Shaykh Nawawi of Banten Texts

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SHAYKH NAWAWI OF BANTEN:
TEXTS, AUTHORITY, AND THE GLOSS TRADITION
ALEX SOESILO WUOYO
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the

requirement of the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy
in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
1997
UMI Number: 9728321
Copyright 1997 by
Wijoyo, Alex Soesilo
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ABSTRACT
SHAYKH NAWAWI OF BANTEN:
TEXTS, AUTHORITY, AND THE GLOSS TRADITION
ALEX SOESILO WIJOYO
Gloss literature, the writing of multiple commentaries on Islamic religious
works, used to be handwritten in manuscripts, transmitted from generation to
generation within the framework of an oral-aural transmission of knowledge; it thus
played an important role in the traditional Islamic education. In the modem quest for
creative thought and originality in texts, the historical and social meaning of gloss
literature has been neglected.
This study seeks to interpret Islamic gloss literature, particularly in its printed
form since the arrival of printing technology in the Arab world in the first quarter of
the nineteenth century. It deals with Shaykh Nawawi of Banten—a Javanese teacher-
scholar who lived in Mecca in the latter part of the nineteenth century—his biography
and his writings, which serve as a vehicle for understanding the role gloss literature
played in the transmission of knowledge. Although Shaykh Nawawi produced many
books in Arabic and was considered brilliant, his commentaries seem pedestrian and
dull. How is one to get beyond their sameness and see what they have to teach us?
The text-artifacts we are dealing with were used in the context of education;
they are situated discourses. Interpreting gloss literature as a speech act performance
and relating it to the practices of a specific cultural “habitus” will provide us with a
means not only to understand what these works explicitly and objectively set forth,
but also what they unconsciously reveal in so far as they partake of the values of a
particular period in a society.
The didactic elements in gloss literature show the function of a commentary as
a learning interface. The use of repetition and digression reflects a learning strategy.
Learning is thus not so much an effort to understand a text, much less an
appropriation of the concepts it contains, but rather a process of immersing one’s self
in the tradition. The pervasive presence of reference to authorities of the past not
only guarantees the orthodoxy of the text, but also represents an epistemological
strategy that defines truth.
More than being an epiphenomenon, gloss literature, therefore, had important
functions in the social and cultural reproduction of an Islamic society in which a text
and its authoritative transmitter were inseparable. The advent of print technology
changed this. Authority is now transposed and reified in the text itself. The printing
of gloss literature was its crowning moment, but it also was its demise.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
L is t o f T a b l e s ................................................................................................................................................ii
N o t e o n T r a n s l i t e r a t i o n ................................................................................................................ iv
A c k n o w l e d g e m e n t .....................................................................................................................................v
I n t r o d u c t i o n ....................................................................................................................................................I
CHAPTER
ONE o f B a n t e n : A S o c ia l B io g r a p h y
Sh a y k h N aw aw i
1. Travel in Search for Knowledge
in Nineteenth-Century J a v a .............................................30
2. Pursuit of Learning in the H aram ayn.................................... 48
3. Life and Career ..................................................................... 69
TWO T h e W orks of Shaykh N aw aw i

1. Toward a Complete List of Shaykh Nawawi’s Writings . 92
2. The "Important" Works of Shaykh N aw aw i................... 106
THREE S e l e c t e d W orks
1. Works on the Arabic Languge.......................................... 118
2. Works on Dogmatics ....................................................... 144
3. Works on Islamic LegalScience ...................................... 172
FOUR W r it in g as R e a d in g :
R e a d in g S hay kh N a w a w i ’s S u l u k a l -J a d d a .................... 227
FIVE T h e P r in t e d G l o s s :
A p o g e e a nd D e c l in e of T r a d it io n a l A u t h o r it y
1. The Decline of the Traditional Authority of the
Religious Leaders in Nineteenth-Century Java:
A Socio-historicalPerspective ................................... 296
2. Islamic Religious Establishment and Printing Technology 315
SIX S o c io -S e m a n t ic F u n c t io n s of G loss L it e r a t u r e
1. Shaykh Nawawi’s Glosses as Interface between Two
Traditions .................................................................. 337
2. The Printed Gloss Mediating Manuscript Culture
and Print C u ltu re....................................................... 352
A p p e n d i c e s ........................................................................................................................................ 365
B ib l io g r a ph y ................................................................................................................................. 40 0
LIST OF TABLES
1. Editions and Reprints of Shaykh Nawawi’s W o rk s............................................ 105
2. Shaykh Nawawi’s Works Used in Pesantrens at P resent.................................... 107
3. Shaykh Nawawi’s Works Reported Being Used in Pesantrens 109
4. Shaykh Nawawi’s Works Still Reprinted............................................................. 115
5. Comparison of Ranking in "Importance" 117
Im memory of my beloved mother:
Ignatia Soebartini,
who taught me to play and persevere
iii
NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION
This dissertation follows the system o f transliteration of Arabic names and terms
which is adopted by the Encyclopedia of Islam, with the following modifications: to
render the character £ , "J" and "j" are used instead of "DJ" and "dj"; in the place of "K"
and "k" as the renditions of 3 , "Q" and "q" are used; and underlines for transliterated
consonants such as "kh" for £ and "sh" for <_£ are dropped (“kh” and “sh” respectively);
the “1” of the transliterated definite article “al-” remains not assimilated to the following
consonants; I (ta ’ al-marbuta) is rendered “a” or “at” in the construct form; and the ^
( y |’) when used as an adjectival suffix followed by £ is rendered -ivya. Except for
prepositions, and conjunctions, all words (ism) are capitalized.
All Arabic words that appear in standard English dictionaries are treated as
English words, such as "Mecca" and "Medina" instead of "Makka" and "Madina"; "Islam"
and "hadith" instead of "Islam" and "hadith." For the rest of Arabic words, diacritic marks
are used consistently; Indonesian names, however, are rendered as they are commonly
written, without diacritics and Arabic definite article.
In places where both the Muslim and the Gregorian calendars are used, the
Muslim date is given first, and the Gregorian date follows after a slash. For the
conversion of dates, we use "Taqwim" version 3.0, a date conversion software by Mark
Woodworth and John E. Woods (1989).
iv
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Throughout the years of my study in the Department of Middle East
Languages and Cultures at Columbia University in New York and since the inception
of this dissertation, there were many people who had been my constant source of
inspiration, encouragement, and support. Words are inadequate to express the depth
of my gratitude to them. I would like to acknowledge some special people who made
the completion of this dissertation possible.
First of all, I would like to thank my professors at Columbia University:
Professors Pierre Cachia, George Saliba, Wadad al-Qadi, Paul Walker whose
expertise opened for me the world of Islamic literature, science, and history. To
Professor Richard W. Bulliet, I would like to express my gratitude for inspiring me to
always look for alternative paths and methods in understanding social phenomena.
His writings indirectly helped shape the direction of this dissertation, the errors,
however, are entirely mine. To Professor Jeanette Wakin, I am forever indebted for
her expertise, depth, skills, patience, diligence, and precision in dealing with classical
Islamic texts, particularly Islamic law. Professor Wakin is not only my principal
academic advisor and dissertation sponsor, but went beyond what I may call being a
true friend. In a very special way I would like to reiterate my respect and deepest
gratitude for her guidance, patience, understanding, continuous encouragement and
help beyond description, particularly during the writing of this dissertation.
To the members of my Dissertation Committee, Professors Richard W.
Bulliet, Peter Awn, Hamid Dabashi, George Saliba, I give thanks for enriching and
broadening my academic perspective.
To the Indonesian Province and New York Province of the Society of Jesus, I
thank for the prayers and financial support; to the West Side Jesuit Community, for
giving me a home, shelter, and haven. I would like to particularly thank Dan
Madigan, S.J., for patiently challenging me to persevere; William Alan Briceland,
S.J. and Robert Keck, S.J. for simply being my friends. I am forever indebted to Fr.
William T. Wood, S.J. of the New York Province of the Society of Jesus, for giving
me full support and trust, especially during the crucial stage of my studies. Without
him, this dissertation would have never seen the light of day.
There are many people who silently, in prayers and in their own ways,
provided me with all kinds of support. I would like to mention my friends Tony and
Susie Arief in Jakarta, Scott and Karen Alexander in Indiana, Ismartono, Baskara
Wardaya, Hari Kustanto, and Amrih Widodo in the cyberspace.
Finally, I thank my family: my parents, Chris, Christin, Thias, Srie, and Evie,
for their unfailing love. To them and in memory of my beloved mother, Ignatia
Soehartini, I dedicate this dissertation.
vi
I
INTRODUCTION
Of the many issues that arise when we deal with gloss literature, the writing of
multiple commentaries on Islamic religious works, is the perplexing question which
C. Snouck Hurgronje once raised: "What in the world can induce man in such
circumstances to add a new collection of glosses to the many existing ones?”1 Snouck
Hurgronje was referring to Sayyid Bakri al-Shafta, one of the scholars of nineteenth-
century Mecca. He wrote I‘anat al-Talibin, a gloss on Zayn al-Din al-Malibari’s Fath
al-Mu'in. which was al-Malibari’s own commentary on his compilation of fiqh.
entitled Qurrat al-‘Ayn. Snouck Hurgronje said that "hardly one proposition in a
thousand is Sayyid Bakri’w own."2 The term "gloss" has negative connotations such
as "nothing new or original," "too elementary," "written at the period of Islamic
history on the decline," and similar expressions to that effect. Indeed, what is the use
of reading such glosses if the original treatises are now available?
1. This study seeks to interpret Islamic gloss literature, particularly in the form
it appeared since the arrival of printing technology in the Arab world in the first
lC. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka (Leiden: Brill, 1970), 189.
2Ibid., 189.
quarter of the nineteenth century.3 Gloss literature, the writing of commentary upon
commentary on religious works—here Islamic religious literature—used to be
handwritten in manuscripts, and transmitted from generation to generation within the
framework of an oral-aural transmission of knowledge, or copied by copyists within a
long standing scribal tradition with assured standards of accuracy.4 Since the
foundation of al-Mafba‘a al-Ahliyya, or better known as the Bulaq printing office in
1821, gloss literature has been put to print.5
2. Gloss literature is a neglected field of study. The low, if not almost
3There has been a growing interest in the history of printing in the Middle East,
its diffusion, and its impact on the society. See George N. Atiyeh (ed.), The Book in
the Islamic World: The Written Word and Communication in the Middle East
(Albany, New York: State University of New York Press, 1996), particularly Michel
W. Albin, "The Book in the Islamic World: A Selective Bibliography," ibid., 273-
281. As a general survey, J. Pedersen’s The Arabic Book (Princeton, New Jersey:
Princeton University Press, 1984) remains useful. For an early history of printing in
Egypt, see A. Ridwan, Tarikh Matba‘a Bulaq (Cairo, 1953), G. Zaydan, Tarikh al-
Adab al-‘Arabiyya (Cairo, 1936), 195-202.
4On this scribal tradition, see Franz Rosenthal, The Technique and Approach of
Muslim Scholarship (Rome: Pontificium Institutum Biblicum, 1947) and Muhsin
Mahdi, "From the Manuscript Age to the Age of Printed Books, " in G. Atiyeh (ea.).
The Book in the Islamic World, 1-15.
5For the list and titles of printed Arabic books, we refer to Yusuf Ilyan Sarkis,
Mu'jam al-Matbu‘at al-’Arabiyya wa al-Mu‘arraba (Cairo: Tarkis, 1928); ‘Ayda
Ibrahim Nu$ayr, Al-Kutub al-‘Arabiyya allati Nushirat fi Mi§r fi al-Qam al-Tasi'
Ashara (Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press, 1990); Al-Kutub al-
‘Arabiyya allati Nushirat fi Mi$r bayna ‘Amay 1900-1925 (Cairo: The American
University in Cairo Press, 1983); Al-Kutub al-'Arabiyya allati Nushirat fi Mi?r bayna
‘Amay 1926-1940 (Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press, 1980); Ahmad
Muhammad Mansur, and others, Dalil al-Matbu‘at al-Mi$riyya, 1940-1956 (Cairo:
American University in Cairo Press, 1975); Wizarat al-Thaqafa wa-al-ITam, Dalil
al-Kitab al-Misri, 1972-1987 (Cairo: al-fjayat al-Misriyya al-‘Amma lil-Kitab, 1973-
1988); and Anawati and Charles Kuentz. Bibliographie des ouvrages arabes imprimes
en Egypte en 1942, 1943 et 1944 (Cairo: Institut Fran?ais, 1949).
3
nonexistent, interest among scholars in the study of gloss literature may be partly
explained as a logical consequence of the print culture itself. During the nineteenth
century, when print culture had finally been interiorized, the West witnessed an
explosion of knowledge, both in the field of science and in the humanities. In the
latter field, it was the Romanticist movement6 that was bom and then developed
endowed with an inheritance of a vast amount of knowledge, stored in print, ready to
be retrieved, objectified, and classified. Along this line, the romanticists were also
preoccupied with history, with origins, with things ’original.’ Thus the emergence of
new sciences that have history as their model: ethnology, art history, philology,
literary criticism, and literary history. With regard to texts, the scholars’ interest in
things "different and original" drove them to look for an Ur-text (archetype), the base
text. In the process, commentaries on the ’original text’ and a fortiori their
subsequent glosses were considered redundant and useless. If you can have the
original, why bother with its commentaries or its glosses?
Closely related to the impact of the interiorization of print culture was a
different understanding, on the part of those bom into the print culture, of the purpose
of education. That concept of education has its own underlying epistemological
profile. There was thus a certain condescending attitude toward people whose source
of knowledge was the gloss literature, and whose method of learning leaned heavily
on memorization.
6On this topic, see Walter J. Ong, Romance, Rhetoric, and Technology (Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 1971), 255-283.
4
Commenting on the educational system and method used at al-Azhar,
Bayard Dodge, for example, wrote, "the majority of the teachers of the period
believed that the purpose of education was to pass on to their students what they
themselves had derived from the learned men of former generations." Regarding the
material sources of learning, Dodge continues, "the basis of study was as a rule an
important medieval text, an abridgement of which was printed along with comments.
On the same page there was apt to be an exposition of the meaning, frequently
accompanied by critical notes and glosses on the margin. Works of this sort were too
often memorized by the students, without a deep understanding of the subjects."7
Along similar lines, J. Jomier wrote, "Up to the end of the 19th century,
scholarship consisted of learning by heart a traditional corpus of material, encumbered
by all that successive generations had added to it. Instead of the direct study of those
great texts which were capable of engendering noble thought, there were substituted
the studies of manuals, of commentaries (sharh), of marginalia on the commentaries
(frawashl), and sub-commentaries on these glosses (takarir). All the energy of the
students was absorbed by the effort of memory necessary to retain by heart this
complicated learning, which was presented with no pedagogical method
whatsoever. "8 Marshall Hogdson was also of the same view that the general purpose
of Islamic education was to transmit the cultural capital of the past generation to the
’Bayard Dodge, Al-Azhar: A Millennium of Muslim Learning (Washington,

D.C.: The Middle East Institute, 1961), 94. Emphasis mine.
8Jomier, s.v. al-Azhar, El, new edition. 816-817. Emphasis mine.
5
next and, in so doing, prepare the young generation for future social roles. From the
students’ point of view, "education was commonly conceived as the teaching of fixed
and memorizable statements and formulas which could be adequately learned without
any process of thinking as such. " Seen from the teachers’ point of view, this method
of learning was what J. Jomier above called an education without any "pedagogical
method whatsoever, ” and their task, again to quote Hogdson, was only to inculcate
"as many of these statements in as sound a form as possible." "Not only was
knowledge, in principle, a fixed corpus of statements; its authenticity was made to
depend on the word of a limited number of great men, whose authority was not to be
questioned, at least not by the student." But, the most relevant for our discussion
here is the influence of this approach of learning on the level of scholarship.
Hogdson continues, "it became common to write even quite original treatises in the
form of commentaries on authoritative earlier treatises. Some of the treatises were
not simply explanations or amplifications, but more like modem book review
articles—even taking the tenor of refutations and counter-refutations."9
The criticism of an Egyptian scholar was no less severe. Mahmud al-
Sharqawi, in his observation on al-Azhar and its professors,10 gauged the place and
importance of knowledge film ), culture (thaqafa), and understanding (ma’rifa) at al-
9Marshall Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, 2: 248-249, passim. Emphasis mine.
l0Mahmud al-Sharqawi, Misr fi al-Qam al-Thamin ‘Ashar (Cairo: Anglo-Egyptian

Bookstore, 1956), 2: 119-178.
Azhar of that era from the books that were studied and discussed as well from the
works composed during the time span that al-Jabarti covered. "All the books and
(recent) compositions belonged to traditional books that commanded passive
acceptance (taqlid) and were characterized by narrow-mindedness (tattasimu bisimati
al-tazammut), by limited horizon, in which concern and care for verbal expression is
more important than meaning, or, for that matter, the knowledge itself. Writing a
summary (ikhtisar) took a very prominent place."
He then mentions "text" (mam). It has a "commentary" (sharh), which is
commented on in explanatory notes (bawashin, sing, hashiya), which again are
commented upon by a super-commentary (taqrir), or marginal annotations (hawamish,
sing, hamish). Thus, "learning, investigation, instruction, and explanation turn
around the text, the commentary, the super-commentary, and marginal annotations,
and none lead to a fresh idea, point of opinion, or objective research. The time when
into the intellectual and religious life of Egypt there breathed a fresh air of
understanding or comprehension, or relief from the bondage of tradition, that gentle
breeze passed by far away from al-Azhar, because al-Azhar refused to embrace and
cherish it." Of course, continues Sharqawi, beside those books, other books were
also studied at al-Azhar, such as books on hadith, and famous commentaries on the
Qur’an, but the spirit of learning and the cultural environment, as he believed, was
characterized by backwardness, and rigidity.11 It is not surprising, therefore, that
“To illustrate the backwardness of some of the professors, Mahmud Sharqawi

relates that there was a scholar who forbade coffee, such as Shaykh ‘Ali al-Siwasi.
He was among the great scholars of the day. During his son’s wedding, his friends
7
gloss literature has not drawn much interest among scholars.
3. This study bears the title Shaykh Nawawi of Banten: Texts, Authority, and
the Gloss Tradition. It is about Shaykh Nawawi of Banten and at the same time it is
not. It is about Shaykh Nawawi of Banten in so far as it deals with his biography and
his writings. However, it tries to see within his biography, his intellectual history
and trajectory, and his writings, some elements that would contribute to an
understanding of wider social and cultural realities, particularly the traditional
transmission of knowledge. Scholars have used the biography of a prominent figure
as a narrative vehicle to describe a social phenomenon. Louis Massignon, for
example, wrote a biography of al-Hallaj as an introduction to a general discussion of
Islamic sufism.12 Dale F. Eickelman uses the biography of a twentieth-century
Moroccan notable, Hajj ‘Abd al-Rahman as a "social biography" to shed light on
"the changing role of Islamic education, the concept of knowledge inherent in it, and
the relation of its carriers to wider society from the early years of colonial rule in
twentieth-century Morocco to the present."13 Along this line, albeit in a much more
limited scope in terms of its sources, this study tries to understand the role and
presented him with a gift of a huge basket full of coffee. He threw it into the toilet."
Ibid., 163-165, passim.
l2Louis Massignon, The Passion of al-Hallaj, translated by Herbert Mason

(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982).
l3Dale F. Eickelman, Knowledge and Power in Morocco: The Education of a

Twentieth-Century Notable (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press,
1985), xv.
8
functions of the gloss literature in the process of transfer of knowledge, in terms of its
possibilities and limitations, its "method," and "objectives." Studying texts presents
us with an enormous methodological challenge, and changing one’s approach to texts
often yields a surprising result.14
The choice of Shaykh Nawawi of Banten, particularly his writings, as the basis
of this study derives first, from the centrality of text in Islam, particularly in the
transmission of knowledge, and second, from the important role that Shaykh Nawawi
of Banten—and mutatis mutandis any Islamic teacher-scholar for that matter—given
his cultural investment as seen in his prolific writings, must have played in the
process of transfer of knowledge.
For a non-Arabic speaker, Arabic letters elicit a sense of wonder, awe, and a
feeling about a hidden, often magico-religious power.15 Indeed, the potential power
of writing has been illustrated in the legend about the discovery of letters by Theuth,
the Egyptian Hermes, scribe of the gods. Theuth was the inventor of many things:
arithmetic, numbers, geometry, astronomy, draughts, but particularly letters. He
presented those to Thamus, the Egyptian king, and he recommended the king to teach
his invention, "letter," to the Egyptians as an elixir of memory and wisdom. It is
l4For example, Richard W. Bulliet, in his Conversion to Islam in the Medieval

Period: An Essay in Quantitative History (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University
Press, 1979), manipulates the raw data stored in biographical dictionaries such that
they yield some patterns of social process, as illustrated by the process of conversion
to Islam in Iran, Syria, and Spain until the twelveth centuries.
l5See for example, Jack Goody, "The impact of Islamic writing on oral cultures,"
in his The Interface between the Written and the Oral (Cambridge, and others:
Cambridge University Press, 1987), 125-138.
9
true that the king finally rejected his suggestion precisely because it would endanger
memory, but the legend shows clearly how writing could become—and in fact will
become—a serious rival and substitute for memory itself in terms of a storage and
retrieval system.16 But, the most important thing about writing is the (perceived)
presence of a hidden power, authority, logos, or person behind it. Jacques Derrida
coined the term "logocentrism" to describe this type of understanding of the nature of
writing.17 Islam is one of the "book religions.” This is not only because Islam is
centered on the divine words, namely, the Qur’an, but also and more important
because Islam derives its authority for its teaching, truth, directly from God.18 This
16Plato, Phaedrus, translation and commentary by R. Hackforth (Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, 1941), 274-275.
l7Jacques Derrida argues and develops his analysis of this bete noire of Western
philosophy in his Of Grammatology (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press,
1962). His fierce criticism of the form of Western metaphysics of "presence" that
assumes the primacy of speech over writing has promted as fierce counter criticism
among literary critics. Since Derrida’s position is quite in opposition to that of Ong,
who argues that in the beginnning there was "sound" or "speech," it is not surprising
that Ong calls Derrida’s pan-textualism as "logomachy" with the printed text, a
typical attitude of mind that has been deeply rooted in print culture.
18Muhammad Arkoun discusses this logocentrism (agl-centrism) in Islamic

classical writings as a historical strategy of Muslim intellectuals when Islam met
Greek philosophy (See his "Logocentrisme et verite religieuse dans la pensee
islamique," [Studia Islamica 15 (1972): 5-51]). Islamic texts, Arkoun reminds us, is
not an individual discourse of a particular author, but rather represents a social
discourse of the Muslim community. The subject is always "Islam," that is, a
communal conscience that claims a historical, temporal, and social reality, as well as
an eschatological vision. Unless we take into account this communal characteristic of
Islamic writings, our understanding of the texts will be seriously flawed. "Such a
grammatical and semantic reduction runs counter the very intention of the speaker,
who claims to be a solider member of the community and one of its faithful speakers"
(Pour une critigue de la raison islamique [Paris: Maisonneuve & Larose, 1984], 110-
1 1 1 ).
10
is definitely a statement of authority. In practice, what has actually linked the "great
tradition" of Islam to the "little tradition" of Islam, to use Robert Redfield’s terms,
the "essential Islam" to "cultural Islam," "Middle East Islam" and "Islam viewed
from the edge” is this very characteristic of Islam in terms of its close relationship to
texts, written as well as oral.19
In his innovative article on Islamic textuality, Richard C. Martin argues that
the essential Islam is constituted by texts, which are not only the authoritative and
paradigmatic texts—the Qur’an and the hadith—but also the continuous writings or
commentaries about them, and subsequent super-commentaries on these by Muslim
scholars as well as non-Muslim specialists. Or, in the parlance of post-structuralist
criticism, particularly the deconstructionist critique advanced by Jacques Derrida, the
essential Islam is constituted by writing and textuality.20 That is because reified
Islam is defined not only by its textual and original sources, but also by the (written)
discourse that grew out of and flowed from them. However, Martin contends that
one must go beyond the Derridean focus on texts and intertextuality of a discourse.
19On "great tradition" and "little tradition" see, R. Redfield, Peasant Society and
Culture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956). It is interesting that in his
Unity and Variety in Muslim Civilization (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1955),
G. E. von Grunebaum seems to have subsumed the "variety" under the "unity."
Richard W. Bulliet in his Islam: The View from the Edge (New York: Columbia
University Press, 1994), offers a view of Islam not culled from its usual narrative
centers, but rather seen from its local dynamics.
20Richard C. Martin, "Islamic Textuality in Light of Poststructuralist Criticism,"

in Farhat Kazemi and R. D. McChesney (eds.), A Way Prepared: Essays on Islamic
Culture in Honor of Richard Bayly Winder (New York: New York University Press.
1988), 116-131.
11
By re-reading the contributions from J. L. Austin’s theory of speech act21 and his
interpreters such as John Searle22 and Mary Louise Pratt23 in dealing with text, we
should make inquiries about what performative actions people accomplish with texts.
One of the loci where text is used as performance, particularly in the Islamic
context, is without doubt the field of education in which knowledge is transferred
from one generation to another. During my brief stay in Egypt, I had an opportunity
to know many Indonesian students at al-Azhar University. They were part of a
continuous stream of students who went to the Middle East to pursue their religious
studies. In effect, their presence and scholarly pursuit in the Middle East established
an intellectual and spiritual link between the Middle East and Indonesia.
It is clear that it was the students who benefitted much from that link in terms
of knowledge gained from their studies. However, the benefit is reciprocal. They
have likewise contributed to the development of Islamic literature. One had only to
go to an Egyptian bookstore, particularly in the beginning of this century, to see the
extent of that contribution in terms of the presence of books written by Jawis. One of
the Jawi authors was Shaykh Nawawi of Banten. One should not fail to be impressed
21J. L. Austin, How to Do Things with Word (Cambridge: Harvard University

Press, 1962).
-John Searle, Speech Acts: An Essay on the Philosophy of Language

(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969).
23Mary Louise Pratt, Toward a Speech Act Theory of Literary Discourse

(Blomington: Indiana University Press, 1977). See, for example, Marilyn Robinson
Waldman’s interesting application of Pratt’s contributions to the speech act theory to
an analysis of historical narrative of Tarikh-i Bayhaqi by Abu Fadl al-Bayhaqi [M. R.
Waldman, Toward a Theory of Historical Narrative: A Case Study in Perso-
Islamicate Historiography (Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State University, 1980).
12
by the great variety of the books he had written. All were in Arabic. Carl
Brockelmann’s short article in the Encyclopedia of Islam24 gives a short introduction
to Shaykh Nawawi of Banten and his writings. Brockelman’s main source is C.
Snouck Hurgronje’s Mekka25 where Snouck Hurgronje devoted a whole chapter to
describe the Jawi settlers in Mekka, their custom, their most prominent figures, and
their role in the "islamization" of Indonesia. By the end of the nineteenth century,
the Jawi settlement in Mekka constituted the largest and most active in the whole city.
C. Snouck Hurgronje wrote, "The Jawah colony in Mekka represents in essence the
future of the people out of whom it is composed and continually increased, and all
parts work in their own fashion at the hastening of the foreseen process of
development."26 Mekka was the spiritual center for the religious life of the East-
Indian archipelago, and through its various arteries it pumped fresh blood into the
Indonesian Muslim population. The strength of a Mekkan colony from a particular
region in Indonesia could serve as an indicator for the strength of Islam in the home
country, so close was the correlation that "one could almost draw a map in Mekka
displaying the spread of Islam and its intensity in the various parts of the
Archipelago."27 The Bantenese colony, again according to C. Snouck Hurgronje,
could be proud of "their most highly esteemed leaders of the intellectual movement"
24Carl Brockelmann, s.v. art. "al-Nawawi," El: 885.
“ C. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka in the Latter Part of the Nineteenth Century,

translated by J. H. Monahan (Leiden: Brill, 1970), 213-292.
26C. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, 259.
27Ibid., 256.
13
among the Jawi settlers in Mekka. And the most prominent of them was none other
than Shaykh Nawawi "whose brilliant gifts are expressed more with the pen than with
the tongue."28
4. The writings of Shaykh Nawawi of Banten leave us with a difficult task of
interpretation: what to do with them, how to read them, what information to obtain
from them. In short, how do we formulate the appropriate questions. This
methodological dilemma is true not only of the works of Shaykh Nawawi, but also
applies to the vast number of books of this kind that are found in libraries that are
barely touched by scholarly research. Again, the greatest difficulty scholars face in
using these resources, it seems, derives from the difficulty of formulating the right
questions to ask.
Obviously the collection of gloss literature was not there for nothing. The
very extent of this literature already suggests that it must have served some purpose
for the Islamic community in the past. From a merely economic point of view, the
publisher must have estimated the demand of the market before making the decision
to print them. Somehow it must have instilled values and meanings, or provided
symbolic and cultural capital in the hearts and minds of the muslims at a certain
period of time in their history. Thus, the study of the writings of Shaykh Nawawi not
only provides us with a profile of a teacher-scholar but helps us to understand better
the social functions of gloss literature, or what Pierre Bourdieu calls "the cultural
28Ibid„ 269.
14
field" of the time.29
One of the principal problems of the "sociology of knowledge is to know how
symbolic representations of the world relate to the social order," or the correlation
"between ideology and social action. "30 For people whose main task is dealing with
texts, the question is the perennial issue that hermeneuticians are facing and which has
been plainly formulated by Paul Ricoeur in his article "What is a text?"31 and how a
text correlates with its con-text. Within the framework of Shaykh Nawawi’s writing,
or gloss literature in general, the question becomes, what is the nature of Shaykh
Nawawi’s gloss literature, what are its functions in history, what information can it
provide regarding himself, his students, the cultural style of his time, and what were
the implicit objectives, if any? But, these questions assume the possibility of being
raised. Can they be asked, and can they be answered?
One thing is clear, namely, the fact that gloss literature was composed, then at
some point in time was printed, distributed, and we know that it was used in
pesantrens, or traditional Islamic institutions of learning. To show the influence of
Jawi settlers upon their fellow countrymen, Snouck Hurgronje points to the fate of the
29Pierre Bourdieu, "System of Education and Systems of Thought, " International

Social Science Journal 19, 3 (1967): 341-342.
30Dale F. Eickelman, "The Art of Memory: Islamic Education and its Social
Reproduction," in Juan R. I. Cole (ed.), Comparing Muslim Societies: Knowledge
and the State in a World Civilization, Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press,
1992, 97.
31Paul Ricoeur, "What is a text? Explanation and Understanding," in his

Hermeneutics and the Human Sciences, edited and translated by John B. Thompson
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 145-181.
15
manuals used in teaching in the schools in Java, Sumatra, and Kalimantan. "The latest
literary publications in Mekka soon drove out the teaching material brought formerly
from Mekka, and among the merchandise exported out of Mekka which finds a ready
market, figure above all, printed books the authors of which are either Jawah settled
in Mekka, or Mekkan professors specially esteemed by Jawah. ”32 The gloss
literature was used in the pesantren as one of the three principal elements of the
educational system of the day: text, teacher, and student, or in pesantren terms: "kitab
kuning" (yellow book), "kyahi," and "santri."
In his description of the cultural integration of Islam into the Javanese tradition
and culture, Clifford Geertz points to the particular role that the Javanese kyahis,
Islamic village teachers and leaders, had played in the process.33 By virtue of the
Javanese kyahi’s mediating role, Geertz calls him "cultural broker," a term that he
borrowed from Eric Wolf34 to describe people who "stand guard over the crucial
junctures of synapses of relationships which connect the local system to the larger
whole." Geertz sees that during the Indonesian national revolution the kiyahi faced
and served very different groups of people or ideologies, but his role remained
unchanged—cultural broker. In the previous period until the end of the nineteenth
century, his classical and principal role is to be "a specialist in the communication of
33Clifford Geertz, "The Javanese Kijaji: The Changing Role of a Cultural

Broker," Comparative Studies in Society and History, 2, 2 (January 1960): 228-249.
MEric Wolf, "Aspects of Group Relations in a Complex Society," American

Anthropologist, 68, 6 (December 1956): 1065-1078.
16
Islam to the mass of the peasantry. As an established religious scholar directing his
own religious school, he has long occupied the focal position in the structure of
tradition through which the monotheistic, exclusivist Moslem creed has penetrated the
tolerant, syncretist-minded countryside."35 To the extent that Java has become an
integral part of the Islamic world, it has been due to the role of the kiyahi in linking
the villages of Java to the international world of Islam. And his authority, prestige in
the society, and the respect that the people gave him depended on his performance in
carrying out his duty and role.
The kyahiship itself has evolved from an amalgam of an old local traditional
function within a Hindu-Buddhist educational system (pesantren) and an Islamic
shaykh within the madrasa system of education in the Middle East. Geertz contends
that the pesantren was an outgrowth of a Hindu-Buddhist tradition and not a Middle
Eastern madrasa. Islam arrived in Indonesia through trade, and the first Muslim
community settled in the coastal areas—the north coastal towns of Java. The
institution of pesantren was then islamized and became a major channel for
penetration of the more dynamic coastal commercial civilization of Islam into the
Javanese agricultural culture. "Wandering traders, peddlers, and money changers,
more orthodox than aristocrat or peasant, began to move into the interior, and, like
the itinerant monks before them, they used the religious schools as stopping
places."36 When pilgrimage became more feasible, particularly in the nineteenth
35Geertz, The Javanese Kijaji, 230.
36Geertz, The Javanese Kijaji, 232.
17
century, the growth of the hajjis simply strengthened the already blooming educational
system that was both Islamic and indigenous.
Central to the education in the pesantren and in all Islamic educational
institutions for that matter are religious texts. Before the arrival of printing
technology, they are in manuscript form, and most of them are gloss literature like
the works of Shaykh Nawawi. We will see how there is a close relationship between
a text and the person who has the authority to transmit it. A text is always associated
with a person who teaches and transmits faithfully the intent of the original author
from generation to generation. Gloss literature is mutatis mutandis a "cultural
broker" that introduces the classical tradition of Islam to the students, and vice versa,
opens the gateway to the Islamic world for the students. Since a text is not a person,
but is related to words, we propose the term "interface" that we borrow from Walter
J. Ong.37
Ong studies the history of organization of consciousness and thought as they
are reflected in the development of technology of the word. Human culture and
consciousness are very complex and, therefore, the evolution from primary orality
through writing and print to an electronic culture cannot single handedly explain their
37Walter J. Ong, Interfaces of the Word (Ithaca and London: Cornell University
Press, 1977). The term "interface" had been used previously by Jack Goody with a
somewhat different meaning. Goody describes three major contextual loci, where the
oral and the written meet: "There is the meeting of cultures with and without writing,
historically and geographically. There is the interface of written and oral traditions in
societies that employ writing to varying degrees in various contexts. And there is the
interface between the use of writing and speech in the linguistic life of an individual."
(Jack Goody, The Interface between the Written and the Oral [Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1987], ix.)
18
development. However, Ong contends that "major developments, and very likely
even all major developments, in culture and consciousness are related, often in
unexpected intimacy, to the evolution of the word from primary orality to its present
state. ”38
The word, which originates in sound,39 has undergone various
transformations as a mediating "interface" between the speaker and the audience. In a
primary oral culture that does not know writing at all, oral verbalization is the
original living habitat for the word. The word interfaces the communication between
the speaker and the audience in an immediate human lifeworld. It is possible to check
any possible misunderstanding with the speaker and thus eliminate it. In primary oral
culture, the spoken-heard, the oral-aural word is an immediate interface with a
fleeting presence. "When I pronounce ’reflect,’ by the time I get to the ’-fleet’ the
’re-’ is gone, and necessarily and irretrievably gone. A moving object in a visual
field can be arrested, It is, however, impossible to arrest sound and have it still
present. If I halt a sound it no longer makes any noise. I am left only with its
opposite, silence."40 With the coming of chirography, in writing and later printing,
the word is represented into a w-o-r-d, a graphical interface that spatializes the sound
or leaves a mark in a space. There is a process of alienation from its original oral-
380ng, Interfaces of the Word, 9-10.
39Walter J. Ong elaborates this phenomena in his The Presence of the Word:
Some Prolegomena for Cultural and Religious History (Minneapolis: University of
Minnesota Press, 1967), 111-176.
40Walter J. Ong, The Presence of the Word, 40-41.
19
aural habitat into a deaf-mute chirographic form. Thus, the word becomes a "sign"
that points to something else beyond itself, namely, the sound. In this process of
alienation, the word is a sign that separates the signified and the signifier. The result
is the process of abstraction that helps people to objectify and to conquer the world.
Ong writes, "writing made possible the separation of the knower and the known, the
substitution of knowledge-by-analysis for knowledge-by-empathy, that lay at the base
of abstract Greek thought. "41 So, writing, printing, and in our days electronic media
are technologies o f the word that transform the word into many kinds of interface.
Each of the interfaces has its own characteristics in terms of its role in the
management of knowledge: its production, storage, retrieval, and distribution, or in
the parlance of oral culture—its generation, remembering, recalling, and sharing.
This study interprets gloss literature to function as a kind of cultural interface between
two traditions.
5. The term "interface" as a description of gloss literature in terms of its
function as a site or field of exchange between traditions suspends or puts in between
interim brackets the dynamic of the process of exchange itself, without, however,
denying, ignoring, or undermining it. It is precisely the failure to recognize such a
dynamic that was behind the relatively little interest in the study of gloss literature as
discussed above. In the scholars’ quest for original texts and creative thought in
texts, the historical and social meaning of gloss literature were thus undermined, for
41Walter J. Ong, Interfaces of the Word, 36.
20
between gloss literature and its "original" text there is no formal difference in terms
of its inner dynamic. Any writing is a product of a culture, an artifact of the
cognitive style of the period. Any writer, or thinker, is closely associated with the
epistemological style of his time, conditioned by the cultural background, fashion, and
expectation within which and by which he thinks and acts. It does not make much
difference whether the person comes from a primitive society or a modem one.
Pierre Bourdieu compares the practice of French students in learning and
taking examinations in the university and the practices of elders of the Bororo Indians
in designing their house plan and landscaping, and he finds that the verbal manoeuvre
and strategies of the French students such as the practice of thinking in pairs was
actually an "unconscious" reproduction of what they obtained in school, and of the
skills in which they have been trained. Similarly, the Bororo housing plan and village
landscaping was an "unconscious" reproduction of the cosmology of the Bororo Indian
elders. So, scholarly culture in modem society has a homological function as
religion, or mythology in primitive society, in that both provide a common framework
of thought which makes communication possible and motivating structures for
actions.42
Walter J. Ong contends that "writing restructures consciousness and
thought.”43 The question is how this "restructuring" happens. Is it a direct one-to-
42Pierre Bourdieu, "Systems of Education and Systems of Thought," 338-340.
430ng, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (London: Methuen,
1982), 78-138.
21
one relationship between writing and thought, a complete correspondence, or is there
a certain dialectical tension between the two? In current social theories, particularly
those influenced by the writings of Ricoeur and Geertz,44 there are two
commonplaces: the first is to consider society as text, and the second is to perceive
actual texts, or text-artifacts—whether spoken or written—as shaped by the socio-
historical circumstances of their production and reproduction. But the problem lies in
knowing precisely how the social is related to the textual. In addition to that, given
that writing itself is also a product of thought and consciousness, how does writing
itself reflect certain patterns of thought? With regard to gloss literature, the question
is then how gloss literature reflects the cultural field of the period: What are the
thought patterns, the common themes, the common framework of thought which
makes communication possible? These questions are subsumed under a term that
Pierre Bourdieu calls "cultured habitus" or simply "habitus."
Together with "practice" and "structure, "habitus" is a key concept in
Bourdieu’s theory of practice.45 The concept itself is like a moving target, not easy
to pin down, precisely because it describes the dynamics of a dialectical process.
‘“ Paul Ricoeur, "The Model of the Text: Meaningful Action Considered as a

Text," in J. B. Thompson (ed. and trans.), Hermeneutics and the Human Sciences:
Essays on Language, Action, and Interpretation (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1981 [1971]), 197-221; Clifford Geertz, Interpretation of Cultures (New York:
Basic Books, 1973).
45Pierre Bourdieu develops this concept in his Outlines of A Theory of Practice

