian retaliation above all of the Serb population, war crimes, mass
murder or retaliation for anti-fascist resistance. On the other hand, they testify to the
"reconciliatory" populist manipulation of government representatives or institutions
seeking solutions for the unified, "consonant" post-memory in the function of realizing
the political goals of the current moment (harmonious coexistence in multicultural
Vojvodina, EU integration, Europeanization of national memory...).
Key words: post-memory, dissonant memory, Novi Sad raid, populism, visual media,
Europeization
24
Nevena Daković
Fakultet dramskih umetnosti
Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu, Srbija
25
Branislav Dimitrijević
School for Art and Design, Belgrade, Serbia
26
Branislav Dimitrijević
Visoka škola za likovnu i primenjenu umetnost, Beograd, Srbija
27
Milena Dragićević Šešić
Faculty of Dramatic Arts
University of Arts in Belgrade, Serbia
In the present moment nationalism and populist rhetoric are dominating in the
social realm around the world (populism as a cultural model). Consequently, public
policies, and especially cultural policies are being challenged and re-examined (Duelund
2010). Emotions of the 'people', real or "produced", once again become the engine of
and for political thoughts and policy actions (Dorna 1999). Thus, cultural policies find
themselves at crossroads, as public bureaucracies, demanding "transparency" and
criteria for decision-making on one side (evidence-based), but on the other: visibility
and spectacularity, that would nurture feelings and emotions that serve present day
politics (Muller 2016).
Populist policies, based on emotions and powerful, simple rhetoric, are
influencing more and more cultural policies and practices of today. Although not yet
officially prevailing, this discourse is influencing all concepts and actions, especially
those conceived as actions of ultimate "State" importance (memorials, state
commemorations, events). Notions of public good and public interest were replaced by
"common good", and art created "with and for" the people is praised as the only
representative of true "national" (ethnic) spirit. Thus, the key research question would
be: how do cultural policies construct/promote hegemonic/national identities by
appealing to "the people"?
This research will aim to explore how the notion of the public good has changed,
how the cultural policies change in the wake of "new" nationalisms and to what extent
roles of policy makers and cultural workers changed in providing projects for a public
realm that are based and/or require the enthusiasm of "the people" invoking their
effects through imagery of past national greatness (from public projects such as Skopje
2014 in Macedonia to the countless spectacular "national investments" in Serbia).
Key words: politics of memory, populism, monuments, Skopje 2014, cultural policies,
nationalism
28
Milena Dragićević Šešić
Fakultet dramskih umetnosti
Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu, Srbija
Ključne reči: politike sećanja, populizam, spomenici, Skoplje 2014, kulturne politike,
nacionalizam
29
Dajana Đedović
Center for Culture "Vuk Karadžic", Loznica
Museum of Language and Letters, Tršić, Serbia
Vuk's fair in the age of the working class and Vuk's fair in the age of the Serbian
people – similarities and differences
Since 1933, Tršić has been the place where Vuk's Fair, a festival dedicated to our
language reformer Vuk Stefanovic Karadzic, is hold. It is very easy to follow the
instrumentalisation of Vuk's language and the traditional culture by populist rhetoric
through the continued existence of the Fair that has become the most abused symbol of
political happenings in all the Yugoslavias and the Serbia of today.
In this paper, I am going to take a long look at several of the most important
Vuk's Fairs which best illustrate the relationship between the folkloric, the historic, and
the populist. I shall speak of the years when the assembled masses collectively cheered
Tito and the working class, then of the years when ethno-nationalistic symbolism was
slipped into the programme to further the influence of the state and, of course, of the
84th Vuk's Fair where the governing party is sending us the message that its intentions
are to even out the public forum including the usually open and free communicative
spaces such as culture and art. The end of all our illusions that Vuk's Fair is about
language and culture is the fact that the main speaker at the 84th Vuk's Fair is none
other than the president Aleksandar Vučić. The programme of this Fair is constructed to
convey the idea that the Declaration on Survival of Serbs has already been written, as
well as that beside language, the Serbian people have only the church and faith to rely
upon to preserve their identity. In the end, I want to remind everyone of the sobering
words Ljubisa Rajic wrote and used as the title for his work on the state of our culture
on the 200th anniversary of Vuk's birth. "Vuk's dead, we're not alright".
Key words: Vuk's Fair, populist rhetoric, working class, Serbian people, language,
instrumentalisation
30
Dajana Đedović
Centar za kulturu „Vuk Karadžić“ Loznica
Muzej jezika i pisma, Tršić, Srbija
Vukov sabor u vreme radnog naroda i Vukov sabor u vreme srpskog naroda -
sličnosti i razlike
Ključne reči: Vukov sabor, populistička retorika, radni narod, srpski narod, jezik,
instrumentalizacija
31
Aco Divac
Independent scholar, London, United Kingdom
What makes an artist and an art exhibition popular? Is it because the artist is
famous? Why is one artist more popular or famous than other(s). Do they confirm to a
popular perception of what an artist should be? Was he/she well reviewed? Do they
share your political opinions, and do you find their work as a surprise, funny or
disturbing?
In the course of everyday life, we constantly choose between what we find
aesthetically pleasing, and what we consider tacky, or ugly. Taste(s) and preference(s)
are not neutral or pure. Bourdieu demonstrates that our different aesthetic choices are
all distinctions, depending on changing social assumptions. No judgement of taste is
innocent – we are all snobs or people of bad taste for others.
It is a centenary since Duchamp submitted infamous Fountain/Urinal. Fifty years
ago A. Warhol prophetically said that "in the future everyone will be world famous for
fifteen minutes"… It has been twenty years since the famous and notorious exhibition
Sensation, followed two years later with (what else) The Apocalypse.
Familiar movements and styles that characterised art production prior to the
twenty-first century have all vanished. Contemporary artists have extended their
vocabulary in mutual directions: by looking back to earlier traditions and by engaging
with aspects of modern society.
We will try to comment and reflect on what makes these three prominent
contemporary British artists: Grayson Perry; Antony Gormly and Damien Hirst popular.
Their work often combines social commentary with provocation and tackles complex
relationships between artist, gallery, critic and audience.
Key words: popular, populism, contemporary art, transnational art, British artists
32
Aco Divac
Nezavisni sociolog, London, Velika Britanija
Šta je to što jednu izložbu ili jednog umetnika čini popularnim? Umetnik je
poznat i slavan kada odgovara uvreženim mišljenjima i predstavama kakav umetnik
treba da bude. Uz to je važno da li su njegov rad ili izložena dela dopadljiva, čak zabavna
ili naprotiv – šokantna. Kakve je dobio kritike? Da li deli s nama iste poglede na svet i
iste vrednosti?
Svakodnevno pravimo izbore između onoga što nam se dopada i ne dopada. Naši
ukusi nisu neutralni ili nepromenjivi. Burdije je pokazao da su različiti estetski izbori
samo varijacije, zavisni od društvenih pretpostavki. Ni jedno prosuđivanje ukusa nije
neutralno. Svi smo mi pomalo i snobovi i populisti. Namera umetnika je odvajkada da se
približe publici, a osnovno pitanje je kako proširiti obim publike bez podilaženja njenom
ukusu.
Prošlo je sto godina od Dišanovog Pisoara, skoro pedeset godina od kako je
Vorhol proročki predvideo i izjavio da će u budućnosti svako moći da bude slavan na
bar petnaest minuta. Samo dvadeset godina nas deli od šokantne i senzacionalne izložbe
Senzacija (Sensation, RA) i nešto manje od „nastavka“ u vidu Apokalipse (Apocalypse,
RA). Poznati umetnički pravci i stilovi koji su karakterisali umetnost tokom dvadesetog
veka su gotovo svi nestali. Savremeni umetnici su proširili svoju praksu i rečnik u
pravcu preispitivanja prošlosti i ka kritičkom obraćanju društvenoj stvarnosti.
U ovoj prezentaciji predstavićemo praksu trojice eminentnih umetnika sa
britanske umetničke scene: Grejsona Perija (Grayson Perry), Antonija Gormlija (Antony
Gormly) i Demijena Hrsta (Damien Hirst), u nameri da odgovorimo šta ih čini
popularnim. Rad ovih umetnika obiluje komentarima na društvenu realnost i često je
kombinovan sa smišljenom provokacijom. Njihova umetnička praksa je dobar primer za
analizu kompleksnog odnosa na relaciji: umetnik, galerija, kritičar, publika.
33
Rada Drezgić
Faculty of Music
University of Arts in Belgrade, Serbia
"We don't want migrants in our school": media reports on the reactions of the
local population of Šid on the departure of the refugee children to school
Is there room for children from refugee camps in Serbian schools and under
what conditions? While state institutions claim that there is, and that there must be
room for all, domicil parents in some schools disagree. They claim that there is no place
for these children in ‘our’ schools, at least as far as the inclusive model is concerned.
Namely, parents in Šid and surrounding villages do not want their children to attend
classes and sit in classrooms together with refugee children. They argue to be
concerned for health of their own children and for the quality of education their
children would receive under the circumstances. They believe that in an inclusive model
of education, teachers cannot be equaly dedicated to everyone, thus their children
would be deprived by the presence of refugee children because teachers would have to
pay more attention to them due to language barriers.
