Islamia, that was founded by the government in the 1950s, to produce capable Ulema, the head of the Islamic University in Elam is the Grand Mufti of Elam. Keep in mind that the vast majority of Elamans are Muslim (99%), but there is a small Christian minority, and also some Baha’is and atheists, agnostics, non-religious. Among Mus- lims, a growing number are turning toward the Quranist sect, which is noteworthy for its rejec- tion of Sunna and Hadith. The Sunnis or Ahl-al- Sunna have clashed with Quranists, both sides vied for political control of the country, with the Quranists claiming that the State was founded on the Quranist ideology of Hasan Ahmed and Saad Ebrahim. But the Grand Imam of Elam, Shaikh Yahya Zaki, an eminent scholar of the Shafi’ie school. He was known for his intellectual attack on ‘pseudo-Sunnism’ of the reductionists like Hasan Ahmed. Yahya Zaki authored a book in English entitled The Bane of Reductionism. In this book, Shaikh Yahya Zaki takes aim at the roots of the reductionist tendency, which he says Hasan Ahmed introduced from modernist influ- ence of Muhammad Abduh and other modernist Salafis in Egypt, and also from Saad Ebrahim lo- cally in Elam. Yahya Zaki explains that the reduc- tionists are in fact a stream of Muslim modern- ists. He responds to their harsh criticism of Su- fism, Islamic jurisprudence, mysticism, philoso- phy, and political fikr. Hasan Ahmed’s reduction- ism were to become State policy or even en- shrined in the constitution, it would be a disaster for orthodox Sunni Islam. Yahya Zaki says that the Protestant Reformation in Christendom is what influenced modernism and reductionism in the Muslim world too, and that modernism is the most harmful thing to spirituality and form- ing a living relationship with God. Shaikh Yahya Zaki’s intellectual assault on reductionism was appreciated by many of the elite Ulema, who en- couraged him to make similar academic efforts against the political groups like the Jamaat-al-Is- lamia (JI) founded by Dr. Taha Mehmud. This he did by, once again, attacking the roots of the Ja- maat-al-Islamia as originating in modernism, Western materialism, naturalism, and even Marxism. He attacked the JI for its affiliation to the so-called Quran Movement of Qari Abdullah, the late 19th century preacher who helped awaken the Muslims of Elam into a religious awakening. Yahya Zaki has mixed feelings about Qari Abdullah, praising him for his per- sonal piety, good intentions, zeal for preaching, and concern for the Muslim Umma, but criticiz- ing him for his negligence of teaching ortho- doxy and Sunna. In general, Yahya Zaki has many points of criticism for the Quran Move- ment of the late 19th century which he saw as be- ing too remote from the orthodox Ulema. Yahya Zaki himself is not a Sufi, but nevertheless, de- fended Sufism as being perfectly aligned to or- thodox Islam. Yahya Zaki, of course, was critical of the ‘pseudo-Sufis’ who neglect the Shari’a and the Sunna. In the early to mid 20th century, Saad Ebrahim emerged from within the Quran Move- ment and established the Koranic Society. This Koranic Society, which later became the Ahl-al- Quran and the Quraniyun became somewhat popular in urban Elam, and Dr. Taha Mehmud, though never a member of the Society, was none- theless highly influenced by Saad Ebrahim. The Dawa magazine came to express the ideas of the Quran movement, and Dr. Taha Mehmud con- tributed significantly to it, even being its editor for a period of time, immediately before he founded the Jamaat-al-Islamia in 1948. Naturally, Dr. Mehmud was the first Emir or ‘commander’ of the Jamaat, which became a highly organized group with the aim of transforming independ- ent Elam into a purely Islamic state. During the constitutional debates in the 1950s and 1960s, Dr. Mehmud and his Jamaat played a major role, until finally a constitution was ratified in 1966, and the same year Elam held its first elections. A populist and leftist government was elected, with Ali Mansur being elected Prime Minister. Mansur was re-elected in 1969, 1972, 1975, and 1978. However, by 1978, he had become ex- tremely powerful, and the opposition claimed that the 1978 polls were rigged. A brief move- ment of non-cooperation ensued which culmi- nated in an Army coup of 1979. Ali Mansur was found guilty of treason and executed in 1980. General Saleh Haddad used brute force to main- tain his position as an absolute dictator. But he had a popular mandate, at least from the Islam- ists, in that he pledged to transform Elam into an Islamic state. Taking on board much of the polit- ical opposition to Mansur, and coming out of the Sharia movement of the late 1970s, General Had- dad sought to legitimize his regime by strength- ening relations with Saudi Arabia and the United States. Nevertheless, an insurgency broke out in Elam after the execution of Ali Mansur in 1980. The Popular Liberation Front (PLF) was formed with the aim of restoring democracy and resist- ing the military dictatorship. The PLF soon called for a return to the constitution. Some moderate Islamists also became critical of Haddad’s harsh regime, though the Jamaat-al-Islamia was careful never to publicly criticize Haddad. Its student wing, the Islamic Student Association (ISA), worked closely with the regime to crush leftist student activity on campus. The Maoists joined forces with the PLF in the wilderness to launch raids against the Army. A large number of peas- ants and even urban poor, along with leftist stu- dents, went to join the PLF or the Maoists. In re- sponse, Haddad decimated the rebels in a deci- sive operation in 1981. Scattered survivors of the operation had no choice but to go further under- ground or surrender their weapons. Some of the PLF leaders attempted to negotiate with the re- gime to seek safe passage out of the country where they could join the government-in-exile in India. However, Haddad would have none of that. He ordered his troops to continue a search and destroy mission to hunt down the last remnants of the insurgency, which he had declared as ter- rorists who had to be exterminated at all costs. Meanwhile, Haddad began a programme of Is- lamization, both in terms of law and also socially and culturally. His regime funded the construc- tion of new mosques and religious schools, and also renovated the National Mosque so that it be- came the largest mosque in the world after the Sacred Mosque in Mecca. Haddad generously funded the traditionalist Ulema, their Awqaf, or- ganizations, etc. He established Sharia courts and a parallel Islamic judiciary, authorized to im- plement Hudud. He also authorized the activity of private vigilante groups licensed to enforce Is- lamic moral behavior in public. Among such groups that emerged, the Amr bil-Maruf wa Nahi anil-Munkar committees and councils emerged. A group colloquially known as the ‘Black Thobes’ emerged. Wearing plain black thobes, black skullcaps, bearded, they moved around the streets in vehicles, often pick up trucks and vans, and enforced modesty, scolding women who were dressed ‘immodestly’, and men for not praying in the mosque. The Black Thobes be- came a powerful group and were competing with other vigilante morality enforcers, such as the Salafis (usually wearing a red shemagh), and the ‘Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice’ committees. In 1989, General Haddad was assas- sinated. He was immediately succeeded by his right-hand man, but soon thereafter Elam fell into a civil war, with different armed factions at each other’s throats. Finally, elections were held in 1990, in which Ali Mansur’s son, Ammar Man- sur, was elected Prime Minister. He, however, had a minority government, and could not sur- vive a vote of no confidence just short of two years. His government therefore collapsed, the civil war continued, but elections were held in 1993, and an Islamist coalition was elected.