(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), 72-95 and The Logic of Practice
(Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1980), 52-65.
22
The concept is of Aristotelian and Scholastic origin.46 Bourdieu finds a similar term
was used by Erwin Panofksy in his analysis of the close relation between Gothic art
and Scholasticism. According to Panofsky the connexion between Gothic art and
Scholasticism is more than a sheer parallelism, but rather a genuine cause-and-effect
relation. Scholasticism dominated Paris and held a monopoly of education over an
area around Paris in the thirteenth century, and thus defined the cultural field and
style of the day. It influenced unconsciously the "mental habit" of the people, or in
its Scholastic term principium importans ordinem ad actum (a principle that regulates
the act).47 The "habitus" that was inculcated in the people by the Scholastic
educational system, produced and generated a Gothic art and architecture as a
"cultural practice."
Bourdieu uses various adjectives to describe the concept of "habitus. ',48 It is a
set of dispositions resulting from a social conditionings. "The conditionings
associated with a particular class of conditions of existence produce habitus, [a]
system of durable, transposable dispositions, structured structures predisposed to
function as structuring structures, that is, as principles which generate and organize
■Ôn Bourdieu’s appropriation of the term "habitus", see Richard Jenkins, Pierre
Bourdieu (London and New York: Routledge, 1992), 74. Bourdieu wants to "set
aside the common conception of habit as a mechanical assembly of preformed
programme, as Hegel does when in the Phenomenology of Mind he speaks of ’habit
as dexterity’." (Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice, 218, note 47).
47Bourdieu, "Systems of Education and Systems of Thought," 344.
48J. B. Thompson in his introduction to the edition of Pierre Bourdieu’s Language

and Symbolic Power (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991), 1-31, gives a
very helpful introduction to Bourdieu’s key concepts, including "habitus." See also
Richard Jenkins, Pierre Bourdieu, 66-102.
23
practices and representations that can be objectively adapted to their outcomes without
presupposing a conscious aiming at ends or an express mastery of the operations
necessary in order to attain them. Objectively ’regulated’ and ’regular’ without being
in any way the product of obedience to rules, they can be collectively orchestrated
without being the product of the organizing action of a conductor. "49 Habitus is
inculcable, because it is acquired through a process of interiorization since childhood;
it is structured in that it reflects the conditioning of the society of the time; it is
durable, because it remains ingrained in the life of the person and operates
unconsciously as it were a second nature, and, therefore, "it is hard to apprehend,
even through a reflexive turning back"; it is generative in that it can produce an
infinite number of practices, in a similar fashion to the art of invention such as
musical composition; and "habitus" is also transposable to different fields or domains:
taste, fashion, lifestyle, beauty, body language, language, arts, architecture, even in
the national level in terms of the make-up of a nation.50
On the level of epistemology, or the philosophy of knowledge, the concept of
49Pierre Bourdieu, Le sense pratique, translated as Logic of Practice by Richard

Nice (Stanford, California: Standord University Press, 1980), 53.
s0Bourdieu made some observations on the intellectual personality of the French

nation (Bourdieu, "Systems of Education and Systems of Thought," 352-358. It is
very interesting that Alexis de Tocqueville, in his description of democracy in
America, uses the term moeurs (mores), "habits of the heart," that Robert N. Bellah
describes as "notions, opinios and ideas that ’shape mental habits’; and ’the sum of
moral and intellectual dispositions of men in society.’ Mores seem to involve not
only ideas and opinions but habitual practices with respect to such things as religion,
political participation, and economic life." (Robert N. Bellah, and others, Habits of
the Heart: Individualism and Commitment in American Life [New York: Harper and
Row, 1986], 37).
24
"habitus" serves to bridge the gap dividing subjectivism and objectivism as methods
of arriving at knowledge, and thus transcends the antinomies that derive from the
epistemological dichotomy: determinism and freedom, conditioning and creativity,
consciousness and unconsciousness, or individual and society. "The theory of
practice as practice insists, contrary to positivist materialism, that the objects of
knowledge are constructed, not passively recorded, and, contrary to intellectualist
idealism, that principle of this construction is the system of structured, structuring
dispositions, the habitus, which is constituted in practice and is always oriented
towards practical functions."51 So, practice is "the site of the dialectic of the opus
operatum and the modus operandi; the objectified products and the incorporated
products of historical practice; of structures and habitus. "52
In what way is this concept of "habitus" helpful for the interpretation of a
texts? And for gloss literature for that matter? First, the texts we are dealing with
are texts that are used in the context of education, or the transfer of knowledge.
Gloss literature is a product of a particular cultural field of "practice," namely,
Islamic religious translatio studii, which itself is not the product of "habitus" as such,
but rather the result of a dialectical relation between "habitus" and the "social
structures or field" within which one acts. Therefore, interpreting gloss literature by
relating it to the practices of a specific cultural "habitus," will provide us, we hope,
with a means not only to understand what these works explicitly and objectively set
51Bourdieu, The Logic of Practice, 52.
52Ibid., 52.
25
forth—meaning the objective content of the book—but also—perhaps in an even more
important way—what they unconsciously reveal in so far as they partake of the
symbolism of a period or of a society.
"Any type of teaching, Bourdieu writes, must, to a large extent, produce a
need for its own product and therefore set up as a value, or value of values, the
culture that it is concerned with imparting, achieving this in and through the very act
of imparting it. "s3 And one of the objectives is to instill a certain intimacy and
fellow-feeling, sense of belonging to a community, congeniality, based on a common
culture that are rooted in the unconsciousness. Indeed, "one of the functions of
education, formal or non formal, is consciously (and in part also unconsciously) to
transmit the unconscious or. to be more precise, to produce individuals equipped with
the system of unconscious (or deeply buried) master-pattems that constitute their
culture. "54
By interpreting gloss literature as a product of "habitus" and with a view to
generating a similar habitus, or "a practical sense" (le sense pratique) in the students
or audience, we believe we extend the rather static notion of "interface" as an
interpretation of gloss literature and provide a more dynamic description of gloss
literature that it deserves.
6. Deployment of the Dissertation
53Bourdieu, "Systems of Education and Systems of Thought," 349.
. 54Ibid., 345.
The dissertation is divided into six parts. Chapter one deals with the
biography of Shaykh Nawawi of Banten in terms of continuity and change within the
spiritual and intellectual relationship between the Middle East and Indonesia. Even
when travel between the Middle East and the Southeast Asia was difficult, Muslims
from the Indonesian archipelago went to Mekka to perform the once-in-a-lifetime
obligatory pilgrimage, while pursuing a deeper knowledge of their religion in the
cradle of Islam itself. This search for knowledge (talab al-‘ilm) was, as it were, the
continuation as well as the culmination of their spiritual journey, from one pesantren
to another, in their home country. While they maintained a strong interest in Islamic
mysticism, they became more and more aware of the way their fellow countrymen
were lacking in the practice of the fundamentals of their religion, particularly with
regard to the basic legal obligations. When transportation to the Middle East became
relatively affordable, the flow of pilgrims to Mekka grew in number and frequency.
More Muslims from the Indonesian archipelago settled for a longer time in Mekka to
pursue studies, and there developed a need for pilgrim guides and religious teachers
who could understand their language and needs. It is within this context that Jawi
teacher-scholars such as Shaykh Nawawi of Banten began to reside in Mekka and to
build their teaching and writing careers there.
The intellectual and spiritual journey of Shaykh Nawawi as reflected in his
biography represents a living "practice" of the "habitus" of the cultural landscape of
the day. It was molded in the cultural structures of the time and at the same time it
produced similar cultural dispositions in those Muslims in contact with him.
27
Referring to a similar phenomenon, Bourdieu wrote: "The cultural field is
transformed by successive restructurations rather than by radical revolutions, with
certain themes being brought to the fore while others are set to one side without being
completely eliminated, so that continuity of communication between intellectual
generations remains possible. In all cases, patterns informing the thought of a given
period can be fully understood only by reference to the school system, which is alone
capable of establishing them and developing them, through practice, as the habits of
thought common to a whole generation.1,55
Chapter Two and Three deal with the writings of Shaykh Nawawi as a textual
practice of the same habitus. Chapter Two presents the list of Shaykh Nawawi’s
writings thus far known, their distribution and diffusion, and Chapter Three tries to
re-read, describe, and find key elements in the practice of the composition of gloss in
selected writings of Shaykh Nawawi. I have chosen three representative fields,
writings on Arabic language, dogmatics, and Islamic legal practice. It is interesting
how the most revealing and salient features of gloss literature are precisely what
modern readers would find uninteresting, namely, the fact that gloss literature
contains a host of repetitions, digressions, and pervasive references to past authorities.
These elements, we argue, reveal the "cultural style" of the time. Not only were they
the objective contents of gloss literature as such, but they also represent a mode of
learning, a method of transfer of knowledge, but also—aiid perhaps in a more
important way—motivating structures, procedures to follow, the path the students
. 55Bourdieu, "System of Education and System of Thought," 342.
28
were to take, in their religous journey as they partook in the living faith-knowledge of
the Islamic community. A re-reading of Shaykh Nawawi’s Suluk al-Jadda in Chapter
Four is an attempt to see more closely the "cultural style" present there—a style at
first difficult for the twentieth-century mind to grasp.
With the coming of print technology, there developed a new way of obtaining
knowledge. Printed books in the vernacular language, including religious books,
became more and more available. This social phenomenon along with others, such as
the emergence of new ideas, and new sciences, and ideologies, and in particular the
rise of the nation-state ideology, little by little edged out gloss literature from its
central position in the transfer of knowledge, and with it the authority of the
traditional teacher-scholars as its primary interpreters. Chapter Five tries to give a
preliminary assessment of the impact of the new technology on the two pillars of the
traditional educational transfer of knowledge: the teacher-scholars (kiyahis) and gloss
literature (kitab kuning or "yellow book").
Gloss literature is still used in the pesantren up to the present, albeit in a way
rather different from that in its heyday. This was the time when it represented a
textual interface between the classical tradition of Islam and the local tradition, a
unique gateway for the students to the religious heritage of Islam, as the embodiment
of religious "habitus" in the "practice" of a living faith. Chapter Six, by way of a
conclusion, reflects these historical and social functions of gloss literature.
29
CHAPTER ONE
Shaykh N aw aw i of Ba n ten : A S o c ia l B io g r a p h y
Introduction
The life and career of Shaykh Nawawi of Banten are particularly interesting
not because they were unique, but precisely because in many respects they resemble
those of other Jawi ulema. His intellectual formation—from his early education in
Banten until the final phase of his study in Mekka; his teaching career, and even his
life as a writer—was a course which many other Jawis had also followed. Certainly
knowledge of the biography of Shaykh Nawawi of Banten is precious in its own right
It has, however, far reaching significance in that it may shed light on some typical
aspects and patterns of the education of Jawi ulema in the nineteenth century. The
life and career of Shaykh Nawawi of Banten bore witness to how a Jawi was
introduced into a "world," brought up in it until finally fully integrated, and then in
turn introduced it to his fellow-countrymen, inviting them to enter.
In this chapter, we will try to view the biography of Shaykh Nawawi of
Banten from this perspective. The biography itself will be placed within the context
of two regions which geographically were very far apart and politically were under
quite different systems, but spiritually, in the consciousness of Muslims at least, were
as closely related as a circumference is to its center. The first region was Java,
30
particularly West Java, where Shaykh Nawawi was bom, nurtured and received his
early education. And the second was the Hijaz, particularly Mekka, where he
pursued his advanced studies and eventually established himself, following the
example of his Jawi predecessors, for the benefit of the education of his fellow-
countrymen. What we hope to accomplish in this chapter is to set the stage on which
Shaykh Nawawi played his role and against the background of which his work
subsequently ought to be read and interpreted.
SECTION ONE
1. Travel in Search for Knowledge in Nineteenth-Century Java
1.1 The tradition of learning
If there was a smooth passage from the Hindu era to the Islamic era in the
history of Javanese people, one of its particular loci must have been the domain of
learning. Learning had long been a characteristic feature in Javanese culture. The
Javanese literature and traditional folk-dramas, the shadow-play in which themes were
adapted from the Hindu epics, the Ramayana and Mahabharata bear witness to that.
The hero is generally portrayed as someone who is powerful and victorious because
of the knowledge which he had gradually accumulated from one or more of the Gurus
at whose feet he had been sitting for years of patience and abstinence.
31
As in the other scriptural religions, learning was a fundamental value in Islam.
There is indeed reason to argue, with M. C. Ricklefs,1 that when Islam began to
penetrate Javanese civilization, it was most likely this aspect of Islam that resonated
in people’s hearts, attracted them and thus enhanced the process of islamization. No
wonder that it has often been difficult to distinguish in the classical Javanese
literature which elements were Javanese and which features were Muslim. In Serat
Centini,2 Shaykh Amongraga, who travelled from Banten to East Java, was typical of
a Javanese santri who travelled from one pesantren to another in search of knowledge.
In his Journal3 Raden Sumasari Adikusuma alias Mas Rahmat or Mas Juragan
Somareja narrated the history of his travels from Central Java to East Java and
Madura. Accompanied by Hajji Abdurrakhim and later joined by Wangsasujana. Mas
Rahmat took a long winding road of peregrination, visiting pesantrens, stopping by at
holy shrines to tap the blessings of venerated persons, engaging in religious debates
with local ulema, performing meditations and even some minor miracles. A
significant number of episodic similarities between Mas Rahmat’s journal and the
biography of Shaykh ‘Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani induced Ann Kumar to argue that Mas
Rahmat’s narration was modelled on the latter. We think van Bruinessen was right
lM.C. Ricklefs, "Six centuries of Islamization in Java," in N. Levtzion (ed.),

Conversion to Islam (New York & London: Holmes & Meier, 1976), 100-128.
2S. Soebardi, "Santri-religious elements as reflected in the Book of Tjentini” BKI,

127 (1971): 331-349. H. M. Rasjidi, Documents pour servir a l’histoire de 1’Islam a
Java (Paris: Publications de l’Ecole Fran?aise de’Extreme-Orient, 1977).
3Ann Kumar, The Diary of a Javanese Muslim: Religion, Politics and the
Pesantren 1883-1886 (Canberra: Australian National University, 1985). S.O. Robson,
"Kijahi Raden Santri," BIQ, 121 (1965): 259-264.
32
that such an argument was not really necessary.4 Whatever it might have been, those
similarities simply pointed once again to the integration of the two traditions, Javanese
and Islamic, in the person of Mas Rahmat. Or "Mas Rahmat’s journal," in the words
of Ann Kumar, "still bears witness—despite its notable Islamic orthodoxy on
significant points—to the survival of the living idea of the older, more integrated
culture in which a man of noble blood and high spiritual commitment aspired to be
both a good Muslim, a loyal subject of a Javanese royal house, and an exemplar of
refined and aristocratic culture."5 Some two decades earlier, Raden Purwa Lelana, as
his name suggests, had undertaken a similar journey.6
What is interesting for us in the accounts of Shaykh Amongraga in Serat
Centini, of Raden Purwalelana in his travel experience and Mas Rahmat in his Diary
is that they all shared a common experience, that is, travelling from West to East
Java, visiting one pesantren after another. In the two preceding centuries, the
prominence of East Java had been associated with Gresik and Giri which had been the
epicenter and the home base for an Islamic expansion to the eastern part of the
Archipelago.7 However, in the nineteenth century the fame of Giri had faded and was
4See M.M van Bruinessen’s review in BKI, 143(1987): 374.
5Ann Kumar, The Diary of a Javanese Muslim, 12.
6R. M. A. Purwalelana, Lampah-lampahipun, Batavia: Lands-drukkerij, 1865-

1866. "Lelana" in Javanese means "travelling" with a specific goal to achieve.
7H. J. de Graaf, "South-East Asian Islam to the Eighteen Century," in The

Cambridge History of Islam, edited by P. M. Holt et al. (Cambridge: The University
Press, 1970), 2: 134-137. H. J. de Graaf and Th. G. Pigeaud, De eerste moslimse
vorstendommen op Java (’s-Gravenhage: Nijhoff, 1974), 151-153. J. Noorduyn,
"Makasar and the Islamization of Bima," BKI, 143 (1987): 336-338. A. Cabaton,
33
superseded by other centers of learning in Surabaya and its neighboring Madura
which, as we will see, had attracted numbers of students from throughout Java,
especially West and Central Java. At this point it is appropriate to pursue the details
of the most prominent pesantrens in nineteenth-century Java and Madura in order to
have a general idea of how and where students of the day, among whom was Shaykh
Nawawi of Banten himself, were travelling in the search for knowledge.
1.2 Some prominent pesantrens in nineteeth-century Java.
In nineteenth-century Java and Madura, as well as in the rest of the
Archipelago,8 most pesantrens offered primarily elementary religious instruction to
the children of the village and its surroundings. No wonder that they were numerous.
According to official statistics, Java and Madura counted some 15,000 pesantrens with
a total of 230,000 pupils enrolled. Of this total number, four fifths were children,
and nearly all the rest were adults who studied elementary religious science. Only
"Raden Paku, Sunan de Giri (legende musulmane javanaise), texte malais, traduction
fran?aise et notes," RHR, 54 (1906): 374-400. J. A. B. Wisselius, "Historisch
onderzoek naar de geestelijke en wereldlijke suprematie van Grisse op Midden en
Oost Java gedurende de 16e en 17e eeuw," TBG, 23 (1876): 458-509.
8For Minangkabau regions in the nineteenth century, see N. N ., "De Masdjid’s en

Inlandsce Godsdienstcholen in de Padangsche Bovenlanden door een Maleier in het
Hollandsch beschreven," IG, 10, 1 (1888): 312-333. A.W.P. Verkerk Pistorius, "De
Priester en zijn invloed op de samenleving in de Padandsche Bovenlanden," TNI,
3(1869), 2: 431-455; "Het Maleische dorp," TNI, 3(1869), 2: 97-119. HAMKA,
Ayahku, (Jakarta: Widjaya, 1958), 44-74; see also his Kenang-Kenangan Hidup,
(Kuala Lumpur: Pustaka Antara, 1982), 1-91. C. Dobbins, Islamic Revivalism in a
Changing Peasant Economy: Central Sumatra, 1784-1847 (London and Malmo:
Curzon Press, 1983), 117-128. Mahmud Junus, Sedjarah Pendidikan Islam (Djakarta:
Pustaka Mahmudiah, 1960), 26-54.
34
around 100 students devoted themselves to learning advanced subjects, such as Islamic
theology and law.9 The wide distribution of the pesantrens was a recent
development. Since the number of Muslims who could afford performing the
pilgrimage to Mekka had increased steadily,10 some of them, after a period of study
there, returned as learned hajjis and teachers to their fellow-countrymen.11 More
telling than the total number of pesantrens were their distribution in one particular
region, the percentage of the population of the region who were hajjis12 and the
number of leaders of pesantren who were hajjis. In general the number of pesantrens
in one district is indicative for the degree of Islamization of the region. The more
pesantrens clustered in one district, the more Islamic was the complexion of the
region.13 and this altogether influenced the religious awareness of the general
9L. W. C. van den Berg, "Het Mohammedaansche godsdientsoderwijs op Java en

Madoera en de daarbij gebruikte Arabische boeken," TBG, 31 (1886): 518, as quoted
in Ann Kumar, The Diary of a Javanese Muslim, 11.
10See K. A. Steenbrink, Beberapa Aspek tentang Islam di Indonesia Abad Ke-19

(Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1984), 234-254, with tables.
“ Ibid., 248-253; particularly for Java and Madura in the period 1876-1886, 251-
252.
12As of end 1888, Banten (0.7 %), Priangan (0.5 %), Batavia (0.4 %), Semarang
(0.5%), Probolinggo (0.7%) in contrast to Yokyakarta (0.08%) and Surakarta
(0.08%), see K.A.Steenbrink, Beberapa Aspek, 252-253, table 4.
13Apart from the number of hajjis and pesantrens in one region, other institutions
such as the mosques-their number and their location in that village--and charity trusts
(waqf/awqaf) changed the complexion of the village. L. W. C. van den Berg had
noticed an essential difference between the institution of waqf (Jw. "wakap") as it was
found in West Java, particularly Banten, and the institution bearing the same name
which was found in Central Java. In contrast to that in Banten, the foundation of waqf
in Central Java generally did not come from the initiative of the owner, but rather
from the princes ("De mohammedaansche geestelijkheid en de geestelijke goederen op
35
population.14
When C. Snouck Hurgronje arrived for the first time in Batavia in 1889 he
had a specific assignment from the Dutch Administration to conduct research on the
Muslims in the colony. His short sojourn in Mekka had enabled him to build
preliminary contacts with prominent Jawi teacher-scholars who resided or were at that
time in Mekka. He won their trust, which proved to smooth his job later in the
colony. Three persons were particularly valuable for him: Raden Abu Bakr
Java en Madoera," TBG 27 (1882]: 38-39). The Islamic institution of waqf, as in the
Bantenese waqfs, points to a legal relation between owner and property in which the
endower, of his own free will, forfeits to the rights of ownership, whereas the
institution of perdikan desa points to the obligation or duty between persons of
different social strata. Ownership was not relevant, and indeed the Princes, contrary
to what the Dutch had thought, did not have absolute rights over the lands; it was
only in their capacity as rulers that they could exempt their subjects living in the
regions from their dues so that they could use the taxes in the maintenance of the
shrines, usually graves, located in the regions or the maintenance of pesantrens. This
difference pointed to the different degree of Islamization of Banten as opposed that of
Central Java, or because the two types of perpetuity derived from two different
traditions. The Islamic waqf is of private ownership, and for public use (See George
Makdisi, The Rise of Colleges, 35-74). This difference along with other factors such
as the Hindu origin of the term santri (students) and kyahi (religious teacher),
Clifford Geertz contends that the institution of pesantren was an outgrowth of Hindu-
Buddhist tradition in Java before the coming of Islam, rather than an inculturation of
the Middle-East madrasa. It was then islamized and received a new impetus from the
dynamic commercial activity of the coastal area and became an efficient channel of
islamization of the countryside of Java (Clifford Geertz, "The Javanese Kijaji: The
Changing Role of a Cultural Broker," Comparative Studies in Society and History, 2,
2 (January 1960), 228-249.
14The proportionate relation of the percentage of hajjis, the number of hajjis as

teachers in pesantren, and the Islamic awareness of the population of Banten regions
was pointed out by Sartono Kartodirdjo in his The Peasants’ Revolt of Banten in
1888, its Conditions, Course and Sequel: A Case Study of Social Movements in
Indonesia (’s-Gravenhage: Nijhoff, 1966), 152 and 158, note 58.
36
Djajadiningrat of Banten, Hajji Mustafa of Garut, and Tengku Nurdin of Aceh.15
No sooner had he landed in Batavia than he made a tour of West and Central Java,
accompanied by Hajji Hasan Mustafa, to visit the most prominent pesantrens in the
regions. He wrote travel notes which become our principal source for what
follows.16
From the Travel Notes it becomes clear that Garut and Cianjur stood out
among the rest as prominent centers of learning. Garut itself counted many
pesantrens, some of whose leaders were hajjis. The most important pesantrens and
their respective leaders were: Pesantren Caringin (Shaykh Hajji Muhammad Rafi‘i),
Pesantren Sukaregang (Kyahi Adrangi), Kiara Koneng (Hajji Mu‘allim), Pesantren
Cibangbau (‘Abdallah Salim), Pesantren Tanjung Pura (Kyahi Tanjung Pura. Hasan
Mu‘in). These pesantrens drew their students from the surrounding regions: Cianjur,
Cimahi, Bandung, Tasikmalaya in the North and North-East; Bogor, Sukabumi in the
ISOn the discussion of Snouck Hurgronje’s activities see P. Sj. van Koningsveld,
Snouck Hurgronje alias Abdoel-Ghaffar: Een historisch-kritische kantekeningen
(Leiden: Privately printed, 1982); idem, Snouck Hurgronje’s Izhaar Oel-Islaam: Een
veronachzaamd aspect van de koloniale geschiedenis (Leiden: Faculteit der
godgeleerdheid, Rijksuniversiteit, 1985), and idem, " Als Moefti vermomd" in De
Volkskrant, June 21, 1986.
I6The document which we refer to as Snouck Hurgronje’s Travel Notes, was kept
in the Library of Leiden University under Cod. Or. 7931. It was first the article of
Ph. S. van Ronkel ("Aanteekeningen over Islam en folklore in West- en Midden-Java;
uit het reisjoumal van dr. C. Snouck Hurgronje," BKI 101 (1942): 311-399) and then
P. Sj. van Koningsveld’s Snouck Hurgronje’s "Izhaar Oel-Islaam" which made us
aware of the importance of this document for our understanding of the pesantrens in
nineteenth-century Java. We classified the information according to the places of the
pesantrens and then under each place we gathered students who had been mentioned
as studying under the teachers of the pesantrens. The result revealed an interesting
picture which is found in Appendix I on the basis of which we made our analysis.
37
North-West, and Garut itself.17
Pesantrens may be called personal institutions. Their ups and downs were
closely related to the quality of their founders, and, upon their death, of their
successors. The fame of Garut as a center of learning was associated first with the
names of Kyahi Mulabaruk, Hajji Mu‘allim (Pesantren Kiara Koneng), and ‘Abdallah
Salim (Pesantren Cibangbau), the oldest Hajji in Garut. But the actual greatness of
Garut was particularly attributed to Shaykh Muhammad Garut, a grandson of Hajji
Mu‘allim through his mother, and a grandson of ‘Abdallah Salim through his father,
Hasan al-Basri.18 Thus Muhammad Garut represented the convergence of the
institutional and intellectual resources of the region through family ties and
educational tradition.
Cianjur, in the Northeast of Garut, apparently used to be under the orbit of
Garut. The oldest pesantrens yet noted in Cianjur were led by Kyahis who were not
hajjis: Pesantren Warungmangga (Kyahi Warungmangga) and Pesantren Gandaria
(Kyahi Gandaria). Even the most prominent teacher of the day who drew many
students from the surrounding regions as far away as Sukabumi19 did not perform the
pilgrimage. He was Shaykh Muhammad Sahih, a graduate of Kyahi Mulabaruk of
Garut and the leader of Pesantren Bumikasih. But most of their students continued
their studies in Mekka, then returned home as hajjis and teachers. They either
17Travel Notes, fols. 3-5.
. l9See Appendix I, under Cianjur.
38
founded their own pesantren or strengthened the staff of the existing pesantren.
Next to Cianjur was Bandung. The pesantrens in Bandung were generally
recent. Almost all of the leaders were hajjis. The pesantrens in Cicalengka, Tasik
Malaya and Manonjaya, and Sukabumi were like Bandung in these respects.20
In the rice plain of Krawang-Bekasi north of Cianjur and Garut was
Purwakarta. The principal town of the region was famous for a center of learning
under Raden Yusuf of Purwakarta. He drew students from Cianjur in the south,
Banten in the West and Bogor in the South-West.21
As far as Bogor is concerned, it was apparently related more to Banten than to
Garut.22 The pesantren of Lengkong in the district of Jasinga had been a prominent
pesantren in the past.23 But in the last quarter of the last century Lengkong was
replaced in prominence by the pesantren which was founded by Hajji ‘Abd al-Rahim
al-Ash‘ari and other pesantrens which were affiliated to it through the relatives and
students of Shaykh al-Ash‘ari of Bogor. He himself came from Banten, and after
studying with Haji Yusuf of Purwakarta, he went to Mekka. Upon his return from
Mekka, he moved to Bogor and founded a large pesantren with about 600 santris.
20Travel Notes, fols. 8-10; 14-18.
21C. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka in the Latter Part of the 19th Century: Daily Life,
Customs and Learning; The Moslims of the East-Indian Archipelago, trans. J. H.
Monahhan (Leiden: Brill, 1970), 273-274 (note]. Travel Notes, fols. 10-13.
“ The influence of Banten is still observed in Pesantren al-Falak, see Sudjoko

Prasodjo et al., Profil Pesantren: Laporan Hasil Penelitian Pesantren al-Falak dan
Delapan Pesantren Lain di Bogor (Jakarta: LP3ES, 1982), 48-49.
“ L. W. C. van den Berg, "De mohammedaansche geestelijkheid," 22.
39
The second sizable pesantren was under his student, Hajji Demar in Ciomas with
about 200 santris.24
As far as Banten itself was concerned, unfortunately the Travel Notes do not
help us much, since they do not actually cover the region. But the great number of
pesantrens in Banten and their influence in the education and formation of local
leaders has been frequently assessed. In contrast to Central-Java, "in West Java,
particularly in Banten, those who applied themselves to the study of Islam, or who
had visited the holy land, generally belonged to the most intelligent, well-to-do and
best part of the population. ',25 The role of Bantenese religious leaders in the
Bantenese revolt in 1888 has been clearly shown.26 Bantenese pesantrens, however,
never reached the fame that other pesantrens had enjoyed. Perhaps the reason was
the elementary level of education the Bantenese pesantrens offered.27
In the coastal regions East of Krawang, there were some prominent pesantrens
in Kuningan, Cirebon and Pekalongan. These centers of learning were interconnected
through the santris studying there.
In the district of Kungingan was Pesantren Kadu Gede which used to be led by
Kyahi Kadu Gede and then by his descendants. This pesantren drew most of its
santris from Priangan regions, particularly Wanaraja, Ci Pancur and Leles.
“ L. W. C. van den Berg, "De Mohammedaansche geestelijkheid, ” 24 and 36.
26Sartono Kartodirdjo, The Peasants’ Revolt of Banten in 1888, 156; 333-336

(Appendix V).
27Sudjoko Prasodjo et al., Profil Pesantren, 49.
40
In Cirebon two pesantrens were prominent: Punjul under Kyahi Munjul and
Wanantara.28 But the most prominent leader of the day was Kyahi (Rahil) Anwar of
Buntet, who was said to be a descendant of Sunan Kali Jaga.29 His son Raden Salih
Jawahir founded a large pesantren in Benda Kerep (Plered), and his son-in-law,
Khatib Qadi Anwar (d. 1879) directed a pesantren in Karian. Upon the death of
Kyahi Anwar Buntet, Khatib and H. Muhammad Sarip of Dramayu, a nephew of
Anwar Buntet, became famous in Cirebon.30
It is interesting to note that many students from Cirebon went East to
Pekalongan to study.31 The person who drew many students to Pekalongan was
Kyahi Murtada in his blossoming Pesantren Karanji. Among them were Raden Haji
Yahya, Chief-penghulu of Garut, Amir the son of Kyahi Munjul mentioned above,
and Amin the son-in-law of Salih Jawahir.
A prominent pesantren has been noted in Tegal.32 This was likely Pesantren
Tegal-Gubeng (then under Kyahi Anwar) which Snouck Hurgronje mentioned as
having enrolled sixty-seven santris, of whom thirty-one were girls.33 The only
prominent pesantren which was mentioned in Bagelen (Banyumas) was Pesantren
28J. F. G. Brumund, Het Volksonderwijs onder de Javanen (Batavia, 1857), 27.

L. W. C. van den Berg, "De mohammedaansche geestelijkheid," 22.
29Travel Notes, 22.
t r a v e l Notes, 23.
31Travel Notes, p. 22.
32L. W. C. van den Berg, " De mohammedaansche geestelijkheid," 22.
33Travel Notes, 23a.
41
Brangkal.34
Moving to East Java, we first find two famous pesantrens, Pesantren Tegalsari
in Madiun and Pesantren Banjarsari in Ponorogo. Both enjoyed the status of perdikan
desa.35 Pesantren Tegalsari became almost a classic example of other perdikan desa
because it was among the few pesantrens about which we have had a fairly complete
description with regard to its foundation, its development and its life as a center of
learning.36 Pesantren Tegalsari was founded by a divine, Kyahi Agung Kasan Basari
WL. W. C. van den Berg, "De mohammedaansche geestelijkheid," 22.
35Perdikan desa is a village under particular rules. It is an institution founded by a

ruler by which he exempted the inhabitants of a particular village or villages from
taxes in return for their services in the maintenance of shrines, generally graves of the
royal relatives and important figures, such as the Walis of Java, and also pesantrens.
According to the Dutch Register of 1887, the most important functions of perdikan
desa were three: the maintenance of local shrines, of pesantrens, and of mosques. It is
interesting that most of 241 registered perdikan desas remained for the maintenance of
graves, whereas only a small number of them were for the maintenance of pesantrens
and mosques. There is reason to argue that this first function might well have been
the original purpose of the institution, which perhaps was derived from the Hindu era,
as L.W.C van den Berg ("De mohhamedaansche geestelijkheid," 40, note 1) has
argued. If the other functions were a recent development, this might point to another
locus of smooth transition between the Hindu-Javanese to the Javanese-Muslim Era,
apart from the tradition of travel in the search for knowledge. The essential difference
between an institution bearing the same name "wakap" that existed in Banten and that
which in Central Java (see note 15) may lend support to the argument. On perdikan
desa see F. Fokkens, "De Priesterschool te Tegalsari," TBG, 24 (1877), 318-336;
"Vrije Desa’s op Java en Madoera," TBG, 31 (1886), 477-517. L. W. C. van den
Berg, " De mohammedaansche geestelijkheid," 37-46. K. A. Steenbrink, Beberapa
Aspek tentang Islam di Indonesia Abad Ke-19, 165-170. Ann Kumar, The Diary of a
Javanese Muslim, 41-45. For a complete list of this institution, see F. Fokkens,
Register betreffende de Vrijstellingen welke door de bevolking der Perdikan,
Pakoentjen en Midjen-Desa’s worden genoten en de Diensten en Leveringen waartoe
verplicht (Batavia, 1888). C. Snouck Hurgronje, Ambtelijke Adviezen van C. Snouck
Hurgronje, 1889-1936, edited by E. Gobee and C. Adriaanse (’s-Gravenhage:
Nijhoff, 1957), 1: 722-735.
36F. Fokkens, "De Priesterschool te Tegalsari," 318-336.
42
sometime before 1742. It was raised to the status of perdikan desa by Susuhunan
Paku Buwana II, the ruler of Surakarta, as a token of gratitude for the Kyahi’s help in
regaining his throne following a brief take-over by his rival, Mas Garendi, who was
supported, among others, by Chinese-Javanese soldiers. It was perhaps the relative
wealth of the pesantren which drew many students. When the article was written
(1877), Pesantren Tegalsari enrolled 252 santris from different regions of West and
Central Java: Banten, Priangan, Cirebon, Irawang, Yogjakarta, Kedu, Bagelen,
Surakarta and from Madiun itself.37 The second, Pesantren Banjarsari in Ponorogo
was raised to the status of perdikan desa in the 18th century by the Sultan of Jogya
for the benefits of the founder and his descendants.38
The fame of Tegalsari soon seemed to be eclipsed by Pesantren Sida Cerma
(or Daserma) in Surabaya39 most likely because of the outstanding competence and
knowledge of its teachers. In contrast to the leaders of Sida Cerma, not even one of
the leaders of Pesantren Tegalsari, from its foundation until well into the 1870s, had
ever been in Mekka.40 It must have hurt the longstanding fame of Tegalsari, if we
consider that in 1877 itself there were 69 hajjis from the residency of Madiun.41 By
that time people who aimed at a position in learning higher than the rest were no
37Ibid., 330.
38L. W. C. van den Berg, "De mohammedaansche geestelijkheid," 42-43.
39Ibid., 22.
40F. Fokkens, "De Priesterschool te Tegalsari," 334.
4IK. A. Steenbrink, Beberapa Aspek, 251.
43
longer satisfied with the level of education in pesantrens. Should the means of going
to Mekka have failed them, they resorted to Arab scholars who were mostly settled in
the North coastal cities of Java, Batavia, or Semarang, or they went to Sumenep in
Madura, where they found Jawi teacher-scholars who spoke Arabic fluently.42
Because communication between Surabaya and Madura was relatively easy,43
the above mentioned prominence in learning in Madura also held true for Surabaya.
The fame of Pesantren Sida Cerma had been noted by another Javanese santri-
traveller, Purwa Lelana.44 Although the Travel Notes of C. Snouck Hurgronje did
not cover Surabaya, the notes indirectly provide valuable information about the vital
importance of Pesantren Sida Cerma of Surabaya for reasons that we will mention
shortly.
The fame of Pesantren Sida Cerma was due to the family of Ubaydah, who
was said to be a descendant of Raden Rahmat Ampel (or Ngampel),45 one the nine
Walis of Java. Shaykh Ubaydah (d. 1874) succeeded Zubayr, who was perhaps his
own father and the founder of Sida Cerma. He was succeeded by ‘Abd al-Qahhar and
then by Sa‘id, Ubaydah’s grandson. Ubaydah’s brother, Nazm al-Din, became a
leader of Pesantren Kedung Madura. Ubaydah also provided one of his successful
42L. W. C. van den Berg, De mohammedaansche geestelijkheid, 26-27.
43The Javenese santri-traveller Mas Rahmat could go back and forth from
Surabaya to Madura without too much difficulty. Ann Kummar, The Diary of a
Javanese Muslim, 25.
^ Lampah-Lampahipun, I: 65, as quoted in van den Berg 1882: 22.
45Travel Notes, 7.
44
students of West Java a place to teach in the pesantren itself: this was Yusuf of Garut,
learned in astronomy. Another successful student of his was Adra‘i of Kuningan,
who led a pesantren in Sepanjang, Sudareja.
Ubaydah drew many students from Banten, Priangan and Batavia.46 The long
list of students47 that we have extracted from the Travel Notes convincingly shows
how famous Sida Cerma had been in the eyes of students of West Java, for almost all
the leaders of pesantrens in West Java in the last quarter of the nineteenth century had
once sat at the feet of Ubaydah or his successors. The reason generally given for the
choice of Sida Cerma was its fame in the study of fiqh. A line in the Travel Notes
gives a passing indication that Surabaya was the place where Arabic books were
available.48
If Pesantren Sida Cerma was famous for the study of fiqh, Madura was
outstanding in the study of Arabic grammar. It had in fact become an anecdote that
in Madura pesantrens "people did not reach the (chapter on) minor ablution, because
they dwelt too long on grammatical intricacies"49 We know of only two prominent
teachers of this pesantren who were contemporary to Shaykh Nawawi of Banten and
^L. W. C. van den Berg, "De mohammedaansche geestelijkheid," 22.
47See Appendix I, under Surabaya.
48Travel Notes, 3.
49Travel Notes, 3. Lit. "woeloe" (Dutch rendering of the Javanese word "wulu")
definitely derives from the Arabic wudu‘ (minor ablution). It refers to the chapter on
minor ablution in a complete treatise of fiqh. The chapter on minor ablution is
usually the first in a fiqh work, so this barely covers the introduction to the whole
treatise.
45
Shaykh Muhammad Garut. The first was Shaykh Khalil, who was a student of Shaykh
Nawawi, as we will see infra, and the second was Hasab Allah. Unfortunately we do
not have further information about Hasab Allah except that he and Shaykh Khalil
drew a considerable number of students of West Java who had been studying in Sida
Cerma.50
1.3 A traveller-santri from West Java in the nineteenth century: Muhammad of
Garut
It had become a pattern of the day that students who aspired to a higher
education in religious science and in Arabic undertook a journey to East Java,
particularly Surabaya and Madura. We do not have enough biographical reports
about them to delineate a definite pattern of movement of students in the period under
discussion. Perhaps the path that Muhammad b. Hasan al-Basri b. ‘Abdallah Salim
al-Garuti had trodden in his search of knowledge could serve as an illustration.
Muhammad Garut was a contemporary of our Shaykh Nawawi of Banten.
Both seemed to have a similar background of learning and made a similar contribution
to the development of Islamic learning among their fellow-countrymen. The only
difference was perhaps in that Shaykh Nawawi remained in Mekka whereas
Muhammad Garut went back and forth from Garut to Mekka so that he really "was a
link in the communicating chain between Mekka and Java. "51
50See Appendix, under Madura.
46
Muhammad Garut first studied with his own father Hasan al-Basri b. ‘Abdallah
Salim in Kara Koneng, with his uncle Muhammad Razi in Sukamana, and with his
own grandfather Hajji ‘Abdullah Salim in Cibangbau. When he was only 5 years
old, his father brought him to Mekka where stayed for 2 years. Upon his return from
Mekka he went to Tanjung Sari (Sumedang) to study under Shaykh Bunter. Then he
went Surabaya to study under the famous Shaykh ‘Ubayda and to Madura.52 When
he was 20 years of age, "as a teacher thirsting for more thorough study, "53 he set
out for Mekka again where he studied under Shaykh Ahmad b. Zahid of Solo, Ahmad
Khatib of Sambas, and then with Arab professors such as ‘Ali Rahbani al-Misri, Salih
Zawawi the father of ‘Abdallah Zawawi, Hasab Allah, and Daghestani professors.54
Most students from Priangan went to study with Muhammad Garut, in Garut as well
in Mekka, in the house behind the Qushashi quarter which he built with the money he
received from relatives and friends.55 Among his prominent students was Hajji
Hasan Mustafa of Garut.
In the Travel Notes many students of West Java who travelled to Surabaya and
Madura then had their names graced with the title of Hajji. Definitely they had not
yet been hajjis when they were studying in Surabaya and Madura. It is safe,
52He did not study under Khalil because the latter was his contemporary (see
Travel Notes, p. 26).
54Travel Notes, 26; Mekka, II: 267. As we will see, these were the same teachers
of our Shaykh Nawawi of Banten.
55C. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, 267. Travel Notes, 26.
47
therefore, to infer that in general it was only after they had studied in Surabaya and
Madura with a certain knowledge of religion and Arabic that they went to further
their studies in Mekka, as Muhammad of Garut had done. Many of them had been
called kyahi guru or ‘alim in their home country, but not yet so when they arrived in
Mekka.56 They went first to study with the Javanese scholars of their own home
country who had been long established in Mekka. Shaykh Nawawi of Banten was one
of those scholars after himself having been once like them.
56R. A. B. Djajadiningrat, Tarajim ‘ulama’ al-Jawa (Leiden: Oriental Manuscript