This paper analyzes media reports on the inclusion of refugee children in the
educational system in Serbia. The focus is on reports and reder’s coments in the
electronic editions of daily newspapers and magazines in the period January –
September 2017. The aim is to determine different ways of the discursive construction
of refugees and different interpretations of diversity and multiculturality – whether
they are perceived as something constructive, good and positive, or as something
dangerous, strange and negative. We also wonder whether, where, and how different
social actors set limits to multiculturalism and tolerance.
34
Rada Drezgić
Fakultet muzičke umetnosti
Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu, Srbija
35
Hasiba Hrustić
Center for Legal and Financial Research, Belgrade, Serbia
After the terrorist attack on the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001 in
New York, the Islamophobia of the Western liberal world is deepening, which implies
prejudice, irrational hatred, fear and intolerance towards Islam and Muslims. The aim of
this paper is to research the media use of islamophobia in the function of promoting
populist political ideas and creating an image of Islam as dangerous, so that Islam is
characterized as an aggressive, militant and radical religion. Islamophobia as a means of
populist politics is the result of ignorance and manipulation based on ignorance. In this
paper, as a method of research, monitoring of media reporting and propaganda of
almost all major Western media, both written and electronic is used, primarily of the US
CNN and FOX, and the British BBC, who in a sensationalistic way employ a specific
terminology that is used only for Islam as a religion: "Militant Islam", "moderate Islam",
"Islamic radicalism", "Islamic fundamentalist". Ignorance about Islam and inconsistent
media coverage have produced fear of Islam and Muslims, and thus the ghettoisation of
Muslims, as pointed out by many experts.
What some Muslims do cannot be considered as sui generis of Islam, and
especially not the terrorism, behind which certain groups are hiding and using Islam to
justify the violence, calling themselves an "Islamic state". Linking Islam with terrorism
and legally accepting the term "Islamic State" instead of the so-called "Islamic State" or
the self-proclaimed "Islamic State", means that the war on terrorism is a priori
interpreted as a war against Islam. The paper also analyzes the ethically problematic
phenomenon that the religious identity of terrorists is emphasized only when it comes
to Muslims, while, for example, the killer Anders Breivik, who committed a terrible
crime and partly justified it with Christianity, was not shown as a Christian terrorist in
the media. Inconsistent media reporting has led Islam to become synonymous with
violence in the consciousness of many people, not only in the West, but also beyond.
Key words: islamophobia, populism, terrorism, media reporting, so-called "Islamic State"
36
Hasiba Hrustić
Centar za pravna i finansijska istraživanja, Beograd, Srbija
37
Gordana Ilić Marković
Institute for Slavic Studies
University of Vienna, Austria
Key words: war propaganda, World War I, journalists, authors, artists, ethnical
stereotypes, censorship, populist discourse, media literacy
38
Gordana Ilic Markovic
Institut za Slavonske studije
Bečki Univerzitet, Austrija
Ključne reči: ratna propaganda, Prvi svetski rat, novinari, književnici, umetnici, etnički
stereotipi, cenzura, populistički diskurs, medijska pismenost
39
Aleksandar Janković
Faculty of Dramatic Arts
University of Arts in Belgrade, Serbia
40
Aleksandar Janković
Fakultet dramskih umetnosti
Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu, Srbija
41
Ljubica Josić, Nina Ožegović, Nada Zgrabljić Rotar
Studia Croatica
University of Zagreb, Croatia
In the Croatian media system, beside public and commercial media, the
nonprofit media have a special place. They are an important element of public
communications and contribute significantly to the plurality of media content, meeting
the needs of specific public in all areas, including the culture. Culture in mainstream
media is neither sufficiently nor properly presented and non-profit culture media are of
special importance.
They are segmented and cover different areas, from performing and stage art
through film and music to the culture of ethnic minorities. Of 106 non-profit media,
those specializing in culture are twenty, and the largest number refers to network
portals.
In this paper, the method of analyzing the content of the most successful
Croatian web portals in culture explores the nature of non-profit network portals in
culture, their interactivity, the encouragement of civic participation and by which they
are exceptional in relation to mainstream media. Also, in depth interview method seeks
to answer the question of how Croatian media professionals in the nonprofit sector are
dealing with issues of cultural presentation with special emphasis on the struggle
against populism and sensationalism in commercial media, but also in the entire media
space. This paper particularly investigate whether the decision of the Ministry of
Culture on the termination of co-financing of non-profit media influenced the quality of
their content.
42
Ljubica Josić, Nina Ožegović, Nada Zgrabljić Rotar
Hrvatske studije
Sveučilište u Zagrebu, Hrvatska
43
Eglė Juocevičiūtė
Lithuanian Culture Research Institute and the Academy of Fine Arts in Vilnius, Lithuania
Artist on the front-page: status of art in the Lithuanian newspapers during 1990–
1991
The paper will address the status of art in the Lithuanian newspapers during the
period of 1990–1991 when Lithuania regained its independence from the Soviet Union,
experienced economic blockade and military aggression. During the paper shortage
caused by the blockade and during the months the newspaper printing machines were
unattainable due to the occupation of the main printing house by the Soviet military, the
page number of the major newspapers shrunk to two, however, the news about the
cultural events would be still included into very limited newsfeed.
In the periods of a little more normalised press working conditions, the status of
art as the only export of the young state and the wishful identification of artist as the
unifier of a nation during turning points in building of a nation-state can be observed
when looking at the articles written both by the art critics and journalists in the major
newspapers. However, the clash of expectations of rapid Westernisation on the hand
and the national virtues on the other can also be noted in these articles, proposing a
more complex understanding of the approach towards role of art in the freshly
independent society. Moreover, investigating of these primary sources of public
discussion exposes the roots of the current anger of the general public towards
unconventional art forms in, for example, the politically initiated changes of the public
spaces and reveals a long standing tradition of attempts of using art as a marketing and
branding tool in domestic and foreign affairs.
44
Eglė Juocevičiūtė
Litvanski institut za istraživanja u kulturi i Akademija likovnih umetnosti Vilnjus,
Litvanija
45
Jovana Karaulić
Faculty of Dramatic Arts
University of Arts in Belgrade, Serbia
The combination of conditions that are suitable for development of the ideology
of political populism, including the leaving the routine of common political practices, as
well as the development of the role of media in political discourse, lead to the question
of how ethical decisions of the media in the representation of political cultural
performances contribute to the development of political populism? By creating an
analytical framework through the concepts of the relevance and objectivity of the media
transmitted information, this paper analyzes the representation of a particular
communication strategy of political practice and its populist messages shaped through a
cultural performance. The paper further examines the assumption that the ethical
decisions of the media representation of controlled cultural performances of political
populism affect the development of the populist mood, on the example of the session of
the RS Government in the Kolubara basin on 27 April 2015.
Key words: cultural performance, political populism, populist mood, media representation
46
Jovana Karaulić
Fakultet dramskih umetnosti
Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu, Srbija
47
Violeta Kecman
Faculty of Dramatic Arts
University of Arts, Belgrade, Serbia
The presence of populism in the media discourse with which young people are
connected (topic of the message or the recipient of the message) is based by public
attitudes and fears as determinants of the current historical moment, as well as by the
fact that young people interact with the media today, expressing their own identity and
historical position. The recognition of populism in media discourse by young people will
be considered as an indicator of media literacy. The aim of the text is to determine the
way in which young people in Serbia recognize the populism in the media discourse
with which they are connected. The subject of the research is the recognition of
populism in two media discourses - the text of the rep-song The system is lying to you
(Sistem te laže) music group Beogradski sindikat and the reply of the President of the
Republic of Serbia, Aleksandar Vucic, to the publication of the same song on Youtube,
which followed on Twiter. The survey method method was used. The data were
statistically processed by counting measures (frequency and percentage). For the target
group, students of the fourth grade of the high school were selected. The research has
shown that media literacy is, to a certain extent, not absolutely present. Adolescents
attach importance to the basic idea of a media message, while the meaning of its
complete sadness is neglected and marked as minor. They recognize themselves as an
address of a media message if the message code corresponds to their social group.
Twitter as a communication channel used to send a populist message to young people
does not imply the trust of young people towards the sender. The research results show
that populism in the media discourse with which young people are brought into the
relationship represents a potential for strengthening the critical thinking of adolescents
and improving media education.
Key words: media literacy, youth, populism, media discourse, media ethics
48
Violeta Kecman
Fakultet dramskih umetnosti
Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu, Srbija
Ključne reči: medijska pismenost, mladi, populizam, medijski diskurs, etika medija
49
Ana Letunić
Academy of Drama Arts, University of Zagreb, Croatia
Faculty of Dramatic Arts, University of Arts Belgrade, Serbia
The media have gained a whole new role in defining political agendas, as well as
in politicians' communication with voters. Under such conditions even established
politicians are increasingly referring to the use of populist instruments that "reduce the
complexity" of social problems and the real political processes in order to mobilize
voters' support. Individual cultural performance of politicians produces greater "social
efficacy" and thus greater visibility in the media. With a wide audience of certain media,
there are numerous opportunities for populist communication styles and disrespect of
journalism ethics. The question arises of the relationship between the "social efficacy"
(Turner 1985) of a certain political performance and the populist communication style
that is occurring, and whether the politicians or the media are responsible for its'
appearance? This question will be addressed in the paper through the analysis of
cultural performance and the media representation of commemoration in Jasenovac in
2016. Namely, as a complex case which, due to mass media reception, reveals power
relations between politics and the media with the influx of populist communication
strategies, this cultural performance serves as a suitable study case for this topic. The
methods used in the paper are performance analysis and discourse analysis of media
representation on a sample of ten daily and weekly print media.
50
Ana Letunić
Akademija dramske umjetnosti, Sveučilište u Zagrebu, Hrvatska
Fakultet dramskih umetnosti, Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu, Srbija
51
Zoran Lutovac
Institute of Social Sciences, Belgrade, Serbia
The subject of this paper is the attitude of the citizens towards representative
democracy and political elite, on the one hand and the attitude to the others (out-
groups, dangerous, others) as a very important segment of populism, on the other side.
This paper aims to show on the case of Serbia what is the attitude of political
elites toward democracy in general, democratic procedures and institutions, and what
is the attitude of citizens towards political elites, democracy and its institutions, on the
basis of public opinion polls. The aim of this paper is to show on the case of Serbia the
attitude towards "dangerous others" as a part of a populist political practice and
populism as a thin centred ideology, on the one hand, and to determine the feedback
reaction of the people (citizens) towards "dangerous others", on the basis of opinion
polls, on the other side.
Empirical research (June-July 2017) confirms that the gap between citizens and
their elected representatives is profound and conventional politics increasingly have
difficulties to reach citizens. Also, the lack of confidence in political parties has influence
on the all spheres of representative democracy. Empirical research assumes that, since
the 90-ies of XX century, there is a continuity of the presence of "dangerous others" in
Serbian public discourse (minorities, NATO). Dangerous others are ranked
instrumentally by political elites according to the necessities of the moment -
sometimes in the spotlights are Americans, sometimes NATO, and sometimes Croats,
Bosnians or Albanians: it has been proven by an empirical determination of
respondent's attitude that even the citizens feel about them as they are "others".
Key words: populism, elite, nation, Serbia, democracy, public opinion research, out-groups
52
Zoran Lutovac
Institut društvenih nauka, Beograd, Srbija
Ključne reči: populizam, elite, narod, Srbija, demokratija, empirijsko istraživanje, opasni
(neželjeni) drugi
53
Kristina Malešević
Faculty of Political Science
University of Belgrade, Serbia
The wave of populism that swept Europe from the end of the twentieth century
has resulted in a change in the balance of power on the political spectrum in terms of
representative democracy. The consequence of the new political environment is also the
change in the perception of the media, seen by populist actors as a suitable platform for
rapidly expanding its ideas and "populist spirit" (Mudde 2004) in the people by
deepening public disappointment and confidence in existing political parties.
A particular challenge for the academic community was the definition of media
populism. Empirical research based on this concept, defined as "populism of the media
and independent of any relationship to populist movements" (Kramer 2014: 42)
resulted in diametrically opposite conclusions. The latest research has contradicted the
assumptions that the tabloid media is more receptive to populist-formulated messages
that are distinguished by the use of a simple language, emphasizing emotionality,
polarization, and negative feelings. On the other hand, advocates of populism as a
communication style oppose the definition of populism as a thin ideology, emphasizing
the empirical analysis of media populism, in which the differences between populist-
shaped messages of political leaders are reflected exclusively in style.
This paper aims to contribute to theoretical positioning of the populist
communication style in relation to the broad ideological field of political actors.
54
Kristina Malešević
Fakultet političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Srbija
55
Juraj Marušiak
Institute of Political Science
Slovak Academy of Sciences, Bratislava, Slovakia
Paper deals with the change of political landscape in Central Europe, namely in
the Visegrad Group countries. In consequence of the global economic and financial crisis
in 2008, the new wave of populism in the region has emerged, accompanied by the
increasing criticism to the West. Since the spectacular victory of Viktor Orbán and his
party Fidesz in Hungary in 2010, the so called "populist" parties criticizing the post-
communist political and socio-economic transformation became more popular.
However, if in the past the populism was represented by the new political parties
outside the "political mainstream", currently the present representatives of "populism"
represented by Fidesz, Law and Justice and by other influential political parties in the
region are the politicians with a long-term stay in politics, who have participated in the
several governments. It means, one of the main components of populism – anti-elitism
is missing.
From this perspective, the paper will analyze whether the conservative trends
are present not only in Poland and Hungary, where is it still appropriate to speak about
the populist discourse. The main common characteristics of the ruling parties in the
region (mainly in Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) is statism, prioritization of the national
state, social cohesion as well as promotion of conservative values, like for example
traditional family. However, this new Central European conservative discourse is
different from the discourse of the main alliance of conservative parties in EU. In my
opinion, as these parties elaborated a relatively coherent ideology, it is already
inappropriate to call them populists. The conservative shift is present not only in Poland
and Hungary, but also in Slovakia and Czech Republic, with the strong social democratic
parties being in power.
56
Juraj Marušiak
Institut političkih nauka
Slovačka akademija nauka, Bratislava, Slovačka
57
Ana Martinoli
Faculty of Dramatic Arts
University of Arts in Belgrade, Serbia
Modern media practice shows that market, financial imperatives and political
interests are becoming the dominant drivers of media business, while professional
ethics and concern for the public interest are suppressed. On hyper-commercialized and
"tabloidized" media markets such as Serbian, media is increasingly present as a
commodity, designed and standardized to achieve greater market success. The choice of
topics and media images intended for the widest audience are dominated by
sensationalism and populism, the incitement to antagonisms – social, cultural, political
and religious, suppressing the visibility and interests of minority groups. The article
analyzes the contemporary media environment in Serbia, various types of corruption
and pressures on the media, both commercial and public service, and the challenges
posed by the journalistic profession. Also, the text explores new forms of journalism
practice, networking and organization of research journalism that empowers and
enables digitization, which at the same time serve as an antidote to the populism that
dominates the mainstream media.
58
Ana Martinoli
Fakultet dramskih umetnosti
Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu, Srbija
59
Jovanka Matić
Institute of Social Sciences, Belgrade, Serbia
Key words: democracy, transition, media populism, political populism, Serbia, Pink,
Informer, Serbian Telegraph
60
Jovanka Matić
Institut društvenih nauka, Beograd, Srbija
Ključne reči: demokratija, tranzicija, medijski populizam, politički populizam, Srbija, Pink,
Informer, Srpski Telegraf
61
Nina Mihaljinac
Faculty of Dramatic Arts
University of Arts in Belgrade, Serbia
Some feminists (e.g. Linda Scott) believe that the new populist movements are
not populist at all, but a wrongly named uprising that aims to protect the interests of
white, heterosexual, Christian males, for which all others, including women, pose a
threat. The paper deals with the topic of gender populism and misogyny in media and
artistic representation of women in Serbia, that is, in current public memory policies.
The selected case-study, scenario of the biographical film of Radio-Television of Serbia,
Slepi putnik na brodu ludaka (2016), provides an example of the media strategy of
misogyno-populist revisionism, since it represents one remarkable woman from the
local history – dr. Slavka Mihajlović Klisić, a highly professional doctor, participant in
the First World War, who worked on the founding of the first Women's Hospital (now
the Clinical Hospital Centre "Dr Dragiša Mišović") and the first Women's Party in Serbia
– about the same way as Goebbels saw the woman: as a silent, loyal, and obedient
helper-assistant of a far more important figure – the man. In addition to the role of a
humble helper, dr. Slavka's movie character was also assigned the role of an unfaithful
woman, which she wasn't as a historical figure. Such a construction of gender identities
through public media and memory policies protects the interests of male opinion-
makers and protagonists of political scene, and in the long run, not only that it obstructs
the fight for women's rights, but also other forms of social struggle for equality and
understanding.
Key words: gender populism, misogyny, memory politics, revisionism, RTS, dr Slavka
Mihajlović Klisić
62
Nina Mihaljinac
Fakultet dramskih umetnosti
Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu, Srbija
Ključne reči: rodni populizam, mizoginija, politike sećanja, revizionizam, RTS, dr Slavka
Mihajlović Klisić
63
Ana Milojević, Aleksandra Krstić
Faculty of Political Sciences
University of Belgrade, Serbia
The populism has been a prominent topic in academic community quite some
time and even proclaimed one of the most contentious issues in political sciences
(Moffitt and Tormey, 2014). Yet scholars have applied populist perspective on party
performance in Serbia quite rare. Тhe aim of this paper is to evaluate the quantity and
quality of populism manifested in mainstream political discourse in Serbia.