Library), mss Cod Or. 7111, received by C. Snouck Hurgronje in December 17,
1887, fol. 1.
48
SECTION TWO
2. Pursuit of Learning in the Haramayn
In his article written in 1975, A. H. Johns suggested a new direction for
research on Islam in Southeast Asia, particularly the Malay-Indonesian world.57
However, the scholarship of the region had to wait for the extensive studies of
Azyumardi Azra58 and Martin van Bruinessen59 to make a real breakthrough. This
study remedies significantly our poor knowledge of the early Jawi settlers in the
period prior to the nineteenth century which had been limited to serendipitous and
fragmented pieces of information. Azra used primary manuscript sources in Malay
and Arabic as well as biographical dictionaries to gather the "scattered bones" of
information about the Malay-Indonesian scholars and their teachers, particularly in
Yemen and the Haramayn: Mecca and Medina. There was revealed a nexus of
scholars and scholarship between the Middle East and the Malay-Indonesian world,
particularly in the seventeenth and eighteenth century, that brought renewal and
reform into the socio-religious life of Malay-Indonesian Muslims. In the first part of
57A. H. Johns, "Islam in South East Asia: reflections and new directions,"
Indonesia, 19 (1975): 33-55.
58Azyumardi Azra, Jaringan Ulama Timur Tengah dan Kepulauan Nusantara Abad
XVII dan XVIII: Melacak Akar-Akar Pembaharuan Pemikiran Islam di Indonesia
(Jakarta: Mizan, 1994). This is a revised edition of his "The Transmission of Islamic
Reformism to Indonesia: Networks of Middle Eastern and Malay-Indonesian ‘Ulama’
in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Century" (Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation,
Columbia University, 1992).
59Martin van Bruinessen, Kitab Kuning, Pesantren, dan Tareket: Tradisi-Tradisi

Islam di Indonesia (Jakarta: Mizan, 1995).
49
this section, we will follow Azra’s study, particularly regarding the presence of the
Jawi students in the Hijaz. In the second we still have to depend on the study of C.
Snouck Hurgronje on the Jawi settlers in the Hijaz, among them Shaykh Nawawi of
Banten.
2.1 Jawi students in the Hijaz prior to the nineteenth century
Despite the suggestion by Schrieke of the presence of Malay-Indonesian pilgrims
as earlier as the twelfth century,60 Azra argues that the earliest account of Malay-
Indonesian pilgrims in Mecca is most likely that of Lewis Barthema in the early
sixteenth century. Disguised as a Muslim, Barthema made a pilgrimage to Mecca,
then he recorded his observations and experiences, noting the presence of pilgrims
from "the lesser East Indies" (the Malay-Indonesian regions). From the sixteenth
century onwards, when the commercial and political conditions between the Middle
East and the Malay-Indonesian archipelago had become better, according to Azra, we
are on a firmer ground to speak about the presence of the Malay-Indonesian pilgrims
in the Haramayn.61
It is unnecessary to recall here that despite certain legitimate excuses such as the
long distance and the often mentioned insecurity of the roads to Mecca,62 pilgrimage
60B. J. O. Schrieke, The Indonesian Sociological Studies (The Hague: Van Hoeve,
1957), 2: 245.
6lAzra, "The Transmission of Islamic Reformism to Indonesia," 105, 159-160;

Jaringan Ulama, 48, 73.
62See for example R. F. Burton, Personal Narratives on a Pilgrimage to al-

Madinah & Meccah (New York: Dover, 1964), 1: 256-258.
50
to Mecca once in a lifetime remains one of the principal religious duties of Muslims.
Given the difficulties of travel between the heartland of Islam and South East Asia,
Jawi pilgrims were almost forced to stay in the Haramayn for long periods before
they could return to their countries. Documentation of their presence in Middle East
literature came somewhat later, for much depended on how the writer regarded them.
Therefore, the mention of Jawis in such literature, however brief and general it was,
pointed to a new perception on the part of the host country with regard to the
presence of Jawi students among its people. Something meaningful had to have
happened to inspire someone to write about it. References to names of individual
Jawi students are significant for us not so much on account of the information that
they give about the persons concerned, but rather because of a typological description
that they offer of the Jawi students and of the extent to which the Jawi students made
an impression on the host society.
The seminal research of John 0 . Voll has shed light on the importance of
Medina as a center of learning until well into the eighteenth century.63 Perhaps it is
not a coincidence that it was also in Medina that we learn of the earliest known
reference to Jawi students in a Middle Eastern document.64 The reference was made
63See John O. Voll, "Muhammad Hayya al-Sindi and Muhammad Ibn al-Wahhab:
an analysis of an intellectual group in eighteenth-century Medina," BSOAS 38, 1
(1975): 32-39. And his "Hadith, scholars, tariqah: an ulama group in the eighteenth-
century Haramayn and their impact in the Islamic world," JAAS, 15 (1980), 264-273.
MA. H. Johns, "Islam in South East Asia: reflections and new directions,"
Indonesia, 19 (1975), 44. And his "Friends in Grace: Ibrahim al-Kurani and ‘Abd al-
Ra’uf al-Sinkeli," in S. Udin, ed., Spectrum (Jakarta, 1978), 469-485.
51
by Mustafa al-Hamawi (d. 1711), a student of Burhan al-Din Mulla Ibrahim b. Hasan
al-Kurani (d. 1690). This Ibrahim al-Kurani was a smdent of Ahmad al-Qushashi (d.
1660-1), who himself was among the students of Sibghat Allah (d. 1606), an Indian
sufi wanderer who finally settled in Medina and became a leading Shattariyyah
shaykh. With Ahmad al-Shinnawi (d. 1619), another student of Sibghat Allah,
Ahmad al-Qushashi became, as it were, the Nestors of what became commonly
known as the neo-sufism movement in the Haramayn. This was a brand of sufism
that reconciled and blended the esoterism of the former sufism (baqiqa) with the
exoterism of Islamic orthopraxis (sharTa). Abmad al-Qushashi together with Ibrahim
al-Kurani and other students constituted the principal proponents of the movement
whose fame and influence went far beyond the geographical boundaries of Arabia.65
Al-Hamawi66 reported his teacher’s account of one of his Jawi students and
what the latter himself had told his teacher about the condition of Muslims in their
homelands, particularly concerning the disputes between two opposing parties, each
“ John O. Voll’s studies on the nexus of ulama in the eighteenth century (see
footnote 6 in this chapter) has been expanded by the study of Azyumardi Azra, that
covers the seventeenth-century networks of ulamas, and provides a detailed discussion
on the historical background o f the nexus, the discourses, and the core scholars,
characteristics and tendencies, and its ramification to Asia and Africa. See Azra,
"The Transmission of Islamic Reformism," 135-345; Jaringan Ulama, 59-296.
Among the principal proponents of the movement, three came from the Archipelago:
Nur al-Din al-Raniri (d. 1658), ‘Abd al-Ra‘uf al-Sinkili (of Singkel, Aceh; d. 1693)
and Muhammad Yusuf al-Maqassari (of Gowa, Makassar, Sulawesi; d. 1699), see
"The Transmission of Islamic Reformisn, 188; Jaringan Ulama, 89-93.
“ In his Fawa’id al-Irtihal wa Nata’ij al-Safar [The profits of travel and the gains
of journeying]. This is a biographical dictionary of the ulama in the 17th century; still
in ms. Dar al-Kutub, Cairo, Ta’rikh 1093.
52
one drawing its arguments from a treatise on mysticism, the Tuhfa.67 One of those
Jawi students asked him to write a commentary on the treatise68 so that the true
knowledge of Islam would help in settling the disputes in their home-country.69
Although al-Hamawi did not mention the name of the Jawi student, this Jawi
was likely the one whom al-Muradi identified as ‘Abd al-Ra’uf of Singkel [1615-
1693], or one of his colleagues.70 The pieces of information substantiate the
presence of a Jawi group in Medina. They were definitely not the first for reasons we
have mentioned above. The mention of them, therefore, suggests that from the mid
seventeenth century there had been a change in the perception on the part of the host
country with respect to the presence of the Jawi community. For what reason? It is
difficult to know. The best informed guess would be on account of their number.
But why then did it matter at all? From the perspective of the teacher, Jawi students
represented intermediaries through whom he could extend his influence far beyond the
physical and geographical constraints. Jawi students were channels of his influence,
67Tuhfa al-Mursala ila Ruh al-Nabi by Muhammad b. Fadl Allah; see a critical
edition and rendering into English by A.H. Johns, Canberra: Australian National
University (Oriental Monograph Series, N° 1, 1965).
“ Ithaf al-Dhaki bi Sharh al-Tubfa al-Mursala ila al-Nabi [A presentation to the

discriminating in explanation of the Gift addressed to the Prophet]. A critical edition
and study was being prepared by A. H. Johns and Dr. Nagah Mahmud al-Ghunaymi
[see Johns 1978, 477, note 1].
69Johns, "Islam in South-East Asia: Reflections and new directions," 48-52; and
his "Friends in Grace: Ibrahim al-Kurani and ‘Abd al-Ra’uf al-Singkeli," in S. Udin
(ed.), Spectrum, (Jakarta, 1978), 476-481.
70al-Muradi, Kitab Silk al-Durar fi A‘yan al-Qam al-Thani ‘Ashar, s.v., Ibrahim
al-Kurani, as mentioned in Johns, "Islam in Southeast Asia: Reflections and new
directions," 49.
53
not to mention the financial benefits he could expect from them. The students who
could afford to come to Medina must have been people of certain means, and perhaps
the legendary generosity of the Acehnese Queen when a Meccan delegation came
there in 1683 was not unheard of in Medina.71 The fact that a Jawi community
managed to induce a Meccan teacher to write a treatise for their benefit is in itself
impressive.
Another Jawi by the name of Muhammad Jamal al-Din al-Sumpudanawi was
also reported to have been active in Medina.72 A. H. Johns identified the place of
his origin as Sumpur Danau in Minangkabau. Unfortunately there was no reference
to the period of time in which he lived. Johns considered van Ronkel’s attempt to
place Jamal al-Din in the seventeenth century as being insufficiently grounded,
although it seems that Johns-and who would not?--found the early dating
interesting.73 What is significant for our purpose here is not so much the dating as
such. Given the striking similarities of Jamal al-Din’s course of action to that which
‘Abd al-Ra’uf of Singkel had followed with respect to the places he visited in Yemen,
the mystical order to which he belonged in Medina, his first sojourn in Aceh, and his
subsequent career, we think it is safe to say that Jamal al-Din belonged to the type of
Jawi pilgrims and aspirant scholars to which ‘Abd al-Ra’uf also belonged. Both
71C. Snouck Hurgronje, "Een Mekaansch Gezantschap naar Atjeh in 1683," in his
Verspreide Geschriften, 3: 139-147.
72A. H. Johns, "From Coastal Settlement to Islamic School and City: Islamization
in Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula and Java," Hamdard Islamicus 4, 4 (1981): 14-15.
73Ibid., 14.
54
showed their deep concerns for their fellow-Muslims in their home countries. These
concerns were particularly manifested in two ways. The first was the fact that they
returned to their home country—‘Abd al-Ra’uf to Aceh and Jamal al-Din to
Minangkabau—to assume the functions of teachers to their fellow-Muslims. And
second, perhaps even more important, was that they both felt the need of their fellow-
Muslims for religious books in the vernacular language, Malay.74
Another precursor of Islamic renewal in the seventeenth-century Malay-
Indonesian archipelago was Muhammad Yusuf al-Maqassari from Gowa,
Sulawesi/Celebes (d. 1699).75 He left Makassar in 1644, went to Banten, perhaps to
Ranir (Rander, India) to study with Nur al-Din al-Raniri (d. 1658), another reformer
and advisor to Acehnese Sultans until his departure to his birthplace, Rander, in 1644.
Then he went to Yemen, where he studied in Zabid with the contemporary leading
Yemeni scholars, and finally to Mecca and Medina. Since his presence in the Hijaz
coincided with that of ‘Abd al-Ra‘uf of Singkel, Azra believes that Muhammad Yusuf
74‘Abd al-Ra’uf wrote, among others, Tatjuman al-Mustafid, a full rendering of

the Qur’an in Malay. For a long time it had been thought a translation of al-
Baydawi’s Tafsir Anwar al-Tanzil. A recent study by P. Riddell has shown that it was
actually a Malay rendering of Tafsir Jalalayn with additions from al-Baydawi’s Tafsir
Anwar al-Tanzil and particularly from al-Khazin’s Lubab al-Ta’wil fi Ma‘ani al-
Tanzil with further additions by ‘Abd al-Ra’u f s student Dawud Rumi. See P. Riddell,
"The sources of ‘Abd al-Ra’u f s Tarjuman al-Mustafid, " JMBRAS, 57, 2 (1984): 198
and Transferring A Tradition: ‘Abd al-Ra’uf al-Singkili’s Rendering into Malay of the
Jalalayn Commentary (Berkeley, California: Centers for South and Southeast Asia
Studies, 1984), 63-69.
750 n him, see Azra, "Transmission of Islamic Reformism to Indonesia, " 416-458;
Jaringan Ulama, 211-239.
55
of Makassar must have studied with the same teachers of ‘Abd al-Ra’uf. To further
his studies, Muhammad Yusuf also went to Damascus and perhaps as far as Istanbul.
It was reported that he taught in Mecca for a while. Then he returned to Banten,
where he was married to a daughter of the Bantenese Sultan, Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa.
He was embroiled in the family feud in the Bantenese Sultanate that drew the Dutch
colonial interest on the then prosperous commercial harbor. He was exiled to
Srilanka, and then again to the Cape of Good Hope, South Africa, where he died and
was buried in 1699.
Then, unfortunately, there follows a long silence after the death of ‘Abd al-
Ra‘uf of Singkel. We hear nothing about the presence of Achenese students in the
heartland of Islam. The apparent discontinuity of information about the Jawi of
Acheh is partly explained by the patterns by which the Islamic port cities waxed and
waned as political and commercial powers, parallel with their reputations as centers of
Islamic learning.76 But, the impact of the neo-sufist translation of Islam to the
Malay-Indonesian archipelago was spread through different regions. This is clear
from the growing diversity of the regions from which came major scholars to the
Haramayn in the eighteenth century, such as: Palembang, Sumatra; Banjar, South
Kalimantan; Patani, South Thailand; Batavia; and Sulawesi.
76See A.H. Johns, "From Coastal Settlements to Islamic School and City:
Islamization in Sumatra. The Malay peninsula and Java," Hamdard Islamicus, 4, 4
(1981):3- 28; and his "Islam in Southeast Asia: reflections and new directions,"
Indonesia, 19 (1975), 34-35.
56
From South Kalimantan two Banjari teacher-scholars became instrumental in the
renewal of the Islamic community in Banjar and the surrounding regions. The first
was Muhammad Nafis b. Idris b. Husayn al-Banjari.77 But, the most influential in
terms of his legacy was Muhammad Arshad al-Banjari (d. 1812).78 After marrying
the daughter of the Sultan of Banjarmasin, Sultan Tahlil Allah (d. 1745), Muhammad
Arshad pursued his studies in the Haramayn under the Sultan’s sponsorship. After
staying in the Haramayn for 35 years, he returned to the archipelago, after a short
visit to Cairo, together with his fellow Jawi scholars: ‘Abd al-Rabman al-Batawi (of
Batavia), and ‘Abd al-Wahhab al-Bugisi (of Bugis, Sulawesi). He became famous for
his expertise in mathematical calculations, important for properly determining the
exact direction of a mosque (qibla) toward Mecca. Upon his return to Banjar,
Kalimantan, he founded a center of learning modelled on the Middle Eastern madrasa
where future leading scholars in Kalimantan were trained. His work Sabil al-
Muhtadin was very popular in the Malay-Indonesian Muslim communities.
Prominent figures from Palembang, at least at the local level, were: Kemas
Muhammad b. Ahmad, who lived between 1719 and 1763; Kemas Fakhr al-Din who
’’On him, see Azra, Transmission of Islamic Reformism to Indonesia, 508-512;

Jaringan Ulama, 251-257.
78There are several books on the biography of Muhammad Arshad al-Banjari.

The most important are: Zafry Zamzam, Syekh Muhammad Arsyad al-Banjari sebagai
Ulama Juru Da’wah (Banjarmasin: karya, 1974); Jusuf Halidi, Ulama Besar
Kalimantan: Sjech Muhammad Arsjad al-Banjari (Martapura: jajasan al-Banjari,
1968); Abu Daudi, Maulana Sjekh Moh. Arsyad al-Banjari (Martapura: Sullam al-
Ulum, 1980) Saghir Abdullah, Syeikh Muhd. Arsjad al-Banjari: Matahari Islam
(Pontianak: al-Fathanah, 1983). See also Azra, "Transmission of Islamic Reformism
to Indonesia," 501-508.
lived in the second half of the eighteenth century; Shihab al-Din b. ‘Abd Allah
Muhammad; and Muhammad Mubyi al-Din b. Shihab al-Din. Their knowledge of
Arabic suggests that both had studied in Mecca long enough to be proficient in it.
What is interesting for our purpose here is that they continued the long standing
practices of the Jawi scholars, in that they served their country by returning to their
place of birth (Palembang and Banjar), teaching their fellow-Muslims, and providing
them with Malay renderings of some Islamic religious treatises.79
It is with ‘Abd al-Samad al-Falimbani (of Palembang, fl. 1789), that we notice a
significant, if subtle, development with respect to the functions of Jawi students in
Mecca. It is true that he still helped his fellow-Muslims by rendering Arabic treatises
into Malay.80 But in contrast to the preceding Jawi scholars he is particularly
interesting for our purpose in two respects.
In the first place, his influence went beyond his local (Palembang) region. His
correspondence with the rulers of Java indicate this. To the Sultans of Yogyakarta
‘Abd al-Samad sent two letters in which he recommended, among other things, that
79Johns, "From Coastal Settlement," 16-17. Muhammad b. Ahmad Kemas at the

request of his patron, Sultan Mahmud Badr al-Din, translated into Malay an Arabic
work by ‘Abd al-Rabman b. Muhammad b. ‘All b. Ahmad al-Bistami, entitled Babr
al-Wuquf fi ‘Ilm al-Tawfiq wa al-Huruf [see R.O. Windstedt, "A history of classical
Malay literature," JMBRAS, 31, 3 (1961): 125.]. On the Malay works of scholars of
Palembang see G. W. J. Drewes, Directions for Travellers on the Mystique Path (The
Hague: Nijhoff, 1977), 189-241.
“ He rendered al-Ghazali’s works, one of which was Lubab Ihya’‘Ulum al-Din,

into Malay, which in itself was an significant achievement. For a list of his writings
and translations see P. Voorhoeve, "‘Abd al-Samad al-Falimbani, in El2,1: 92.]
58
the ruler appoint two of his Jawi students to religious positions.81 Second,
particularly important for our purposes here, is that he stayed in Mecca permanently.
He thus represented the type of Jawi teachers who established themselves in Mecca
for the benefit of their Jawi co-religionists. If ‘Abd al-Ra’uf and Muhammad Yusuf
al-Maqassari were the first known Jawi students ever to be mentioned in Middle
Eastern documents, ‘Abd al-Samad is the first known Jawi teacher-scholar to settle
permanently in Mecca. It represented a new phase in the development of the Jawi
presence in Mecca. The fact that ‘Abd al-Samad established himself in Mecca
without losing his contacts with and his concerns for his home country suggests that
there were sufficient, if not urgent, reasons for it. The most logical reason for his
permanent stay in Mecca was likely the increasing number of Jawi Muslims who
came to Mecca to study. The flow of pilgrims to Mecca and their impact on the
reform of the socio-religious complexion of the Muslims in their home country upon
their return from Mecca were behind the radical renewal movement in Minangkabau,
West Sumatra, in the beginning of the nineteenth century. This movement was a
continuity from the renewal movement in the previous centuries, but some new
elements also came into play, namely, the commercial and colonial interests of
Western power in the regions, particularly the Dutch and the British trading
companies.
8lG. W. J. Drewes, "Further data concerning ‘Abd al-Samad al-Palimbani," BKI,

132 (1976), 267-292. A. H. Johns, "From Coastal Settlement," 17-18.
59
Christine Dobbin in her study on Minangkabau82 put Islamic revival in the
context of a changing traditional economy. She argued that people became more and
more aware of and committed to Islamic teachings on account of the increasing
number of people who acquired wealth and could thus afford the pilgrimage to
Mecca. Minangkabau was open to an international market which demanded a new
export commodity, coffee. This new commodity prompted a deep change in the
traditional economy of the regions. Economic activities moved from the rice-fields to
the highlands, which were very suitable for coffee culture. This new wealth shook
the region, prompted social unrest, and generated many sorts of criminal activity with
which the traditional authority could no longer cope. Islam with its legal
prescriptions emerged as a new authority which was able to meet the demands of the
time.
Despite the great number of new hajjis and the extent of the Islamic revival, it
is striking that practically no name rose to prominence as a teacher-scholar
comparable in stature to that of ‘Abd al-Ra’uf. However, we ought to be wary of the
danger of making such an argument ex silentio.83 The beginning of the Islamic
revival has been over and over again associated with the arrival in 1803 of three hajjis
from Mecca: Hajji Miskin, Hajji Sumanik and Hajji Piobang. It is interesting to note
that their names did not even appear in the voluminous contemporary Dutch
“ Christine Dobbin, Islamic Revivalism in a Changing Peasant Economy: Central

Sumatra, 1784-1847 (London & Malmo : Curzon Press, 1983).
“ Johns, "From Coastal Settlement," 16.
Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
60
documents. It was a Dutch author, van der Hart, who was the first to evoke their
names, albeit without mentioning his source.84 The report on three hajjis was
certainly true, but given their insignificant role in the subsequent unfolding of the
movement itself, they perhaps simply pointed to the fact that there were great number
of Minangkabau Muslims who studied in Mecca.
The number of Jawi students in Mecca received a new impetus in the nineteenth
century when pilgrimage became more affordable and the means of transport became
relatively easy on account of the introduction of the steamboat and the opening of the
Suez Canal.85 Since that time the Javanese settlers multiplied, the number of Jawi
professors increased, and Arabic texts became more accessible to the students. As a
result, commentaries on Arabic texts in Arabic were needed even more. It was at
this point that Shaykh Nawawi of Banten came into the picture.
2.2 The Jawi settlers in nineteenth-century Mekka
Even in the nineteenth century, when for political reasons information on the
Jawi settlers in Mekka was urgently desired by the colonial government, our
knowledge about them remained very scanty. Concerned with the increasing number
of pilgrims to Mekka from its colony, and with their potential for political influence
Ê. B. Kielstra, Sumatra’s Westkust van 1826 ... 1849; K. A. Steenbrink [1984],
36; van der Hart, "Oorsprong der Padaries, TNI, 1, 1 (1838); 113-132.
“ The best socio-political study on the pilgrimage of the Jawis to Mecca in pre
modem Indonesia is still J. Vredenbregt, "The Hadjj; some of its features and
functions in Indonesia," BKI, 118 (1962), 91-154. See also K. A. Steenbrink [1984],
234-268.
61
when they returned home, the Dutch government established a consulate in Jedda in
1872.86 There were various reasons, however, that prevented the Dutch consulate’s
personnel from obtaining information about the Jawi settlers in Mekka.
In the first place, Mekka was in a way isolated from the world outside.
Bedouin robbers continually threatened the security of the roads that connected Jedda
and Mekka, Medina and Mekka; even the newly built railroad that transported
pilgrims from Damascus to Medina was not spared.87 Jawi pilgrims, once they
arrived in Jedda and particularly in Mekka, immediately felt the air of liberation from
the Dutch, for no non-Muslim is permitted to enter Mekka. The Dutch were
desperate to regain control over them, which they attempted first by issuing a
regulation which stipulated that any Dutch subject report himself to the consulate upon
arrival in Jedda to obtain a "visa." But every year there were passports that were not
picked up from the consulate, so this means of control was practically useless. Also
the number of people who wanted to change their status from Dutch subjects to
Turkish subjects increased. The second was to establish a vice-consulate in Mekka;
but the Turkish government rejected this request outright.88
As for the reason why even the Dutch consulate in Jedda could not
“ For a historical background for the foundation of the consulate, its first
purposes, see Introduction to the Archives of the Dutch Consulate in Jedda (The
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, The Hague), MSS, i-iii.
87"Mekkagangers, Bedoeinen en de Hedjaz-spoorweg," IG, 30, 1 (1908): 525-526.
88P. G. (H.C. Prinsen Geerligs), "Bedevaartverslag 1912-1913 van den Consul te

Djeddah," IG, 35, 2 (1913): 1644. See also "De Djawakolonie en de mystieke
broederschappen in Mekka," IG, 37,1 (1915): 538.
R eprod u ced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
62
obtain information on the Jawi settlers in Mekka was that its main concern was with
the pilgrims and not with those who stayed behind in Mekka. At one point the
consul, out of desperation in his attempt at tracing the Jawi pilgrims who did not pick
up their passports, requested his government that the consulate be relieved of the
responsibility of protecting them.89 It is true that the consulate had a couple of
people who could freely go in and out of Mekka, but they were usually already
exhausted by the work they had to do in dealing with the incoming pilgrims from
Indonesia so that they had no time and energy left to observe the Jawi settlers in
Mekka.
In 1884 C. Snouck Hurgronje came to Jedda and in the following year he
managed to enter Mekka where he stayed for about six months. Apart from pursuing
his personal interest in the pilgrimage in general on which he had written a
dissertation,90 he came particularly to conduct research on the Jawi pilgrims in
Mekka. The result of his personal observation and the information he obtained from
his main Javanese informant, Raden Abu Bakar Djajadiningrat, was his famous
Mekka, in which he devoted a separate chapter to the Jawis.91 This chapter was the
first and remains the most important scholarly contribution to our knowledge on the
89"De bedevaart nar Mekka 1909/10," IG, 32, 2 (1910): 1641.
^C. Snouck Hurgronje, Het mekkaansche feest (Leiden: Brill. Thesis

Rijksuniversitet Leiden 1880). Reprinted in his Verspreide Geschriften, 1 (1923), 1-
124.
9lC. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka in the Latter Part of the 19th Century: Daily Life,
Customs and Learning; The Moslims of the East-Indian-Archipelago, transl. J.H.
Monahan (Leiden: Brill, 1960), especially Chapter Four.
63
Jawi colony in Mekka. Other information which came out of the consular reports
after its publication provided further detailed information which C. Snouck Hurgronje
was unaware of, and which by no means changed the main contents with regard to the
Jawi colony.
C. Snouck Hurgronje’s description of the Jawi colony in Mekka was a function
of his Islamic policy—hence its bias—which he proposed to replace the current Dutch
colonial policy, the so-called Hajji Policy.92 According to him the politically
threatening people were not the regular pilgrims who stayed in Mekka only during the
pilgrimage season, but rather those who stayed behind joining the Jawi colony in
Mekka for the purpose of learning and later to become teachers in their own country.
These people were more dangerously susceptible to Pan-Islamism.93 Despite its
political bias, Snouck Hurgronje’s description of the Jawis still provided precious
^The growing number of the Jawi pilgrims had always risen as a subject of
discussion in the Dutch Parliament, in which a new measure was proposed every
fiscal year to curb the increase of the pilgrims for economic and political reasons (C.
Snouck Hurgronje, "De Hadji-Politiek der Indische Regeering, " VG, IV/2: 175; also
J. Vredenbregt, "The Hadjj," 97-104). Snouck Hourgronje questioned the validity of
the arguments behind the "Hajji Policy" and he strongly suggested an overhaul of the
whole policy and replaced it with what he called "The Islamic Policy." As a response
to four consecutive articles of Mr. Brooshooft, he wrote "Therefore there is no "Hajji
Policy," but rather an Islamic Policy which consisted in directing our attention to
Mekka; the government must know what happened there especially with regard to the
"Jawi colony" ("Hadji-Politiek?" VG, IV/1: 368). This policy had a long term
objective: a political association of the colony to the Dutch Royal Government with a
certain degree of dissociation in religious affairs (C. Snouck Hurgronje, "Politique
Musulmane de la Hollande," V G , IV/2: 225-306; H. J. Benda, "Christiaan Snouck
Hurgronje and the foundation of Dutch Islamic policy in Indonesia, " Journal of
Modem History, 30 (1958): 338-347).
93C. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, 249-251.
64
information on the socio-economic, and cultural (particularly linguistic), impact of the
Jawi pilgrims and settlers on Mekkan society. But in the following our concentration
will be focused on the Jawi settlers in Mekka in their relationship to the pilgrims
coming from their homeland.
From Snouck Hurgronje’s accounts we leam how close was the correlation
between the Jawi settlement in Mekka and the stream of pilgrims who came from the
Archipelago. The Jawi settlements in Mekka both grew out of the pilgrims and first
and foremost functioned in their service. These two characteristics of the Jawi
settlements in Mekka were reflected in the settlers themselves.
We have no information on the number of the Jawi settlers in Mekka until late
in the nineteenth century. We assume that their number fluctuated according to the
annual influx of pilgrims. In a Consular Report of 1895 we read that the number of
Jawi settlers in Mekka was approximately 5,000.94 Some eighteen years later it was
reported that according to the data collected independently by Raden Abu Bakar, then
a retired interpreter of the Dutch consulate, and a certain retired wedono, a
government official under a Resident, who became an advisor to the consulate, both
of whom lived in Mekka, the number of Jawi settlers rose to 5,600. From the tally
were excluded children under 12 years old, but it did include people who were bom
of two parents coming from the Archipelago as well as those who were bom of Jawi
94"De bedevaart naar Mekka," IG, 19, 1 (1897): 394.
65
fathers and Arab, or other ethnic, mothers.95 There were at least six categories of
Jawi settlers in Mekka with some overlapping between them.
The first were people of eight to thirty years old who came to Mekka
accompanying their masters and in their service. They were often, if inappropriately,
called "slaves." Upon the conclusion of their master’s pilgrimage, some of them were
persuaded by Jawis of the same region to stay, either in the service of the persuaders
themselves or in the service of Arab teacher-scholars.96 In return for their services,
they received free lodging and opportunities for learning by the simple fact that they
sojourned in Mekka.
Second, there were young people without prospects who were sent to Mekka by
their parents in the hope that they would learn something. These young people lived
from the money their parents sent them.97
Third, there were elderly people who preferred to spend the last days of their
life as close neighbors of God. In this category can be included parents who
established themselves in Mekka for the sake of their children’s education.
Fourth, there were a small number of Jawi who engaged in business in the
service of Jawi pilgrims. During Snouck Hurgronje’s sojourn in Mekka there were
hardly any Jawi who entered into business. Snouck Hurgronje maintained that they
lacked the cunning and endurance required for business, but apart from that the Jawi
95"De Djawakolonie en de mystieke broederschappen in Mekka," IG, 37, 1

(1915): 538. The following paragraph is taken mainly from this consular report.
%C. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, 250.
97An interesting example in R. A. Djajadiningrat’s Herinneringen, 179-180.
66
regarded earning profits as a way of making a living as reprehensible. But urgent
financial need and widening opportunities on account of the increasing number of
pilgrims were responsible for more and more people venturing into business. If
Snouck Hurgronje saw only one Acehnese working as a shop-assistant and a few
families manufacturing souvenirs of Mekka, in 1913-1914 there were Jawis who ran
small business, owned shops or were engaged in trade. There were seven shops run
by Jawi families that sold clothing; 17 women and one man sold home-made
garments, and even some 17 men who peddled clothes around the city. Besides, there
were 23 tailors of pilgrim suits, 13 goldsmiths, a dozen who sold foodstuffs, and even
one shop selling perfumes. However, considering the size of the Jawi colony in
Mekka, the number of whose engaged in business was relatively small.98
Despite their small number, the fifth category, on account of the functions they
performed in relation to the pilgrimage, was an important section in the Jawi colony
in Mekka. They were the pilgrim guides (pilgrim shaykhs) and their subordinates or
representatives (Ar. wakil) who led pilgrims coming from their districts in performing
their rituals.99 It was usually the representatives who went back and forth from
Mekka and the Archipelago to recruit prospective pilgrims, led them to Mekka,
received them in Jedda and turned them over to their chief shaykhs in Mekka.
98"De Djawakolonie," 538-539. C. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, 221-222.
"Under the new regulation by which the Sherif of Mekka controlled and increased
his share in the income which the pilgrim-shaykhs obtained from pilgrims, licenses
(taqrir) were given to pilgrim-guides on a temporary basis and limited to specific
regions of pilgrims (C. Snouck Hurgroje, Mekka, 78-79).
67
According to a consular report of 1895, there were about one thousand pilgrim
shaykhs for pilgrims of different nationalities, among whom 150 to 200 were licensed
for Jawi pilgrims.100 Beside earning a good sum of money, pilgrim shaykhs also
drew respect from Jawi pilgrims. But their largest income derived from their control
over the money which the pilgrims entrusted to them to arrange a pilgrimage on
behalf of their deceased relatives. The pilgrim shaykh then could distribute the
money to his close relatives who carried out the replacement-pilgrimage and in their
turn gave him a portion of the money.
The last category of Jawi settlers was the most important, for they represented,
as Snouck Hurgronje called them, "the kernel of the Jawah colony" in Mekka. They
were the teachers and students. The terms "teachers" and "students" were not always
so distinct from one another as they might first appear. For one thing, every Jawi
usually came to Mekka as a pupil or a student, although he had been teaching in his
home country. Furthermore, it was very common that an individual taught at home
on his own account, or in his teacher’s house as an assistant to him, and found
another time of the day to study with the teacher or with another senior teacher. The
system of assistantship was very common in Mekka. Age was not always a good
measure for distinguishing teachers from students, for there was no minimum age for
starting one’s study, and besides, there were those who sat at the feet of a teacher not
so much for learning as such as for the blessing of listening to sacred science.
l0O''De bedevaart naar Mekka," IG, 19, 1 (1897): 391; "De bedevaart naar Mekka
van 1898," IG, 21, 1 (1899): 566-567; "Bedevaartverslag 1912-1913 van dem Consul
te Djeddah," IG, 35, 2 (1913): 1636-1737, 1641-1642.
68
Although there was a strong affinity between a teacher and his students, the ease with
which a student could change from one teacher to another made the affinity not as
strict as it was between a Shaykh of a Sufi order and his followers.
Jawi students obviously constituted the greatest part of the Jawi colony in
Mekka, but the wide range of their levels, their non-terminal status—studentship was
only a stage in the entire process of study—and their mobility make it much more
difficult to categorize them than the teachers.
As far as Jawi teachers are concerned, we can distinguish at least two categories
of teachers. First there were teachers in general (mu‘allim, mudarris), who taught
basic or elementary religious science, usually Qur’anic recitation and elementary
Arabic. In general, Jawi students who had just arrived in Mekka and who had some
knowledge of Arabic went to these teachers. His teacher could quickly detect
whether he should move to another senior teacher on account of the level he had
already achieved before coming to Mekka. Then there were a limited number of
people who, on account of their long sojourn and teaching career in Mekka, the
knowledge they had accumulated, and the respect of their fellow-teachers, rose to the
position of shaykh or senior teacher. Some of those shaykhs wrote treatises of
religious science on the basis of which they gave lectures. Because of their writings
in addition to their teaching career, we may call them teacher-scholars. One of them
was Shaykh Nawawi of Banten to whom we now turn our attention.
69
SECTION THREE
3. Life and Career
Muhammad Nawawi, Abu ‘Abd al-Mu‘ti, b. ‘Umar b. ‘Arabi b. ‘All al-Jawi al-
Bantani, better known as Shaykh Nawawi of Banten,101 was bom in 1230/1813-
1814102 in Tanara, in the district of Tirtayasa, in the regency of Serang, Banten,
West Java. He was the eldest son of Hajji ‘Umar, the penghulu103 and religious
10lIn all of the works of Shaykh Nawawi, his proper name is consistently spelled
"Nawawi," which was the common Arabic spelling. However, a different spelling
"Nawawi" was also used particularly by those who knew him in person like Raden
Abubakar Djajadiningrat (Tarajim, fols 1-2), ‘Abd al-Sattar al-Dihlawi (‘Abd al-
Jabbar, Siyar wa Tarajim Ba‘d ‘Ulama’ina ft Qam al-Rabi‘ ‘Ashara li al-Hijra (Jedda:
Tihama, 1982), 288) and C. Snouck Hurgronje (Mekka, 268-276). The spelling
“Nawawi,” if rarely, was also used by Arabs (see for example Sarkis, 1883 :"Musa
b. ‘Ali b. Husayn al-Nawawi). However, most likely the spelling "Nawawi" followed
the common Javanese pronunciation of Arab names which tends to put an accent on
the second syllable. It was a common practice among the Jawis to name their sons
after important figures in Islam. Many Jawis changed their birth name which did not
sound Arabic during their pilgrimage to Mekka (Mekka, 236-237). Our Shaykh must
have been named after the famous scholar of Islamic law, Abu Zakariyya’ Yahya
Muhyi al-Din al-Nawawi (d. 1278), whose name of origin was also spelled al-Nawawi
(!) (Sarkis, 1871). Since in Javanese accents are not written and there is no short and
long vowel, we choose the spelling "Nawawi."
I02‘Abd al-Jabbar, Siyar wa Tarajim, 288. Chaidar (Sejarah Pujangga Islam:

Syech Nawawi al-Banteni, Indonesia (Jakarta: Sarana Utama, 1978), 5) converted the
year of Shaykh Nawawi’s birth 1230 H into 1813 M, and the year of his death 1314
H into 1897 M. Since we do not know in which month of the year he was bom and
died, the dating according to the Western calendar cannot be settled with precision.
Shaykh Nawawi might then be bom in 1813 or in 1814 and died in 1896 or in 1897.
For conversions of dates between the two calendar systems we use G. S. P. Freeman-
Grenville, The Muslim and Christian Calendars (London: Oxford U.P., 1963).
103Penghulu, particularly in Java and Madura, was the head of the local mosque
functionaries. As an official religious leader of the region, he was appointed by the
Regent. In performing his functions he was aided by subordinates—ketib (Ar. khatib)
and modin (Ar. mu’adhdhin)—who were also appointed by the Regent. In some
70
teacher of Tanara. He had four brothers: Ahmad, Sa‘id, Tamim and ‘Abdallah, and
two sisters: Shakila and Shahriyya.104
3.1. His early studies and teaching career105
It was a common practice among Muslims, and even an obligation incumbent
upon parents,106 to teach their children, at an early age, the primary religious
obligations and the basic knowledge about God and the Prophet. Coming all the more
from a highly respected family, the young Nawawi started at the age of five learning
elementary Arabic and points of Islamic law at home with his own father. For three
years he also studied with the respected teachers of Banten of the day, of whom Hajji
Sahal was the most prominent. Chaidar has painted a colorful picture of the
circumstance in which the young Nawawi, at the age of eight in the company of some
friends travelled to East Java,107 most likely to Surabaya and Madura or Tegalsari in
Residencies, the penghulu held the title chief-penghulu (see L. W. C. van den Berg,
"De mohammedaansche geestelijkheid," 7-8).
104Chaidar, Sejarah Pujangga Islam, 10. Abubakar Djajadiningrat (Tarajim, fol. 1)

only mentioned Ahmad, Tamim and ‘Abdallah. See his genealogical tree in
Appendices.
105Our main sources remain C. Snouck Hurgronje (Mekka, 268-276) and Chaidar,
Sejarah Pujangga. We also peruse C. Snouck Hurgronje’s main source of
information, Raden Abubakar Djajadiningrat (Tarajim (1887)), especially in some
details which Snouck Hurgronje left out.
106Shaykh Nawawi many times pointed to this primary obligation of parents. See
for example his NZ: 10; QT, 22; FUM, 50-51.
107Chaidar, Sejarah Pujangga, 29. The travel in search of knowledge to the