Although populism is polyvalent concept, this paper argues that significant
consistency around dimensions of populism can be identified, especially if different
labels are disregarded. Therefore, based on literature review the most common
dimensions of populism were abstracted, defined and integrated into the analytical
matrix of this research: 1) people centrism; 2) anti elitism; 3) simplistic, emotionally
charged language; 4) crisis discourse; 5) leader centrality; 6) exclusionism. Following
outlined dimensions of populism, content and discourse analysis of the electorate TV
debates during 2014 parliamentary elections was done.
The results of the research show that the populist elements were almost equally
dispersed across five out of six dimensions in the discourse of all political parties. The
missing element was exclusionism, because all parties in the sample were situated
somewhere around the center of the ideological spectra. Although it can be considered
as moderate manifestation of populism, the high quantity of elements in the first three
observed dimensions, reflect the character of populism in Central and Eastern Europe
which Učeň (2007) calls "centrist populism".
Key words: populism, political communication, political parties, content analysis, election
campaign, TV debate
64
Ana Milojević, Aleksandra Krstić
Fakultet političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Srbija
65
Snježana Milivojević
Faculty of political sciences
University of Belgrade, Serbia
66
Snježana Milivojević
Fakultet političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Srbija
67
Miloš Milošević
Faculty of Dramatic Arts
University of Arts in Belgrade, Serbia
68
Miloš Milošević
Fakultet dramskih umetnosti
Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu, Srbija
Dok je jedan broj teoretičara sklon da označi nove medije kao glavni preduslov
(ili čak uzročnik) za nastanak populističkog cajtgajsta (zeitgeist), u teoriji medija
predviđen je, uočen i opisan njihov demokratski potencijal. Postavlja se pitanje, koliko je
opravdano proglašavanje korelacije između uočenog jačanja uticaja novih medija i
političkih činilaca koji se služe populističkim diskursom za uzročno posledičnu vezu?
Cilj ovog rada analizira (anti)demokratski potencijal novih medija i uticaj njihove
(zlo)upotrebe na lični život pojedinca, društvene i političke tokove i promene, kao i
društvo u celini. Radi ostvarenja postavljenog cilja, definisan je pojam populizma i
opisana su svojstva populističkog diskursa, zatim je u odnosu na njih analiziran razvoj i
novine koje sa sobom donose novi mediji. Testiranje i validacija teorijskih uvida
izvršena je u studiji slučaja, kroz analizu predizborne kampanje i izbornog rezultata
predsedničkog kandidata Luke Maksimovića, koga je predložila grupa građana Ljubiša
Preletačević Beli, Beli samo jako, na predsedničkim izborima u Srbiji 2017. godine. U
intersekciji teorijskih uvida i rezultata navedenih analiza kritički su razmatrana
dosadašnja teorijska objašnjenja veze novih medija i populizma. Zaključeno je da nije
opravdano kriviti nove medije za jačanje populizma već ga treba shvatiti kao simptom
antidemokratskih i autoritarnih odlika države i društva.
69
Irina Milutinović
Institute for European studies, Belgrade, Serbia
The media are selecting and positioning social topics and interlocutors. Through
their way of representation, they participate in the construction of a certain discourse
and thus take part in the reproduction of social power, which can result in abuse. The
subject of this paper is the reporting on femicide in daily newspapers that are published
in Belgrade. The focus was on the ethical responsibility of the media in the processes of
mediating the appearance of femicide. The aim of the paper is to examine potential
populist labels and approaches in the media interpretation of this topic, from the
standpoint of the normative character of the social responsibility of the media and the
binding ethical codex.
The research hypothesis is that part of the reporting on femicide in Serbia
contains ideological and stylistic elements, that are characteristic of the populist
exclusionary and discriminating mobilization strategy. Recognizing the constraints
stemming from the scientific incoherence of the definition of the notion of populism, the
research is based on the theoretical framework of sociological and communological
knowledge of the relationship between the media and populist political practice, which
defines populism as a pseudo-democratic and anti-pluralist construction; a
communication style that counts on prejudice or insecurity of the recipient;
communication by which the populist communicator legitimizes its demands by alleged
responsibility towards the will of the people, presenting himself as their representative,
starting with the position of a moral monopoly, at the same time excluding and
discriminating the status of the "right" people to his opponents.
The methods of discursive analysis of newspaper articles and critical analysis of
the professional integrity of the media in accordance with the requirements of the Code
of Journalists of Serbia are applied in this paper.
Key words: femicide, populism, media ethics, discourse analysis, The Code of Journalists of
Serbia
70
Irina Milutinović
Institut za evropske studije Beograd, Srbija
Ključne reči: femicid, populizam, medijska etika, analiza diskursa, Kodeks novinara Srbije
71
Lidija Mirkov
Faculty of Political Sciences
University of Belgrade, Serbia
Ever since the ancient times, political speech has been an important cohesive
activity of humans and a basis for the formation and maintenance of the political
community. Distinguished persons and decision-makers have disclosed their ideas and
plans publicly to allow the citizens to approve them or deny them with better
arguments. The transfer of political speeches throughout the media has brought a
wider, perhaps more successful transfer of political messages, but also the perverting of
verbal techniques that are important for achieving political goals. Not only does the
traditional media fall short when it comes to feedback from citizens (and thus make an
incomplete public sphere), but in many cases media create a monopoly of politicians in
public speaking. The consequence of this monopoly is the impoverishment of language
strategies in political discourse and the freedom of political speakers to use less rational
and less ethical rhetorical procedures. Contrasts on the scale "we-they" or "good-bad"
are the basis of modern political speech. Political discourse as the "regime of truth" or
"the structure of validity" is an important field of study, especially in the period of rising
populism due to the strengthening of the rightists throughout the world. Informational
dimension of such speech makes no sense: rational is replaced by emotional, and the
beauty of speech is replaced by phrasing and similar "language illnesses".
By shifting from one political epoch and ideology to another, there are noticeable
changes in the language of politicians. This does not just mean that one political current
will distance itself from previous norms, but also will set to establish a new reality in
which "us" and "them" will be easily distinguished. The policy of populism is an
effective, but inappropriate tool in political discourse.
72
Lidija Mirkov
Fakultet političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Srbija
73
Nikola Mlađenović
Faculty of Political Sciences
University of Belgrade, Serbia
74
Nikola Mlađenović
Fakultet političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Srbija
75
Rastko Močnik
University of Ljubljana, Slovenia
Populism arises from several historical processes that determine the daily lives of
most people. 1. Stronger economic pressures on households: low, uncertain and diverse
revenues require a concentration of total household income, and therefore a greater
discipline of household members; control is being strengthened, especially over women
and youth, and the available controlling-disciplinary mechanisms are used: patriarchal
family relations, gender and generational violence, religion. 2. The general decline in
social standards and the gradual abolition of the welfare state require ever wider layers
of the population to search for alternative social security networks: a broader family,
local and landline networks, a religious community, an ethnic community; all these are
pre-modern forms of sociality that are reproduced through pre-modern forms of social
consciousness. 3. The party system is closed, parties with non-transparent but more or
less consensually neoliberal programs use PR to maintain relations with their
electorate, and people lose confidence in this type of democracy. Therefore, the current
real-life democracy is one of the causes of populism, not a cure for it. 4. The West
European and North American region has lost world hegemony, the capital there is
seeking new solutions: internal colonies (Southern Europe in the EU), international
agreements like NAFTA, CETA or planned TTIP. The bourgeoisies of regional dominant
(and not longer hegemonic) forces are undemocratically, even violently increasing
exploitation of local peripheries (Greek debt, and public debt in general). 5. Through
globalization and entry into transnational structures (EU), national states have lost
much of their sovereignty. The national bourgeoisies, starting with subordinate
positions, typically resort to fascist policies (such as Poland, Hungary, radically right
formations throughout Europe, and recently US policy). Populism is thus a symptom of
long-term economic, political and general social transformations. So far we have only
managed to set the diagnosis, but we have not yet found effective answers.
76
Rastko Močnik
Univerzitet u Ljubljani, Slovenija
77
Monika Mokre
Institute of Culture Studies and Theatre History
Austrian Academy of Sciences, Austria
The paper takes as its theoretical starting point Ernesto Laclau’s theory of
populism according to which populism is a necessary strategy to gain hegemony. In
order to become hegemonic, different requests must be bundled to common claims.
It was on the base of this theory that the Spanish party Podemos (We can) was
founded in 2014 in the aftermath of the movements 15 Mayo and Indignados. Since its
founding Podemos won seven important elections.
From the beginning, Podemos showed it popular character. It did not frame itself
as a representative of the left but of the frustrated masses, in spite of the fact that the
two leading figures of Podemos come out of left movements and organizations. Podemos
also presented a clear cut concept of its "enemy", namely the governing parties, the
"caste" in its own wording and, thereby, unified many of the grievances of Spanish
citizens.
But populist strategies are not confined to the contents of the campaign of
Podemos, also its form very obviously follows populist strategies. Defamed by
mainstream media in the beginning of its activities, Podemos not only featured one of its
leaders, Pablo Iglesias, as a media star but developed a thorough media strategy
including its own TV program and social media campaigns.
The paper will analyze the populist strategies of Podemos with a focus on its
media activities and discuss the question how populist strategies (in the media and
beyond them) can be assessed out of a normative point of view.
78
Monika Mokre
Institut za studije kulture i istoriju pozorišta
Austrijska akademija nauka, Austrija
79
Marko Mustapić, Benjamin Perasović, Augustin Derado
Institute of social sciences „Ivo Pilar“, Zagreb, Croatia
Populism and an electoral campaign: the return of the ‘outcast’ Željko Kerum to
the Croatian political scene
Key words: populism, political communication, electoral campaign, Croatia, Željko Kerum
80
Marko Mustapić, Benjamin Perasović, Augustin Derado
Institut društvenih znanosti „Ivo Pilar“, Zagreb, Hrvatska
81
Mirjana Nikolić
Faculty of Dramatic Arts
University of Arts Belgrade, Serbia
Populism, as the term, has its primary foundation in political science, nowadays
it is more correspondent to political communication. When we are speaking about the
media sphere, we witness the strengthening of "neo populism" or "new populism"
(Immerfal 1998; Taggart 2000), which usually has a negative connotation. However,
populism is not a priori neither bad or good, though its character is judged by ethics and
morality of it. Traditional and digital media are distinguished by popularity, high degree
of seduction and receptiveness for mass audiences and numerous users, thus becoming
highly suitable for the promotion of the populist discourse of political elites.
Young people, especially high school students in the final years, before gaining
their voting rights, are one of the most vulnerable social groups especially in terms of
exposure to media manipulation. Therefore, media literacy is one of the strategic goals
of the educational and media policies of our country, a country that has been trying to
build a democratic system in the last quarter of a century despite numerous obstacles
and instabilities. Based on the results of two surveys carried out in the spring of 2017,
whose subjects were high school students, a conclusion is brought to light which shows
an unsatisfactory level of student’s media literacy and the lack of institutional and
systematic media literacy education of young people in Serbia. In this regard, the paper
concludes that the struggle for the implementation of media literacy in the Serbian
educational system is on a declarative basis, which can be interpreted as a non-existent
strategy that opens the space for the unhindered penetration of populist media rhetoric
and narratives.
82
Mirjana Nikolić
Fakultet dramskih umetnosti
Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu, Srbija
83
Danica Pajović
Faculty of Dramatic Arts
University of Arts in Belgrade, Serbia
Key words: populism, media, ideology, art, political correctness, freedom of speech
84
Danica Pajović
Fakultet dramskih umetnosti
Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu, Srbija
Ključne reči: populizam, mediji, ideologija, umetnost, politička korektnost, sloboda govora
85
Lidija Pavlović Marinkov
Academy of Arts, Novi Sad, Serbia
The aim of this paper is to point to the different strategies and tactics of art
censorship. The paper deals with spectacularization of censorship as one of the tactics
used by right-wing populism in order to obtain public opinion for its attitudes.
Under the conditions of a contemporary Serbian society in transition which has
faced the populist and authoritarian government in recent years, the current problems
of censorship and self-censorship in art has become a part of everyday life. However,
such a situation generated through the same matrix of right-wing populist political
discourses is becoming more and more represented even in the social contexts of those
states that are commonly called stable democracies. The policy of consensus in the
contemporary post-democratic and post-secular societies in which the populist
authorities represents the neoliberal order, results in a sharp break between
democratic politics values as the principles of the organization of society and power
that represents particular interests.
The paradoxical effects of censorship are analyzed through a case study of
prohibiting artwork Say-money by Danijela Tasić. This case that occurred in 2013 has
already pointed to future strategies for implementing cultural policy in which
censorship becomes a prerequisite for governance techniques. It is shown that
traditional democratic elements, such as public opinion for example, are no longer able
to represent different social identities and antagonisms – today they are realized
transparently and dominantly in the field of culture and art.
86
Lidija Pavlović Marinkov
Akademija umetnosti, Novi Sad, Srbija
87
Mishel Pavlovski
Saints Cyril and Methodius University of Skopje, Macedonia
The paper aims to define the similarities and differences between political
communications in post industrial democracies and so-called transitional societies, like
Macedonia. How far these societies are in third (or four) media ages, what is the level of
ethics in political communication and what is the level of democracy in that
communication, are the primary topics of the paper. Paper is based on the works of
Mark Poster, Jay G. Blumler, Barrie Axford, Richard Huggins and David L. Swanson.
88
Mišel Pavlovski
Univerzitet Sv. Ćirilo i Metodije u Skoplju, Makedonija
89
Dominique Payette
Universite Laval, Quebec City, Quebec, Canada
The spoken contents which private radio stations in the region of Quebec City
developed since about twenty years – a little more for the precursors – constitute a
unique phenomenon in the French-speaking space so much they are traced on the
United States models called over there, trash talk radios. The election of Donald Trump
in the presidency of the United States drew the attention on this phenomenon of the
right media in this country - and sometimes extreme right-wing – which supported the
ascent of the businessman throughout the election campaign. However certain
researchers (Berry and Sobieraj, 2014; Levendusky, 2014) had already worried about
this deformed and politically oriented information, of its role in the current political
polarization of the American society, and its influence on the vote. A similar
phenomenon inserts into the political life of Quebec City where the electoral choices are
more conservative than somewhere else in Quebec.
The trash-talk radio business model is an extremely profitable one in particular
because it allows these media to maintain relationships with sponsors that have largely
abandoned traditional media in the west and enables them to reach custom-made
audiences in high demand categories such as men aged 25 to 50. In effect, this business
model creates a market-oriented information as described by McManus (1994). Their
content is designed to present their audience with only and exactly the type information
that they wish to hear, hence consolidating prejudices and educing a strong feeling of
allegiance in the audience. It also creates a climate of fear for the individuals or groups
that it repeatedly targets, such as community groups helping the poor, members of
feminist groups (who are often the objects of intimidation and threats) as well as
immigrant communities, in particular Muslims.
Key words: radio programme, sponsors, right-wing populism, trash talk radios,
narrowcasting media, media theory
90
Dominique Payette
Univerzitet Laval, Kvebek, Kanada
Ključne reči: radijski program, sponzori, desni populizam, blaćenje (treš tok), visoko-
lokalizovani mediji, teorija medija
91
Goran Peković
Faculty of Dramatic Ars
University of Arts in Belgrade, Serbia
92
Goran Peković
Fakultet dramskih umetnosti
Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu, Srbija
93
Nend Perić
Metropolitan University, Belgrade, Serbia
In this paper, I will problematize the influence and co-dependence of the populist
political standpoints and populist communication and style which is becoming a
prominent characteristic of journalists and media productions. That way, this paper sets
the hypothesis that populist take on politics and consequent communication impact
media. Furthermore, this paper questions the role and the responsibility of media
workers who are exposed to the political pressures and influences of those who use
media for their personal interests. This paper will analyze circumstances of the work in
media which help creating conditions for populist reporting and interpretation.
Furthermore, the paper elaborates some of the points in the Serbian Ethical codex of the
journalists, which often get violated in everyday journalist praxis. Since there exist
many mechanisms of manipulation expressed through populist politics, we conclude
that different reasons lead to populism overpowering media ethics and professional
conduct. That makes populism very influential in communicative processes and public
and society susceptible to manipulations.
Key words: populism, political and economic factors, media manipulation, journalistic
ethics, journalistic freedom, journalistic code of ethics
94
Nenаd Perić
Univerzitet Metropolitаn, Beograd, Srbija
95
Neda Radulović
Faculty of Dramatic Arts
University of arts in Belgrade, Serbia
This paper will look at the intersections as well as the differences between
notions of populism and nationalism, focusing on the female body. On the one hand
theories of populism like Ernesto Laclau, clearly differentiate between the two concepts
(populism and ethno-populism), whilst others who define populism as ideology
(Mudde), consequently analyse them as deeply interrelated and mutually dependent.
The analysis will try to answer several questions: how does "the majority –
homogenous and harmonious people" get constructed and performed in the discourses
of populism and nationalism? Furthermore, what is the role of the female body in
constructing these populist and nationalist narratives?
In order to answer those questions, the analysis will look at two recent events
and media reports in Serbian public discourse. First one relates to the reports about
refugees who allegedly harassed and tried to rape Serbian women, near the refugee
asylums. The analysis describes those reports as "xenophobic portraits of refugees". The
other event is concerning so called population politics (a form of bio-politics), that is the
attempt made by Serbian government to regulate birth based on ethnicity (reports from
2016, 2017). The analysis will tackle both case studies with the aim to locate populist
and nationalistic frameworks from the perspective of androcentrism and feminist
studies (Cixous, Brennan, Mackinnon). Concept of androcentrism will serve as a guide to
consider intersections of nationalism and populism, pointing out to logocentrism
(Derrida), as a wider perspective that enables deeper analysis of these processes.
96
Neda Radulović
Fakultet dramskih umetnosti
Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu, Srbija
97
Slobodan Reljić
Teacher Education Faculty
University of Belgrade, Serbia
From "revolt of masses" to "fake news": why mass media can not save "free
world" from populism?