Eastern part of Java continued to become a tradition in Bantenese pesantrens by the
mm of this century. Sukadri mentioned how a student in his putative conversation
71
Ponorogo, for the purpose of learning.108 Before returning to Banten, he went to
other pesantrens. He was said to have gone to Purwakarta where he studied with the
famous Raden Hajji Yusuf109 and also to Batavia to learn at the feet of a certain
Habib Shaykh.110 He must have returned home when his father died in 1826. As
with his teacher, after finishing his studies with prominent religious teachers in West
Java such as Cianjur, Cirebon and Menes, told his teacher of a plan to return to his
home pesantren and establish his own pesantren. In order to be well prepared to
found a pesantren, however, his teacher told him to pursue first more advanced
studies with prestigious scholars in the East Java. They were Pesantren Termas in
Pacitan, Pesantren Bangkalan in Madura, and Pesantren Tebuireng in Jombang, East
Java, just to mention three of them. (Heru Sukadri, Kiai Haji Hasyim Asy’ari:
Riwayat Hidup dan Pengabdiannya (Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan,
1985), 23).
108Djajadiningrat’s Tarajim and C. Snouck Hurgronje’s Mekka did not mention

this trip. Given the general pattern of travel among students in those days, which we
have described above, it is likely that the young Nawawi also studied in Surabaya and
Madura, or perhaps in Madiun. The biography of his younger fellow Bantenese,
Shaykh Muhammad Arshad b. As‘ad—known as Muhammad Arsyad Thawil—(1851-
1934) follows a similar track. The young Arsyad studied with his father who was a
kyiahi of a pesantren in Tanara, Banten. When he was ten years old, his mother
died. In 1867, when he was sixteen, he planned to go to Bima, Sumbawa in East
Indonesia to study with the famous Shaykh Abdulgani (‘Abd al-Ghani) Bima (on the
importance of Bima in Sumbawa island for its teachers, see C. Snouck Hurgronje,
Mekka, 285-288). He met Shaykh Abdulgani of Sumbawa in Surabaya and became
the latter’s student servant. They went to Mekka together where Arsyad pursued his
further studies with the scholars of the day, including Shaykh Nawawi of Banten. He
was involved in the Cilegon peasants’ revolt in 1888 and was later exiled to Menado,
Sulawesi (Celebes) until he died in March 12th, 1934 (Yoesoef Effendi, Bung Kamo,
’Wahai Putra-Putra Banten..., Siapa Dia?’: Riwayat Hidup Kiyai H. Mas
Muchammad Arsyad Thawil (Jakarta: Yayasan Pendidikan al-Chasanah, n.d.).
109Raden Hajji Yusuf was a prominent teacher in Purwakarta. He himself studied

in Batavia. He taught many students from Banten, and Cianjur region, particularly
Garut, using mainly Malay as the medium of teaching. See Appendix I, under
Purwakarta.
u0Djajadiningrat, Tarajim, fol. 2. Chaidar (Sejarah Pujangga, 60-62) mentioned a

dispute that occurred between the young Nawawi and Sayyid ‘Uthman b. ‘Aqil (1822-
1913) over the correct direction of the congregational mosque of Pekojan, Batavia
72
the eldest son of the family, the already mature Nawawi had not only to take over his
father’s responsibilities but also to maintain the prestige of the family. He did it,
however, not by assuming his late father’s position as the penghulu of Tanara, but
rather by devoting his energy to teaching activities and the pursuit of knowledge. As
a matter of fact, before the death of his father, Shaykh Nawawi had been teaching in
his father’s mosque, and later in his own mosque which he built near the Tanara
Beach.111 Five years of learning in the prominent centers for learning in Java had
provided him with sufficient knowledge for teaching his fellow-Bantenese. But in his
day, excellence in knowledge could not be obtained in his own country. There was no
other place for him to go but Mekka. In 1828, at the age of fifteen,112 he went to
the cradle of the Islamic faith, leaving his relatives and his beloved home country,
never to return.
3.2 His teachers
Like other Jawis who came to study in Mekka in those days, Nawawi first went
to study with the prominent Jawi scholars who had settled in Mekka. Three important
figures were mentioned as his teachers: Shaykh ‘Abd al-Ghani of Bima (a town in a
which was under construction. The story was dubious for had it occurred, it must
have been between 1821, the year when Shaykh Nawawi set out for East Java and
1828, the year of his departure to Mekka. Sayyid ‘Uthman was barely six years old!
11■Chaidar, Sejarah Pujangga, 30.
112Chaidar, Sejarah Pujangga, 5 and 31. Djajadiningrat (Tarajim, fol. 1, In. 3)

wrote "less than sixteen years of age".
73
small island of Sumbawa. East Indonesia), Shaykh Ahmad Khatib of Sambas113 in
West Kalimantan, and Shaykh Ahmad b. Zayd, the pilgrim-shaykh for the contingents
coming from Solo in Central Java.114
Nawawi then sat at the feet of the Egyptian scholar Shaykh Yusuf al-Sunbula-
wayni (d. circa 1867) for fifteen years, sometimes he also attending the lectures of
another Egyptian scholar, Shaykh Ahmad al-Nahrawi115 as well as the famous ‘Abd
al-Hamid al-Daghistani al-Shanawani (d. early 1884).116 With the last he studied the
Tuhfa117 in the company of prominent scholars of the day such as Sayyid ‘Abdallah
ll3Ahmad b. ‘Abd al-Ghaffar b. ‘Abdallah b. Muhammad Sambas was born in

Sambas, West Kalimantan in 1217/1802. After he had learned the Qur’an by heart,
he began to memorize some texts at the age of 19. Then he studied with Shaykh
Muhammad Salih Ra’is, Shaykh ‘Umar ‘Abd al-Rasul, the Mufti of Mekka, Shaykh
‘Abd al-Hafiz ‘Ajami. He also attended the lectures of Sayyid Ahmad al-Marzuqi,
the Maliki Mufti, and Sayyid ‘Abdallah al-Mirghani, and the learned Shaykh ‘Uthman
al-Dimyati and other Mekkan professors. He died in 1289/1872 (‘Abd al-Jabbar,
Siyar wa Tarajim, 71).
1I4Djajadiningrat, Tarajim, fol. 2; C. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, 268; and his

Travel Notes, 26. Ahmad b. Zayd was a student of Hajji Jamal, a supporter of Dipo
Negoro, the leader of the Java War 1825-1830.
ll5He is not to be confused with another Ahmad Nahrawi who was bom in
Banyumas, Central Java, then left for Mekka at the age of ten and settled there to
become the patron of pilgrims from Banyumas. Shaykh Ahmad Nahrawi died in
Mekka (d. 1346/1927) (‘Abd al-Jabbar, Siyar wa Tarajim, 245). Shaykh Nawawi of
Banten wrote Fath al-Majid, a commentary on his teacher’s treatise of Dogmatics
entitled al-Durr al-Majid.
ll6‘Abd al-Hamid al-Daghistani al-Shanawani belong to an important Daghistani

family who settled in Mekka. He was one of Muhammad al-Bajuri’s (1198/1783 -
1277/1861) students (Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, 186 and 269; ‘Abd al-Jabbar, Siyar
wa Tarajim, 72, 116 and 160).
117Most likely it was Tuhfa al-Muhtaj bi-Sharh al-Minhaj, a figh book by Ibn
Hajar al-Haythami (d. 973/1565).
b. Salih Zawawi (d. 1343/1924).118
Nawawi was also mentioned as being a student of Shaykh Ahmad al-Dimyati (d.
1270/1853)119 and of Ahmad b. Zayni Dahlan (d. 1304/1886), the Shaykh of the
Mekkan ulama whom Snouck Hurgronje called "the Rector" of the Mekkan
University.120 One of Shaykh Nawawi’s famous students, Shaykh ‘Abd al-Sattar al-
Dihlawi, wrote that Shaykh Nawawi had gone to Medina to study hadith with
Muhammad Khatib Duma al-Hanbali,121 from whom Nawawi himself said to have
ll8Sayyid ‘Abdallah b. Muhammad Salih Zawawi was bom in 1266/1849. His

father taught this brilliant son so that at the age of twenty ‘Abdallah granted
professorship, to the jealousy of other professors. He travelled as far as India,
Malaya, China and Japan, and Indonesia, most likely in Pontianak, because the
Zawawi family became the patrons of the Pontianak colony in Mekka. He held many
functions in the sherifate of al-Husayn (‘Abd al-Jabbar, Siyar wa Tarajim, 140-142,
270; C. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, 184, 188).
u9Damietta near Cairo produced some prominent sayyid-scholars, who taught in

Mekka and at whose feet many Jawis had sat. ‘Uthman al-Dimyati was the teacher of
Ahmad Khatib of Sambas, Kalimantan (Siyar wa Tarajim, 71); al-‘Azab al-Dimyati
al-Madani was the teacher of ‘Abdallah b. ‘Abd al-Wahhab b. Salih of Patani
(1255/1839 - 1332/1913) (Ibid., p. 167); Muhammad al-Sharbini al-Dimyati was the
teacher of Mahfuz b. ‘Abdallah of Termas, East Java (d. 1338/1919, Mekka) (Siyar,
pp. 286-287). And Ahmad al-Dimyati was a professor of Shaykh Nawawi of Banten
(Ibid., 160, 228, 288). But for the Jawis in general, the most prominent emigrant
from Damiette was undoubtedly Sayyid Muhammad Bakri Shatta and his son Sayyid
Bakri (1266/1849 - 1310/1912), the contemporary of Shaykh Nawawi.
120C. Snouck Hurgronje, "Een Rector der Mekkaansche Universiteit," BKI, 36

(1887): 344-395. One of his student, Sayyid Bakri (Abu Bakr ‘Uthman b.
Muhammad Shatta) wrote a manaqib (memorabilia) of Sayyid Ahmad b. Zayni
Dahlan entitled Tuhfa al-Rahman.
121‘Abd al-Jabbar, Siyar wa Tarajim, 288.
75
obtained an ijaza. 122 Unfortunately Shaykh Nawawi did not mention the time and
circumstances of his trip to Medina.
His reported early trip to Syria and Egypt remains to be established with
certainty, although some authors have mentioned it.123 In the same page where
Shaykh Nawawi wrote that he had obtained an ijaza from Shaykh Muhammad Khatib
Duma, he mentioned another person who had given him an ijaza. He was Sayyid
Ahmad al-Marsafi al-Masri, who can be identified as an Egyptian. Did our Shaykh
visit him in Egypt or did the Sayyid teach him in Mekka? There is no way of
knowing for certain for want of a clear reference.124 However, his trip to Cairo
seems established. Chaidar mentions an anecdote which could suggest when Nawawi
went to Cairo. It was reported that Shaykh Nawawi was once invited to attend a
gathering of scholars at al-Azhar at which he, pretending to be ill, exchanged roles
with his student servant. Since he was unable to attend the meeting, "Shaykh
Nawawi" sent "his servant" to replace him as a speaker to the audience. They were
stunned by the eloquence and broad knowledge of "his servant."125 In another
l22He was Shaykh Muhammad al-Khatib b. ‘Uthman b. ‘Abbas b. ‘Uthman,

Syrian of origin then moved to Medina. His chains of authority went up as far as Abu
Dharr al-Ghifari (Nawawi, NI, 3).
123‘Abd al-Jabbar, Siyar wa Tarajim, 288; Chaidar, Sejarah Pujangga, 5 and 34.
HAMKA (Dari Perbehandaraan Lama also mentioned this trip, unfortunately without
giving his reference.
124Nawawi, NI, 3.
I25Chaidar, Sejarah Pujangga, 85-88.
76
anecdote,126 he was again reported to be on a journey to Egypt, looking for a
publisher who would publish some of his work. Yoesoef Effendi127 blended both
stories into one and identified the student of Shaykh Nawawi as the young
Muhammad Arshad of Banten. The anecdotes were of an edificatory nature, to show
that the Jawis were not uneducated so much so that the Arabs would disparage them
as "Jawa Bagar" (Javanese Cows; Ar. baqara). But, even if the events had not
occurred as told, they strongly pointed to the fact that Shaykh Nawawi had gone to
Egypt. The mention o f a publisher leads us to infer that he went to Cairo when he
had already become a famous scholar and after he had written some of his work.
3.3 His family
Shaykh Nawawi lived in the Shi‘b ‘All quarter, about 500 meters from the
Sacred Mosque.128 Apparently the Bantenese and Batavian settlers resided in this
quarter, since according to the map which Chaidar sketched, Shaykh Nawawi lived
next to the houses of Shaykh Arshad of Batavia, and Shaykh Syukur ‘Alwan.129
He had two wives. The first was Nashua, a Javanese, and the second Hamdana.
Snouck Hurgronje pointed out that Nashua’s being Javanese did not help Shaykh
Nawawi to improve his fluency in spoken Arabic. He further remarked that she was
l26Ibid., 79-81.
l27Yoesoef Effendi, Bung Kamo, 37-38.
l28Chaidar, Sejarah, 48 with a map.
129Ibid., 49; Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, 275.
77
a fairly "strong" lady for she "successfully opposed his desire for a second
marriage."130 If this remark is correct, his second marriage must have taken place
fairly late in our Shaykh’s life, perhaps after 1885, the year of Snouck Hurgronje’s
sojourn in Mekka. His descendants from the first marriage who at present still enjoy
good health already belong to the third generation, whereas the surviving descendants
from the second marriage are only in their second generation. This fact supports the
argument that his second marriage may well have taken place in his later years.131
From his first marriage he had three daughters, Ruqayya, Nafisa, and Maryam.
On their visit to Banten, the "liberal" manners of these daughters managed to raise the
eye-brows of their relatives and the rest of the Bantenese community, because not
only did they wear long "Arab breeches," but they also smoked excessively.132
Perhaps his desire to have a male descendant had been the primary reason behind the
second marriage. If so, he was to be disappointed, for from his marriage to
Hamdana, he had another daughter, Zahra’. Through his daughters he had many
descendants, some of whom now live in Mekka and others in Java.
3.4 His students
Who were Shaykh Nawawi’s students? The answer to this question is crucial
because, as we have stated earlier, it would help us define his audience and thus grasp
l30Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, 269.
13lCf. his family-tree in Appendices.
l32Chaidar, Sejarah, 25.
78
the context in which his work ought to be interpreted. We have mentioned above133
that generally Jawi students came first to the teachers of their home country. With
respect to Shaykh Nawawi, there were other circumstantial indications pointing to the
fact that he taught mainly his fellow-Jawis, particularly Bantenese.
The first indication was the place he taught. Chaidar maintains that Shaykh
Nawawi of Banten gave lectures in the Sacred Mosque.134 This was a logical
conclusion, exactly what every one would expect from a scholar of his caliber. But
some witnesses maintained that he did not.
Raden Abubakar mentions clearly that our Shaykh Nawawi from Banten "gave
lectures to those coming to his house, to a throng of Jawi students and their
ulama."135 This information was confirmed by the testimony of one of his students,
Shaykh ‘Abd al-Sattar al-Dihlawi (1286/1869-1355/1936), who in his biographical
dictionary wrote, "I visited him at his residence and I found it crowded with about
two hundred students."136 Teaching at home did not mean that a scholar did not
teach in the Haram as well. But a personal account of Snouck Hurgronje—who on
this particular point did not obtain his information from Raden Abu Bakr—definitely
precludes the possibility with respect to Shaykh Nawawi of Banten. Snouck
l33See supra, Chapter I Section I.
134Chaidar, Sejarah, 6, and HAMKA’s opinion on page viii.
l35Djajadiningrat, Tarajim, fol.l, In. 30.
136As quoted in ‘Abd al-Jabbar, Siyar wa Tarajim, 288. If he did teach in the
mosque, it must have been after 1886 when Djajadiningrat wrote his report to C.
Snouck Hurgronje.
79
Hurgronje asked him in person why he did not give lectures in the mosque as did
other Jawis who were less knowledgeable than he was. Shaykh Nawawi did not
answer the question directly, but instead said that if they did teach in the mosque then
they must have deserved it. Snouck Hurgronje attributed this to the Shaykh’s
humility, for which he was really noted.137
Snouck Hurgronje’s question suggests that during the time of Shaykh Nawawi of
Banten there was only a small number of Jawi who offered courses in the mosque.
Raden Abu Bakr mentioned Shaykh Zayn al-Din of Sumbawa as the only Jawi shaykh
who taught in the Mosque. But even in this case his students were Malays, or
Mekkans who audited his courses for the blessing only.138 To be able to teach in
the mosque one had to pass an examination conducted publicly by the Shaykh of the
Ulama. In addition, he had to be fluent in spoken literary Arabic. Although Shaykh
Nawawi’s spoken Arabic was not so fluent,139 he would have passed the exam and
could have taught in the mosque, had he wished. But the point here is not so much
the small number of Jawi professors in the Mosque or whether Shaykh Nawawi of
Banten did or did not teach there, but the conclusion which we can draw with regard
to the identity of his students and what role he played in their education. As Snouck
Hurgronje rightly put it, "the reason [for the scarcity] of Jawi professors who taught
[in the Mosque) is partly the modest, retiring nature of these people. Partly it is a
137Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, 270.
I38Djajadiningrat, Tarajim, fol. 6.
80
natural consequences of the special needs of the Jawah students...."140
His students were therefore mostly Javanese, particularly from West Java, and
moreover the Bantenese. This was the general trend in those days. Regional
attachment was still strong, as we have repeatedly noted. Muslims from
Minangkabau for example, went to Shaykh Ahmad Khatib of Minangkabau.141
Listed according to the districts from which they came, the most prominent
students of Shaykh Nawawi were:
From East Java and Madura:
1. Kyahi Hajji Khalil (floruit in 1904).142 Upon his return to Madura, he
140Ibid., 186.
141Among the most prominent students and future leaders of Islamic renewal in
Minangkabau at the beginning of this century were the founders of al-Munir, the first
Islamic magazine in Indonesia: Haji Abdul Karim Amrullah (d. 1945), Muhammad
Ta’ib ‘Umar (d. 1920), Haji Abdullah Ahmad (1933). They studied under Ahmad
Khatib of Minangkabau, then Shaykh Usman of Serawak, Shaykh Muhammad Tahir
Jalaluddin, finally under Arab scholars, particularly from Hadramawt (see Mahmud
Yunus, Sedjarah Pendidikan Islam di Indonesia, 124, 131, 137, 141, 144; HAMKA,
Ajahku, 46-47.) It is interesting that Shaykh Nawawi of Banten was not among their
teachers mentioned. This did not preclude the possibility that they studied under him.
HAMKA (Dari Perbehendaraan Lama, 95) mentioned students of Nawawi coming
from Minangkabau and Temate without giving any reference. But the trend was that
they went to Ahmad Khatib Minangkabau. For one thing Shaykh Nawawi was not
fluent in Malay, or they did not speak Javanese. From the list of students of Shaykh
Ahmad Khatib that Akhria Nazwar makes, it clear that the majority of them are from
Minangkabau (Akhria Nazwar, Syekh Ahmad Khatib: Ilmuwan Islam di Permulaan
Abad Ini (Jakarta: Pustaka Panjimas, 1983), 53-102.
l42Chaidar, Sejarah, 6. Sa’id Budairy, "K. H. Bisri Syamsuri: Tegar dengan

Prinsip," Pesantren 1, 1 (1984): 54-67; reference on Shaykh Khalil of Bangkalan is
on page 57.
81
together with Hasab Allah became famous and drew many students from West
Java.143 His pesantren was built in Demangan (Bangkalan, Madura). He was very
learned in Arabic grammar. He copied by hand the popular treatise of grammar,
Kitab ‘Awamil by al-Jurjani, with a Javanese interlinear translation.144
2. Kyahi Hajji Hashim Ash‘ari (1871 -1947) of Jombang.I4S With Shaykh
Nawawi he studied Fath al-Qarib. Upon his return to Jombang, East Java, he founded
the famous Pesantren Tebuireng in 1899 and was one of the founders of Nahda al-
‘Ulama’.146
From Central Java:
The district of Kudus:
Kyahi Hajji Raden Asnawi of Kudus.147 Upon his return from Mekka he
founded Pesantren Qudsiyya, in Kudus, ca. 1900.148
The district of Cirebon:
l43See Appendix I "Centers of learning" under Madura and Chapter I, Section I,

p. Two.
144Snouck Hurgronje, Ambtelijke Adviezen III: 1962. This treatise is also called
al-‘Awamil al-Mi’at (Sarkis, 681), and was popular in pesantrens (Mahmud Junus,
Sedjarah Pendidikan Islam di Indonesia (Djakarta: Pustaka Mahmudiah, 1960), 125;
250).
I45Chaidar, Sejarah, 6. Heru Sukadri, Kiai Haji Hasyim Asy’ari, did not mention
the teachers with whom Hasyim Asy’ari studied in Mekka.
146Mahmud Junus 1960: 204-213. Heru Sukadri, Kiai Haji Hasyim Asy’ari, 41-83.
147Chaidar, Sejarah, 6.
148Mahmud Junus 1960: 220.
82
Hajji Zayn al-Muttaqin (b. Kyahi Kadu Gede). He replaced his father as the
head of his pesantren in Kadu Gede, Kuningan.149
From West Java:
The District of Tasikmalaya:
1. Hajji Arshad (b. Kyahi Condong), of Sindang Kasih, Tasikmalaya. He had
been a student of Ubaydah (Surabaya), and of Muhammad Garut (perhaps when he
was in Mekka).150
2. Hajji Muhammad Husayn (b. Kyahi Condong), Tasikmalaya. He had studied
first with Hasan Mustafa in Jajawae; later in Mekka he also studied with ‘Abdallah
Zawawi.151
The District of Manonjaya:
H. Muhammad Salih of Awipari, Manonjaya. He had been student of
Muhammad Sahih (Cianjur), Ubaydah (Surabaya), Adra’i (Sepanjang); besides, he
also studied with Sayyid Bakri in Mekka. He was the khalifa of Muhammad Garut in
the Sufi order.152
The District of Garut:
Hajji Hasan Mustafa. He was a prominent teacher in Garut. A former student of
I49Snouck Hurgronje, Travel Notes, 6 and 25.
ls0Ibid., 17.
151Ibid., 17.
152Snouck Hurgronje, Travel Notes, 18.
Haji Yahya of Garut and of Muhammad Garut, he continued his studies in Mekka,
first under Shaykh Nawawi, then with Arab teachers: Hasab Allah, Mustafa ‘Afifi and
‘Abdallah Zawawi.153 There he became acquainted with Snouck Hurgronje,lS4 for
whom he became a guide in Snouck’s 1889 visit to pesantrens in Java.155 His close
relationship to Snouck Hurgronje resulted in his appointment as Penghulu in Kutaraja,
and then in Bandung.156
The District of Bandung:
1. Hajji Hasan Alami of Sukapakir. He had studied formerly with Ubaydah
(Surabaya), then with Muhammad Sahih (Cianjur). In Mekka he also studied with a
contemporary of Nawawi, Hasab Allah.157
2. Hajji Zakarya of Jumbrung, Cipaganti. He studied in Surabaya, perhaps also
with Ubaydah.158
ls3Ibid., 2.
154Van Koningsveld, Snouck Hurgronje’s "Izhaar oel-Islaam": Een

veronachtzaamd aspect van de koloniale geschiedenis, (Leiden, 1985), 1. Snouck
Hurgronje, Ambtelijke Adviezen, I: 131.
155Van Koningsveld 1985: 26; Snouck Hurgronje’s Travel Notes, 2.
156Snouck Hurgronje, Ambtelijke Adviezen, I: 131, 137, 179-182. Van

Koningsveld, "Als Moefti vermomd," De Volkskrant, June 21, 1966. His pro-Dutch
attitude was seen in his declaration, following an anti-Dutch articles in the Arabic
press in 1902, that such an attitude was against Islam (see Ambtelijke Adviezen, II:
1660.)
157Snouck Hurgronje’s Travel Notes, 8.
l58Ibid., 8.
84
The District of Cianjur:
1. Hajji Khalil of Kampung Lembur Tengah, Cianjur. He had been student of
Ubaydah and ‘Abd al-Qahhar (Surabaya), and in Madura (perhaps under Khalil and
Hasab Allah). While in Mekka, he also studied with Sayyid Bakri. He stayed in
Mekka 11 years.159
2. Hajji Anwar (b. Kyahi Gandaria) of Jangarang, Cianjur. He first studied with
his father Kyahi Gandaria.160
The District of Sukabumi:
1. Hajji Muhammad Salih (b. Ithhar), of Cimahi, Sukabumi. He had studied
with Muhammad Garut (Garut), Muhammad Sahih (Cianjur), Ash‘ari Bantani
(Bogor). And in Mekka he also studied with Sayyid Bakri.161
2. His brother Yahya (b. Ithhar), of Cimahi, Sukabumi. He had studied with
Muhammad Garut (Cianjur), Muhammad Sahih (Cianjur), and in Mekka with Hasab
Allah.162
The District of Bogor:
K. H. Tubagus Muhammad Falak b. Tubagus Abbas b. Tubagus Mu’min ‘Abd
al-Hamid of Banten, the founder of Pesantren al-Falak in Pagentongan (Gunung Batu,
159Snouck Hurgronje, Travel Notes, 11.
160Ibid., 14.
161Ibid„ 15.
162Ibid., 15.
85
Ciomas) Bogor. Bungsu, his given name, was bom in 1842 in Pandeglang, Banten.
He began his early learning with his own father, and at the age of 15 he went to
Mekka and studied there for 21 years. He studied tafsir and fiqh with Shayh Nawawi
of Banten and Shaykh Mansur of Medan. Then he studied fiqh with Sayyid Ahmad
Habashi and Sayyid Ahmad Barum. In tasawwuf he studied with Shayh ‘Umar
Bajunayd of Mekka, Abdulkarim of Tanara Banten, and Ahmad Jaha of Anyer
Banten. But it is in astronomy (al-falak) that he was particularly learned so that his
teacher called him Muhammad Falak. After his return from Mekka in 1878 and his
move to Pagentongan in 1907 he founded a pesantren that was named after his
specialization, al-Falak. And thus he himself was known as Abah Falak.163
The District of Banten:
Unfortunately C. Snouck Hurgronje did not conduct a personal observation of
the pesantrens in Banten, but rather he relied on official reports, which out of
necessity were very brief and omitted details particularly with respect to the teachers
in Mekka with whom the Bantenese hajjis studied in Mekka. There is no way of
knowing where those 200 pupils whom ‘Abd al-Sattar al-Dihlawi mentioned came
from.164 However, it is highly likely that most of them were his fellow Bantenese.
Bantenese leading figures who studied under him were as follows:
163Sudjoko Prasodjo (et al.), Profil Pesantren, 15-17.
164See note 31 of this section.
86
1. Hajji Marzuqi165 came from the same village as Shaykh Nawawi and was in
fact a relative of his. A quiet and humble person, he was as intelligent and
knowledgeable as Shaykh Nawawi in Arabic grammar and fiqh. Snouck Hurgronje
claimed that he spoke Arabic and Malay better than Shaykh Nawawi. He also studied
with the Jawi from Sumbawa, ‘Abd al-Ghani of Bima. Threafter he continued his
studies with same Arab professors with whom Shaykh Nawawi and his
contemporaries had studied. He travelled back and forth between Banten and Mekka
several times. While in Mekka he give lessons to beginners. Back home in Banten he
combined the business of selling artifacts and memorabilia with his missionary zeal,
visiting different countries: Siam, Penang, Deli, even Bali.
2. Hajji Arshad b. ‘Alwan166 also came from Tanara. After studying with
Shaykh ‘Umar, the father of Nawawi in Tanara, and with Hajji Sama‘un in
Pandeglang, perhaps in Pesantren Kadu Mama, he went to Mekka to study Arabic
grammar with Shaykh Nawawi, Shaykh Tamim, the brother of Nawawi, and Hajji
Marzuqi. Here we have clear evidence of how a student generally began his studies
with the scholars coming from his own region. Then he studied with Hasab Allah
and attended the lessons of a certain Shaykh Salim of Hadramawt in philosophy and
medicinal arts. While in Mekka he taught a short treatise of fiqh in his own house.
Beginners liked his method of teaching Arabic grammar because he was so patient
‘“ Djajadiningrat, Tarajim, fol 3; Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, 273; Ambtelijke

Adviezen, HI: 1983.
‘“ Djajadiningrat, Tarajim, fol. 9; Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, 275.
87
with them. Among his prominent students was Ahmad from Banten, who later
became very learned in grammar.
3. Hajji Arshad167 the son of the late Imam As‘ad of Banten. While in Banten
he studied with the same teachers as Arshad b. ‘Alwan, but since his father had
moved close to Batavia, he also studied with Batavian ulama, such as Habib Shaykh,
a former teacher of Shaykh Nawawi. He went to Mekka by way of Singapore where
he met Shaykh ‘Abd al-Ghani Bima with whom he studied, in addition to Shaykh
Nawawi, and later with Hasab Allah and Mustafa ‘Afifi. He stayed in Mekka for 3
to 4 years, then travelled to Singapore to leam Malay. Contrary to Snouck
Hurgronje, Raden Djajadiningrat said that he was fluent in Arabic. He drew a lot of
Sundanese. Javanese and Malay students to his lectures. When the season of
pilgrimage arrived, he assumed the function of pilgrim guide.
4. Hajji Tubagus Muhammad Asnawi168 and Hajji ‘Aydrus,169 both from
Caringin. Hajji ‘Aydrus was learned in hadith. He first studied with Hajji Sama'un
in Kadu Mama (Pandeglang) and was initiated in the Qadiri Order by Hajji
Abdulkarim of Banten with whom he then went to Mekka to study with Shaykh
Nawawi, Tubagus Isma‘il of Banten and the Arab professors Sayyid Ahmad b. Zayni
Dahlan, Hasab Allah, Mustafa 4Aflfi and ‘Abdallah Zawawi.170
l67Djajadiningrat, Tarajim, fols. 9-10. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, 275. Yoesoef

Effendi, Bung Kamo, 17, 37-39.
168Chaidar, Sejarah, 6.
169Mekka, 281.
l70Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, 281-282.
88
5. Shaykh Nawawi’s own brother ‘Abdallah, who then helped him in teaching
his fellow-Bantense beginners so that Shaykh Nawawi could take care of advanced
students and devote his time to writing.171
Shaykh Nawawi’s students came from Madura in the East and Banten in the
West. Many of them returned and became prominent teachers in their own right,
such as K. H. Khalil of Demangan Madura, K. H. Hasan al-Ash‘ari in Jombang, East
Java, and K. H. Hasan Mustafa of West Java. We ought not overstress the influence
of Shaykh Nawawi on these students and others, because they studied with other
professors as well. His influence was therefore indirect, not so much on the
individuals themselves, but rather on what they did in their home countries. They, in
turn, taught Islamic religious science with a higher competence because they had been
equipped with a deeper knowledge of their subjects and broader familiarity with the
sources from which the sciences had been handed down from generation to
generation. It had become almost the rule that every graduate of Mekka founded his
own pesantren. He became the shaykh of the pesantren, and upon his death, one of
his relatives, more often than not his own son or son-in-law, succeeded him and thus
assured the continuity of his teaching and the tradition he had established.
In contrast to his former students, Shaykh Nawawi did not return to Banten. His
permanent stay in Mekka and apparent indifference to visiting Banten has raised
questions among many Bantenese. Chaidar found only two kinds of explanations.
l7IIbid., 269.
89
The first was the explanation of those who said that in those days it was very common
for someone like Shaykh Nawawi to go to Mekka with the primary intention of
performing pilgrimage, but as often happened, he married and the couple found it
convenient to stay in Mekka. The other response was that it was because he hated the
Dutch and wanted to escape colonial oppression.172 On these arguments we have
the following remarks.
With regard to the latter argument, it seems that before the outbreak of the
Banten revolt in 1888, there had been a plan among the Bantenese to invite Shaykh
Nawawi to return to Banten and join the holy war, should the revolt succeed.173
Moreover in the aftermath of the revolt, the Dutch seemed to have a plan to ban his
coming. Snouck Hurgronje, in his letter to the Governor General (June 7 1889)174
disagreed with such a measure, and argued that forbidding a Bantenese figure of such
intellectual standing would only be doing a disservice to the prestige of the
Government. For one thing, Snouck Hurgronje went on, Shaykh Nawawi had not the
slightest intention of returning. And for another, and here we quote Snouck
Hurgronje, "Nawawi is far too intelligent to meddle the least in a movement such as
in Cilegon, and is too deeply grounded in Orthodoxy as to approve such a spectacle
as that in Cilegon. For without having ever tried to cooperate with the Government,
he has striven against its most fanatical enemies, the base mystical orders.... Surely
l72Chaidar, Sejarah, 40-41.
173Sartono Kartodirdjo, The Peasants’ Revolt of Banten in 1888, 201.
l74Ambtelijke Adviezen, HI: 1980-1986.
90
he and his circle belong to the elements with which the government could easily find
a fruitful modus vivendi.175
There is, we believe, a more convincing reason for his permanent stay in
Mekka than his having met his wife in Mekka. That was an altruistic motive to
render service to his Jawi co-religionists who, year after year in an ever growing
number, flocked to him. Thus he wished to participate in the long tradition which
had begun in the days of ‘Abd al-Samad of Palembang, if not before.
Shaykh Nawawi remained in Mekka until he died in 1896/1897. He was buried
in al-Ma‘la cemetery, close to the tombs of ‘Abdallah b. Zubayr, ‘Asma, the daughter
of the Caliph Abu Bakr, and just across from that of Khadija, the first wife of the
Prophet, the Mother of all Muslims. Shaykh Nawawi’s tomb was not well taken care
of.176 His former residence in Shi‘ib ‘All in the Jabal Qubis complex was in no
better condition, dilapidated and left uninhabited except by a couple of goats who
found shelter from the scorching heat of Mekka.177 The din of his students drilling
their reading of Arabic texts has faded forever.
Back home he did not own a pesantren, except that which he had abandoned
and of which now there is nothing left but debris blown by the humid wind, washed
by torrential tropical rains and completely at the mercy of wild grass and bushes. It
is true that a particular day (every last Thursday of Shawwal) has been set aside to
17SIbid„ 1983.
176Chaidar, Sejarah, 49 (map) and 55 (foto).
lT7Chaidar, Sejarah, 48 (foto) and 132.
91
remember him.178 However, none of his relatives and descendants inherited his
high intellectual stature. His brother Tamim went out of business and died destitute
in Penang,179 and his brother Ahmad whom he had personally reared did not attain
his scholarly achievements. He had no successor.
However, he did have, we believe, a successor of another kind, one much more
powerful perhaps, which, unaffected by the time or the limits of space, would
continue his teachings. Almost in his own person. This was his work to which our
attention now turns.
l78Chaidar, Sejarah, 5.
92
CHAPTER TWO
T h e W orks of S h a y k h N awawi
SECTION ONE
1. Toward a Complete List of Shaykh Nawawi’s Writings
1.1 Many of the writings of Shaykh Nawawi of Banten have been long out of
print, although most can be found in several libraries in Cairo, London, Leiden,
Cambridge (Massachusetts), and Jakarta; some Arabic bookstores in Java still carry
titles that are currently used in pesantrens. No single library, however, has a
complete collection of his works. My attempt to establish a complete list of Shaykh
Nawawi’s writings started by drawing up a temporary list based on the items listed in
the Catalogue of Arabic Books by Sarkis,1 the Catalogue of Arabic Books in the
British Museum,2 and Carl Brockelmann’s Geschichte der Arabischen Litteratur and
lY. E. Sarkis, Mu’jam al-Matbu‘at al-’Arabiyya wa ’1-Mu‘arraba (Cairo: Sarkis,

1928), 1879-1883.
2A. G. Ellis, Catalogue of Arabic Books in the British Museum (London: The
Trustees of the British Museum, 1967), 354-356.
93
its Supplement.3 Then, during a visit to the Library of the State University of
Leiden, the Netherlands, that temporary list was checked against the catalogue of the
library. Thus, a first working list of Shaykh Nawawi’s works was established.
Sarkis’s listing holds thirty-eight items. A closer look at the list reveals that
some books have different titles, one book is incorrectly attributed to Shaykh
Nawawi, and one book is printed on the margin of another. These modify the
number of items actually held in Sarkis’ list. Al-Tawshib ‘ala sharh Ibn Qasim al-
Ghazzi is the same as Qut al-flabib al-Gharib; al-Tafgir al-Munir is another title for
Marah Labid; and Sharh ‘ala Akhagg Manasik al-’AUama al-Khatib is a different title
for Fatb al-Mujib.4 According to Carl Brockelmann,5 Bughyat al-‘Awamm fi Sharh
Mawlid Sayyid al-Anam is reprinted under the title Fath al-Samad, which has already
a different title for it, namely, al-Bulugh al-Fawzi fi Bayan Alfa? Mawlid Ibn al-
Jawzi. Another book, al-Risala al-Jami‘a,6 is incorrectly attributed to Shaykh
Nawawi; it is, in fact, Sayyid Ahmad b. Zayn al-Uabashi’s small treatise on which
Shaykh Nawawi wrote his commentary, entitled Bahjat al-Wasa’il; Sayyid Ahmad al-
Uabashi was a Uadrami teacher who wrote a treatise on basic rituals that was popular
3GAL II: 651-652; GALS H: 813-814.
4Sarkis: cols. 1879-1883, items 6, 27, 5, 32, 17, and 22 respectively.
sCarl Brockelmann, s.v. art. "al-Nawawi" in El, new edition, 885; GALS I: 916;
Sarkis: 1881-1882.
6Sarkis: 1880, item 12.
94
in Batavia.7 On the other hand, al-Riyad al-Fuliyya was printed on the margin of al-
Fu$us al-Yaqutiyya; thus, under that item Sarkis actually lists two different works of
Shaykh Nawawi.8 In all, Sarkis’s Catalogue holds thirty-four items.
Ellis’s Catalogue of the Arabic books in the British Museum library lists only
19 items attributed to Shaykh Nawawi. Although all of the items are already listed in
Sarkis’s catalogue, Ellis’s list has been very helpful in gaining access to those works
of Shaykh Nawawi that are out of print and not available elsewhere.
The Library of the State University of Leiden, where the research was
primarily conducted, holds thirty items, twenty-six of which are listed in Sarkis’s
Catalogue, whereas the other four are new items not listed in either Sarkis or Ellis.9
During the course of writing this dissertation a new collection of books in the Arabic
script used in pesantrens was established in KITLV (The Royal Institute of Linguistics
and Anthropology) Library at Leiden under the direction of Martin van Bruinessen.
The new collection claims to hold twenty-two items; all of them are already included
in our first working list, the revision of Sarkis10
7Steenbrink, Beberapa Aspek, 155.
8Sarkis: 1882/24.
^ e s e are Tanqib Qawl al-ffathith, Naga’ih al-’Ibad, al-Futufrat al-Madaniyya

printed on the margin of Na§a’ifr al-‘Ibad, and Shaykh Nawawi’s short review on
Sayyid ‘Uthman’s al-Nasiha al-Aniqa li al-Mutalabbisin bi al-tariqa.
10See M. van Bruinessen, "Kitab Kuning: Books in Arabic Script Used in the
Pesantren Milieu,” BKI 146 (1990): 226-269.
95
Carl Brockelmann’s list of Shaykh Nawawi’s writings is based on Sarkis’s
catalogue with additional information from C. Snouck Hurgronje’s work on
nineteenth-century Mekka11 The list has forty items, but three of them are
incorrectly attributed to Shaykh Nawawi;12 they are actually works by his
contemporary, Shaykh Ahmad b. Zayni Dahlan (d. 1886).
K. H. Siradjuddin Abbas13 attributed a treatise on mysticism entitled Mihajur
Raghibi’in to Shaykh Nawawi of Banten without, unfortunately, mentioning any
further reference. This work may be Minhaj al-Raghibin fi al-Safa al-Ansi wa Minhaj
al-Wasilin ila al-ffami by Muhammad Muhammad Nur al-Azhari.14 Since it was not
among the five books in K. H. Sirajuddin Abbas’ private collection, and because of
UC. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka in the latter part of the 19th century: Daily life,
customs and learning; The Moslims of the East-Indian-Archipelago, (translated by
J.H. Monahan). Leiden: Brill, [1931] 1960.
l2These are Tarikh al-Duwal al-Islamiyya bi al-Jadawil al-mardiyya, Risala fi

Jawaz al-tawassul, and Risala fi Kayfiyyat al-Munazara ma‘a al-Shi‘a wa al-Radd
‘alayhim (GALS II: 814/20-22).
13K. H. Siradjuddin ’Abbas, Ulama Syafi’i dan Kitab-Kitabnya dari Abad ke Abad
(Jakarta: Pustaka Tarbiyah, 1975), 444-450. He might have confused it with Minhaj
al-Raghibin by Muhammad al-Qunawi (d. 788/1386), which is an abridgement of
Minhaj al-Talbin of Abu Zakariya’ Muhyi al-Din al-Nawawi (d. 676/1278), see GAL
I: 498.
14NUSAYR I: rec. 1/523-524, 21.
96
the frequent imprecision in the spelling of some book titles of Shaykh Nawawi, it is
preferable to exclude this book from the present list of Shaykh Nawawi’s work.15
All of Shaykh Nawawi’s writings have apparently been printed, for there is no
mention in Voorhoeve’s catalogue of any work of his in manuscript form.16 Since
Shaykh Nawawi was a Javanese, one may legitimately raise the question whether he
wrote other works in Javanese or Malay. Indeed, Syed Naguib al-Attas mentions the
existence of treatises on mysticism written in Javanese by Shaykh Nawawi of
Banten.17 I was, however, unable to find the precise titles of these books. If we are
to be guided by the listings in the catalogues of Malay manuscripts,18 which mention
15Naqawa al-’Aqida was also incorrectly attributed to Shaykh Nawawi. This is

actually a treatise which Shaykh Nawawi commented upon in his al-Nahja al-Jayyida.
(K. H. Siradjuddin ’Abbas, Ulama Syafi’i, 446). A similar error occurred in Sudjoko
Prasodjo et al., Profile Pesantren, 214 where al-Riyad al-Badi’a was attributed to
Shaykh Nawawi who actually commented upon the treatise written by his colleague
Hasab Allah, in his al-Thimar al-Yani‘a.
1<SP. Voorhoeve, Handlist of Arabic manuscripts in the Library of the University

of Leiden and other collections in The Netherlands (The Hague: Leiden University
Press, Bibliotheca Universitatis Leidensis, Codices Manuscripti 7, [1957] 1980).
17Syed Naguib al-Attas, Some Aspects of Sufism as Understood and Practiced

among the Malays, ed. by Shirle Gordon (Singapore: Malaysian Sociological
Research Institute, 1963), 58. The difficulty of reaching the author prevented us from
confirming or acquiring further details. There is a possibility that the treatise in
Javanese mentioned here is a simply Javanese translation of Shaykh Nawawi’s book
originally written in Arabic.
18P. Voorhoeve, "List of Malay manuscripts in the Library of the Royal Asiatic
Society, London," JRAS, 1-2(1963): 58-82; "Les manuscripts malais de la
Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris," Archipel, 6(1973): 42-80; M. C. Ricklefs and P.
Voorhoeve, Indonesian Manuscripts in Great Britain: A Catalogue of Manuscripts in
97
no works at all by Shaykh Nawawi, we may conclude that he wrote no works in
Javanese or Malay.
At this stage, discounting the books in Javanese which Syed al-Attas has
claimed, we now have a second working list consisting of thirty-eight items, thirty-
four of which come from Sarkis and 4 from the Library of the State University of
Leiden. The list includes Shaykh Nawawi’s short letter of recommendation which
Sayyid ‘Uthman Yabya had requested in support of the Sayyid’s short Malay treatise
against certain mystical practices that were popular in Java.19
Further research was conducted on the publication of the works of Shaykh
Nawawi in Egypt since 1822, the year when the first printed book appeared in Egypt.
For this, we relied mainly on five catalogues, namely, Mansur’s catalogue that covers
books from 1940-1956,20 three catalogues recently compiled by Ayda Ibrahim
Nusayr that cover books published in Egypt from 1926-1940, from 1900-1925, and
books published in the nineteenth century.21 From 1956 on, the Egyptian
Indonesian Languages in British Public Collections (Oxford: Oxford U.P., 1977).
19This was written in Arabic as an appendix to Sayyid ‘Uthman Yabya, al-Nasiba

al-aniqa li al-mutalabbisin bi al-tariqa (Mss. Rijksarchief, Den Haag, M. S. G. 8-3-
1886, no. 38/c) along with another note from Shaykh Junayd of Batavia. This
information was kindly provided by Martin van Bruinessen.
20Ahmad Muhammad Man§ur, and others, Dalil al-Matbu‘at al-Migriyya, 1940-

1956 (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1975).
21‘Ayda Ibrahim Nujayr, Al-Kutub al-‘Arabiyya allati Nushirat fi Migr fi al-Qam

al-Tasi‘ Ashara (Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press, 1990); Al-Kutub al-
‘Arabiyya allati Nushirat fi Migr bayna ‘Amay 1900-1925 Cairo: The American
98
government has issued an official listing of all the books published in Egypt year by
year.22 To our surprise, Ayda Nusayr’s catalogues list three additional works
attributed to Shaykh Nawawi that have not been mentioned before in the other
catalogues. They are al-Lum‘a al-Nuraniyya, al-Nafabat, and Sharh Tala] Sahib
Muslim; this last commentary consists of editions as large as eighteen volumes. The
first two were published as recently as the 1970s. Thus, the complete works of
Shaykh Nawawi amount to forty-one items.
One way of following the development in Shaykh Nawawi’s thought and
interest is to establish a chronology of his works in terms of their date of
composition. But since only a few of Shaykh Nawawi’s works provide this
information, it is impossible to establish a chronology of this sort. However, the
catalogues we consulted, in addition to listing the titles of the works, do provide the
dates of publication as well as the dates on which reprint editions were made.
Here we will consider the date of first publication of a book as a basis for a
chronology of a different kind. This does not mean that there is a direct correlation
between the date of earliest publication and that of composition. As we learn from
University in Cairo Press, 1983); Al-Kutub al-’Arabiyya allati Nushirat fi Mi$r bayna
‘Amay 1926-1940 (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1980).
22al-Nashrat al-Migriyya li al-Matbu‘at (Cairo: Dar al-Kutub al-Misriyya, 1955).