Theodore Roosevelt wanted to meet French scholar Gustave Le Bone, the author
of well known book Psychology of crowds. That book exposed the idea of influence of the
crowd in the historical and political process and also briefly, but precisely, set list of the
rules of management of the crowds as an influential political and historical force. His
ideas about crowds were more precisely developed by Spanish philosopher Ortega y
Gasset. An evident and huge impact of masses in society of that time, led Hungarian
sociologist K. Mannheim to conclude that increased role masses in liberal democracy
transformed it into the militant democracy of "mass society". The events before the
WW2 showed weakness of the liberal democracies in the times of the deep social,
economic and political crisis. After the WW2, a totalitarian character of soviet
communism revitalizes liberal democracy. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, liberal
democracy was glorified almost as ideal political and economic order. Among academic
circles, the collapse of communism has not just seen as a political and historical victory
of liberal democracy; it was considered as "the end of liberal era" (Wollerstein). The
changes in the nature of democracy change the role of the press and mass media in
democratic society. From the position of "mother of all revolutions" (V. Hugo) the press
evolved into the "last bastion" of defense of the status quo. The libertarian position of
the "watchdog" of public interest and the guardian of individual freedom is
transforming into the position of the powerful tool of capital and uncritical follower of
the interests of political elites. The ongoing crisis of liberal democracies and capitalism,
call for the great debate about present-days challenges and future developments.
Key words: the crisis of democracy, liberal fascism, alphabet-picture, critical thinking,
propaganda model, corporate venture capital, media corporations
98
Slobodan Reljić
Učiteljski fakultet
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Srbija
Od „pobune masa” do fake news-a: zašto masovni mediji ne mogu spasiti „slobodni
svet“ od populizma
99
Irena Ristić
Faculty of Dramatic Arts
University of Arts in Belgrade, Serbia
If the city is ours, can it be yours when our guys get to the power?
The resistance that emerged in the second decade of the 21st century in Serbia,
is the response of the groups and individuals from the local independent cultural scene
to the abuse of political power within the model of representative democracy. The
initiative “Don’t let Belgrade d(r)own” shows the characteristics of leftist populist
movements, aimed at developing civic participation and practices of direct democracy,
requiring the responsibilities and limiting the powers of political officials. However, the
transformative potential of the initiative is decreased by avoiding the clear ideological
articulation that will direct further action, as there is a risk of loss of civic support. This
ambivalence within the initiative results in postponement of their decision and
consequently can lead to the assimilation into existing political structures and the
reproduction of current social relations. The paper examines the psychological aspects
of populism, both at individual and group level, that influence the empowerment of civil
resistance, but also limit its scope: the psychodynamic mechanisms of splitting,
idealization and devaluation, the reliance on a strong emotional experience associated
with revolt against all kinds of elitism and social injustice, an induced optimism, a group
thinking, and pseudo-consistency that eventually results in anti-pluralism. The outcome
is the simplified black-and-white image of the world that covers class and economic
issues, creating a collective illusion of the united people ready to change. The question is
whether a clearly formulated political program with a focus on changing working
conditions, can constrain the misuse of psychological mechanisms which are
characteristic for populism, and how such a program might retain the wider civic
support.
100
Irena Ristić
Fakultet dramskih umetnosti
Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu, Srbija
Ako je grad naš, može li biti i vaš kad naši dođu na vlast?
Prakse otpora koje su se pojavile u drugoj deceniji 21. veka odgovor su grupe
pojedinaca i organizacija sa nezavisne kulturne scene na zloupotrebu političke moći u
okviru modela predstavničke demokratije u Srbiji. Inicijativa Ne da(vi)mo Beograd
pokazuje karakteristike levih populističkih pokreta, usmerenih na razvoj građanske
participacije i praksi direktne demokratije, proveru odgovornosti i ograničavanje
ovlašćenja pojedinih političkih funkcionera, kao i klijentelizma u svim javnim
politikama. Međutim, transformativni potencijal inicijative smanjuje se srazmerno
izbegavanju da se eksplicitno artikuliše ideološka pozicija koja će usmeravati dalje
delovanje jer postoji rizik od gubitka šire građanske podrške, te ambivalencija kod
nosilaca inicijative rezultuje odlaganjem odluke, a posledično može dovesti do
asimilacije u postojeće političke strukture i reprodukcije aktuelnih društvenih odnosa. U
radu se ispituju psihološki aspekti populizma, kako na individualnom, tako i na
grupnom nivou, koji utiču na osnaživanje građanskog otpora, ali i na ograničavanje
njegovog dometa: psihodinamski mehanizmi cepanja, idealizacije i devaluacije,
oslanjanje na snažan emotivni naboj vezan za revolt protiv svih vrsta elitizma i socijalne
nepravde, indukovani optimizam i grupno mišljenje ili pak prividna konzistentnost koja,
u krajnjoj konsekvenci, rezultuje antipluralizmom. U ishodu ostaje simplifikovana crno-
bela slika sveta koja zataškava klasna i ekonomska pitanja, stvarajući kolektivnu iluziju
o ujedinjenom narodu spremnom da menja. Pitanje je može li jasno formulisan politički
program usmeren na promenu proizvodnih odnosa ograničiti zloupotrebu psiholoških
mehanizama karakterističnih za populizam, i kako da takav program zadrži širu
građansku podršku.
101
Milena Stefanović
Faculty of Dramatic Arts
University of Arts in Belgrade, Serbia
At the moment when the European public was debating the future of the
European Union in 2012, administrative and political elite in Brussels initiated a project
called New narrative for Europe. The public mood was characterized by voters’ low
enthusiasm and interest in the EU future, and the upcoming elections for the European
Parliament (2014) led to creation of the New narrative for Europe – a manifest or
declaration made up by twenty cultural professionals and artists from the member
states.
The aim of the research is to investigate if this manifest was a (non)successful
populist attempt of the Brussels elite, or, it presented a credible cultural policy
initiative, aimed at promoting “European, transnational memory”. Methodology of the
research will be based on the case study of New narrative for Europe, while theoretical
base will be in the theory that sees populism as a political communication tool, and in
the narrative theory.
The starting hypothesis is that the New narrative for Europe was populist
marketing narrative initiated in the light of the coming election campaign for 2014
European elections. Second hypothesis is that methodology applied to creation of the
New narrative for Europe was not in line with the populist notion of "being with the
people", and top down approach was not appropriate for having a successful populist
campaign. Third hypothesis is that this was a populist attempt, since it tried "framing"
the people in order to create shared identity and to mobilize publics’ support for the
political goal – which was promotion of European values.
In the European context, studies of the narratives are rare (Manners, Murray
2016), and Nobel award to the EU happened at the moment when political and
economic crisis led to the decline of the public support for European politics (EU
Commission, 2014).
102
Milena Stefanović
Fakultet dramskih umetnosti
Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu, Srbija
103
Irena Šentevska
Independent researcher, Belgrade, Serbia
This study attempts to shift the debate of the contemporary facets of populist
ideologies from the realm of institutional politics to the realm of media, popular culture
and "invented traditions". My intention is to demonstrate how these realms generate
new sources and voices of populism, often downplayed in the academic debates on the
subject. The paper stems from research on discourses of identity (re)construction in
post-Yugoslav Serbia as communicated in different pop-cultural media forms. In this
paper I look at Radio Television Serbia’s historical TV series Nemanjići – Birth of a
Kingdom as a "first ever TV series reflecting on Serbia in the Middle Ages", the history
behind the absence of the Serbian Medieval dynasty from film and television screens
and the populist rhetoric behind its current TV "re-naissance".
104
Irena Šentevska
Nezavistan istraživač, Beograd, Srbija
105
Goran Tomka, Višnja Kisić
UNESCO Chair in cultural policy and management
University of Arts in Belgrade, Serbia
Elite and populist at the same time? Studying populist discourses of directors of
cultural institution in Sarajevo
106
Goran Tomka, Višnja Kisić
UNESKO Katedra za kulturnu politiku i menadžment
Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu, Srbija
107
Dubravka Valić Nedeljković, Zoltan Geler, Karlo Bala
Philosophy Faculty
University of Novi Sad, Serbia
The aim of this research is to present the results and to establish the influence
and the impact of the new digital media technologies to the social changes, habits and
behaviors in virtual sphere of the public communication. To be more precise, to
understand ways in which nationalistic movements in Serbia use internet to campaign
and promote their populist standpoints. Thus, to establish discourse strategies focusing
on populism. The analysis includes all existing pages like: Zavetnici (Vowers), Srpski
narodni pokret (Serbian peoples’ movement), Dveri, Snaga naroda (Power of the people),
Nacionalni stroj (Storm front), Nacionalni srpski front (National Serbian Front). We will
look at these websites employing critical discourse analysis from the perspective of
qualitative analysis of the common language strategies, focusing on populism. Critical
analysis of the media discourse leads to preliminary results which point to implicit
messages of (non)tolerant populist speech.
108
Dubravka Valić Nedeljković, Zoltan Geler, Karlo Bala
Filozofski fakultet
Univerzitet u Novom Sadu, Srbija
109
Eva Vaništa Lazarević
Faculty of Architecture
University of Belgrade, Serbia
110
Eva Vaništa Lazarević
Arhitektonski fakultet
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Srbija
111
Danijela Vicentijević
Faculty of Dramatic Arts
University of Arts in Belgrade, Serbia
Globalization has caused major changes in all segments of society in the last few
decades – economic and political crises, war conflicts, and migrations have shifted. All
forms of the media have followed these processes as observers and participants, and
often influenced the strengthening of their effects. At the same time, political populism
has been strengthened on the world scene. During the reign of Milošević, in the nineties
of the last century, political populism in Serbia was a topic that was written and spoken
about publicly, although it has been present much earlier. It was connected with the
strong nationalist tendencies of some opposition parties, which were supposed to
represent, in their manifest forms, "the voice of the people" against Milošević 's
government. Nowadays, populism in Serbia gets a new dimension, with the same goal,
trying to "flatter the people" through political action. The media, which are often in the
service of the ruling parties, follow these changes without respecting the ethical code of
the profession, although most of Serbian media agencies have defined them in written
form. The subject of this research is an analysis of the contents of daily and weekly
newspapers in Serbia regarding the transmission of political events. Having in mind the
importance of media ethics and the application of ethical codes in journalism, for the
purposes of this paper, interviews were conducted with journalists from various
domestic and foreign news agencies who spoke on the basis of experience of respecting
and /or disregarding media ethical codes and political populism, recalling to examples
from the world, as well as from Serbia.
112
Danijela Vićentijević
Fakultet dramskih umetnosti
Univerzitet Umetnosti u Beogradu, Srbija
113
Hans Vorländer
Center for the Study of Constitutionalism and Democracy, Dresden, Germany
Key words: representative democracy, populism, public opinion, decision making, citizens
114
Hans Vorländer
Centar za Studije konstitucionalizma i demokratije, Drezden, Nemačka
115
Bojan Vranić
Faculty of Political Sciences
University of Belgrade, Serbia
Central and South-East (CSE) European region has been showing signs of
democratic decline for at least a decade, which lead to the rise of populist regimes.
Relevant literature shows that the emergence of populism in the region is closely linked
to contexts of crisis, ranging from economic to refugee ones. This kind of literature
argues that populism is no more than an emotional reaction of the CSE European voters
to the fears of political and economic uncertainty and that its appeal is to be dispelled
once the crisis ends. Albeit, the fact is that populist regimes in CSE Europe are relatively
successful in sustaining a stable majority support from their voters in the past decade.
The causal link between a social crisis and the rise of populism, although necessary, is
not sufficient to provide an adequate explanation for the stability of populism in CSE
Europe. It is argued that populism in the CSE region is a consequence of people’s
identity questing in the context of the communist regimes’ aftermath, as well as the
consolidation of liberal democratic institutions and the EU accession process. The
author adopts the account of populism being a thin-centered ideology, arguing that in
the CSE European context, populism is intertwined with ethno-nationalism. The
emergence of populism in the region cannot be explained solely by analysing the
discourse based on the emotions of fear and uncertainty, but also by understanding the
(liberal democratic) elite culture vs. people’s culture clash. The specific post-communist
context brings an ethnic dimension into this clash of cultures. The author argues that
populist regimes in the CSE Europe draw their appeal to the masses by perpetually
forcing identity questions, generating identity crisis and providing an ethnic based
answers and solutions.
Key words: liberal democracy, CSE Europe, social crises, post-communist societies,
national identity
116
Bojan Vranić
Fakultet političkih nauka
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Srbija
117
Divna Vuksanović
Faculty of Dramatic Arts
University of Arts in Belgrade, Serbia
The paper aims to re-examine the relationship between the media, populism, the
entertainment industry and the migrant crisis in the modern times. The uncritically
used post-truth syntagm can serve as a clue that adequately connects these concepts,
due to the potential of relativizing both the refugee crisis and the entertainment
industry, which are increasingly approaching each other through populist discourse.
Namely, in the so-called populist, and most often tabloid media, the refugee crisis is
either not shown at all, or presented as a so-called "soft" content, which then pacifies
this issue and makes it, by the way, "entertaining", or, ultimately, in the spirit of
sensationalism, the migrant story is radicalized to the absurd, showing its protagonists
not as victims, but through the negative stereotypes, behind which covertly or openly
stand xenophobia, racism, and similar extreme value judgments and ideologies.
118
Divna Vuksanović
Fakultet dramskih umetnosti
Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu, Srbija
119
Susanne Weichselbaumer
Internationales und Interuniversitares Netzwerk Politische Kommunikation
Andrassy Universitat Budapest, Hungary
120
Susanne Weichselbaumer
Internacionalna interuniverzitetska mreža za političku komunikaciju
Andraš Univerzitet Budimpešta, Mađarska
Bez obzira na hladne temperature, hiljade ljudi se okupilo na ulicama Banja Luke
9. januara 2017. godine, posmatrajuci vojnu paradu, policijski korpus i vatrogasce koji
su marširali, folklorne grupe i atletske klubove. Zastave koje se viore u ritmu bubnjeva
ne prikazuju zlatni trougao na plavoj pozadini Bosne i Hercegovine. Mnogi su doneli
srpske zastave. Dodik pozdravlja istaknute goste: patrijarha srpske pravoslavne crkve,
predsednika Srbije Tomislava Nikolica, princa Srbije Aleksandra I Karađorđevica i
mnoge druge članove vlade. Predsednik Republike Srpske u svom obraćanju
okupljenima predstavlja ideju odvajanja RS-a (od Bosne) i formiranje jedinstva sa
Srbijom, i to zajedno s četiri opštine na Kosovu.
Veliki broj nacionalnih i međunarodnih aktera razmotrilo je ove predloge uz
mnogo manje entuzijazma. Njihove kritike bile su usmerena ka cilju i datumu događaja,
budući da je Dodik ilegalno postavio “nacionalni praznik” Republike Srpske. Zapadna
štampa je pisala o tome da su separatisti bosanskih Srba napravili drugi korak ka
otcepljenju. Evropska komisija je ove proslave u zemlji koja nastoji da se kandiduje za
članstvo u EU kao jedna država okarakterisala jednostavno nezakonitim. Akteri u
predstavljenim sukobima koriste istu strategiju. Uključujuće u diskurs putem
nacionalnih i međunarodnih medija, pokušavajući da predstave smislene slike koje će
novinari moći da preuzmu i moćne izjave koje će moći da citiraju… Studija slučaja
koristi kvalitativne metode analize medijskog sadržaja radi istraživanja medijskih
događaja kao populističkih izvedbi koje prate duh vremena. Pitanje koje okviruje širi
politički kontekst glasi: „Republika Srpska – entitet ili nešto više?”
Ključne reči: Republika Srpska, Miroslav Dodik, Bosna i Hercegovina, Dejtonski sporazum,
9. januar
121
New media and populism
When it comes to online, digital space, it seems like the populist are winning,
while public interest and truth are becoming endangered species. Social networks, from
Twitter account of the President Trump to Facebook pages of UKIP, became primary tool
of spreading populism. From The States to Europe, political leaders are turning into
digital media superstars, sending their (populist) messages uncensored to global
audience. This debate will focus on different aspects of complex relationship between
populist rhetoric, fake news, open digital space and effects of this processes on
audience.
Presentation Is there a Legal Cure to Misinformation in Networked Public
Sphere? will explain how the legal system can address misinformation in networked
public sphere, as well as what legal claims and remedies are available to interested
parties. Special focus will be paid to the role of governments and their involvement in
relation to the fight for truth (Đorđe Krivokapić, Faculty of Organizational Sciences &
Share Foundation, Belgrade).
Populism on social networking sites: vox populi or its silencing focuses on
what drives online populism criticism, public interest or interest of those who are losing
control over public sphere. The basic premise of the discussion is that return of political
debate among ordinary people which is taking place on social networking sites cannot
be separated from populist discourse, whether we speak of populus or their leaders.
(Dalibor Petrović, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade)
Presentation Fake everything is based around the notion that Information
overload brought upon us by digital era rendered truth unnecessary. In a world ruled by
social networks with a business model based on volume of communication, fact is of the
same value as fabrication. Creating our own realities is not a privilege of empires
anymore. Portals to idiocracy are up and running and will get further momentum with
virtual reality technology. (Mirko Stojković, Faculty of Dramatic Arts, University of Arts
in Belgrade)
Final presentation in this debate will be focused on Aggregators and the
Informed User. News aggregators are an important part in the online life of an average
media consumer. The reason for their popularity lies in the delegation of series of
everyday browsing decisions concerning the news search. The technology can and
should enhance possibilities of analysing the news and the news-flow for every user.