For 1942-1944, there is a catalogue edited by M. M. Anawati and Charles Kuentz
(Bibliographie des ouvrages arabes imprimes en Egypte en 1942, 1943 et 1944
[Cairo: Institut Frangais, 1949]. References for books published in Egypt from 1972-
1987 are taken from Wizarat al-Thaqafa wa-al-Flam, Dalil al-Kitab al-Mi$ri, 1972-
1987 (Cairo: al-Hay’at al-Mi§riyya al-‘Amma lil-Kitab, 1973-1988).
99
what information we do have on the date of completion of a work, it sometimes took
a long time before a work was actually printed. Other works were printed as soon as
their writing was completed, a fact that throws light on the prestige of the author
himself, rather than on the work.
The catalogues meticulously list different editions of the same title, regardless
of whether they were reprinted by the same publisher or different publishers. By
establishing chronological list of the reprints of each title, we can arrive at an estimate
of the popularity of individual works. In other words, the more frequently a work is
printed, then the higher the expected or actual demand for it, assuming always that a
publisher has his eye on the market. These are, of course, variables to take into
account in assessing the "importance" of a book. The importance may not be based
solely on the merits of its contents, but often on its availability in the market.
Nonetheless, a chronological list of Shaykh Nawawi’s works in terms of their first
publication and the number of subsequent reprints does provide us with valuable data
for assessing his works.
We tried our best to gain access to all Shaykh Nawawi’s works by obtaining a
printed copy of each, a photo-mechanical copy, or a microfilm. At the beginning of
this dissertation, before the establishment of a recent collection at the KITLV, the
State University Library at Leiden was the best place to gain access to most of
Shaykh Nawawi’s works. Photo-mechanical copies of all items available at the State
University Library at Leiden were made available to me, except Marafr Labid, which
100
is still available at specialized bookstores in Indonesia. To supplement the items that
the State University Library at Leiden does not have, I acquired from the British
Museum Library microfilms of 3 items (al-Fu$u§ al-Yaqutiyya, al-Riyad al-Fuliyya,
and Sullam al-Munajat). A copy of Fath al-Samad was found in the Widener Library
at Harvard University, and Bahjat al-Wasa’il is still available for purchase in some
specialized bookstores in Java. As far as this research goes, there remain,
unfortunately, 7 items (Bughyat al-‘Awamm, Fath Ghafir al-Khattiyya [printed once],
al-Ibriz al-Dani [printed once], Nahja al-Jayyida [printed once], al-Lum‘a al-
Nuraniyya, al-Nafafrat, Sharh Sahih Muslim) not yet acquired. The last three items
were printed only as recently as in the 1970s. If indeed Bughyat al-‘Awamm is
another title for Fath al-Samad, there are then six items that were not accessible to us.
1.2 A Complete Listing of Shaykh Nawawi’s writings
The list of Shaykh Nawawi’s works, as it appears in the Appendix IV, is
compiled chronologically according to the year each was first published. Under each
item is listed the different editions and reprints of the work. The different reference
notations for the works need some explanation. The catalogues of Arabic books
printed in Egypt that we consulted have employed different methods in compiling
their list. If the catalogue provides no number for a record, we refer to the page
where the item is located. If the catalogue provides the number of the record, but has
two kinds of pagination, namely, a continuous pagination and a pagination according
101
to the subject matter, we refer to the number of the record only. And with respect to
a catalogue that provides a continuous pagination as well as the number of the record,
we give both references.
As far as the year of the publication is concerned, some catalogues give only
the Islamic year; in this case, we have given the range of the equivalent Christian
year. Other catalogues provide both calendar years, and we simply reproduce the
notation as it appears in the source. Unless noted otherwise, the place of publication
is Cairo, Egypt. The name of the publisher follows the date of publication. NP
stands for "no publisher" for books that have merely "Cairo" (al-Qahira, Mi§r) or
"lithographic printing" (tab‘ al-hajar) as their reference. Books published in Mecca
were printed by the government press established in 1884.
As far as the books that are printed in nineteenth-century Egypt are concerned,
Nu§ayr’s catalogue is definitely the most complete, since it is based on the available
materials or catalogues of libraries, both in Egypt and abroad. It includes information
provided by Sarkis and the British Museum list of Arabic books, but only insofar as
books printed in Egypt are concerned. Therefore, Sarkis remains necessary for the
information on books printed by other presses outside Egypt. As we have mentioned
above, Brockelmann’s list of Shaykh Nawawi’s writings derives mainly from Sarkis,
but it also gives different editions that are not mentioned in other catalogues.
Unfortunately, Brockelmann’s list gives only the place of publication without
mentioning the name of the publisher. If--and only if~Brockelmann’s list gives an
102
edition that the other catalogues have not mentioned, then a reference to this list is
given. Some items are still printed in Indonesia by publishers specializing in Arabic
books and are, therefore, available at specialized bookstores (Ind. Toko Kitab) in
Indonesia. In most cases, the Indonesian publishers simply reproduced the Halabi
editions of Shaykh Nawawi’s books. Unfortunately, almost all these Indonesian
editions fail to carry the date of publication that would have been helpful in making a
more precise assessment of which of Shaykh Nawawi’s works were popular in
Indonesia; still, the fact that some of his works were printed at different presses in
Indonesia, whereas other works were not, indicates a relative practical importance and
popularity of those printed works in Indonesia.
1.3 Notes on the editions of Shaykh Nawawi’s works
A glance at the data reveals several interesting facts. About 90% of Shaykh
Nawawi’s works were printed during his lifetime. This suggests that by the end of
his career he had reached a respected place among the religious scholars of the day
and particularly in Egyptian publishing circles. All of his works were first printed in
Cairo at various presses. Most of them were printed at Bulaq Press and al-
Wahhabiyya Press, and the others at Dar al-Ibya’ al-Kutub al-‘Arabiyya, Wadi al-Nil,
Sharaf or al-Sharafiyya, al-Maymuniyya, al-Azhariyya, al-IJamidiyya, Muhammad
Mustafa, al-Mubamaddiya, ‘Uthman ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-‘Uthmaniyya. In nineteenth
century Egypt, copyright was not yet an issue so that one book of Shaykh Nawawi
103
could be printed simultaneously at different presses in Cairo, and even at the newly
established government printing office, al-Miriyya, in Mecca. From 1900 to 1940,
other presses joined the previous group in printing Shaykh Nawawi’s works, namely,
al-Taqaddum al-‘Ilmiyya, al-Jamaliyya, Sabih, al-Kutub al-ljaditha, al-Khayriyya, Dar
al-Kutub al-Misriyya, and particularly Mustafa al-Babi al-fjalabi and ‘Isa al-Babi al-
IJalabi. It is interesting that from 1940-1956, only one work of Shaykh Nawawi was
reprinted.23 The second world war and the nationalist movements might have
suspended the interest in and hence the demand for religious literature such as that of
Shaykh Nawawi. Reprints of Shaykh Nawawi’s works began picking up again in the
early 1970s.
It is interesting to note that the new wave of reprints of Shaykh Nawawi’s
works were printed almost exclusively at two presses owned by the IJalabis, ‘Isa al-
Babi al-IJalabi and Mustafa al-Babi ai-Ualabi. This fact suggests that the Halabis had
acquired the rights to publish Shaykh Nawawi’s works. It is not a mere coincidence
that the al-ljalabi press was the first to publish—in the 1970’s—three works of Shaykh
Nawawi, namely Tanqib Qawl al-ffathith, al-Lum‘a al-Nuraniyya, and al-Nafafrat. It
must have been from manuscripts that they themselves uncovered. Reprints done at
the Indonesian presses have been exact reproductions of al-IJalabi’s editions with al-
Ualabi’s copyright notice stripped off the title page and replaced. There is little doubt
^Namely, Qut al-Uabib al-Gharib printed at ‘Isa al-Babi al-Ualabi Press in 1954
(Mansur, Dalil al-Matbu‘at al-Misriyya, 34).
104
that the al-IJalabi presses played an important role in the distribution of Shaykh
Nawawi’s works.
The data gathered in the Appendix IV was rearranged and presented as Table
1. The four columns respectively represent the publications and reprints of his works
from 1859 to 1900, from 1901-1956, from 1972-1983, and of those works still
reproduced and/or used in Indonesia. We take 1859 as the terminus a quo, for it
marks the date of the first publication of Shaykh Nawawi’s work. The other dates
were to some extent given by the sources themselves. There was a gap of
information between 1956-1972. Arbritrary as they might look, the four periods,
nonetheless, do represent four quite different eras that point to significant eras as far
as Indonesia is concerned. The first covers the period of the lifetime and career of
Shaykh Nawawi and also the time when the Middle East was the center of the Muslim
world; the second marks the Nationalist movement toward Independence in Indonesia
where people’s attention and activities were shifted, as it were, from the Middle East
to Indonesia. And the third period (1972-1983) represents modem Indonesia. The
data and number presented in the table are by no means absolute, but they do provide
valuable information on the relative and practical "importance" of each work of
Shaykh Nawawi.
105
TABLE 1
E d it io n s and R e p r in t s of S h a y k h N a w a w i ’s W o r k s
T IT L E 1859-1900 1901-1956 1972-1983 NOTE
1. Maraqi aI-‘Ubudiyya 16 2 6 *
2. M irqat § u ‘ud al-Ta$diq 15 1 7 *
3. Kashifat al-Shija’ 8 2 5
4. Fad) al-Mujib 8 2 3
5. Qut al-IJabib al-G harib 8 1 5
6. Qa(r al-Ghayth 6 4 7 *
7. Sullam al-M unajat 5 2 6
8. ‘Uqud al-Lujayn 5 2 5
9. Al-Thim ar al-Y ani’a 4 2 4
10. Fad) al-Majid 4 1 3
11. M adarij al-$u'ud 4 0 6
12. Tijan al-D arari 3 3 5
13. Salalim al-Fudala’ 3 2 0
14. Nihayat al-Zayn 3 I 2 *
15. Al-Fu$u$ al-Yaqutiyya 3 0 0
16. N ur al-Zalam 2 6 8
17. Fatf) al-$amad 2 2 3
18. Bahjat al-W asa’il 2 2 3
19. Maraf) Labid 2 i 5 *
20. Taghrib al-M ushtaqin 2 I 4
21. Al-‘Iqd al-Thamin 2 I 4
22. Suluk al-Jadda 2 0 0
23. Al-Asm a’ al-E usna 2 0 0
24. K ashf al-M urutiyya 2 0 0
25. E ilyat al-$ibyan 2 0 0
26. D hari‘at al-Yaqin 2 0 0
27. Q am i' al-Tughyan 1 3 7
28. Na$a'it) al-'Ibad 1 1 7
29. Mijbat) al-?ulam 1 0 0
30. Lubab al-Bayan 1 0 0
31. Fad) Gh. al-Khatiiyya 1 0 0
32. Al-Riyad al-Fuliyya I 0 0
33. Al-Nahja al-Jayyida I 0 0
34. Al-Ibriz al-Dani 1 0 0
35. Al-F. al-M adaniyya 1 0 0
36. AI-Durar al-Bahiya 1 0 0
37. TanqH) Qawl al-IJathith 0 2 4 *
38. Shart) $at)Q) M uslim 0 0 4
39. Al-Nafabat 0 0 2
40. al-Lum ‘a al-N uraniyya 0 0 2
* Books still reprinted and used in Indonesia
106
SECTION TWO
2. The "important" works of Shaykh Nawawi
Importance is a relative value, and therefore it is difficult to measure. A book
can be important from the point of view of the writer, the readers, and the publisher.
Shaykh Nawawi never mentions any single work of his as being more important than
the others. Following the tradition of his time, he considers that there is nothing
original in his writings; they derive from information and opinion of previous Islamic
scholars on the relevant subject. So, it is very hard, if indeed it is possible, from this
point of view to grasp which of his works he considers most important.
Most of Shaykh Nawawi’s works, if not all, as we have stated elsewhere, are
commentaries on particular books written by previous Islamic scholars. There is a
wide range of options out there. So, there must have been some elements of
deliberate choice and preference in the fact that Shaykh Nawawi comments on certain
books and not on others, why he prefers those books to the others. It is, therefore,
reasonable to see indirectly the significance that Shaykh Nawawi places the books he
chooses to comment on.
Readers may consider the degree of importance of Shaykh Nawawi ’s works
according to the value that is traditionally accorded to certain type of works in Islamic
107
learning. Thus, in descending order of importance, we may list his works: Quranic
commentary, fiqh, hadith, tawtjid, mawlid, and books on instrumental science. In
practice, however, this "ideological" importance is not always reflected in the same
hierarchy among the actual readers, particularly in Indonesia.
It is very difficult to gauge the degree of the impact of Shaykh Nawawi’s
works on his Indonesian readers. Martin van Bruinessen in his short study on the use
of books in Arabic script—commonly called the "yellow books"—in the pesantrens,
collects information from forty-two pesantrens in Sumatra, South Kalimantan, and
Java.24 Table 2 is generated from Martin van Bruinessen’s information particularly
with regard to the works of Shaykh Nawawi.
TABLE 2
S h a y k h N a w a w i ’s w o r k s u s e d in p e s a n t r e n s a t p r e s e n t
T it l e S u m a tra So u t h Java Total L evel

Ka l i m a n t a n W est C entral E ast
1. Tijan al-D arari 1 0 5 2 3 11 thanawi

2. MaraJj Labid 0 I 3 2 5 11 'all
3. Fatb al-Majid 2 1 I 2 2 8 khawa$$
4. Na$a’ifc al-'Ibad 0 0 2 0 4 6 'all
5. Tanqil} Qawl al-lja th ith 0 1 2 I 1 5 ‘all
6. Kashifat al-Shija’ 0 0 1 0 3 4 thanawi
7. ‘Uqud al-Lujayn 0 0 1 I 2 4 thanawi
8. N ur al-Zalam 0 I I 0 1 3 thanawi
9. M araqi al-‘U budiyya 0 1 0 0 1 2 thanawi
Source: Martin van Bruinessen, "Books in Arabic Script used in the Pesantren
Milieu," BKI 146 (1990): 263-267. Data was collected from a total of 42
pesantrens selected in Sumatra, South Kalimantan, and Java.
24M. van Bruinessen, "Books in Arabic Script used in the Pesantren Milieu," BKI
146 (1990): 226-269.
108
Among all the works of Shaykh Nawawi only nine titles appear on the list.
Four of them, namely, (Tijan al-Darari (dogmatics), Marafr Labid (Qur’anic
commentary), ‘Uqud al-Lujayn (a branch of fiqh), and Tanqih Qawl al-ijathith
(hadith, moral counsel), occupy the top rank on the list. His complete commentary
on Fiqh, Nihayat al-Zayn, is not widely used and his Qut al-Habib al-Gharib does not
even show up on the list. This indicates that this work of fiqh is practically unknown
among Indonesian Muslim students in the pesantrens. By contrast, Tijan al-Darari,
his commentary on basic dogmatics, is more widely accepted and used in the
pesantrens.
To supplement Martin van Bruinessen’s data, we widen the selection of
pesantrens which reportedly have Shaykh Nawawi’s works in their curriculum. The
data shown as Table 3 is collected from a directory of pesantrens in Indonesia25 as
well as information gleaned from Muhammad Yunus’s book on a history of pesantren
education in Indonesia.26 The pesantren directory lists 255 pesantrens with the
following distribution: sixty-one in West Java including Jakarta, sixty-seven in Central
Java, 109 in East Java, and the rest (eighteen) from outside Java (twelve in Sumatra,
one in Bali, two in Sulawesi, and one in Lombok). A complete picture of this
regional distribution can be seen in Appendix III.
^ Direcori Pesantren I (Jakarta: Perhimpunan Pengembangan Pesantren dan

Masyarakat, 1986).
26Muhammad Junus, Sejarah Pendidikan Pesantren di Indonesia (A History of

Pesantren Education in Indonesia), Jakarta: n.p., 1960.
109
TABLE 3
S h a y k h N a w a w i ’s W o r k s R e p o r t e d B e i n g U s e d in Pe s a n t r e n
T it l e Sum atra Java Total

W est C e n t r a l Ea st
t. Tijan al-D arari 0 25 5 4 34

2. M a ra t Labid 1 9 3 2 15
3. ‘Uqud al-Lujayn 1 3 4 4 12
4. Tanqflj Qawl al-fjathith 0 6 3 2 11
5. N a ja 'it al-’Ibad 0 4 4 0 8
6. N ihayat al-Zayn 0 3 1 2 6
7. Qa{r al-Ghayth 0 4 2 0 6
8. M araqi aI-‘Ubudiyya 2 2 0 2 6
9. Fat|j ai-M ajid 1 2 1 I 5
10. Qam i‘ al-Tughyan 0 2 3 0 5
11. Sullam al-M unajat 0 3 1 1 5
12. N ur al-âiam 1 3 0 0 4
13. M irqat $ u 'u d al-Tajdiq 0 0 I 1 2
14. M adarij al-$u'ud 0 0 I 0 1
15. Bahjat al-W asa'il 0 1 0 0 1
Source: Directory Pesantren I, Jakarta: Perhimpunan Pengembangan Pesantren

dan Mssyarakat, 1986. Mahmud Junus, Sejarah Pendidikan Pesantren di
Indonesia, Jakarta: n.p., 1960.
As expected and as supported by van Bruinessen’s data, Table 3 shows how
the works of Shaykh Nawawi are known and enjoy wider readership in Java. As far
as the items are concerned, there is a basic agreement between both Tables. Except
for Kashifat al-Shija’, the titles mentioned by van Bruinessen also appear among the
15 titles in Table 3. If we compare the nine items mention in Table 2 and the first
nine items in Table 3, two items, namely Tijan al-Darari and Marafr Labid, occupy
the top of the list, while the other titles somewhat differ in their ranking, but are still
110
very close. A combination of the (first) nine titles from both Tables yields a list of
11 items that we believe are the most important works of Shaykh Nawawi in terms of
their readership in Indonesia today. This list includes the titles mentioned in Table 2
and two items from Table 3, namely Nihayat al-Zayn and Qatr al-Ghayth. However,
we have to use this conclusion with some caution, following Martin van Bruinessen,
that the list represents only the degree of reported use in the curriculum and not the
actual readership.
Another way of arriving at an estimate of the importance of the works of
Shaykh Nawawi is by looking into the frequency of their publication. Publishers
would not be likely to send a book to the press for reprinting unless there was
sufficient demand from the market. Thus, "importance" may fluctuate from one
decade to another. Demand for a particular book may be high at times and may
decline at other times. We can see this variance clearly from the editions and reprints
of Shaykh Nawawi’s works in Table 1. Except for three items (38-40), all the works
of Shaykh Nawawi were printed in his lifetime. There is a general decline in demand
for his books in the following five decades (1901-1956), and then the demand picks
up again in modem Indonesia (1972-1983).
The fluctuation of interest in Shaykh Nawawi’s works coincides with the
historical events that brought about the birth of the Indonesian Republic. The first
half of this century were the years of Indonesian revolution and nationalism. The
introduction of Western education to a limited number of people of high social strata
Ill
resulted in the new type of leadership in a new entity, the Indonesian nation. This
will be discussed in detail in Chapter Five, particularly in terms of its impact on the
position of gloss literature in the transfer of knowledge.
Within the context of nineteenth century "Indonesia" Muslims who studied in
Mecca returned to their home country to become its local leaders. Confrontation with
the Dutch colonial and economic hegemony resulted in regional agricultural uprisings
in which those Islamic traditional and local leaders played a prominent part.27
Modem Indonesian leaders are Muslims as well, but their orientation toward the
traditional Islamic learning in the pesantrens diminished. Some of them received their
professional education in the Netherlands. Their outlook, perspective, and world
view changed. For them their home country was part of a bigger entity that was the
Indonesian nation. Reflecting on the uprisings in the first quarter of this century,
Benda and McVey wrote:
[T]he Muslim Ulama still played a far from insignificant role in both the
Javanese and Sumatran uprising of the 1920’s. But however vital their role at
the village level had remained, they were no longer the prime actors in the
revolutionary drama. In the 20th century they had ceded that role to
urbanised, partly Westernized, Indonesians, who were not only newcomers on
the social and ideological scene of the colony but who also welded the local or
27For Western Sumatra, see Christine Dobbin, Islamic Revivalism in a Changing

Peasant Economy: Central Sumatra, 1784-1847. Scandinavian Institute of Asian
Studies Monograph Series, N 47. London and Malmo: Curzon Press, 1983; for
Banten, see Sartono Kartodirdjo, The Peasants’ Revolt of Banten in 1888, its
Conditions, Course and Sequel: A Case Study of Social Movements in Indonesia.
’s-Gravenhage: Nijhoff, 1966.
112
regional discontent of earlier times into nation-wide, or at least supra-regional,
mass movements without precedent in Indonesian history.28
In the discourse and debates around the formation of the Indonesian
Constitution, for example, many Muslim leaders turn their regard to modem Turkey
as a paradigm for the Indonesian republic.29 All this partly explains the diminishing
interest in traditional Islamic learning, and with it the demand for the classical yellow
books, during the period around the Indonesian nationalist movement. In addition to
that, the disruption of communication between the Middle East and Indonesia during
the two World Wars and the Indonesian independence movement surely hampered the
flow of books printed in Egypt to Indonesia.
Several factors can be mentioned as having contributed to the rising interest in
the classical yellow books such as those of Shaykh Nawawi between 1972-1983 (see
Table 1, column 4). The most important is the suppression of the Indonesian
Communist Party and its organizations in the bloody aftermath of the aborted coup
d’etat of 1965. Under Sukarno’s regime, communism got the upper hand over the
other political parties, including the Islamic parties. Under Soeharto’s regime, the
Orde Bam, the New Order of the current goverment, religious activities were able to
breathe more freely and even gain some encouragement from the government. The
28Harry J. Benda and Ruth T. McVey (eds), The Communist Uprisings of the
1926-1927 in Indonesia, (Ithaca (NY): Cornell U.P., 1960), xv.
29B. J. Boland, The Struggle of Islam in modem Indonesia, VKI 59 (1982).
113
current government policy towards Islam is not much different from that of the
colonial government devised partly by its prominent advisor, Christiaan Snouck
Hurgronje, namely, the separation between the religious domain of Islam and the
political sphere; the former should be tolerated, but the latter should be suppressed.30
For the current government, the Muslim population remains a mass of people whose
potential power, unless contained, can unleash itself against the ruling government.
By providing aids to their religious activities such as mosques, schools, and facilities
for pilgrimage they were co-opted but their political aspirations remain controlled and
even suppressed.
Most pesantrens mentioned in the Direktori Pesantren were newly built with
government assistance. These new pesantrens partly help to drive up the demand for
classical yellow books that for quite a while, as it were, had been put aside.
Now let us return to the editions and reprints of Shaykh Nawawi’s works.
Table 1 shows that out of the total of forty-two works of Shaykh Nawawi, eight items
(Migbafr al-Zulam, Lubab al-Bayan, Fatb Ghafir al-Khattiyya, al-Riyad al-Fuliyya, aL
Nahja al-Jayyida, al-Ibriz al-Dani, al-Futufrat al-Madaniyya, al-Durar al-Bahiya) were
printed only once. It is clear that they were never popular. Five items (Suluk al-
30"Fut-ce a contre-coeur, cet Etat souverain sera oblige de fixer, au mo ins au

theorie, une ligne de separation que ITslam ne saurait etablir. Je dis: il est oblige de
tracer une ligne de separation entre du domaine dans lequel il peut tolerer, par respect
pour la liberte du conscience, cet imperium in imperio, et un autre domaine, dans
lequel l’influence illimitee de cette puissance ne peut s’accorder avec des interets plus
generaux." C. Snouck Hurgronje, "Politique Musulmanne de la Hollande," in
Collection de la Revue du monde musulman 14 (Paris, 1914): 269.
114
Jadda, Sharb ‘ala Manzuma fi al-Tawa§§ul bi al-Asma’ al-flusna, Kashf al-Murutiyya,
Uilyat al-Sibyan, DharTat al-Yaqin) were printed twice before 1900, and were never
reprinted again. One item (al-Fu§u§ al-Yaqutiyya) was printed three times before
1900, and lost its popularity thereafter. This introduction to Arabic grammar was
important during during the life of Shaykh Nawawi, presumably for his fellow
Javanese recently come to Mecca, but lost its importance later on. This explains well
why these thirteen books never reached Indonesia, were unknown in the pesantrens,
and thus do not appear in Table 2 and Table 3.
In addition to that, three items (Sharb Sabib Muslim, al-Nafafrat, al-Lum‘a al-
Nuraniyya) printed only as recently as the 1970’s, and are not yet known in
Indonesia.
In all there are twenty six works of Shaykh Nawawi that are unknown, and never had
a chance to have an impact on Indonesian pesantrens.
Table 4, a shrunk version from Table 1, list 24 works of Shaykh Nawawi after
the 226 items that are both unknown in Indonesia and do not gain popularity have
been pruned out. Out of 24 books, 5 items (Fatb al-Mujib, al-Thimar al-Yani’a,
Salalim al-Fudala, Fatb al-Samad, Taghrib al-Mushtaqin, and al-Tqd al-Thamin) were
not used in pesantrens. These used to be important books for Jawi students in Mecca.
Fatb al-Mujib, for example, is a manual for pilgrimage that must have been very
useful for the Jawi pilgrim in Mecca and was not of much practical use for students in
Java as a subject of study.
115
TABLE 4
S h a y k h N a w a w i ' s W o r k s St i l l R e p r i n t e d
T ITLE 1859-1900 1901-1956 1972-1983 NOTE
I. M araqi al-‘U budiyya 16 2 6

2. M irqat § u ‘ud al-Ta$diq 15 1 7
3. K ashifat al-Shija* 8 2 5
4. Fait) al-M ujib 8 2 3
5. Q ut al-IJabib al-Gharib 8 1 5 *
6. Q a[r ai-G hayth 6 4 7 *
7. SuIIam al-M unajat 5 2 6 *
8. 'U qud al-Lujayn 5 2 5 •
9. A l-T him ar al-Y ani‘a 4 2 4
10. Fatb al-M ajid 4 1 3
11. M adarij a l-§ u ‘ud 4 0 6
12. Tijan al-D arari 3 3 5 *
13. Salalim al-F udala’ 3 2 0
14. N ihayat al-Zayn 3 I 2
15. A I-Fujus al-Yaqutiyya 3 0 0
16. N ur al-Zalam 2 6 8
17. Fatb al-Sam ad 2 2 3
18. Bahjat al-W asa'il 2 2 3
19. M arab Labid 2 1 5
20 T aghrib al-M ushtaqin 2 i 4
21. Al-‘Iqd al-Tham in 2 1 4
22. Qami* al-Tughyan 1 3 7 *
23. N a ja ’ib al-Tbad 1 1 7
24. Tanqib Q awl al-FJathith 0 2 4 *
NOTE: * The book is still reproduced and used in Indonesia.
Another five items (Nur al-Zalam, Marah Labid, Qami1 al-Tughyan, Naga’ifr
al-Tbad, and Tanqib Qawl al-IJathith) increase in their importance in the course of
time. These five items appear on the lower ranks of the list. Nur al-Zalam, a work
on dogmatics was printed twice during the author’s lifetime, six times during the
turbulent time in Indonesia (1901-1956), eight times between 1972-1983 while still
being reprinted again and again nowadays. It occupies the 16th rank in Table 1, the
116
12th in Table 3 and the 8th in Table 2. Marafr Labid. a commentary on the Qur’an,
was printed twice in 1887, once during the entire span of 1901-1956, but five times
betwen 1972-1983, and is still reproduced in Indonesia. It rises in rank from the 19th
(Table 1), to second place in both Table 2 and Table 3. Qami4 al-Tughyan, a book
on ethical tasawwuf, was printed only once between 1859-1900, three times between
1901-1956, but seven times between 1972-1983 and is still reprinted today in
Indonesia. It rises in importance from the 22nd place (Table 1) to the 4th (Table 2)
and the 4th (Table 3). Na§a’ih al-4Ibad, a book on religious counsel, was printed
only once before 1900, again only once in the next half century, but seven times
between 1972-1983 and is still being printed in Indonesia. It occupies the 23rd place
(Table 1), the 4th (Table 2), and the 5th rank (Table 3). And finally, Tanqih Qawl
al-Hathith, a book on religious ethics based on hadiths, was printed posthumously,
twice between 1900-1956, and four times between 1972-1983 and is still being
reprinted in Indonesia. It appears on the bottom of the list (Table 1), then rises to the
5th place (Table 2) and the 4th (Table 3).
What we may conclude from above data is that some of Shaykh Nawawi’s
works decline in relative importance and popularity while some others rise only in
recent years. If we combine the three Tables in term of the ranking of each, we end
up with a list of fifteen works of Shaykh Nawawi that we may consider important,
although we can not go into more detail as to the precise degree of importance (Table
5).
117
TABLE 5
C o m p a r is o n of Ra n k in g in "I m p o r t a n c e "
TITLE T able 1 T a b le 2 T able 3 NOTE
1. M araqi al-’Ubudiyya I 9 8 */T/A

2. M irqat §u ‘ud al-Ta$diq 2 - 13 */F/A
3. Kashifat al-Shija’ 3 6 - */F
4 . Q atr al-Ghayth 6 - 7 */T
S. Sullam al-Munajat 7 - 11 */F
8. ‘U qud al-Lujayn 8 7 3 */F
9. Fatb al-Majid 10 3 9 */U
10. Tijan al-Darari 12 1 1 */U
11. N ihayat al-Zayn 14 - 6 */F
12. N ur al-Zalam 15 8 12 */U
13. M aralj Labid 18 2 2 */Q
14. Na$a’ib al-'Ibad 22 4 5 */H/A
15. Tanqib Qawl ai-ftathith 23 5 4 */H /A
LEG EN D :
* The book is still reproduced in Indonesia.

A = Akhiaq, Applied Islamic Ethics
F = Fiqh. Islamic Law
H = Hadith
U = Usui al-Din, T aw hid. Dogmatics
Q = Q ur'anic C om m entary
T = T asaw w uf
After discussing which of Shaykh Nawawi’s works that we believe are
relatively important, it is time to turn our regard to the works themselves.
118
CHAPTER THREE
Se l ec ted W orks of Shaykh N aw aw i
SECTION ONE
Works on the Arabic Language
For Muslims, learning Arabic is, as it were, the gate which opens on to the
fascinating world of the religious beliefs of Islam, its rich cultural heritage, and
particularly the language of the Prophet and even of the divine communication itself.
For those whose mother tongue is not Arabic the fascination is even greater, to the
extent of the hardship they have to endure and the time and work they have to
invest.1 For many Jawis, particularly in the nineteenth century, learning Arabic
characters and grammar was the unique avenue available to literacy and often to
upward social mobility.2
‘C. Snouck Hurgronje, "Een en ander over het inlandsh onderwijs in de

Padangsche bovenlanden," Verspreide Geschriften IV, 1:29-38.
2A. W. P. Verkerk Pistorius, "De priester en zijn invloed op de samenleving in

de Padangsche bovenlanden," TNI 3(1869), 2: 442-448.
119
Mastering the conjugation of the Arabic verb and the declension of the noun
(tasrif) is the first step any student of Arabic has to take. For Muslims the drills
mean more than simple exercises of concentration and memorization. Indeed, it
touches their psycho-religious awareness. However, the road was often very tortuous.
It is not surprising that many students had to leave the traditional Arabic school with
only a very basic knowledge of Arabic.3 Raden Abubakar Djajadiningrat left us a
short description on how Javanese Muslims generally began to learn Arabic in Java.
The experience was also true for Javanese Muslims who came to Mecca with no
previous knowledge of Arabic at all. After learning the Arabic alphabet with the
different forms it may have depending on its place in a word—at the beginning, in
between characters, or at the end—their teachers would commit them to the study of
the basics of declension (§arf). In some cases the students also, at the same time,
memorized the Qur’an, in its entirety for the gifted or a section thereof for the less
gifted.
Since the terms of the Arabic inflection were not immediately clear, the
teacher had to resort to word-by-word translation into two mediums of instruction of
the day, namely, Javanese or Malay. Neither language has a system of inflection and
gender, and so the translation of the features absent in the vernacular languages must
3Drawing a conclusion on an indigenous primary education in West Sumatra,

Verkerk Pistorius wrote "Summa summarum: when the pupils after one or five years
leave the surau for good, they generally have not been brought further than the
knowledge of the first three of Arabic characters." (A. W. P. Verkerk Pistorius, "De
priester en zijn invloed op de samenleving in de Padangsche bovenlanden," 443.
120
have sounded weird. Literal translation of Arabic grammatical terms was by no
means a help, if not actually an obstacle. For instance, the translation of magdar
(infinitive verbal noun) into tempat terbit,4 which in Indonesian means "place of
arising," would simply further confuse the students.
As is the practice in most Arabic classes, Jawi students of Arabic in Java and
in Mecca began with the inflection of the paradigm verb "fa‘ala - yaf‘alu - fi‘lan" to
be followed by the other patterns of declension according to the change of vowels in
the second syllable of the paradigm, both in the past and present tense. Thus far
there is nothing particularly different about this procedure. What is unusual and
interesting, if not even strange, is when these words or terms were translated into
Javanese or Malay. After giving the correct inflection of "fa‘ala - fa‘ala - fa‘alu," for
example, the teacher would then proceed with a functional analysis of the parts of
speech. He would say in Arabic "fa‘ala: waqi‘, w a frd a n , mudhakkar, glia’ib. " He
would then immediately translate them into Javanese "maknane: wus agawe, wong
lanang, siji, gaib" which means "meaning: has done, male, one, invisible"; then he
proceeded with "fa'ala: waqi‘, tathniya, mudhakkar, gha’ib" which then rendered into
"maknane: wus agawe, wong lanang, loro, gaib" which means "meaning: have done,
male, two persons, invisible," and so on. Then the students had to learn by heart
4C. Snouck Hurgronje, "Een en ander over het inlandsch onderwijs in de

Padangsche bovenlanden " VD IV, 1:33.
121
both the inflections in Arabic and their translation into the vernacular language.5
Most Arabic grammatical terms do not have their Indonesian or Javanese equivalents,
so the translation method is clearly a real drudgery; learning proceeded at a snail’s
pace, and the drills were strenuous, with no clear perspective as to what the result
would be.6 For some Jawis whose mother tongue was neither Javanese nor Malay
the path was even more complicated. In Priangan West Java, for example, a teacher
had to translate the Arabic declension first into Javanese, and then into Sundanese.7
Whatever difficulty it might entail, learning Arabic grammar directly in
Arabic, therefore, has some obvious advantages over the translation method. For one
thing the teacher and the student do not have to resort to the difficult and hardly
helpful translation into a vernacular language; the burden of memorization is already
cut in half. For the other, Arabic words and grammatical terms, repeated over and
over again, even used in basic daily conversation, would linger longer in memory.
Furthermore, the students plunge into the system of the language itself without
5 Djajadiningrat, Tarajim, fol. 10, quoted by Snouck Hurgronje in Mekka, 265-

266.
6For similar description of the learning process in West Sumatra, see "De
masdjid’s en inlandshe godsdienstscholen in de Padangsche Bovenlanden," De
Indische Gids 10 (1888), 1: 329-333.
7Tarajim, fol. 11. The same method was used throughout pesantrens in Central
and East Java, and is used for example in Pesantren al-Falak, Bogor [see Sudjoko
Prasodjo et. al, Profil Pesantren, 46.
122
wasting energy looking for the equivalents of technical terms in their vernacular
language that were often merely a literal translation of the terms.
The drill on Arabic conjugation and declension (§arf) must be distinguished
from the theory of declension or morphology itself (‘ilm al-garf). The former
represent the first step in learning Arabic, whereas the latter, as one the many
branches in the science of adab,8 belongs to an advanced level in the study of Arabic.
Treatises of the theory of declension, as those written by Shaykh Nawawi, were
intended primarily for advanced students, most probably prospective teachers
themselves. It is from the perspective of the advantages of the teaching method
directly in Arabic and the consideration of the target group—the "advanced" students
and future teachers in Java-that we should weigh the importance of the works of
Shaykh Nawawi on the "instrumental science."
Shaykh Nawawi of Banten wrote five treatises in the field of Arabic language,
traditionally called instrumental sciences (‘ilm al-alat), because they are tools
necessary for the study of Islamic religious science. They are al-Fu$u$ al-Yaqutiyya,
al-Riyad al-Fuliyya, Kashf al-Murutiyya, Fatb Ghafir al-Khattiyya, Lubab al-Bayan.
The first two commentaries are on Arabic morphology ($arf or tasrif), the next two
8There is general agreement on what adab includes: $arf or tasrif