The aggregators should contribute to the parallel emergence of the informed media
user who will emancipate himself in regard to the data flow and algorithms. This kind of
user, empowered by the aggregator, will begin the true fight against the post-factual era
of fake news and digital propaganda. (Jan Krasni, Faculty of Philology, University of
Belgrade)
Key words: digital space, populism, fake news, public interest, truth, law, aggregator,
information
122
Novi mediji i populizam
Kada je u pitanju onlajn, digitalni prostor, izgleda kao da populisti pobeđuju, dok
javni interes i istina postaju ugrožene vrste. Socijalne mreže od Tviter naloga
predsednika Trampa do UKIP-ovih fejsbuk naloga, postali su glavno oruđe za širenje
populizma. Od Sjedinjenih Država pa sve do Evrope, političke vođe postaju digitalni
superstarovi, šaljući svoje (populističke) poruke globalnoj publici bez cenzure. Panel će
se baviti različitim aspektima kompleksnih odnosa između populističke retorike, lažnih
vesti, otvorenog digitalnog prostora i uticaja koji ovi procesi imaju na publiku.
Prezentacija Đorđa Krivokapića (Fakultet organizacionih nauka, Share fondacija,
Beograd) Ima li pravnog leka za dezinformacije u javnom digitalnom prostoru? ticaće se
pre svega pitanja na koji način pravni sistem može da reguliše dezinformacije u
umreženoj javnoj sferi, kao i teme pružanja pravne pomoći i formulisanja zakona koji
mogu biti od važnosti svim zainteresovanim stranama. Poseban fokus biće stavljen na
ulogu vlasti i njeno učešće u borbi za istinu.
Izlaganje Dalibora Petrovića (Filozofski fakultet, Univerzitet u Beogradu),
Populizam na društvenim mrežama: glas naroda ili njegovo ućutkivanje, analizira pitanje
čime se vodi onlajn kritika populizma, javnog interesa ili interesa onih koji gube
kontrolu nad javnom sferom. Osnovna teza od koje se u diskusiji polazi jeste da je
povratak političke debate među obične ljude, koji se upravo odvija na online mrežama,
neodvojiv od populističkog diskursa, bilo da govorimo o narodu ili njihovim vođama.
Prezentacija Fake everything Mirka Stojkovića, docenta Fakulteta dramskih
umetnosti u Beogradu, bavi se osnovnim problemom digitalnog doba, a to je
preopterećenost informacijama koja je dovela da gubljenja značaja istine. U svetu kojim
vladaju društvene mreže čiji je poslovni model zasnovan na količini, a ne kvalitetu
informacija, činjenice imaju jednaku vrednost kao i laži. Stvaranje sopstvene realnosti
više nije povlastica imperija. Portali koji prečicom vode u idiokratiju rade punom
parom, a popularizacija virtuelne realnosti će ih učiniti još efikasnijim.
Tema poslednjeg izlaganja panela glasi Agregatori i informisani korisnik (Jan
Krasni, Filološki fakultet, Univerzitet u Beogradu). Agregatori vesti su važan deo onlajn
života prosečnog medijskog konzumenta. Razlog njihove popularnosti leži u delegiranju
serije svakodnevnih pretraživačkih odluka kada su u pitanju pretrage vesti. Tehnologija
može i treba da unapredi mogućnost analize vesti, kao i protoka vesti za svakog
korisnika. Agregatori treba da doprinesu paralelnom pojavljivanju informisanog
medijskog korisnika koji će se emancipovati u odnosu na protok informacija i
algoritama. Ovakav korisnik, osnažen agregatorom, započeće pravu borbu protiv
postfaktualne ere lažnih vesti i digitalne propagande.
Ključne reči: digitalni prostor, populizam, lažne vesti, javni interes, istina, zakon,
agregator, informacije
123
Art and populism
The task of this panel is to initiate a debate on the question of left-wing populism
in visual art. The starting point is challenging the almost common notion that populism
is necessarily embedded with essentialist identitary discourses, which are mainly
nationalist, xenophobic, patriarchal and exclusionist. Namely, some of the populist
movements do fit into those categories, such as the Golden Dawn in Greece, Jobbik in
Hungary, and the National Front in France, but there are also contrary examples, such as
Syriza, Podemos, Front de Gauche. But if we take for granted the identification of
populism with the right, it leaves the left-wing politics, as Simon Critchley has warned
us, becoming only “some kind of more or less governmental or constitutional set of
arrangements which is meant to diffuse that populist force”. In order to prevent that,
Simon Critchley, Yannis Stavrakakis, Aletta Norval and some other authors which have
recently extended on Ernesto Laclau’s neo-Gramscian theories on populism, insist on
making a very clear distinction between those forms of populism which are limited to a
specific identitary group, and which are defending the idea of the particular nation
and/or race, and those forms of populism which are egalitarian and universalist, with
inclusive policies that are to counter all those exclusivist discourses.
Populism, as a topic, but less as a strategy, was present in exhibition making
practice in Europe in the last years. For instance, Nicolaus Schafhausen has curated an
exhibition titled Political Populism, which took place from November 2015 to February
2016 in Kunsthalle Wien, in Vienna, Paco Barragán has curated a show titled On
Patriotism, Immigration and Populism, than run in September 2011 in the Museum of
Contemporary Canadian Art, Toronto, and Matteo Lucchetti has curated the exhibition
titled Enacting Populism in its Mediascape, that took place from February to April, 2012,
in Kadist, in Paris. Then there is a coalition of more than 200 artists, musicians, writers
and curators was recently formed, gathered in commitment to fight the rise of right-
wing populism in Europe, the US and elsewhere, taking the name Hands off our
Revolution, and announcing different forms of actions, cultural and social. One could
also add to that an artist and activist coalition with a longer history, which is in present
dealing with the actual migrant crises in Europe (No One Is Illegal), or the the more
recently founded Gulf Labor, a coalition of international artists working to ensure that
migrant worker rights are protected during the construction of museums such as
Guggenheim Abu Dhabi and Louvre Abu Dhabi on the Saadiyat island.
But, how can we, locally and in general, relate to that? Ana Dimitrijević from the
Karkatag art group, Maja Ćirić, independent curator, Vladimir Jerić Vlidi, media
researcher, editor and author, and Goran Stojčetović, visual artist and founder of the Art
Brut Serbia Association will share their thoughts on problematizing right wing populism,
and experiences with projects that were focused on producing left wing populist
answers to both right wing populism and the elitism of the visual art establishment.
Key words: political populism, media populism, activism, visual art, curating, art brut.
124
Umetnost i populizam
125
Yael Bartana
For her project “True Finn” Yael Bartana invited people living in Finland to take
part in creating a utopian moment. The condition was that each person has a different
ethnic, religious and political background. As a result of an open call, eight Finnish-
resident individuals came to live together for seven days in a house in the
countryside. Life, discussions and specifically designed assignments were filmed, with
the edited material now forming the core of this artwork. What happens when
these people live together for a week and re-define Finnishness, and themselves
in relation to others?
The artwork plays with questions about identity: How does national identity
operate as a means of inclusion and exclusion? What mechanisms exist for this in
Finland? What are we talking about when we talk about Finnish identity right now? Can
an immigrant become a true Finn?
126
Jael Bartana
Za svoj projekat „Pravi Finac”, Jael Bartana (Yael Bartana) je pozvala stanovnike
Finske da učestvuju u stvaranju utopijskog projekta. Uslov je bio da svaki učesnik dođe
iz drugačijeg etničkog, religioznog i političkog miljea. Nakon otvorenog poziva za
učesnike, odabrano je sedam osoba koje žive u Finskoj da provedu sedam dana zajedno
u seoskoj kući. Snimljen je njihov zajednički život, razgovori, ali i posebno osmišljeni
zadaci, koji zajedno sa montiranim materijalom čine centralni deo umetničkog dela. Šta
se dešava u toku nedelju dana kada ovi ljudi žive zajedno i redefinišu pojam Finca, kao i
samih sebe u odnosu na druge?
Ovo umetničko delo se poigrava pitanjima identiteta: kako nacionalni identitet
funkcioniše kao sredstvo uključenja i isključenja? Koji mehanizmi za to postoje u
Finskoj? O čemu govorimo kada govorimo o finskom identitetu danas? Da li emigrant
može ikada da postane pravi Finac?
127
Uroš Đurić
Populist project
Populist project was developed in the nineties, by the end of the XX century-
marking populism as last great ideology of the contemporary civilization. Author looks
at his own role within turbulent socio-historical circumstances, stressing the prevalence
of the class society as final destination of social streaming. Artists presents a mirror of a
reality which, turns out, emerged as dominant social and arbitrary force of today,
almost two decades since the first art pieces from this series.
http://urosdjuric.net/documents/strategies_of_excess.pdf
128
Uroš Đurić
Populistički projekat
http://urosdjuric.net/documents/strategies_of_excess.pdf
129
Kristina Norman
130
Kristina Norman
131
Vocal Curatorial Syndrom
132
Vokalno Kustoski Sindrom
133
CIP - Каталогизација у публикацији
Народна библиотека Србије, Београд
316.42(048)
316.77(100)(048)
32.019.5(100)(048)
ISBN 978-86-82101-66-6
134