(morphology/declension), nafrw (syntax), balagha (rethoric which includes ma‘ani
[kinds of sentence and usages], bayan [similes, metaphors and metonymies] and badi‘
[tropes]), lugha (lexicography), wad‘ (formation of words, actually theory of
grammar), ‘arud (prosody), and kafiya (rhyme). (J. Heyworth-Dunne [1939], 41-42.)
Shaykh Nawawi of Banten considered the first six as the kernel of Arabic adab as
conceived by ‘All b. Abi Talib (al-Fusus al-Yaqutiyya, 3).
123
are on Arabic grammar proper (nafrw), and the last on the figures of speech
(isti‘arat). Of the five works, only Lubab al-Bayan has the date of composition; thus
a chronological presentation of these works is impossible. All of them were printed
first in Cairo in the early 1880s when Shaykh Nawawi had gained recognition in
Cairo as "one of those who had scored a great success in the art of writing.1,9 It is
worth noting that Shaykh Nawawi’s works in this particular field had never been
popular in the pesantrens.10 This suggests that these works were primarily used
among the Jawi students in Mecca. The presentation of the commentaries in this field
will follow the traditional order according to which the Islamic curriculum is
generally presented in traditional Muslim education.
Morphology/ Verbal declensions
1. al-Fu$u$ al-Yaqutiyya “ (Sapphire Ring Stones) was published 1299/1882
by al-Bahiyya Press (Cairo), under the patronage of Shaykh ‘Abd al-Ghani and
Shaykh ‘Abd al-Ghaffar, and edited by Ahmad b. Mustafa al-Maktabi.
^ a s h f al-Murutiyya, 36.
I0They do not appear among "the top 100 in pesantren literature" (M. van
Bruinessen, "Books in Arabic Script in the Pesantren Milieu," BKI 146 (1990), 238-
244, 263, nor they are mentioned in Direktori Pesantren.
“The full title is al-Fusus al-Yaqutiyya ‘ala al-Rawdat al-Bahiyya fi al-Abwab al-
Tasrifiyya (Sapphire Ring Stones: A Commentary on the Beautiful Garden [a treatise]
on the field of Inflection). This al-Bahiyya edition in 1299/1882 seems to be the only
edition we have of this work. We use a microfilm copy of this edition we acquired
from the British Museum.
124
The work was a commentary on al-Rawda al-Bahiyya fi al-Abwab al-
Tasrifiyya by ‘Abd al-Mun‘im Twad al-Jiijawi. The author was among the Azhari
shaykhs who were recruited by Rifa‘a Rafi‘ al-Tahtawi to teach at the School of
Languages Tahtawi had founded upon his arrival from Paris. Al-Jiijawi taught
Arabic grammar in the school and wrote this treatise circa 1271/1854.12
2. al-Riyad al-Fuliyya (The Bean Gardens), Shaykh Nawawi’s own
composition, was printed on the margins of the previous commentary, obviously
because both works were very similar in their content as well as in their structure.
The texts of both al-Riyad al-Fuliyya and al-Rawdat al-Bahiyya are divided
into two major sections, as are other treatises of Arabic morphology. The first deals
with Arabic verbs according to their roots-triliteral and quadriliteral along with their
respective augmented forms.13 Then the verbal declensions proper follow. The
second section deals with verbs according to the strength or weakness of the radicals.
Thus, they form two groups: a group of sound/strong verbs and a group of
defective/weak verbs. It is to the latter group that most pages were devoted. A verb
12GALS II: 726; J. Heyworth-Dunne, An Introduction to the History of Education

in Modem Egypt (London: Luzac & Co., 1939), 268. He is not to be confused with
another ‘Abd aI-Mun‘im al-Jiijawi (d. 1195/1781), see Kahhala, 6: 193-194; Sarkis,
682.
13The reading in Sarkis, 1882 "al-Qawliyya" is a misprint. Unless indicated

otherwise, the English translation of the grammatical technical terms follows P.
Cachia, The Monitor: A Dictionary of Arabic-Grammatical Terms (Beirut: Librairie
du Liban, and London: Longman, 1973).
125
can be "defective" or "weak" because of the presence of waw or in the root, of a
duplication of last two letters, or of a hamza.
More interesting than the content of the treatise as such were the authorities
whose opinions Shaykh Nawawi quotes in the commentary. In a culture where
expressing one’s own personal opinion was not considered good scholarship, choosing
to refer to one particular authority among the others was a subtle method of
conveying one’s own opinion. The frequency of reference to a group of authorities in
a particular commentary—a fortiori in his other commentaries as well—points to one’s
intellectual milieu.
In al-Riyad al-Fuliyya Shaykh Nawawi of Banten did not mention as many
authorities as he did in al-Fusus al-Yaqutiyya. The authorities cited in the former,
however, represented a culling of the most important authorities referred to in aU
Fusus al-Yaqutiyya, where Shaykh Nawawi mentions over 24 book titles and authors.
The references suggest a strong Egyptian influence on the intellectual formation of
Shaykh Nawawi.
We stan with the author of al-Rawda al-Bahiyya, ‘Abd al-Mun‘im al-Jirjawi.
Al-Jirjawi was still active in 1271/1854; he was, therefore, contemporary to Shaykh
Nawawi of Banten. There are some textual indications that Shaykh Nawawi might
have written the commentary using a manuscript of the text,14 which he perhaps
obtained from someone who had come from Egypt, or else acquired a copy when he
14al-Fu§u§ al-Yaqutiyya, 20.
126
himself went to Cairo. Shaykh Nawawi of Banten also mentions this Shaykh in
another work.15 Al-Jiijawi was an Azhari shaykh whose name is known to us more
from his activity outside the walls of al-Azhar.
No sooner had Rifa‘a al-Tahtawi taken over the direction of the School of
Translation, which was to become known as the School of Languages in 1837, than
he improved the curriculum and the staff. To provide the best teaching in Islamic law
and Arabic, he recruited several of the best known Shaykhs from al-Azhar. ‘Abd al-
Mun‘im al-Jiijawi was one of them.16 Most likely he taught Arabic. The vocational
school was geared to preparing government officials to become translators or
teachers.17 The practical and applied character of the School’s approach may have
forced him to omit some fine points of morphology which were purely theoretical.
The second was another important, if controversial, figure at al-Azhar. He
was Muhammad ‘Ullaysh (1802-1882), the Shaykh of the Malikis at al-Azhar.18 His
father had moved from the Maghrib19 to Cairo and settled in the neighborhood of al-
Azhar where Muhammad ‘Ullaysh was bom in 1217/1802. He began to teach at al-
lsQami‘ al-Tughyan, 2, 31.
16J. Heyworth-Dunne, 264-268.
17 The professions of the students after graduation pointed to this Ibid., 269.
18Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Muhammad ‘Ullaysh al-Maliki is mentioned 6 times:

10, 19 (2x), 20 (2x), and on 29, in al-Fugu§ al-Yaqutiyya.
19 Fez (Sarkis, 1372), or Tripoli (Kahhala, 9: 12).
127
Azhar in 1245/1829. He was a jurisconsult, theologian, grammarian, morphologist,
rhetoretician, specialist on the law of inheritance, and logician as well. He assumed
the post of shaykh of the Malikis in 1853 and had a very large following, especially
in Upper Egypt. He was also the leader of a strong group of conservatives in the
Azhar circle which opposed several Shaykhs of al-Azhar. First he opposed the
Shaykh of al-Azhar, Shaykh Mustafa al-‘Arusi (Shafi‘i, 1864-1870) who issued a
ruling that forbade beggars from reciting the Qur’an on the street. Muhammad
‘Ullaysh’s opposition brought him down from the rectorship of al-Azhar.20 Then he
opposed the Hanafi Shaykh Muhammad al-‘Abbasi al-Mahdi (rector 1870-1886) who
replaced Shaykh al-‘Arusi.21 Finally, Shaykh ‘Ullaysh was accused of collaboration
with the Urabi revolt (1881), was arrested at home while ailing, and put into prison
where he died in 1229/1882.22
Shaykh Muhammad ‘Ullaysh was therefore an important figure at al-Azhar and
was contemporary to Shaykh Nawawi of Banten. He was a prolific author. On
morphology ( sarf), he wrote Hall al-ma‘qud li-l-‘Uqud min nazam al-Maqsud, a
commentary on a versification by his contemporary Shaykh Ahmad b. ‘Abd al-Rabim
al-Tahtawi of a work entitled al-Maqsud fi al-Sarf (or al-Tasrif) often attributed to the
20J. Heyworth-Dunne, 399; Khitat, 41, 43. For the list of the Shaykhs of al-
Azhar, see B. Dodge, [1961], 193-194.
21J. Heyworth-Dunne, 401-402.
-Kahhala, 9: 12.
128
Imam Abu Hanifa.23 Shaykh Nawawi of Banten mentions the names of both shaykhs
next to one another.24 This, as well as the fact that the versification of al-Tahtawi
and its commentary by Muhammad ‘Ullaysh were printed in one volume in
1282/1865-and thus was available to our Shaykh—makes it most likely that Shaykh
Nawawi used that edition when he wrote the commentary under discussion. If this is
true, Shaykh Nawawi must have written his commentary after 1282/1865.
The two most important authorities in grammar, by reason of the extensive
quotes from them, were definitely Hasan al-‘Attar and Na§ir al-Din al-Laqani. Hasan
al-‘Attar,25 like Muhammad ‘Ullaysh, was bom into a family that had moved from
Morocco and settled in Egypt. His father was a perfumer (‘attar), hence his name.
First he employed his son in his shop, but when he noticed in his son a penchant for
learning, he sent him to al-Azhar, to attend the prominent Azhari scholars of the day,
“ Sarkis, 304. Ahmad (b.) ‘Abd al-Rabim al-Tahtawi, the author of a

versification thereof, was bom in Tahta 1233/1818, a village near Asyut, Upper
Egypt. After serving as a scribe at the local court, he studied at al-Azhar where he
later taught. He was recruited by Rifa‘a al-Tahtawi to teach Arabic grammar in the
School of Languages (J. Heyworth-Dunne [1939], 268). He was then appointed editor
of al-Waqa’i‘ al-Misriyya, a post he hold until he died in Cairo 1302/1885; see
Kahhala, 1: 271; Sarkis, 373; GALS II: 727. Hall al-ma‘qud min nazm al-Maqsud
is still used in pesantrens (M. van Bruinessen, "Books in Arabic Script used in the
Pesantren Milieu," BKI 146 [1990], 242).
24al-Fu$u$ al-Yaqutiyya, 19.
“ Hasan b. Muhammad Katan al-‘Attar al-Shafi‘i al-Mi§ri (1250/1766 -

1190/1835). For a biography of this reformist Shaykh of al-Azhar see Muhammad
‘Abd al-Ghani Hasan, Hasan al-‘Attar (Cairo: Dar al-Ma‘arif, 1968).
129
both of the Malik! school and the Shafi‘i school.26 Hasan al-‘Attar taught at al-
Azhar until the time of the arrival of the French in Egypt in 1798 when he fled to
Upper Egypt. When calm was restored, he returned to Cairo. In contrast to ‘Abd al-
Rahman al-Jabarti, the historian, who shunned close relationships with the French,
Hasan al-‘Attar took advantage of the French expertise in the new sciences. He even
taught Arabic to some of them.27
It is not clear why he fled to Rumelia, Turkey, in 1802 before going to Syria
in 1810 where he taught his Sharh al-Azhariyya2g for which he had earlier achieved
some fame in Egypt. In 1815 he returned to Egypt and resumed his professorship at
al-Azhar. His close relationship with the French and his interest in their new science
attracted the attention of Muhammad ‘Ali who installed him as Shaykh of al-Azhar in
1830, replacing Shaykh Ahmad Damhuji. He remained at his post until he died in
1835. Hasan did not, however, advocate substantial reforms at al-Azhar; his
biographer suggests that Muhammad ‘Ali prevented him from doing so for fear of
opposition from the other scholars and of unrest among the people.29 However he
was without doubt one of the main supporters of Muhammad ‘All’s reforms and the
26For the list of his professors, see Hasan al-‘Attar, 23-25; Sarkis, 1335-1337.
27Hasan al-‘Attar, p 36-38.
28al-Azhariyya is a treatise on Arabic grammar written by Khalid b. ‘Abdallah b.

Abi Bakr al-Jirjawi (GAL, II: 27).
29Hasan al-‘Attar, 30.
130
"teacher of a new generation of reformers and intellectual leaders, in language and
poetry,"30 and the patron and advisor of the Egyptian reformer Rifa‘a al-Tahtawi.31
Hasan al-‘Attar was, therefore, one of the prominent authorities in grammar
by the turn of the nineteenth century,32 and Shaykh Nawawi of Banten refers to him
quite extensively.33
Less frequently mentioned, but no less important a figure than Hasan al-
‘Attar, was a sixteenth-century scholar, Nasir al-Din al-Laqani (d. 959/1551).34 He
was famous as a grammarian and morphologist.
All the authors mentioned above had something in common, namely, their
Egyptian identity. This fact underscored the deep influence of Egyptian scholars on
Shaykh Nawawi of Banten. For not only were his teachers Egyptians, but his
30P. J. Vatikiotis, The History of Egypt from Muhammad Ali to Sadat (Baltimore:
Johns Hopkins U.P., 1980), 27.
31J. Heyworth-Dunne, p 265, 397; Vatikiotis, 114.
32His fame induced J. Sicard to translate his versified composition of grammar. J.

Sicard, Petit traite de grammaire arabe en vers par El-Attar. Text and French
translation by J. Sicard (Alger: Pierre Fontana, 1898).
33Shaykh Nawawi mentions him over 27 times in the commentary under

discussion.
34His full name was Nasir al-Din Abu ‘All Muhammad al-Laqani (d. 959/1551).
Laqana was a small village in Egypt (Sarkis, 1592. See GAL I: 360). He wrote a
gloss on a treatise on morphology by Sa‘d al-Din al-Taftazani (d. 792/1390), entitled
Sharh Tashrif al-Zangani, which was already a commentary on the Kitab Tasrif al-
Zangani by ‘Izz al-Din al-Zangani (fl. 625/1257), see GAL I: 336. Since the work
has not been printed, Shaykh Nawawi must have used a mss. of this treatise. He
mentioned al-Laqani in 20 places.
131
authoritative references were Egyptian as well. It is true that there were other
identifiable names that Shaykh Nawawi mentioned that were not Egyptian, but rather
than being quoted from the original sources, they are filtered through Hasan al-‘Altar
or al-Laqani who mention them in their works.35
The other authorities which Shaykh Nawawi of Banten mentions in al-Fu$u$ al-
Yaqutiyya were also "Egyptian" in the sense that they were textbooks used at al-
Azhar.36 Starting with the least frequently mentioned was Sharh al-Marah by Shams
al-Din Ahmad (d. 14th cent.);37 Sharh al-Shafiya by Radi al-Din al-Astarabadhi (d.
1287);38 Zamakhshari’s Asas al-Balagha;39 Ibn Hisham’s Mughni al-Labib;40 and
35[Sa‘d al-Din] al-Taftazani (712/1312 - 791/1389) was a scholar in grammar,

morphology, rethoric, fiqh, theology and logic. He is mentioned only once (p.30).
This reference may well be taken from al-Laqani’s commentary on al-Taftazani’s
work on grammar mentioned above. Al-Mazini and al-Birmawi--who was actually
also Egyptian—are mentioned once as quoted from Hasan al-‘Attar. The same is al-
Suja‘i, who was most likely Abmad b. Shihab al-Din Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Suja‘i
(d. 1197/1783), one of Hasan al-‘Attar teachers (Sarkis, 1005-1007; Hasan al-‘Attar,
23).
36For the list of textbooks used at al-Azhar, see J. Heyworth-Dunne, 41- 65.
37This work is a commentary on a treatise of morphology by Ahmad b. ‘Ali b.

Mas'ud (d. 13th cent.), entitled Maraft al-Arwah (GAL, II: 21 and see J. Heyworth-
Dunne, 58). It is mentioned twice (al-Fu§ug al-Yaqutiyya, 26, 30).
38This is a commentary on a treatise of morphology by Jamal al-Din Abu ‘Amr b.

‘Uthman b. ‘Umar b. Abi Bakr (d. Alexandria in 646/1249), entitled al-Shafiya. It
was also commented upon by Luff Allah Muhammad b. al-Ghayyat (d. 1035/1625),
entitled al-Manahil al-Safiya. Both are referred to by Shaykh Nawawi (al-Fugug al-
Yaqutiyya, 6, 17, 23, 24), see GALS I: 536 and J. Heyworth-Dunne, 58.
39J. Heyworth-Dunne, 59.
132
the Alfiyya of Ibn Malik.41 But the most frequently cited was al-Misbah42 and the
famous lexicon al-Qamus by al-Firuzabadi (d. 817/1415),43 from which Shaykh
Nawawi drew many examples. This brings us to the consideration of some aspects of
the method which Shaykh Nawawi of Banten used in writing this commentary, which
we may describe as traditional without failing to be critical.
As usual he starts with an exordium. We tend to skip this part, since it
generally has no relation to the content. But a careful reading forces us to notice how
on the very first line he already hints at the subject he is going to deal with by
playing with the word "tasrif" and "af‘al. 1,44 This represents a touch of his ingenuity
and creativity. Then he begins the commentary proper. As usual, immediately after
each word or string of words in the treatise he composes his commentary. At first
‘‘’Jamal al-Din Abu Muhammad ‘Abdallah b. Yusuf b. Ahmad b. ‘Abdallah b.

Hisham al-Ansari (d. 761/1360), see Sarkis, 275; GAL II: 23; J. Heyworth-Dunne,
58; in al-Fu$u§ al-Yaqutiyya, 24, 25, 26.
41al-Fu$u$ al-Yaqutiyya, 10, 21, 22, 24, 25.
42Kitab al-Misbah fi al-Nahw by Abu al-Fath Nasir (al-Din) b. ‘Abd al-Sayyid al-
Mutarrazi (d. 610/1213). He was called the successor of Zamakhshari, the famous
grammarian (Sarkis, 1760-1761; GAL I: 351). He also authored Kitab al-Mughrib fi
tartib al-mu‘rib, which is also mentioned several times by Shaykh Nawawi.
43al-Qamus al-Muhit by Abu al-Tahir Muhammad Ya'qub al-Firuzabadi (see GAL

II: 183), is mentioned over 12 times in the commentary.
44"al-Hamdu li-llah alladhi tawahhada fi tasrifi jami'i af‘ali-l-makhluqat [Praise be

to God who is unique in his generous bestowing [of favors] in recompense for all the
good deeds of humans]. He plays with the words ta$rif which means both
’morphology,’ ’generous bestowing’ and af'al which means both ’verbs’ and ’human
acts.’
133
glance, it would appear he always feels compelled to write something, even if he
simply ends up repeating the text he is commenting upon.45 But frequently what
seems like a repetition serves a purpose. For instance, the text runs "kullu wahidin
min al-arba‘a taratan takun" and a commentary follows "ay kullu wahidin min hadhihi
al-arba‘a. " It is not simply a repetition at all. The commentary explains the subject of
the verb "takun" which might confuse the students because it has a feminine form,
whereas "kullu wahidin" is masculine.
As we have noted earlier, Shaykh Nawawi frequently refers to several famous
authorities in grammar from the past, particularly al-Laqani, Hasan al-‘Attar, and al-
Mutarazzi. To illustrate his points or to elaborate his arguments he takes examples
from the lexicon of Firuzabadi. With regard to these authorities, Shaykh Nawawi
takes the soundness of their opinions for granted.
His attitude toward contemporary authors such as al-Jiijawi, al-Tahtawi and
Muhammad ‘Ullaysh is somewhat different. He tends to check their opinions against
the older authorities mentioned above or to draw a contrast between them. In several
places Shaykh Nawawi expresses his disagreement with the contemporary authors,
saying "Well, it is according to his opinion only, because according to others..."46
The disputes themselves were on minor and even trivial matters, but the point is that
45al-Fu§u§ al-Yaqutiyya, 26.
■^See for instance al-Fu§u§ al-Yaqutiyya, p. 21 (on the categorization of transitive

and intransitive verbs), p. 22 (on whether or not the form iq‘asarra expresses
intensification), p. 25 (on different meanings of a word).
134
there did exist room for a critical view, albeit very limited, particularly with regard to
the opinions of contemporary authors. Perhaps it simply pointed to the fact that
Shaykh Nawawi was on the same level of scholarship, that is, a subte manner of
showing he was as good as they were.
The other sources of reference were verses of the Qur’an and quotations
from the hadith.47 Studying declension by taking the best examples from the Qur’an
was, as it were, killing two birds with one stone. For indeed he writes that "apart
from correcting mispronunciations and acquiring fluency in Arabic, the art of
declension is an aid toward understanding the meanings of the Qur’an and the hadith
and enabling one to converse with the Arabs."48 Two goals were being set here.
The art of declension was not merely a linguistic science, but also a means of
studying religion. And the second was to be able to read Arabic well and
occasionally use it in conversation. These two goals meant a lot to non-Arabic
speaking students, particularly his Jawi fellow-Muslims. Being able to read Arabic
was a mark of high social standing.
Arabic Grammar
3. Kashf al-Murutiyya ‘an Sutur al-Ajumlmiyya (The Unveiling of the
Hidden Meanings in the Ajurrumiyya) was first published Rabi‘a II, 1298/March
47al-Riyad al-Fuliyya, 22, 24, 33.
48al-Riyad al-Fuliyya, 4.
135
1881 at al-Maymuna al-Sharafiyya Press (Cairo), and was edited by al-Sayyid b.
‘Iwad Hammad al-‘Ajmawi and Shaykh Muhammad al-Bilbis! under the sponsorship
of Hajj Fada Muhammad al-Kashmiri and Shaykh Muhammad ‘Ali ‘Aqib.49
The book is a commentary on the prose text of al-Ajurrumiyya, the popular
textbook of Arabic grammar by al-Sanhaji (723/1323). Together with the Alfiyya of
Ibn Malik (672/1273), it had become the authoritative handbook of Arabic grammar
all over the Muslim world; both texts were and still are used in Indonesian
pesantrens.50
The commentary closely follows the structure of the text. The text itself can
be divided into two parts. The first deals with the three parts of speech—noun (ism),
verb (fi‘1), and particle (harf)-and the descriptive and functional definition of
inflection (i‘rab). There follow the four kinds of inflection: the vowel "u" of the
nominative case for the noun and of the indicative mood for the verb ( r a f ), the vowel
"a" of the accusative case and of the subjunctive mood (nasb), the vowel "i" of the
genitive case (khafd), and the absence of vowel of the jussive mood (jazm). In the
second part a short description of verbal conjugations is followed by a long
49This is the only existing edition of this work and seems unknown in the
pesantrens. There is no date given for its composition. GALS, II: 813 and El, s.v.
"al-Nawawi" refers to Sarkis, 1882 where it reads "al-Sitar" instead of "al-Sutur;"
both words mean "covering."
50C. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, 192; K. A. Steenbrink, Beberapa Aspek, 156;

Sudjoko Prasodjo et al., Profil Pesantren, 211-212; Direktori Pesantren (Jakarta:
P3M, 1986); M. van Bruinessen, "Books in Arabic Script used in the Pesantren,"
BKI 146(1990): 241.
136
elaboration on the declensions of nouns Verbal conjugations and substantival
declensions are listed according to the four types of inflection with particular attention
to their respective signs (‘alamat), and their presence or absence. There is no
separate exposition on the third part of speech, the "particle," since it is discussed in
terms of factors that changed the inflection of verbs and nouns.
The thrust of Shaykh Nawawi’s commentary is to make the meaning of the
text clear to his students. Several devices are used. The title itself has already hinted
at what the text was going to be about: "Kashf" (The unveiling) "al-Murutiyya" (of
the covered or hidden meaning) of the Ajurrumiyya.51 The explanatory character of
the commentary is especially obvious in the frequent use of "ay" ("i.e.") to give a
word its synonym(s) or to paraphrase an argument in plain Arabic.
Another device for making the text understandable for the students is to give
examples preceded by particles such as mithal, nahwa, ka, and kama which all mean
"for example." As has been mentioned above, studying Arabic was for Shaykh
Nawawi not only a study of language, but also a necessary means for learning
religious teachings. It was for this reason that besides using the paradigms commonly
used in treatises of the sort, many examples were taken from Qur’anic verses and,
albeit infrequently, from the hadith.
51"Murut" (sing, mart) from which derives "murutiyya" is rarely used. It was
certainly chosen to rhyme with "ajurrumiyya." Lane describes it as a kind of garment
which a woman used to cover her head and wrap herself in.
137
Although commentaries generally lack originality in their content, there was
some room for creative movement. A suggestion of ingenuity on the part of Shaykh
Nawawi in the commentary under discussion were his hints in the exordium as to
what the treatise would be about. Conventionally, an exordium consists of praises to
God and prayer and salutation to the Prophet, very frequently in rhymed prose. In
this commentary Shaykh Nawawi tells the readers and his students that the subject
would be Arabic inflection by manipulating words that have the same roots as
technical terms of Arabic inflection:
Praise be to God who has raised (rafa‘a) the dignity (nasab) of His
servants because of their obedience to Him and rewarded their
compliance to His precepts (shart). Prayer and salutation be upon our
Master Muhammad who was very fluent (a‘raba) in his speech (kalam)
in the defense of his religion, and be upon his family whose minds
(damir) were strongly convinced (jazimin) about his mission, and who
acted Camilin) upon the sublimity (marfu‘at) of his injunctions
(abkam), and be upon his companions who subdued (khafadu) the
enemies, broke (kassaru) their unity (jam‘u), and conquered (fatahu)
their countries with tranquil (sukun) and united (damm) hearts (qulub)
in their Lord, for the glory of the religion and the words of God the
Most High.52
In this particular commentary Shaykh Nawawi does not refer frequently to
other authorities. The most important reference is to the Alfiyya of Ibn Malik which
52The Arabic words between parentheses are allusions to technical terms in Arabic
grammar, in the order of appearance: raf‘ (nominative/indicative), na$b
(accusative/subjunctive), shart (protasis), i‘rab (inflection), kalam (speech), jazm
( j u s s i v e ) , damir (personal pronoun), ‘amil (operative), marfu‘ (in the nominative case/
indicative mood), hukm (predicate), khafd (genitive), kasra (the vowel "i"), jam‘a
(plural), fatha (the vowel "a"), sukun (quiescence), [afal] al-qulub (verbs of the
heart), damma (the vowel "u").
138
he quotes directly or through al-Subban (1206/1791-2).53 The other authors are al-
Sa‘d al-Taftazani (791/1389),54 al-Zamakhshari (538/1143-4), perhaps his al-
Mufa?§al or Asas al-Balagha,55 al-Qalyubi (1069/1659), and Mustafa b. Hamza
(llth/17th cenmry). Shaykh Nawawi does not mention the name of the author of the
verses he quotes and with which he illustrates some arguments in the commentary.
4. Fath Ghafir al-Khattiyya ‘ala al-Kawakib al-Jaliya fi Nazm al-Ajurrumiyya
(An Introduction of the Most Forgiving to the understanding of the highlights in the
versified al-Ajurrumiyya) was first published in 1298/1881 at Bulaq (Cairo). This is
the only existing edition of this work. If al-Fu$u$ al-Yaqutiyya is a commentary on
the prose text of Ajurrumiyya, this present commentary is on one of its versifications.
K. H. Siradjuddin Abbas lists the work as Shaykh Nawawi’s commentary on Kawakib
al-Ajurrumiyya by a certain al-Nabrawi.56 The commentary is, unfortunately, not
available to us.
53Mubammad b. ‘All al-Subban (1206/1792), an Egyptian scholar, who wrote,

among other works, ffashiya ‘ala Sharh al-Ashmuni ‘ala Alfiyya ibn Malik (Sarkis,
1194; Hasan al-‘Attar, 16; Kashf al-Murutiyya, 31).
54Kashf al-Murutiyya, 16 and 27; al-Taftazani is also referred to in al-Fu$us al-

Yaqutiyya, 30.
5SSarkis, 978. He is mentioned twice in Kashf al-Murutiyya ( 14 and 35).
56K. H. Siradjuddin Abbas, Ulama Syafi’i, 446.
139
Rethoric
5. Lubab al-Bayan (The Quintessence of Rethoric) was first published
1301/1884 at al-Bahiyya (Cairo) under the auspices of Shaykh ‘Abd al-Ghani after
having been edited by Aljmad al-Maktabi. Shaykh Nawawi began the composition of
this work on Jumada I 28, 1293/June 6, 1876 and completed it on Sha‘ban 20,
1293/September 10, 1876.57
The work is a commentary on Risala ‘ala Aqsam al-Isti‘arat, a treatise on
types of metaphors, similes, allegories and other figures of speech by a 17th-century
Egyptian scholar IJusayn b. Muhammad [b. ‘All] al-Numawi (d. 1060/1650).58
The text commented upon speaks particularly about trope (majaz), "a word or
phrase used in a sense different from that which it was originally applied to denote,
by reason of some analogy, or connexion, between the two senses."59 The author
divides trope into two major categories, namely, simple (mufrad) and composite
(murakkab) tropes.
Based on the degree of relationship between the signified and the signifier,
simple trope was divided further into metonymy (isti‘ara) and loose trope (mursal).
An example given of a loose trope was the word "hand" (yad) that means "gift"
57Lubab al-Bayan, 18. This is the only existing edition of the work.
58C. Brockelmann, "al-Nawawi," (El, 885) in place of "al-Numawi" gives "al-

Nawawi" which is an incorrect reading (see Lubab al-Bayan, 3).
59E. W. Lane, Lexicon, 486, quotation from Taj al-‘Arus.
140
(nTma), the relation between "hand" and "gift" being loose or indirect because
usually a gift was given by hand.
The author deals at great length with metonymy proper (istPara) by presenting
the most generally accepted classification. For that purpose he introduces three
linguistic notions of "signifier" (musta‘ar lahu), "signified" (musta‘ar minhu), and
"sign" (musta’ar).60 Thus, he divides metonymy into nine sub-categories, the first
six consisting of three pairs. According to whether or not the term is verifiable by
the senses or reason, it is divided into (1) real (tahqiqiyya) and (2) imaginary
(takhyiliyya). Thus, in the expression "I saw a lion" and "the Straight Path" both
"lion" and "straight path," meaning the religion of Islam, were verifiable by senses
and reason, respectively. Whereas in "anshabat azfar al-maniyya ("the claws of death
have pierced") "death" is imagined to have "claws" like those deadly claws of the
lion.
According to the presence or absence of the signified, they are divided into (3)
explanatory (masraha) and (4) substitute (makaniyya). Thus, in the latter the word
"lion" is substituted with another sign "death."
According to whether the sign is a proper noun or a verb, its derivative or a
particle, they are divided into (5) original (a?liyya) and (6) characteristic derivative
(tabfiyya). Thus in "I saw a lion" the sign "lion" is a proper noun, whereas in "the
“ In the expression "ra’aytu asad" ("I saw a lion") which means "I saw a
courageous person," the animal "lion" is a signifier, "courageous person" is a
signified, and the word "1-i-o-n" is a sign.
141
condition bespoke it" (al-hal natiqat bi-kadha) "bespeak" is a verb which means
"indicate." It was as if "condition" could "speak."
The last three categories are derived from the presence or absence of a
circumstantial clause (bal) following the sign. They are (7) absolute (mutlaqa),
without qualification, as in "I have a lion," (8) specified (mujarrad) as in "I saw a
lion walking into the bathroom carrying a weapon," the clause precluding a real lion
to mean a brave person, and (9) if the clause spells out what it is intended, the trope
is called explanatory trope (murashshab).
Finally, a short paragraph deals with composite trope (murakkab). Unlike
simple trope (muffad) which consists of a "word," composite trope consists of a
phrase or a full sentence as "to have one foot forward, while leaving the other
behind" to mean "hesitation."
Shaykh Nawawi’s commentary closely follows the structure of the text. The
main purpose of the commentary is again to make the smdents understand the text.
Shaykh Nawawi explains words, technical terms which he thinks are difficult such as
the nine categories of metonymy above. In the text some sentences are very short.
Into these sentences Shaykh Nawawi inserts the "missing" phrases that the smdents
are supposed to know.61 Personal pronouns in Arabic are very fluid; therefore,
they often create confusion as to which antecedents they actually refer. Shaykh
6IFor example, the text reads "the first is into real and imaginary." Shaykh
Nawawi elaborates this into "the first [section of the ten] is [divided] into [two
categories, namely] real and imaginary" (Lubab al-Bayan, 5).
142
Nawawi consistently provides the precise antecedents of the personal pronouns, or the
subject of a verb. This definitely facilitates the understanding of the text. Some
names mentioned in the text are identified since they may not be familiar to the
readers. Another device of commentary is to give examples. Many of them were
taken from Qur’anic verses and from the hadith. And at nine places he cites relevant
verses as examples or with the view to summarizing the whole argument.
In this particular commentary Shaykh Nawawi does not make reference to
many authorities. However, since they are prominent figures in the field of rethoric,
those he does cite evoke a symbolic meaning supporting the authenticity of the
commentary. The most remote authority referred to is ‘Abd al-Qahir al-Jutjani (d.
471/1078) with his Asrar al-Balagha fi ‘Ulum al-Bayan, which Sarkis considers the
first composition on rethoric.62 The next author was Yusuf al-Sakkaki (d. 626/1229)
who wrote Miftafa al-‘Ulum, being a commentary on Asrar al-Balagha.63 Shaykh
Nawawi also mentions al-Khatib al-Qazwini (d. 739/1338) who wrote a precis of
Miftah al-‘Ulum, entitled Talkhig al-Miftah.64 This precis was then elaborated by
Sa‘d al-Din al-Taftazani (d. 793/1391) in his al-Mutawwil.6S This work was then
glossed upon by Sayyid [‘Ali] al-Jurjani (d. 817/1414) in his Hashiya ‘ala al-
62Sarkis, 681; see Lubab al-Bayan, 3.
63Sarkis, 1033; Lubab al-Bayan, 3.
^ Sarkis, 1508-1509. Reference on Lubab al-Bayan, 3.
“ Shaykh Nawawi mentions him 6 times. Sarkis, p 735-736.
143
Mutawwil li al-Taftazani.66 From the frequency of references to Sa‘ad al-Din al-
Taftazani both in the text and in this commentary and others, al-Taftazani was
obviously considered an authority in the field of rethoric. His book and a
versification on metaphors by al-Suja‘i (d. 1198/1784) are perhaps the main sources
of Shaykh Nawawi’s commentary.67
“ Reference in Lubab al-Bayan, 8. See Sarkis, 678.
67Reference in Lubab al-Bayan, 4. Ahmad b. Shihab al-Din al-Suja‘i wrote

Manzuma fi al-IstTarat (A versification on rethoric), printed in Majmu1 min
Muhimmat al-Mutun, Cairo 1298 (see Sarkis, 1007).
144
SECTION TWO
Works on dogmatics (Usui al-Din)
In the field of dogmatics, Shaykh Nawawi of Banten wrote six commentaries,
namely, Nur al-Zalam, Fath al-Majid, Tijan al-Darari, al-Nahja al-Jayyida, DharTat
al-Yaqin, and Qatr al-Ghayth. Al-Nahja al-Jayyida is among the works of Shaykh
Nawawi that do not enjoy a wide readership. It was printed only once at ‘Abd al-
Razzaq Press (Cairo) in 1303/1885,68 and has never been known in Indonesia. For
this reason, al-Nahja al-Jayyida will not be discussed. DhaiTat al-Yaqin seems to
have suffered a similar lack of interest on the part of the public. It was printed twice
in the nineteenth century, once in Egypt and another time in Mecca, then the
publisher completely lost interest in it. This lack of interest is quite surprising if we
consider that it is Shaykh Nawawi’s direct commentary on the classical text of
dogmatics, namely Umm al-Barahin. The Umm al-Barahin was one of the most
widely used treatises on dogmatics in the Ash‘arite School in Shaykh Nawawi’s time,
and is so even until the present day. It is also the common reference for the other
five source texts on which Shaykh Nawawi also wrote glosses. This is a case where a
68Sark!s, 1883.
145
work that is quite an important achievement of Shaykh Nawawi as a teacher-scholar
fails to enjoy objective acceptance among readers. It is on the basis of its significance
for Shaykh Nawawi’s personal achievement that we include DharTat al-Yaqin, the
gloss on Umm al-Barahin, in our discussion.
Despite the fact that Nur al-Zalam, Tijan al-Darari, Fatb al-Majid, and Qatr
al-Ghayth are indirect commentaries on Umm al-Barahin, they are works by Shaykh
Nawawi that enjoy popular readership in Indonesia (see Table 5). The reason is to be
found in the prestige of the writers of those commentaries and their relationship to
Shaykh Nawawi. As we shall see, Shaykh al-Bajuri, the author of Risala fi ‘ilm al-
tawhid, which Shaykh Nawawi commented on in his Tijan al-Darari, is the Shaykh of
Al-Azhar the most prominent theologian in the nineteenth century. The author of al-
Durr al-Farid, the source text of Shaykh Nawawi’s commentary Fath al-Majid, is
Shaykh Nahrawi, Shaykh Nawawi’s teacher. So is Shaykh Marzuqi, the author of
‘Aqida al-‘Awwam on which Shaykh Nawawi wrote Nur al-Zalam. We may say that
Shaykh Nawawi’s indirect commentaries introduce his readers more to the person and
thought of these nineteenth-century writers and less to content of the original text on
which these prominent figures wrote their commentaries. Here we are in direct
confrontation with the issue of authority and prominence. The popularity of Shaykh
Nawawi’s glosses in contrast to the unpopularity of his direct commentary on Umm
al-Barahin suggests that the readers valued Shaykh Nawawi’s function as an
146
intermediary authority between them and the author of the text being commented on.
and less as a direct authority on the subject itself.
Now we move on to the discussion of the content of the works themselves.
Nur al-Zalam, Fath al-Majid, Tijan al-Darari, Dhari‘at al-Yaqin have something in
common, namely, that they are structurally or materially related to al-Sanusi’s Umm
al-Barahin. Qatr al-Ghayth has a distinct structure and content in itself.
Although written in different literary styles, all these treatises basically deal with two
subjects. The first is the divine attributes of God which in Indonesia were popularly
called Sifat Dua Puluh (twenty attributes), and the second a general theory of
prophecy with a particular focus on that of the Prophet Muhammad. Thus, they
represent an elaboration on the two-fold profession of the faith. Our brief description
on the works of Shaykh Nawawi in dogmatics will deal with those five works as a
unit because of their internal and structural affinity, then we will proceed to Qatr al-
Ghayth.
We are very fortunate in knowing the precise dates of composition of the first
five works. Using chronology as guideline in discussing this group of works, not
only are we spared from boring repetitions—since the same arguments are bound to
come up again and again—but we also have the opportunity to see some development
in Shaykh Nawawi’s thinking and profile as a scholar. It is conceivable that a young
scholar would begin with writing commentaries on a work which he knows well
through the intermediary of his immediate teachers before immersing himself in
147
writing commentaries on great classical works on which his teachers had already
written a commentary. This approach enables us to see, if we may anticipate here,
that the more mature Shaykh Nawawi became, the fewer references to authority he
made. This is very logical and somewhat expected, but we can affirm it only after
gleaning and collecting the pieces of evidence that are spread throughout the text and
woven into it.
1. Nur al-Zalam
Nur al-Zalam was first published at ‘Abd al-Razzaq Press (Cairo) in
1303/1885. Shaykh Nawawi began its composition on Shawwal 13, 1277/April 4,
1861 and completed it on Shawwal 24, 1277/May 4, 1861.
On the margins is printed the ‘Aqida al-‘Awamm, the text being commented
upon. This is a didactic poem, written by Shaykh al-Marzuqi (fl. 1864)69 in
1258/1842.70 By that year Shaykh Nawawi of Banten had already been living in
Mecca. Shaykh Nawawi wrote and completed the commentary some 19 years later,
while Shaykh al-Marzuqi was still alive. Therefore, Shaykh Nawawi may have noted
down the poem from the author himself and had every opportunity to recite his
69Shaykh Aljmad b. Muhammad Ramadan al-Marzuqi al-Maliki al-fjusayni was

bom in Mekka and by 1281/1864 he was still teaching in Mekka (Sarkis, 1732;
GALS II: 990).
70"ta’rikhuha ghr ly by" (Nur al-Zalam, 44); gh has the value of 1000, r 200, \
30, y 10, and b 8 . "Ghr ly b y " is equivalent to 1258/1842.
148
commentary to him. The vividness and precision with which Shaykh Nawawi
narrated the event that had prompted Shaykh Marzuqi to write his treatise leads us to
believe that Shaykh Nawawi sat at the feet of Shaykh al-Marzuqi.71
We know of three other commentaries on this didactic poem. The first was
written by the author himself, entitled Tahsil Nayl al-Maram li-Bayan Manzuma al-
‘Awamm, which Shaykh Nawawi also mentions in his commentary.72 The second is
a paraphrase edition in Malay by a certain Hamza b. Muhammad al-Qaddahi [Kedah.
Malaysia], printed in Singapore.73 And finally there is a Javanese rendering entitled
Rawhat al-Aqwam by Shaykh Bishri Mustafa of Rembang, Central Java.74 This
treatise is currently used in many pesantrens, particularly in Java.75
7IOn the first Friday of Rajab 1258 [1842] Shaykh al-Marzuqi saw in a dream, so
Shaykh Nawawi of Banten tells us, the prophet Muhammad and his companions
around him. The prophet said to him: "Recite the poem of Tawhid that sends to
heaven whoever knows it by heart, that helps him to reach his goals in accordance
with the Book and the Sunna!" He responded: "What is that poem, oh Prophet of
God?" Thereupon the companions said: "Listen what the Prophet of God says." Then
the prophet of God recited the poem of ‘Aqida al-‘Awamm from the first verse to the
end (Nur al-Zalam, 2).
72Nur al-Zalam, 43. It was printed in Cairo (1277/1860).
73GALS II: 990.
74Bishri Mustafa Rembang, Rawhat al-Aqwam (Kudus: Menara, 1987 [15th ed.]).
It was completed January 1957.
75We list 24 pesantrens in Java that reported using this treatise in their
curriculum. Two of them are in West Java, and the rest in Central and East Java
(Direktori Pesantren I)
149
The literary form, a poem, evidently helped young santris a great deal in
memorizing the treatise, which generally was taught at the elementary level. It was
no surprise that many people still remembered it by heart. It was still fresh in the
young Djajadiningrat’s memory, for example, when on a ceremony preceding his
entrance to a pesantren to become a santri, his mother shaved off his hair while
reciting the "Abda’u," the first word of ‘Aqida al-‘Awamm.76
This treatise basically contains teaching about the five articles of Islamic faith.
The number of verses dealing with the prophet Muhammad—his genealogy, family,
descendants, pivotal events in his life—seem to overshadow the theoretical section
which discusses the divine attributes, the prophetic characteristics, the angels, and the
holy scriptures.77
Shaykh Nawawi points out that his commentary was directed toward
beginners, although we ought to be aware of such a commonplace convention as the
word "beginner," for he also considered himself as such.78 In writing his
commentary, Shaykh Nawawi follows the conventions of the day. He quotes al-
76A. A. Djajadiningrat, Herinneringen van Pangeran Aria Ahmad Djajadiningrat,

Amsterdam/Batavia: Kolff, 1936, 10. The first line of the didactic poem reads
"Abda’u bismillahi war-rabman II wa b ir - r a b im i da’imil-ibsan."
^The entire treatise consists of 57 verses: vv. 1-5 introductory exordium; vv. 6-
10 the 20 attributes of God; vv 11-20 the prophetic characteristics; vv 21-23 the
angels; vv 24-26 the holy scriptures; w . 27-28 the last day; a large section consisting
of 30 verses (w 28-50) deals with the prophet’s genealogy, family, descendants,
historical events in his life, the first believers; and vv 51-57 conclusion.
78Nur al-Zalam, 2.
150
Sharqawi who said, "Four things are conventionally required from whoever engages
himself in an artistic endeavor: to mention the basmala, the framdala, the profession
of faith, the prayer for the prophet; and three things are recommended: to mention his
own name, the title of the book, an opening statement stating the purpose and goal of
the writing."79
At the very beginning of his commentary, Shaykh Nawawi states the legally
sanctioned obligation upon whoever is capable of arriving at "knowledge with
certainty" (‘ilm) of belief in God. Different from fafam (understanding), diraya
(knowing), qira’a (recitation), and hif? (memorization), knowledge (‘ilm) is a means
of arriving at the truth with certainty and immediacy." It involves all the other mental
activities. The final objective of knowledge is a personal, conscious belief in the
articles of faith, not merely a "blind faith" (taqlid). Such a firm conviction is
acquired by means of proofs (dalil/ dala’il), whereas "blind faith" is a kind of belief
that someone has in reliance on the sayings of others, while he himself is capable of
learning. Students are always guided by their teachers to the proofs. They are called
‘arifun, not muqallidun. It is their duty to develop the acquired knowledge into a
personal and conscious faith.80
Every legally responsible Muslim has to believe in the twenty divine attributes,
with the awareness that God’s attributes themselves are infinite. For there are only
79Nur al-Zalam, 43.
8QNur al-galam, 7.
151
13 necessary attributes of God81 mentioned in the Qur’an and the Sunna, but scholars
insisted on not limiting the attributes to that number and mentioning to ordinary
believers the seven attributes derived from the last seven of the thirteen attributes,
which are called "attributes of form." The same is true with regard to the number of
the prophets. The ‘Aqida al-‘Awamm mentions only twenty-five prophets in whom
the faithful ought to believe. Relying on the opinions of al-Bajuri and al-Suhaymi,
Shaykh Nawawi prefers a much more general formula "to believe in all prophets and
messengers be they mentioned in the Qur’an or not." It is true that there are twenty-
five or twenty-six82 prophets mentioned in the Qur’an, Muslims, however, must not
conclude that there were only twenty-five or twenty-six prophets.
It is interesting that unlike his practice in his commentaries on the Umm al-
Barahin that we shall discuss below, in this commentary Shaykh Nawawi does not
give the rational proofs, but rather he provides the Qur’anic verses that mention the
attributes. This indicates once again that the commentary was most likely directed to
beginners, or perhaps it reflects Shaykh Nawawi’s tendency to place the primacy of
traditional proofs before the rational ones. To help the students memorize the names
81The thirteen necessary attributes of God are: 1. wujud (existent), 2. qadim (pre
existent), 3. baqin (eternal), 4. mukhalif li-l-khalq (transcendent), 5. qa’im ghanin
(subsistent), 6. wafrid (unique), 7. bayy (living), 8. qadir (omnipotent), 9. murid (all-
willing), 10. ‘alim (all-knowing), 11. samT (all-hearing), 12. bagir (all-seeing), and
13. mutakallim (all-speaking).
“ Some people said that Dhu al-Kifli was the same as Ilyas. Thus the number can
be 25 or 26 (Nur al-Zalam, 13).
152
of the prophet, Shaykh Nawawi provide a mnemonic device. "They are all non-Arab,
but four: Muhammad, Hud, Salih, and Shu‘ayb; all of them have an undeclinable
form (diptote) but seven; [you may memorize those seven] by saying ’Safeguard His
unicity!’(SuN ShaMLaHu) [each of the characters represents] Salih, Nuh, Shu‘ayb and
Shith, Muhammad, Luf, Hud."83
In this commentary, Shaykh Nawawi makes references to many authors. On
the basis of the frequency of their appearance, five authors seem to have become his
main sources. In the section dealing with the divine attributes, he relies heavily on
the Egyptian scholar al-Bajuri (d. 1861).84 Next in importance are al-Sharqawi and
al-Suhaymi who both wrote a gloss on Umm al-Barahin. References are also made to
an Azhari Shaykh al-Hamzawi (d. 1885),85 and al-Faddali (d. 1821).86 The latter
83Nur al-Zalam, 15.
“ He was mentioned 25 times. Most of the time the reference to the exact work of
al-Bajuri is not given. From the other commentaries of Shaykh Nawawi on other
works of the same discipline, however, the work must have been al-Bajuri’s gloss on
the Umm al-Barahin of al-Sanusi or Tabqiq al-maqam, a commentary on Kifaya al-
‘Awamm, a treatise on dogmatics by al-Bajuri’s teacher Shaykh al-Fadali (on him see
the note below).
“ Hasan al-‘Adwi al-Hamzawi (d. 1303/1885) wrote Irshad al-Murid fi Khulaga

‘ilm al-Tawhid, a short commentary on dogmatics which Shaykh Nawawi also refers
to in his Bahjat al-Wasa’il (Sarkis, 1312; Bahjat al-Wasa’il, 19, 22).
“ Muhammad b. Shaft‘i al-Faddali wrote Risala fi la illaha ilia Allah and Kifayat
al-‘Awamm. Both were commented upon by al-Bajuri. Shaykh Nawawi’s reference
is to the second work (Sarkis, 1453-1454 and GAL II: 489), which is very popular in
Indonesia; there is a version with an interlinear translation in Madurese, see Martin v .
Bruinesen, "Books in Arabic Script used in the Pesantren Milieu," 252.
153
was al-Bajuri’s teacher. Since Shaykh Nawawi makes reference to him along with al-
Faddali, we may infer that Shaykh Nawawi may have referred to al-Fadali through al-
Bajuri. It is worth anticipating that the first three scholars will also be the main
authorities in the commentaries of Shaykh Nawawi which will be discussed in the
following section.
In the section dealing particularly with the prophet Muhammad, the influence
of Shaykh al-Bajuri on Shaykh Nawawi was by means of his Mawahib al-Laduniyya,
a commentary on a work dealing with the perfection of the prophet Muhammad.87
Other works on the life of the prophet were al-IJamzawi’s Mashariq al-Anwar [fi
fawz ahl al-i‘tibar], al-Busiri’s al-Burda, and al-Barzanji’s Mawlid al-Nabi and Qi§§a
al-Miâj.
Writing commentary always involves explanations of difficult words, variant
readings, and points of grammar. For this purpose Shaykh Nawawi used al-
Fayyuim’s al-Misbah88 and al-Firuzabadi’s al-Qamus. Frequent references are made
to a versification which Shaykh Nawawi used to illustrate, and summarize, an
87al-Mawahib al-Laduniyya, also called Hashiya ‘ala al-Shama’il, was itself a

commentary on al-Tirmidhi’s accounts of the perfection of the prophet Muhammad
based on the hadith (Sarkis, 509).
88Abmad b. Muhammad b. ‘Ali al-Fayumi (d. 1368) wrote al-Misbah al-munir fi

gharib al-Sharb al-Kabir, a compendium of difficult words found in the Great
Commentary of al-Rafi‘i on al-Ghazali’s al-Wajiz, printed Cairo (1278), Bulaq
(1281). See Sarkis, 1476.
154
argument. This was written by a certain ‘Iwad b. Ahmad al-Ghamrawi whom we
failed to identify.
Finally, several names which were important not because they were much
referred to, but rather because Shaykh Nawawi called them "shaykhuna, " a term that
is consistently used to refer to his teachers. We have come across two of them
frequently : Shaykh IJasab Allah and Yusuf [al-Sunbulawayni]. The other two were
Ahmad al-Dimyatf89 and a certain Shaykh al-Sijini.
2. Fath al-Majid
Fath al-Majid, written in Ramadan 7, 1294/September 15, 1877 and first
printed in 1298/1881 at al-IJalabi Press (Cairo), and reprinted there in 1345/1927; we
refer to this edition.
This is a commentary on al-Durr al-Farid by another immediate teacher of
Shaykh Nawawi, namely, Shaykh Ahmad Nahrawi who completed the writing on Dhu
al-Hijja 8, 1285/August 17, 1820. Shaykh Nahrawi, concerned that ordinary Muslims
did not know the articles of faith well, held strongly that faith is to be founded on
firm knowledge of these articles. In al-Durr al-Farid, he put together those articles of
faith in a simple way so that less sophisticated believers could easily understand them.
The structure of the treatise is the same as the Umm al-Barahin. Twenty divine
attributes are listed together with their respective proofs. In this treatise we notice a
89Died in Medina 1270/1853 (Siyar wa Tarajim, 288).
155
further elaboration on the belief in the prophecy of Muhammad. It entails the
obligation for Muslims to believe in his mission and teaching, particularly concerning
what is going to happen on the Day of Judgment. In short, the treatise becomes a
complete exposition of the five articles of the Muslim faith.
Taking a cue from his teacher’s definition of faith, Shaykh Nawawi of Banten
explains that such a solid faith is arrived at by means of proofs. Shaykh Nawawi
said, however, that ordinary believers need only know the general proofs (ijmali) in
order to avoid falling into "blind faith" (taglid). It is incumbent upon the community
as a whole, however, to know the detailed proofs. Therefore, a true Muslim
community ought to have knowledgeable persons (‘alim) to whom ordinary Muslims
could refer.
It is very rare that we know with relative certainty that Shaykh Nawawi wrote
particularly for his Jawi Muslim audience in Mecca or in his home country. In this
commentary, he talked to his Jawi Muslims. Explaining the divine attribute of Will
as God’s power to turn potential beings into actual beings, he gives as an example
how the present world order could have been otherwise, had God so willed: "what is
found in Mecca could well have been placed in Java. ,,9°
For ordinary Muslims, it is sufficient to understand the content of al-Durr al-
Farid, but those who have the opportunity to learn—those Jawis studying in Mecca,
knowledgeable persons which a true Muslim community must have-are obliged to
^Fath al-Majid, 5.
156
know more. One way of knowing more is knowing how any particular proof has
been supported by previous Muslim scholars. It is perhaps this consideration that
prompted Shaykh Nawawi to provide many references and sources in his commentary.
In this commentary Shaykh Nawawi makes references to as many as forty-two
previous scholars. Most of them are mentioned only once—which indicates that
Shaykh Nawawi used secondary, even tertiary sources—but they were the prominent
figures of the Ash‘arite school of theology to which Shaykh Nawawi belonged:
starting with al-Baqillani (d. 1013), al-Juwayni (d. 1085), al-Ghazali (d. 1111), al-
Shabrastani (d. 1153), al-Razi (1209), al-Baydawi (d.1308 or 1316), al-Taftazani (d.
1389 or 1390), down to al-Sanusi (d. 1486 or 1490) and al-Bajuri (d. 1861), to
mention just the most prominent of them. Their opinions or statements were quoted
indirectly from Shaykh Nawawi’s immediate sources.
On the basis of the extensive quotes, there seems to be three important
sources. The main sources for his commentary were Ahmad al-Subaymi (d. 1765),91
al-Dasuqi (d. 1815),92 al-Sharqawi (d. 1812),93 Nihayat al-Amal by Muhammad al-
Dimyatf, a contemporary of Shaykh Nawawi. Nihayat al-Amal is a treatise on the
9IQuoted 16 times. Al-Subaymi wrote al-Muqtadi, a gloss on Umm al-Barahin.
^Mentioned 4 times. Al-Dasuqi wrote another gloss on Umm al-Barahin. See

supra.
93Mentioned 4 times; ‘Abdallah al-Sharqawi wrote a gloss on a commentary on

Umm al-Barahin written by al-Hudhudi, which was printed 1281/1864 (Cairo).
Sarkis, 1115-1116.
157
basics of dogmatics and Islamic legal science.94 Another authority whom Shaykh
Nawawi also mentions is his own teacher Shaykh Yusuf al-Sumbulawayni. Al-
Nabrawi, the author of the treatise being commented upon, and Shaykh Yusuf al-
Sumbulawayni were the immediate teachers who connected Shaykh Nawawi of Banten
with the chain of outstanding Ash‘arite theologians.
3. Tijan al-Darari
Tijan al-Darari was completed on Rabi‘ I 7, 1297/ February 18, 1880. Thus,
it was only 3 to 4 years before it was first printed by the al-Maymuniyya Press
(Cairo) in 1301/1883, then in Mecca 1329/1911, and has been printed over and over
again at al-Ma‘arif Press, Bandung, Indonesia. If we look again at Table 5, we notice
how this commentary has gained increasing popularity among the readers. According
to the frequency of its reprint, Tijan al-Darari occupies the 12th rank in the nineteenth
century, and then moves to the first thereafter. According to the books of Shaykh
Nawawi and the pesantrens in which they are used today (see Appendix H), Tijan al-
Darari is the book of Shaykh Nawawi that is most widely read by the santris. The
^Muhammad Abi Khidr (Sarkis, 1634) or probably al-Khadir (Siyar wa Tarajim,

261) b. Ibrahim al-Dimyatf al-Madani was Shaykh Muhammad ‘Ali b. Husayn al-
Maliki, the so-called Sibawayh of the 19th century, who was bom in 1287/1870
(Siyar wa Tarajim, 260-265). Thus Shaykh Muhammad al-Dimyafi must be a
contemporary of Shaykh Nawawi. He was mentioned 6 times in this commentary,
twice in al-Thimar al-YanPa, once in Suluk al-Jadda, and one of the main source of
Shaykh Nawawi in his Nihayat al-Zayn.
158
reason is to be found in the prominence of the author of the text on which Shaykh
Nawawi wrote his commentary.
This work is a commentary on Risala fi al-Tawbid by al-Bajuri (d.
1277/1861), an Egyptian scholar of the generation of Shaykh Nawawi’s teachers. As
far as the structure and content are concerned, the treatise resembles Shaykh al-
Bajuri’s summary of the same Umm al-Barahin which Shaykh Nawawi also
commented upon in Dhari’at al-Yaqin (see infra). In this particular commentary,
however, there is a marked tendency to elaborate on the characteristics of the
prophets, particularly the Prophet Muhammad. First Shaykh Nawawi adds another
necessary attribute of the prophets, i.e., fatana (cleverness), to the three attributes in
the original Umm al-Barahin. And there are still more prophetic characteristics which
Muslims ought to know with respect to the prophet Muhammad, namely his
genealogy, his pool (bawd) from which Muslims will drink water on the last day, and
his particular intercession for his community.
Shaykh Nawawi wrote the commentary on the treatise "to gain personal benefit
from it, to obtain the Shaykh al-Bajuri’s blessings (tabarruk) for himself and for those
who recite, listen to, and study it."95 For indeed, "the treatise is short for those
who wish to study and beneficial for those who wish to teach."96 It is the brevity,
the succinctness of the treatise that made it interesting to Shaykh Nawawi to comment
95Tijan al-Darari, 2.
^ i j a n al-Darari, 16.
159
upon. Perhaps the same reason would explain its popularity in pesantrens in Java.
Indeed Tijan al-Darari, of all Shaykh Nawawi’s commentaries, is the one which has
been most popular in pesantrens in Java. It was reported as being widely used in 34
pesantrens with the following regional distribution: 26 in West Java, 6 in Central
Java, and 2 in East Java.97 It is worth noting that in this commentary Shaykh
Nawawi did not refer to any authority at all. As we noted, he wrote it just a few
years before he died, having reached the the peak of his competence. He had become
a mature and consummate scholar, so his commentary must have flowed from within
the authority he could certainly claim for himself.
After working on treatises that one way or another are related to the Umm al-
Barahin through the intermediary of his immediate sources or someone whom he may
have known in person, the time came for Shaykh Nawawi to write a commentary on
the Umm al-Barahin itself.
4. Dharia al-Yaqin
The complete title of this work is Dharia al-Yaqin ‘ala Umm al-Barahin.
Shaykh Nawawi gave it another title, al-Durra al-Nudra ‘ala al-‘Aqida al-§ughra. It
was first published in 1303/1885 at al-‘Amira al-‘Uthmaniyya Press (Cairo) under the
auspices of Shaykh ‘Uthman ‘Abd al-Razzaq and Shaykh ‘Abd al-Haqq. Shaykh
^M. van Bruinessen, 252; on its distribution see Appendix C that we have
gleaned from the Direktori Pesantren.
160
Nawawi began his composition of the commentary on Rajab 20, 1302/May 5, 1885
and completed it by Sha‘ban 5, 1302/May 20, 1885.
Both titles hint that the commentary is on Umm al-Barahin, which is
sometimes called al-Muqaddima al-Sughra, al-‘Aqida Ahl al-Tawtud al-Sughra, or
simply al-Sanusiyya. Umm al-Barahin is, to refresh our memory, a treatise on
dogmatics (Usui al-Din) written by Abu ‘Abdallah [or ‘All] [b.] Muhammad b. Yusuf
al-Sanusi (d. 892/1486), a very prolific writer particularly in rational theology who,
among later Ash‘arites, was considered to have a great penchant for abstract
philosophy.98
It is not Sanusi’s great treatise ‘Aqida Ahl al-Tawhid al-Kubra that was
popular throughout the Muslim world, but rather his shorter treatise Umm al-Barahin.
The latter had become, as it were, an authority in the field of dogmatics. This is
obvious from the number of commentaries written in Arabic as well as in vernacular
languages, the various versifications composed and the frequent reprint editions. Carl
Brockelmann recorded some 38 commentaries and 6 versifications. Its wide reception
in the Muslim world has prompted translations in several Western languages.99
98Al-Sanusi was a student of al-Qalasadi (d. 891/1486), lived as Sufi in Tlemcem,

where he died in 892/1486. He was a Hasani, a descendant of the prophet through
Hasan b. Abi Talib, and belonged to the Maliki school of law. To him was attributed
some 45 books (al-Shams al-Anbabi, al-Sanusiyya, 2; see GAL II: 323-326; GALS
II: 352-356.) See also El, an. "(al-)Sanusi (Abu ‘Abdallah) by M. Ben Cheneb.
99 Ph. Wolff, El Senusis Begriffsentwicklung des Muhammedanishen

Glaubensbekentnisses (Leipzig, 1848); J. D. Luciani, Petit traite de theologie
musulmanne par Senousi (Alger, 1896); G. Delphin, "La philosophic du Cheikh
161
In the Malay world we know of three versions of Malay translation and
commentary:
1. An edition with a Malay commentary by Zayn al-‘Abidin
Muhammad al-Patani, published in Penang in 1310/1893;100
2. A Malay translation, entitled Siraj al-Huda by a Jawi contemporary
of Shaykh Nawawi of Banten, Zayn al-Din of Sumbawa, printed in 1885-6 at the
newly established printing office in Mecca;101
3. Another Malay commentary by an Achenese, Muhammad Zayn b.
Jalal al-Din, printed in Bombay in 1310/1893.102 This treatise has been printed
over and over again at aI-Ma‘arif Press (Bandung) and continues to be studied in
pesantrens in Java, Madura, and Sumatra.103
The treatise has a very simple structure, consisting of two parts. The first
deals with arguments around the ontological transcendence of God over all beings as
Sennousi d ’apres son aqida es so’ra, "(Journal Asiatique, IX/10): 356-370; G.

Gabrieli, Un capitolo di teodicea musulmana ovvero gli attributi divini secondo la
Umm al-Barahin di al-Sannusi (Trani, 1914).
100GALS II: 353.
101 C. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka (Leiden: Brill, 1970): 286; GALS II: 353, GAL
II: 325.
102GALS II: 253.
l03There are 23 pesantrens using this treatise; see Mahmud Yunus, Sedjarah
Pendidikan Islam di Indonesia (Djakarta: 1960), Direktori Pesantren (Jakarta: P3M,
1986).
162
it is expressed in the divine attributes and with the prophecy of the prophet
Muhammad. This part is clearly an elaboration of the dual profession of Muslim
faith, and indeed as the author himself said, all the arguments in the treatise are
simply a compression of the Islamic creed, namely the belief in the one and only God
and in His prophet Muhammad. This, the author continued, includes the belief in
other prophets, the angels, the scriptures, and the last day which the prophet
Muhammad was called upon to witness and proclaim. The second part provides the
proofs—hence the title Umm al-Barahin (The Grand Proofs)—for the arguments stated
in the first part.
On the basis of three ontological categories—the necessary, the possible, and
the impossible—the author lists twenty necessary divine attributes.104 The first
attribute of "existence" is called nafsiyya (essential attributes), the following five
attributes are called salbiyya (negative attributes); then followed seven attributes
which are called gifat al-ma‘ani (the attributes of forms), and the last seven attributes
deriving from these are called al-gifat al-ma‘nawiyya (conceptual attributes). From all
twenty are extrapolated the divine attributes which are logically impossible. They are
also twenty in number because they are simply the negation of those twenty attributes.
104Namely: (1) "existence" (wujud), (2) "pre-existence" (qidam), (3)

everlastingness" (baqa’), (4) "transcendence" (mukhalafa li al-bawadith), (5)
"subsistence" (qiyam bi-nafsihi), (6) "unicity" (wabdaniyya); (7) "omnipotence"
(qudra), (8) "will" (irada), (9) "science" (‘ilm), (10) "life" (bayya), (11) "hearing"
(sama‘), (12) "sight" (bagar), (13) "speech" (kalam); (14) "being omnipotent" (qadir),
(15) "all-willing" (murid), (16) "all-knowing" (‘alim), (17) "all-living" (bayy), (18)
"all-hearing" (sami1), (19) "all-seeing" (bagir), and (20) "all-speaking" (mutakallim).
163
In addition to these, the author mentioned one possible attribute in a formal and
general manner, which is that God, with regard to his creation, has the power of
creating them or leaving them in the realm of the potential.
With this the author proceeds to the presentation of rational proofs for the
twenty divine attributes. The proofs for six of the first seven—the so-called essential
attributes—are actually built upon the proof for the first argument concerning the
existence of God. "Everything that has accidental characteristics, such as movement
and change, were created. All beings have those characteristics; therefore, they were
created in time. All creation must have a creator which exists necessarily by himself,
otherwise there is an endless chain of causes. Thus, it is proven that God exists
necessarily." A series of arguments were ordered in such a manner that the
conclusion of one syllogism represented the premiss of the one to follow, and so on.
As far as the characteristics which the prophets must have, they are three,
namely "veracity" (sidq), "being protected from sin" (amana), "carrying a divine
mission" (tabligh). Their contraries were logically impossible. It is possible,
however, for the prophets to have human qualities which are not incompatible with
their dignity. As far as the proofs are concerned, they are clearly different from the
proofs for the arguments related to the divine attributes. While the proofs for the
divine attributes were mainly "rational," or "(onto-)logical," those for prophecy were
"traditional" in that they were derived from Qur’anic verses which so expressed or
alluded to them.
164
Shaykh Nawawi’s commentary closely follows the structure of the text being
commented upon. He begins with a philosophical prolegomenon in which he
expounds two other kinds of arguments besides the rational arguments used by the
author of the text being commented upon. They are legal (shar‘i) and
commonsensical (‘adi) arguments. It is interesting that the whole exposition of the
prolegomenon is not only very similar to that of al-Bajuri’s commentary on the very
same Umm al-Barahin,105 but in some places it is literally the same. This indicates
Shaykh Nawawi’s strong reliance on Shaykh al-Bajuri who, in nineteenth century
Egypt, became the authority in dogmatics.
In commenting on each of the twenty attributes, Shaykh Nawawi is particularly
concerned with the technical terms in the text that might be confusing to his students
and readers. He tries his best to explain those terms and express them in different
technical terms, as used by other scholars. Without an explanation of the historical
development of each term, however, it is possible that those different terms might
have confused his readers even further.
Shaykh Nawawi discusses various views as to whether the attributes of forms
(§ifat al-ma‘ani) were different from the attributes pertaining to forms (al-§ifat al
ma1nawiyy a). Sunni Muslims including the Mu‘tazila agreed that the latter were
necessary to God. The Mu‘tazila maintained, however, that those attributes did not
stand independently from God, for they would have compromised God’s unicity.
105Al-Bajuri, Hashiya ‘ala Matn al-Sanusiyya (Bandung: al-Ma‘arif, n.d.), 9-13.
165
Shaykh Nawawi opted for postponing his judgment (waqf) in this regard. He
considered the Mu'tazila sinners but not unbelievers. In support of his position, he
distinguished "unbelief" from "negation." Unbelief was, Nawawi said, to refute
something in order to establish its contrary such as to reject that God is all-knowing
in order to establish that He is ignorant. Whereas "negation" is simply to question,
without doubting the reality itself, whether the attribute of "all-knowing" (‘alim) is
independent from the divine attribute of "knowledge" film). What is important for
the believer is to know and to believe that a particular attribute does exist without
going into detailed explanation as to how one may differ from another.
In the discussion of the proofs proper, Shaykh Nawawi structures his
commentary in such a way that all the arguments contained in the text considerably
change in their complexion. As we have seen, the proofs presented in the text are so
heavily rational (‘aqli) that they look strange even to modem scholars.106 Shaykh
Nawawi mitigated the all too rational arguments by placing them in a much broader
framework of the Islamic tradition. He consistently precedes these rational proofs
with traditional proofs (naqli) from the Qur’an, the Sunna, and the consensus of the
scholars (ijma‘). The argument for each attribute runs as follows: "the proofs of the
divine attribute of A are first from transmission (naqli), i.e., the Qur’an, the Sunna,
and the consensus of the scholars, and secondly from reason (‘aqli)." One or more
verses of the Qur’an, and a few hadiths then follow. As for the consensus of the
106W. M. Watt, Islamic Philosophy and Theology (Edinburgh, 1985), 139.
166
scholars, the phrase was a typical formula: "The Muslim community agreed before
the appearance of heresy that God has that attribute, and whoever does not believe in
it is an unbeliever." Then the argument continues "As for the rational proof for it,
the author said...." Now comes the argument presented in the text. This structure is
followed in each of the twenty attributes. By placing the arguments for each of the
divine attributes from the Qur’an and the hadith before the rational arguments, Shaykh
Nawawi wants to show to his readers that the proofs come primarily from within the
divine revelation itself. But endowed with the faculty of intellect, the human mind
can also arrive at the same conclusion. Even if Shaykh Nawawi did not
suggest—which we think he had—the primacy of traditional proofs above the rational
proofs, at least he succeeds in striking a balance between both kinds of arguments. In
doing so, he presents a comprehensive approach to the subject.
In this commentary Shaykh Nawawi of Banten calls upon authorities in the
field of rational theology only sparingly. The first group consists of prominent
Ash‘arite scholars. Thus, he refers to al-Ash‘ari (d. 935), al-Baqillani (d. 1013), al-
Isfara’ini (d. 1027), al-Juwayni (d. 1085), al-Ghazali (d. 1111), and al-Razi (d.
1210). Each is quoted only once. Specific opinions or views with regard to a
particular argument on the part of those figures might have been remembered by him
from his long period of study, but more probably are found in two glosses on the
Umm al-Barahin written by authors of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries whom
167
Shaykh Nawawi refers to more frequently. The first is Muhammad Dasuqi (d.
1815)107 who in 1800 wrote a gloss on a commentary by al-Sanusi on his own Umm
al-Barahin (ffashiya ‘ala Sharh al-Sanusi ‘ala Umm al-Barahin). The commentary by
al-Sanusi is itself perhaps the middle commentary (Sharh al-wusta) which Shaykh
Nawawi also mentioned in the commentary. The second is al-Suhaymi (d. 1765).
This scholar wrote al-Muqtadi, a gloss on the commentary on Umm al-Barahin
written by Muhammad b. Mansur al-Hudhudi.108 Whatever the sources of his
references may have been, the references evoke a strong symbolic authority by which
Shaykh Nawawi of Banten affirms his faithful affiliation to the Ash‘arite tradition.
5. Qatr al-Ghayth
Qatr al-Ghayth was first published in Cairo in 1301/1883.109 We do not
know when it was composed. It is a commentary on a treatise of dogmatics by al-
107Sarkis, 876.
108GALS II: 354.
l09Other editions were published in 1303/1885 (Cairo), in 1311/1894 (Mekka),

and in 1344/1926 by al-IJalabi Press (Cairo) which we use in this research.
168
Samarqandi (d. 4th/10th),no entitled Masa’il Abi Layth and more popularly known
as al-Samarqandiyya.
Different from the treatises of dogmatics that have been discussed previously,
this treatise was written in the form of questions and answers, hence the title Masa’il
("questiones"). The seventeen questions with answers that it contains propounds
basically the profession of Islamic belief along the line of the Maturidite Sunnis. The
Maturidite current of thought was similar to that of the Ash‘arites in that both sought
to establish an intermediary position between the Hanbalites and the Mu‘tazilites.m
The first twelve articles deal with the object of Islamic faith, namely the six pillars of
Islamic belief, and six with the modality of faith itself. Faith resides in the external
profession (al-iqrar bi-l-lisan), which presupposes an inner assent (al-ta$diq bi-l-qalb).
Faith, then, makes human actions valid, whereas unbelief does not. The intermediary
position of Shaykh Abu al-Layth was seen in his saying that faith insofar as it is
ll0Na5r al-Din b. Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Ibrahim ai-Samarqandi, known as

Imam al-Huda and Abu al-Layth, was a teacher in Samarqand and Balkh. Three
different dates are assigned to his death (373/983, 375/985, and 393/1003). See
Sarkis, 1045; GAL I:210f, GALS I: 374f; El, art. Abu al-Layth al-Samarqandi by J.
Schacht. Abu al-Layth also wrote Tanbih al-Ghafilin (Admonition for the neglectful)
that is used in Indonesia.
U10 n the divergence between the Maturidites and the Ash‘arites see ‘Abd al-
Rahim b. ‘Ali (Shaykh Zada), Kitab nagm al-fara’id wa jama al-fawa’id fi bayan al-
masa’il allati waqa’a fiha al-ikhtilaf bayna al-Maturidiyya wa al-Ash‘ariyya (Cairo:
n.d.), al-Murtada, Ithaf al-sada (Cairo: 1311/1893), 2: 5-14. A. S. Tritton, Muslim
Theology (London: Luzac, 1947), 174-177; D. B. McDonald, Development of
Muslim Theology, 308-315. L. Gardet, "De quelques questions posees par l’etude du
‘ilm al-kalam," Studia Islamica 32 (1970), 128-142.
169
guidance from God is uncreated but insofar as it is professed by the human tongue
and assented in the human heart, it is created.112
Shaykh Nawawi’s commentary is intended primarily to help students or readers
to understand the text. Personal pronouns in Arabic are often quite ambiguous, so he
frequently provides the exact referents for pronouns that appear in the text.
Synonyms of words, correct reading of words, grammatical explanations, and
repetitions of phrases are among the means Shaykh Nawawi uses to make the text
understandable for the students. The following quote illustrates the presence of those
elementary tools of explanation:
If someone were to ask you whether faith i.e., its foundation consist of parts
i.e., is susceptible to division so that it forms parts or does not? It is written
"a-l-iman" with the "hamza" being duplicated because the origin is "’a al-
iman" with two "hamzas." The second ["hamza”] is then changed into an
"alif" and as consequence the "hamza" is duplicated, the answer is for you to
say that faith does not consist of parts, because it i.e., faith is a light in the
heart and the mind and a spirit of the descendants of Adam, and because it i.e.
faith is the guidance of God the Most High to him i.e., the believer. So,
whoever denies i.e., rejects something in it i.e., that faith is a guidance from
God the Most High for him, surely he has become an unbeliever."113
Abu al-Layth understands the human side of faith in the strict sense of the oral
profession and internal assent to tawhid. Anything else such as human actions,
obedience and religious acts are simply conditions (shart/shurut) for faith. Shaykh
112Qatr al-Ghayth, 12.
113Qatr al-Ghayth, 11. The underlined is the original text, and the rest is the
commentary of Shaykh Nawawi. Note the occurrence of "i.e."
170
Nawawi interprets the "conditions for faith" as the conditions for a correct faith (shart
sihha) and the conditions for a perfect faith (shart kamal). Thus a Muslim who
neglects them remains a believer, albeit imperfect. It is only when he or she neglects
them because he denies their being obligatory that he or becomes an unbeliever.114
With regard to the question as to whether or not faith is created, Shaykh
Nawawi simply provides an array of views from different authorities. Some of them
simply avoid the use of the words "created and uncreated," others say it is created,
others separate internal assent from oral profession. Shaykh Nawawi’s position seems
to support the author of the text when he said that "divine guidance is the cause of
faith and not simply a part thereof."115
Shaykh Nawawi makes references to several authorities. We cannot say,
however, that they influenced Shaykh Nawawi’s thought, for they were quoted only
sparingly. Rather, they indicate the sources which Shaykh Nawawi frequently
consulted. For difficult words, Shaykh Nawawi consulted al-Misbab and al-
Qamus—two dictionaries that Shaykh Nawawi consulted in his other works—and a
commentary on al-Jaza’iriyya by a certain Muhammad al-Jawhari.U6 He refers to
ll4Qapr al-Ghayth, 11.
ll5Qatr al-Ghayth, 12.
ll6Perhaps he was Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Hasan b. ‘Abd al-Karim al-Jawhari

al-Saghir (d. 1214/1799). See Sarkis, 722.
171
the Tafsir al-Siraj al-Munir by al-Khatib al-Shirbini (d. 977/1569), Ibn Qasim al-
Azhari (d. 994/1556).117
1I7Abu al-‘Abbas Shihab al-D!n Ahmad b. Qasim al-‘Ibadi al-Mi§ri al-Azhari,

student of Na§r al-Din al-Laqani and of other Egyptian scholars of the day, died in
Medina upon his return from pilgrimage and was buried in al-Ma‘ala cemetery
(Sarkis, 207-208).
172
SECTION THREE
Works on Islamic legal science (Fiqh)
"Islamic law is the most typical manifestation of the Islamic way of life, the
core and kernel of Islam itself."118 For Muslim students, Islamic legal science is
the heart of Islamic learning and the other branches of Islamic learning are virtually
propadeutic or intellectual and spiritual "luxury." The pain they have endured, the
time they have devoted to their previous studies, particularly the Arabic language,
should eventually lead them to the study of the highest Islamic learning. If numbers
say anything at all, the pages that Shaykh Nawawi devotes to writing commentaries
on treatises of Islamic law simply underline the special place that Islamic
jurisprudence enjoys in the minds and hearts of Muslims. It is true that of 38 titles of
Shaykh Nawawi’s total number of his writings we know, only 8 are commentaries on
Islamic legal science. Yet, in terms of numbers of pages they already constitute more
than half his life work.
1I8Joseph Schacht, "Islamic Religious Law," in The Legacy of Islam, ed.

Joseph Schacht and C. E. Bosworth (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), 392.
173
Shaykh Nawawi wrote no commentary on manuals of the theoretical
foundations of Islamic law (u?ul al-fiqh). His lack of interest in this branch of
Islamic legal science is also evident from the scant reference to the most important
books of usul al-fiqh in the Shaft4ite school such Risala fi Usui al-Fiqh written by its
founder, Muhammad b. Idris al-Shafi‘i or Kitab al-Umm compiled by al-ShafiTs
student, Rabi4 b. Sulayman. This fact indicates where Shaykh Nawawi’s main
concern lay, namely, on the real and practical needs of his fellow Jawis who came to
study in Mecca in particular as well as those in their home country whom the more
fortunate Jawis would in their turn teach.
For every Muslim a basic knowledge of the requirements of the law is
essential. For a few of them who aspired to become teachers someday in their home
country a somewhat advanced knowledge of the law became necessary. The diversity
of Shaykh Nawawi’s audience in level of sophistication and depth of knowledge may
explain his choice of the types of treatises dealing with Islamic law on which to write
a commentary. This brings us to a consideration on the types of treatise that Shaykh
Nawawi chose to comment upon.
First, a brief note on the popularity of Shaykh Nawawi’s works in Islamic
jurisprudence. Only four of the eight titles appear in the first fifteen most important
works of Shaykh Nawawi (see Table 5). They are (1) Kashifat al-Shija’, on basic
rituals; Sullam al-Munajat, on the canonical prayers; (2) 4Uqud al-Lujayn, on
marriage; and (4) Nihayat al-Zayn, his full fledged treatise of fiqh. In the nineteenth
174
century, the first four short treatises belong to the first ten important works of Shaykh
Nawawi, whereas his complete fiqh commentary Nihayat al-Zayn ranks as fourteenth.
There is a change in appreciation among the readers of Shaykh Nawawi in modem
Indonesia. His short treatise on marriage, ‘Uqud al-Lujayn, rises to the third rank
from the eighth in the nineteenth century, and his complete commentary on fiqh
Nihayat al-Zayn to the sixth from the fourteenth. The ranking itself is not important,
but the change does indicate the shift of interest in and appreciation of Shaykh
Nawawi’s works on Islamic jurisprudence.
The four titles of Shaykh Nawawi’s works in Islamic jurisprudence that do not
succeed in making the first fifteen most important works of Shaykh Nawawi, either
because they did not enjoy wider readership or were not reported to be studied in
Indonesia are (1) Qut al-Habib al-Gharib , another complete treatise of fiqh; (2) Suluk
al-Jadda, on Friday congregational prayer; (3) al-Tqd al-Thamin, on basic rituals; and
(4) Fath al-Mujib, a short manual of pilgrimage. Suluk al-Jadda disappears from
circulation in modem times, and even though Qut al-Habib al-Gharib and al-Tqd al-
Thamin are still available in Indonesian specialized bookstores, they are not reported
to be used in the pesantrens. Fath al-Mujib, a short manual of pilgrimage, was
printed many times, even in modem times, but is also not reported to be used in the
pesantren, for the obvious reason that discussion on pilgrimage and the rules
pertaining to it, important as they are in themselves, do not represent the immediate
concern of the readers and their needs.
175
Now a brief note on those works of Shaykh Nawawi in terms of the scope, the
subject matter, and the literary genre. They can be divided into three categories.
The first comprises four treatises that deal with a single subject matter that, in a
complete book of fiqh, would constitute an independent chapter. The fact that these
topics receive an independent treatment simply shows that they are important
particularly in meeting the people’s basic and immediate needs. Belonging to this
catetory are four works: (1) Fath al-Mujib, on pilgrimage to Mecca; (2) ‘Uqud al-
Lujayn, on marriage; (3) Suluk al-Jadda, on Friday prayer; and (4) Sullam al-
Munajat, on the prescribed prayers. Suluk al-Jadda will be discussed in detail in
Chapter Four.
The second category is the genre of works that deal with the five pillars of
Islam. In Indonesia, particularly in Java, those works are known as kitab parukunan
("books on the pillars"). Strictly speaking, only one work of Shaykh Nawawi belongs
to this category, namely al-Tqd al-Thamin, a commentary on a versification of Fath
al-Mujib by his fellow Jawi Mustafa Garut. Kashifat al-Shija’ is Shaykh Nawawi’s
commentary on Safinat al-Naja by Salim b. Sumayr al-tladri. This work covers only
the first three of the five pillars of Islam. In his commentary Shaykh Nawawi
appends a chapter on fasting to this work and gives reasons for not adding a chapter
on pilgrimage. The presence of an appendix on fasting and even the absence of one
on pilgrimage only point to the fact that Safinat al-Naja ought, to be a complete work,
176
to cover five chapters. For these reasons, Kashifat al-Shija’ should be included in the
category of commentaries that deal with the five pillars of Islam.
The third category consists of two full-fledged treatises of fiqh. Shaykh
Nawawi wrote two great commentaries, namely, (1) Nihayat al-Zayn and (2) Qut al-
Habib al-Gharib. These commentaries are his greatest achievement in Islamic legal
science and definitely place him on the same level as other great commentators of the
two main streams of tradition in Islamic legal science within the Shafi‘i school,
namely, the body of legal literature originating in al-Taqrib fi al-Fiqh by Abu Shuja*
(d. 593/1196) and that in the Mihaj al-Talibin by Abu Zakariya’ Yahya al-Nawawi (d.
676/1278).
There are other three works by Shaykh Nawawi that can conveniently be
included in his works on legal science, although they contain matters that belong to
the other branches of Islamic learning. I refer to three works that integrate the basics
of dogmatics, ethical mysticism, as well as legal science itself. These represent
practical works for immediate use. They are not very deep, but provide the essentials
and additional exercises for conducting a pious life beyond the minimum requirement.
To this category belong three commentaries by Shaykh Nawawi, namely, (1) Mirqat
Su'ud al-Ta$diq, (2) al-Thimar al-Yanfa, and (3) Bahjat al-Wasa’il.
Ill
A. Works dealing with a single topic:
1. Fath al-Mujib
Fath al-Mujib does not indicate its date of composition. It was first
published in 1276/1860 at Bulaq Press and reprinted many times. It was reprinted at
Bulaq Press in 1292/1875 and again in 1307/1890; in 1316/1899 at the Government
Press (Mecca); in 1297/1880 at Wadi al-Nil Press (Cairo); in 1298/1881 at al-
Sharafiyya Press (Cairo); in 1306/1889 at al-Maymuniyya Press (Cairo), then in
1339/1921 at al-ljalabi Press (Cairo).119 The number of reprints show dramatically
how popular and badly needed was this guide to the rites of pilgrimage, particularly
for Shaykh Nawawi’s fellow countrymen. Although Fath al-Mujib is not currently
known and studied in the pesantren, we have some indications of its popularity in
nineteenth-century Java. A copy of the Sharafiyya edition in 1298/1881 was among
the Arabic books sent from Surabaya to C. Snouck Hurgronje in Batavia for
inspection in 1896.120 This work is a commentary on a manual of pilgrimage to
Mecca entitled Manasik al-Hajj, written by Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Khatib al-
Shirbini (d. 977/1570). The particular importance of the hajj for Muslims seems to
have attracted writers to deal with it independently from the other four pillars of
Islam. In Shaykh Nawawi’s day there were many manuals of pilgrimage available.
u9Sarkis, 1881. Notes on Fath al-Mujib refer to the edition by Halabi Press in
1339/1921.
i:oAmbtelijke Adviezen van C. Snouck Hurgronje, III: 1891.
178
Shaykh Nawawi justifies his choice of Shaykh al-Khatib al-Shirbin! because his book
was one of the most popular and the most succinct.121 As a matter of fact there is
another commentary on this manual of pilgrimage, written by a contemporary of
Shaykh Nawawi and teacher of many Jawi students in Mecca, Shaykh Muhammad
Hasab Allah (d. 1916).122
In Chapter One, we discussed the significance of the pilgrimage to Mecca for
the Jawi Muslims in the nineteenth century. While it is definitely true that since the
nineteenth century, perhaps even much earlier, it had become, as von Grunebaum put
it, "a culmination of the believer’s religious experience,"123 we are not yet on solid
enough ground to say that Jawi Muslims considered the fifth pillar of Islam as such.
Our knowledge about the personal perception of Muslims as individuals, not to say as
a community, with regard to the bajj as been very limited for the lack of attention
thereto, as William Roff has rightly pointed out.124 Perceptions of the flajj125 is
l21Fath al-Mujib, 2.
122Shaykh Muhammad Hasab Allah al-Makki al-Shafi‘i (1233/1817-1335/1916) is

a controversial figure in the 19th-century intellectual circle in Mekka. On him see
infra in our discussion on al-Thimar al-Yani‘a, Shaykh Nawawi’s commentary on his
al-Riyad al-Badi’a.
I23Gustave E. von Grunebaum, Muhammadan Festivals (London: Curzon, 1959),

15.
I24William R. Roff, "The Conduct of the Haj from Malaya, and the First Malay
Pilgrimage Officer," in Sari Terbitan Tak Berkala (Institut Bahasa Kesusasteraan dan
Kebudayaan Melayu: University kebangsaan Malaysia, 1975), 109-111.
179
an indirect attempt to fill the lacunae particularly with respect to the experience of
Malay Muslims. From a close reading of four texts written in Malay ranging from
the sixteenth to the twentieth centuries, the authors cautiously suggested a
development in the attitude of the pilgrims toward the bajj, each text being a
reflection of the social values of the time. When regions in the East were divided
into kingdoms, the king and his court represented the mediating power between God
and the people. In this context, Islam was subsumed under the political and cultural
system. The bajj rituals combined with visits to other holy sites were then simply
different-albeit particular—means of tapping spiritual power and blessing, rather than
a religious obligation sanctioned by the law. "The bajj could be best understood
within the context of Islam and the one God, and it therefore offered a rival spiritual
focus to the raja."126 It is only in the nineteenth and early twentieth century when
kings and leaders of modem nations, respectively, co-opted Islam as a means of
legitimation of their power, that the bajj was increasingly perceived as an obligation
prescribed by the law, incumbent upon those who met the requirements. It is in this
context of a general awareness by Muslims of Islamic orthopraxis that a guide for the
correct performance of bajj played an important role. People became more and more
inclined to know what the law prescribed for them.
125V. Matheson and A. C. Miller, Perceptions of the ffajj: Five Malay Texts
(Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1984).
126Matheson and Miller, Perceptions of the Hajj, 13.
The rituals of bajj are the most intricate of the pillars of Islam, and take the
longest time to perform. Coming from a far off country, after so much hardship and
material sacrifice, Jawi pilgrims understandably tried to follow the prescriptions of the
law as closely as possible for fear of compromising the validity of the pilgrimage
itself.
Shaykh Shirbini’s Fath al-Mujib is a comprehensive, albeit short, manual of
Hajj. In a condensed style, the author systematically arranges all aspects of the ritual
according to the Shafi‘i school. It consists of three parts, the first of which deals with
the six constitutive elements of hajj (arkan),127 the second with the five obligatory
acts (wajibat) that a pilgrim has to perform during the ceremony,128 and the third
with recommended acts (sunan). The difference between constitutive elements and
obligatory acts is that the absence of any of the former, by omission or negligence,
annuls the pilgrimage, whereas such omission of the latter is reparable by an animal
sacrifice without thus compromising the validity of the pilgrimage itself.
127They are jhram (state of sacralization), wuquf (standing on the ‘Arafat plain),
tawaf (circumambulation around the Ka‘aba), saT (trotting between Safa and Marwa),
cutting of hair and nails; the sixth is a formal injunction that the above elements be
performed in order.
I28They are the entrance into ifrram, a state of sacralization from a fixed place,
mubit (staying overnight in Muzdalifa) upon return from the ‘Arafat plain, mubit at
Mina, ramy (throwing of pebbles on three idols), ijtinab (abstention from doing the
forbidden). The farewell tawaf is an obligation in its own right, independent from the
rite of pilgrimage per se.
181
The author does not list the recommended acts, but they are instead woven
into the discussion on each ritual of the pilgrimage. Thus the author lists what things
are forbidden, reprehensible and the recommended for the pilgrim, while he is
performing each ritual, starting from the taking of ihram upon arrival in the Hijaz
until his departure from Mecca.
The bajj contains so many rituals, physical movements and gestures, and
ejaculatory prayers that it is imposible for the author to squeeze them all into a short
manual. At some points the manual simply takes it for granted that the reader
understands. But for most Jawi Muslims the whole ceremony was completely novel;
therefore, the manual needed elaboration, and hence the need of a commentary such
as that which Shaykh Nawawi wrote. It expands the short manual into a full-fledged
guidebook to pilgrimage to Mecca.
To expand the short manual on hajj, Shaykh Nawawi refers to previous
authorities as far back as al-Shafi‘i and al-Juwayni. Clearly he never refers to them
directly, but rather through more recent authorities, particularly Ibn Hajar al-
Haythami (d. 973/1565), whom Shaykh Nawawi at times simply called by name and
at other times cites by using the titles of his work. Shaykh Nawawi cites Ibn Hajar’s
Tuhfa,129 Fath al-Jawad130, and on hajj rituals in particular, Ibn fjajar’s
U9Tuhfa al-Muhtaj, a commentary on Abu Zakarya Yahya al-Nawawi’s Minhaj al-

Talibin. He mentions a gloss on the Tuhfa (Fath al-Mujib, 20); he might have used
both the Tuhfa and its gloss by Ahmad b. al-Qasim al-‘Abbadi (d. 994/1565) [see Y.
A. Sarkis, al-Matbu‘at, 208-209 and GAL I: 497].
182
commentary on al-Idah fl al-Manasik by the great mujtahid Abu Zakarya’ al-Nawawi.
The second important authority is Sulayman al-Bajirami (or al-Bujayrimi) (d.
1221/1806) who refers to al-Qalyubi (d. 1069/1685), al-Sijini, and al-Ziyadi. In this
commentary Shaykh Nawawi does not mention which work of al-Bajirami he is
referring to. We know that al-Bajirami wrote two glosses; the first connects him to
the famous al-Nawawi’s Minhaj al-Talibin through Zakarya al-Anjari’s Fath al-
Wahhab and the second to Abu Shuja‘’s Ghayat al-Ikhtisar through al-Khatib al-
Shirbini’s al-Iqna‘.131 The latter gloss, entitled Tuhfat al-Habib ‘ala Sharh al-
Khatib, is acmally written by one of al-Bajirami’s students, ‘Uthman al-Suwayfi, upon
the teacher’s order.132 Shaykh Nawawi refers to this gloss extensively in his
Kashifat al-Shija’ and mentions it a couple of times in his Mirqat Su‘ud al-Ta$diq. It
is to this gloss of al-Bajirami that Shaykh Nawawi most likely refers when he
mentions the name of al-Bajirami in the commentary under discussion.
130A commentary on al-Irshad by Sharaf al-Din Isma’il known as Ibn Muqri (d.
837) See Sarkis, 248.
I3lal-Tajrid li Naf’i al-‘abid is a gloss on Fath al-Wahhab by Zakarya al-An$ari

which is a commentary on the Minhaj al-Talibin of al-Nawawi and Tuhfa al-Habib is
a commentary on al-Shirbini’s al-Iqna‘, which is a commentary on Abu Shuja1’
Ghayat al-Ikhti$ar. [Sarkis, al-Matbu’at, 528-529]. al-Nawawi and Abu Shuja’
represented the two main lines of authority in Islamic Jurisprudence according to
Shaft‘i school.
132Sarkis, cols. 528-529.
183
The next authority is ‘Atiya al-Ujhuri (d. 1190/1776) who also wrote a gloss on
Fath al-Wahhab by Zakarya al-An§ari (d. 926/1520).133 Shaykh Nawawi did make
a couple of references to al-Ramli, but in this commentary, within the Minhaj group,
he tends to be more a Hajari than a Ramli.134
But Shaykh Nawawi did not want his readers to be deluged with information
and then become lost in a jungle of details. A short summary of what had been
discussed and elaborated in versified quotations from al-Madabighi (d.
1170/1757)135 helped the students not only to recall the important points being
discussed but also to memorize them.
2. ‘Uqud al-Lujayn fi Bayan al-Huquq al-Zawjayn
This is a commentary on a short treatise (risala) dealing with the obligations of
the spouses toward one another. Shaykh Nawawi completed it on Mubarram 27,
l33This gloss was listed in Batavia Supplement, 403 (GAS I: 682).
I340 n the grouping of the dominant works in the Shafi‘i School see E. Sachau,
Muhammedanisches Recht nach Schafiitischer Lehre (Stuttgart & Berlin: W.
Spemann, 1897), ii-xxix. On the IJajaris and the Ramlis see C. Snouck Hurgronje,
"Muhammedanisches Recht nach shafiitischer Lehre von Eduard Sachau," Zeitschrift
der Deutchen Morgenlandishen Gesellschaft 53 (1899), 142-143; the defenders of the
Hajaris were mainly in Hadramawt, Yemen, and Hijaz and the defenders of the
Ramlis were in Egypt and Syria.
I350 n al-Hasan b. ‘All b. Abmad b. ‘Abd Allah al-Azhari al-Madabighi (d.

1170/1757) see GAL II: 430, GAS I: 523-524 and II: 455.
184
1294/February 11, 1877. It was first printed in 1296/1879 at al-Wahhabiyya Press
(Cairo) and reprinted in 1297/1880 at al-Sharafiyya Press (Cairo), then in 1316/1899
in Mecca and repeatedly in Indonesia.136 In modern Indonesia it is still being used
in pesantrens particularly in Java, but is also reported to be used in South
Sumatra.137
We know two editions of ‘Uqud al-Lujayn with an interlinear translation into
Javanese. The first is entitled Su‘ud al-Kawnayn fi taijamat Sharh ‘Uqud al-Lujayn fi
Bayan fluquq al-Zawjayn,138 by Shaykh Sab( al-‘Uthmani Ahdari from Kudus,
Central Java. The second is entitled Hidayat al-‘Arisin by Abu Muhammad
Uasanuddin of Pekalongan, North Coastal Java.139 Shaykh Ahdari says that the
l36GAS II: 814. Sarkis, 1881. It has been printed and reprinted at Sharikat al-
Ma‘arif li-Tab‘ wa al-Nashr, Bandung; Maktaba ljusayn ‘Umar, Surabaya; Dar Ihya’
al-Kumb al-‘Arabiyya.
137We note 12 pesantrens currently using this book; Bani Shahir (Kuningan, West
Java), Nur al-Khashshaf (Bekasi, West Java), Miftah al-‘Ulum (Subang, West Java),
Dar al-Salam (Kendal, Central Java), Majlis al-Ta‘lim (Tegal, Central Java), Rawda
al-Muta‘aIlim (Kendal, Central Java), Rawda al-‘Ulum (Pati, Central Java), Dar al-
‘Ulum (Jombang, East Java), Nur al-IJasan (Bondowoso, East Java), Rawda al-
Mubtadi’in (Ngawi, East Java), Salafiyya Shafi‘iyya al-Waridin (Madiun, East Java),
and al-Qadiriyya (Lampung, South Sumatra). All the cited cities in Central Java are
actually at the northern coastal Java (see Direktori Pesantren I: 47, 62, 81, 151, 159,
181, 182, 253, 305, 324, 349, 373). See also M. van Bruinessen, "Books in Arabic
Script used in the Pesantren Milieu," 264.
l38Sabt al-‘Uthmani Ahdari al-Janggalani al-Qudsi, Su‘ud al-Kawnayn fi taijamat

Sharh ‘Uqud al-Lujayn fi Bayan Huquq al-Zawjayn (Kudus: Menara, 1986).
139M. van Bruinessen, "Books in Arabic Script used in the Pesantren Milieu,"
249.
185
book is particularly intended for use in pesantrens in the northern coastal Central Java
and East Java.140
The literary genre sets the short treatise apart from the category of fiqh, since
the treatise does not address the subject matter from a strictly legal point of view as
we generally read in the chapter on marriage (bab al-nikah) in any treatise of Islamic
legal science. The purpose is more practical than theoretical.
Shaykh Nawawi does not mention who the author of this short treatise was; he
simply refers to him anonymously as "a person of good counsel" (ba'du al-
nasihin)141. If it were not for a line where he corrects the author on a very fine
point of grammar,142 we would have been tempted to attribute it to Shaykh Nawawi
himself. At any rate, the author most probably is a contemporary of Shaykh Nawawi
who had not yet reached the point where he could put his own signature on his work.
At some point the author makes reference to al-Habib ‘Abd Allah al-tfaddad who,
according to Shaykh Nawawi, was a representative of a famous sufi order.143
l40Su'ud al-Kawnayn, 4.
141' Uqud al-Lujayn, 2.
I42The author wrote "jabana" meaning "coward" to refer to a cowardly woman.

Shaykh Nawawi said "jaban" is preferable, considering it as an epithet that applied to
woman only ( 'Uqud al-Lujayn, 8).
143‘Uqud al-Lujayn, 5; could he be Habib Allah whom Snouck Hurgronje

mentioned together with his teacher Shaykh ‘Abd al-Hamid of Daghestan, Muhammad
Salih as professors and representatives of sufi orders in Mekka (Mekka, 207)? See
also Siyar wa Tarajim, 206.
186
The short treatise is divided into four chapters. The first chapter deals with
the obligations of husbands toward their wives such as good treatment, alimony,
dowry, division of nights, and educating them in obligatory and recommended acts
related to worship, menstruation, and obedience to the husband. The second chapter
deals with the obligations of wives toward their husbands such as obedience except in
sinful acts, intimacy, surrender of herself, protecting herself from the eyes of
outsiders. The third chapter praises the virtue of a woman who prays at home, avoids
leaving the house unless with permission, and, should she have a legitimate reason for
leaving, is mindful of what she ought not to do. And finally the fourth chapter deals
things that are forbidden, licit, and reprehensible for a man with regard to a woman
who is not his spouse.
The author compiles sayings, counsels, and anecdotes related to each theme
from the Qur’an, prophetic and non-prophetic hadiths, and the sayings of some
prominent teachers. Shaykh Nawawi’s commentary serves as a clarification by
expansion. He clarifies the meaning of a word, or a sentence; spells out the
antecedent of a pronoun; provides the authoritative references for the author’s
citations, such as the verse of the Qur’an, narrators of the hadiths, the complete
names of individuals, and titles of books referred to by the author. Shaykh Nawawi
expands the arguments by citing other authoritative references, illustrating the issues
with poems, stories and anecdotes (hikaya) related to the theme, gleaned from his
187
treasure of knowledge. Even in places where we expect he would draw a moral
lesson from what has thus far been said (fa’ida), more often than not he simply tells
more stories the moral lessons of which the audience should draw for themselves. To
teach consists in passing along knowledge and tradition, telling stories of the past and
thus inviting the audience to emulate and appropriate the moral lessons themselves.
In this commentary Shaykh Nawawi consults several references. With regard
to his sources of hadith quotes, he relies on al-‘Azizi’s Siraj al-Munir144 and al-
Ramli’s ‘Umda al-Rabih-145 For matters related to religious and ethical counsels
proper, he refers to Ibn IJajar’s Zawajir146 which he quotes extensively in his Bahjat
al-Wasa’il, al-Ghazali’s Ihya’ and Abu al-Layth al-Samarqandi’s al-Jawahir. For
different legal points of view, Shaykh Nawawi consults al-Nihaya, a commentary by
I44‘Ali b. Ahmad b. Nur al-Din Muhammad b. Ibrahim al-‘Azizi (d. 1070/1660) is

a hadith scholar. Among his work are his al-Siraj al-munir bi Sharh al-Jami‘ al-Saghir
fi al-Hadith li-l-Suyuti (Cairo: Bulaq, 1292/1875) and al-Fawa’id al-‘Aziziyya, a gloss
on the Sharh al-Ghaya al-Ikhtisar by Ibn al-Qasim. (Sarkis, 1326; Kahhala, 7: 24).
See ‘Uqud al-Lujayn, 10, 14, 17; Shaykh Nawawi also made references to this
collection of hadith in his Bahjat al-Wasa’il.
145This is a commentary of Ahmad al-Ramli on Hadiyyat al-Nagih by Ahmad al-

Zahid (d. 819/1416) that Shaykh Nawawi refers to over 100 times in his Bahjat al-
Wasa’il, and simply as Sharh Hadiyyat al-Na?ih in different commentaries such as
Mirqat $u‘ud al-Ta§diq.
146 Ibn Uajar al-Uaythami’s al-Zawajir [fi al-Nahy] ‘an Iqtiraf al-Kaba’ir (Cairo:
Bulaq, 1284/1867), 2 vols.
188
Shaykh Muhammad al-Masri on the Ghayat al-Ikhtigar by Abu al-Shuja‘.147 For
difficult, unusual words and technical terms, Shaykh Nawawi consulted the
"Comprehensive Lexicon" of al-Firuzabad!.148 And as a good student, Shaykh
Nawawi recalls the teaching of his immediate teacher Shaykh Yusuf al-Sunbulawayni
whom he quotes several times.
3. Sullam al-Munajat
This commentary was first printed in 1297/1880 at Bulaq Press (Cairo), then
in 1301/1884 at al-Bahiyya Press (Cairo), in 1307/1890 at al-Maymuniyya Press
(Cairo)) and has been reprinted several times at al-Ma‘arif Press, Bandung,
Indonesia.149 It is still available in specialized bookstores in Indonesia and, as we
have mentioned earlier, it becomes a textbook in several pesantrens in Java.150
147This is yet another commentary on Abu Shuja' ’s al-Mukhta$ar which

Brockelmann has not included in the list of commentaries on the famous fiqh manual.
Shaykh Nawawi calls him simply "Shaykh," a title that might indicate that the bearer
belongs to Shaykh Nawawi’s generation or his teachers’ generation. Is he
Muhammad b. Ibrahim al-Mi§ri mentioned in Siyar wa Tarajim, 143?
148al-Qamus al-Mubit by Abu al-Tahir Muhammad b. Ya‘qub al-Firuzabadi (d.

817/1414-5).
1490ur notes refer to the al-Bahiyya edition, Cairo (1301/1884) that we acquired
from the British Museum in microfilm medium.
I50See Martin van Bruinessen, 264; Direktori Pesantren, 21, 81, 92, 175, 349.
This work is Shaykh Nawawi’s commentary on a treatise on the prescribed
prayers and the necessary ritual purification, entitled Safinat al-$alat and written by
Sayyid ‘Abdallah b. ‘Umar b. Yafcya al-Hadrami. We, unfortunately, have not yet
been able to identify this Hadrami scholar.
The Hadrami scholar’s main task in this small treatise is to remind Muslims
what they ought to know regarding the second pillar of Islam, namely, the obligation
to pray the prescribed prayers. Muslims ought to know the reasons it is obligatory
and particularly the rules governing the obligation so they can act accordingly. He
stresses the importance of "conscious and firm knowledge" (‘ilm), "understanding the
meaning" (fahm) of the articles of faith and "external manifestation" (tabyin) of faith
that Muslims affirm in their heart. In the first place Muslims ought to believe in the
meaning (ma‘na) of the double profession of faith first by "knowing and assenting to
the article of faith in one’s heart and then expressing it audibly." One aspect of the
second part of the profession of Muslim faith, namely, belief in the prophet, is "to
believe in what the Prophet said and then to act on it." Since prayer is one of the
acts the Prophet told the believer was commanded by God, so every Muslim has to
learn and understand (ta‘allum) what its rules are.
The author looks at "ritual prayer" from three perspectives, namely, the
preconditions for its validity (shurut),151 its constitutive elements (arkan), and the
151 Shaykh Nawawi explains it as "the circumstances of prayer as such" (ma kana
kharijan ‘an mahiyyati al-salat), Sullam al-Munajat, 7. The author lumps together the
preconditions for the validity of performance (shurut al-sihfra) and the category of
190
factors that would invalidate it (mubtilat). Some of the preconditions for prayer, such
as minor ablution (wudu’) and major ablution by means of bath (ghusl), also have
their own necessary elements (furud) and impairing causes (mubtilat/nawaqid) ■ With
regard to the constitutive elements of prayer, the author simply lists them one after
another as he does with respect to the factors that nullify prayer. As far as the
number of items mentioned in each of the three perspectives is concerned, there is
hardly any difference from those listed in other works of the same nature. What is
more interesting for us is how Shaykh Nawawi shapes and develops his commentary,
how he tries to make the tradition from the past relevant for the present generation.
Sullam al-Munajat is one of works of Shaykh Nawawi which provide us with
enough evidence regarding the actual audience he was addressing, namely, the
Muslims of West Java and particularly those living in the regions around Banten, his
birthplace. This work, thefefore, not only documents the traces of contact that he.
inspite of the great distance, continued to make with his home country, but also
provides evidence that a gloss represents an interface between tradition and living
experience.
In two instances Shaykh Nawawi makes explicit references to Batavia and
Banten. He refers to a Batavian unit of measurement in the context of explaning the
term qulla (pitcher). There are two important preconditions regarding water to be
persons who are obliged to pray (shurut al-wujub). These two types of preconditions
are also afikam (formal objects) of prayer, see al-Tqd al-Thamin, 10-11.
191
used in removing impure substances. The first has to do with its character. It should
be ritually pure before and after the contact with the impure substance. In this
respect, water remains pure as long as its taste, color, and smell have not changed.
The second condition pertains to the minimum amount. The consensus on this is two
pitchers (qullatayn). Generally commentators explain the unit of measurement qulla
in Baghdad ratls. Shaykh Nawawi himself in Nihayat al-Zayn weighs two qullas as
approximately 500 Badhdadi ratls.152 In this commentary, however, he gives
different approximations of two qullas to make it easy for the common people. He
writes "two qullas amount to four jars, weigh 320 units in the Batavian scale, or 8062
Batavian riyals."153 The other reference to his home country occurs in Shaykh
Nawawi’s explanation of another condition for a valid performance of prayer,
namely, that the worshipper should face the qibla. He provides the precise altitude
and longitude of Banten and Mecca and shows in which direction one in Banten
should stand to face the direction of prayer. We are not so much interested in the
precision of the measurement itself as in the explicit reference to Batavia and Banten—
which is indeed very rare, but is helpful for us to understand that commentaries were
not written out of touch from the actual needs and experience of the people. An
audience is always presupposed.
l52Nihayat al-Zayn, 14.
153Sullam al-Munajat, 8.
192
Apparently Shaykh Nawawi wrote this commentary using different manuscript
versions of the source text. In two places he remarks on some lines or words that are
omitted in the version on which he is commenting but that stand in another version.
Again these are minor details, but they give us some idea of the method that Shaykh
Nawawi, and most probably other authors too, actually used.
The obvious purpose of this commentary, and of other commentaries, is to
explain the text so that the audience understands the meaning of the sentences. But it
does not stop there. Shaykh Nawawi seems to adopt the position of the author of the
text regarding the importance of awareness, and undertanding of the religious
obligations, particularly prayer. "Prayer," Shaykh Nawawi notes, "is an intimate
personal colloquium between a servant and his Lord, an occasion for a purification of
the heart from sins, and a privileged relationship between a servant and his Lord."
And that is besides the fact that prayer is the first of the obligations God prescribed to
Muslims, according to a hadith related by al-Tirmidhi.154 The insistence that
Shaykh Nawawi places on niyya, forming the intention to perform a single act of
worship, even on its elements and fahm (undertanding) only indicates the importance
for Muslims not only to observe their obligations but also to understand the reasons
behind them, in brief, to be conscientious Muslims. Shaykh Nawawi even seems to
193
agree with some scholars who hold that understanding (fahm) the double profession of
faith is obligatory: anything less than that will not save people from hell.155
What is worth noting in this commentary, as far as method is concerned, is
that Shaykh Nawawi uses some "modem" tools of teaching, namely, illustrations,
diagrams and tables that he draws to help the audience understand the text and
memorize the most important points, while making the teaching session itself less
boring.156
As far as the authority reference is concerned, Shaykh Nawawi seems to rely
on al-Ramli’s ‘Umda al-Rabih,157 Ibn Hajar’s Fath al-Jawwad,158 and al-Nawawi’s
156A table illustrating the important historical facts on the first six caliphates ( 4),
a diagram for determining the qibla for any point on the earth (Sullam al-Munajat,
17), a table describing the constitutive elements of prayer, minor ablution, major
ablution, and factors that invalidate minor ablution (, ibid., 19), a tree representing
prayer with its foundation, elements and fruits (ibid., 24).
157Explicit reference to this work occurs only one time (Sullam al-Munajat, 27)
out of five, but from the extensive use by Shaykh Nawawi of this work in the other
commentaries we may infer that this is the same book he refers to when he simply
mentions the name of the author, al-Shams al-Din al-Ramli (d. 1104/1596). On this
author see GAL II: 112.
I58Ibn Hajar is mentioned in almost all of Shaykh Nawawi; in this particular

commentary, he is mentioned 7 times. In contrast to al-Ramli (see previous note), it
is hard to pin down to which work of Ibn Hajar Shaykh Nawawi refers when he
simply mentions "Ibn Hajar." The absence of Ibn Hajar’s other works in this
commentary, however, suggests that it is to Fath al-Jawwad that Shaykh Nawawi
refers.
al-Adhkar.159 The first two are frequently mentioned in other commentaries to
treatises on fiqh. With regard to ‘Umdat al-Rabih, we note elswhere that in Mirqat
Su‘ud al-Ta$diq Shaykh Nawawi refers to this al-Ramli’s commentary on Hadiyya al-
Na$ih by Ahmad al-Zahid (d. 819/1416) simply as the "Commentary on Hadiyya al-
Na$ih." Whereas in another work of Shaykh Nawawi, Bahjat al-Wasa’il, he explicitly
mentions ‘Umda al-Rabih- Other names are mentioned only once or twice such as al-
Baqillani, al-Sarakhsi, al-Wana’i, Ibn al-‘Imad, al-Ghazali, al-Rafi‘i, al-Madabighi,
al-Mahalli. With the exception of the last two, they all represent a much earlier
generation of scholars whom Shaykh Nawawi may have quoted from within his main
sources. There are three names that despite their infrequent occurence in the
commentary have had an influence on Shaykh Nawawi. They are [Ahmad] al-
Suhaymi, whom he refers to so frequently in other commentaries, Yusuf al-
Sunbulawayni, Shaykh Nawawi’s teacher, and again another teacher, Shaykh ‘Ali al-
Rahbani.
Before leaving this commentary, it is good to note a piece of information that
seems unimportant in itself within the context of this commentary, but in conjunction
with other facts we find in other commentaries seems too significant to leave
unnoticed. We refer particularly to Shaykh Nawawi’s reference to a collection of
fatwas (juristic opinions) by a certain Shaykh Muhammad al-Khalili who obtained
159The full title is al-Adhkar al-muntakhiba min kalam Sayyid al-abrar (Cairo: al-
Maymuniyya, 1312/1895), see Sarkis, 1876.
195
them from previous scholars. The context of the quote from the fatwa is a discussion
around the five elements of prayer as far as the number of ejaculatory expressions is
concerned. They are takbir al-ihram, al-fatiha, al-tashahhud, al-$alat ‘ala al-nabi, and
al-salam. One of the conditions for a valid recitation of these five vocal elements is
that they be recited in perfect Arabic, observing the number of duplications (shaddat),
the nunation, and not making any additions or cuts that would alter the meaning.
Shaykh Nawawi gives this section a footnote by calling forth a fatwa from Shaykh
Muhammad al-Khalili who in his mm quotes a fatwa from his teacher Shaykh
Muhammad al-Baqri, the Shakyh of al-Qura’i of his day. The fatwa basically states
that an imperfect recitation of a verse of the Qur’an makes the recitation invalid. The
argument was that it is a verse of the Qur’an only if it is recited properly in Arabic.
Our interest is again not so much in the content of the fatwa itself, but rather
in the quoting of a fatwa and its subsequent integration in the text. Here, we witness
an instance where a legal opinion of a teacher becomes incorporated in a text. In his
other commentaries we see notice similar phenomena. Shaykh Nawawi refers to
fatwas given by his immediate teachers. It is not long before the fatwa becomes
integrated into a body of text in which it has the same level of importance as the other
opinions, which themselves used to be personal opinions too in their own time.
Given the practice of writing glosses in which commentators, instead of scrutinizing
and analyzing the arguments by tracing their origin, mostly limit themselves to
196
explaining what the sentences mean, the readers would consider all arguments
presented in the text as having the same authority.
B. Works on the five pillars of Islam
1. al-Hqd al-Thamin
This work is a commentary on al-Fath al-Mubin, composed by his fellow
countryman, Shaykh Mustafa b. ‘Uthman al-Jawi al-Qaruti, of Garut, West Java. To
identify this scholar from Garut, we need to consider the following indications. The
source text al-Fath al-Mubin was composed in 1300/1883.160 Thus, the author was
a nineteenth-century Javanese teacher-scholar coming from Garut, West Java, who
still flourished in the last quarter of the century. C. Snouck Hurgronje, in his
description of prominent nineteenth-century Javanese scholars mentions a certain
Shaykh Hasan Mustafa of Garut.161 Snouck Hurgronje knew him in person during
his short sojourn in Mecca, even developed a close friendship with him that lasted
until well into the time when he assumed a new post in Batavia where Shaykh Hasan
Mustafa became his first contact person and advisor.162 But, more interesting is
Snouck Hurgronje’s short note that mentions that some of Shaykh Hasan Mustafa’s
writings had been printed in Egypt. And one of the text books was work on an
160al-‘Iqd al-Thamin, 23.
161Mekka, 268.
162See Chapter I, Section 3.
197
Arabic prosody.163 Most probably, therefore, Shaykh Mustafa of Garut, the author
of the source text Fath al-Mubin on which Shaykh Nawawi wrote his al-Tqd al-
Thamin, was this same Shaykh Hasan Mustafa of Garut and the work on Arabic
prosody referred to is the source text itself. There is, though, information on Shaykh
Mustafa that might make us suspend our judgment on the identity of the author of
Fath al-Mubin, namely, that he was also Shaykh Nawawi’s student.164 However, it
was not uncommon—if not even the regular practice of the day—that even Jawi
scholars, who had reached a certain fame in his own country for his advance in age
and knowledge, when he first arrived in Mecca, started to study at the feet of Jawi
teacher-scholars who had been residing in Mecca for a long time. The gesture of
Shaykh Nawawi, namely in writing a commentary on a work by his former student,
was a sign of humility on the part Shaykh Nawawi that Snouck Hurgronje had
cynically doubted.165 But perhaps it was for a simple practical reason that Shaykh
Nawawi wrote his commentary, namely, the demand on the part of his Jawi students
to explain a text they had studied in Java with much difficulty, because it was on
Arabic prosody. Whatever was the case, this commentary highlights a very
interesting feature in a teacher-student relationship in nineteenth-century Mecca,
particularly among the Jawis, and suggests how Shaykh Nawawi, notwithstanding the
164Chapter I, Section 3.
16SC. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, 270.
198
distance, tried to keep in close contact with his students, friends, and relatives,
particularly in West Java. This commentary is, thus, a rare example of how a gloss
was not simply written in abstracto, completely detached from actual needs of the
audience. Indeed, we may say that this commentary represents an intellectual and
spiritual interface between Shaykh Nawawi and his home country, particularly West
Java.
The source text al-Fath al-Mubin was composed in 1300/1883,166 as a
versification of a work by Shaykh Ahmad al-Zahid (d. 818/1415),167 entitled ah
Sittun Mas’ala fi al-fiqh (Sixty Questiones in fiqh), also known as Muqaddima al-
Zahid. This work is an introductory treatise dealing with the basic religious duties of
Muslims according to the Shafi‘ite school. The title that bears the designation number
"sixty" can be misleading, since the work actually discusses more than sixty subjects.
The work belongs to a particular literary genre that uses a number as its title, such as
"forty," "sixty," and "a thousand."168 The number "sixty" in this work, Shaykh
Nawawi himself remarks, simply means "a significant number."169
166al-Tqd al-Thamin, 23.
1670 n him see GAL II: 116.
168For a brief note on the use of this particular genre in Islamic literature, see
Louis Pouzet, Arba‘un Nawawiyya: Une hermeneutique de la tradition islamique
(Beyrouth: Dar al-Mashriq, 1982), Introduction.
199
There are some indications as to the popularity of al-Sittun Mas’ala in early
nineteenth-century Java. Soebardi in his study on the Book of Centhini reports that
the author of this Javanese "classic" of literature refers to this "book of sixty
questiones."170 This work is also on the list of books used in the pesantren that L.
W. C. van den Berg compiled,171 and again we have a report on the existence of a
commentary on this work by a certain Ahmad Mubyi Shaybani, entitled simply Sharh
al-Sittin.172 These facts suggest that the work has been used in some pesantrens in
West Java although it has now becomes almost unknown in the pesantren’s
circles.173
Al-Tqd al-Thamin, the only commentary existing on al-Fath al-Mubin, was
printed in 1883 (Jumada II, 1300/April, 1883) at al-Wahhabiyya Press (Cairo). Thus,
Shaykh Nawawi must have written the commentary in early 1883. The speed with
which the manuscript went to press suggests how Shaykh Nawawi by then has gained
respect in Egyptian publishing circles. The respect accorded to the author,
unfortunately, did not translate into an appreciation to the work itself, for we have no
170Soebardi, "Santri-religious elements as reflected in the book of Tjentini," BKI

127(1971): 336-337.
171L. W. C. van den Berg, "Het Mohammedaasche goddienst onderwijs op Java

en Madoera en de daarbij gebruikte Arabische boeken," TBG (1886): 519-55.
172Sudjoko Prasodjo et. al, Profil Pesantren, 56.
173Martin van Bruinessen, "Books in Arabic Script used in the Pesantren Milieu,"
BKI 146 (1990): 249.
200
evidence for a reprint of this commentary. This explains why the commentary of
Shaykh Nawawi was hardly known in the Indonesian pesantrens, even in West Java
from where Shaykh Mustafa Garut and Shaykh Nawawi came.
The didactic poem al-Fath al-Mubin consists of 129 verses in a tawil meter,
namely, "fa‘ulun mafa‘ilun fa’ulun mafa’ilun." In the first place it deals with the
profession of Muslim faith (w . 9-14; 15-16), a succinct exposition of the belief in God
and the Prophet very similar to the Umm al-Barahin, the difference being that Umm
al-Barahm is by far more elaborate in the exposition of proofs. In the versification,
propositions are simply listed one after another accompanied by one or two proofs,
particularly from the Qur’an and the hadith. Then the author mentions the five pillars
of Islam (vv. 17-18). The verses that follow (w . 19-122) deal with each of the
pillars, with the exception of the profession of Muslim faith—which is barely
discussed, perhaps because it has been treated in advance in the tawhid section. The
author’s treatment of each of the pillars is uneven, as is noticeable from the number
of verses dedicated to them. If we consider the section dealing with the rules
governing ritual purification (w . 19-49) as part of the section dealing with the
prescribed prayers (vv. 50-88), then the second pillar, namely, ritual prayer, gets the
most attention from the author in comparison with his treatment on religious alms (vv.
89-107), on fasting (w . 108-112), and on pilgrimage to Mecca (vv. 113-122). A
short introduction (vv. 1-8) and conclusion (vv. 123-129) wraps the core content of
the work.
201
In this commentary Shaykh Nawawi does not comment directly on each
segment of the verses; instead he first splits the verses and groups them in smaller
units based on an apparent sub-theme that joins the verses altogether. As far as we
are aware, with respect to the content of the work, there is hardly any difference
between one work and another work of the same nature. What distinguishes one
work from the other are the formal objects with which a particular author
systematizes the subject matter. Typically the author considers the following aspects
of any act of prescribed worship (fard/furud), namely, the constitutive elements
without which the act of worship becomes null (arkan or fixrud); the category of
persons under the obligation of performing the prescribed worship (shurut al-wujub);
conditions for the validity of its performance (shurut al-sihha); things that invalidate
(mubtilat) and impair (mufsidat) an act of worship.
The problem is that a term in one systematization may have a different
meaning in the other. What Shaykh Nawawi does to help his students and readers in
this regard is to provide a logical systematization and to be as consistent and precise
as possible when it comes to technical terms. For example, Shaykh Nawawi puts the
two types of conditions (shurut), namely shurut al-wujub and shurut al-sihha under a
heading afrkam (formal category) in contrast to arkan (material category). The former
involves judgment and perspective whereas the latter is simply a list of things. The
author is not particularly consistent when referring to the constitutive elements of an
act of worship; in one place he uses the term "fard/furud" and in another he uses
202
"rukn/arkan. " Perhaps this apparent inconsistency is due to the demands of meter.
Whatever the case, Shaykh Nawawi prefers to use the term "rukn/arkan," which he
consistently uses in his other works to refer to the constitutive elements of an act of
worship.
The versification form has the advantage of being easily memorized, but its
brief form, its structural and grammatical license, and its choice of vocabulary, often
make it not readily understandable. Paraphrasing is one way of revealing the meaning
of the verses. This is precisely what Shaykh Nawawi does in this commentary. He
expresses the meaning of the verses in plain sentences. This method comprises
explanation of the correct reading of a particular word, grammatical analysis, and
providing synonyms of difficult terms.
One last consideration on this commentary of Shaykh Nawawi pertains to his
style. This commentary runs smoothly without being crowded with authority
references. It is remarkable that Shaykh Nawawi makes only a few references to
authorities. Many of them are mentioned only in passing such as al-Baghawi, al-Qadi
[Husayn], even Ibn Hajar al-Haythami; al-Qalyubi is mentioned in two places, and al-
Shabramallisi in three places, and finally Shams al-Ramli in his ‘Umda al-Rabih in
four places.174 Perhaps we can ascribe the scarcity of references to authority to the
174al-Baghawi and al-Qadi [IJusayn] is are quoted in al-Tqd al-Thamin, 5; Ibn

Hajar on p. 7.; al-Qalyubi on pp. 18, 19; al-Shabramallisi on pp. 9, 10, 15, and al-
Ramli on pp. 8, 12, 16, 21.
203
fact that, as he himself has stated, the commentary is intended for beginners.175 We
must be cautious with the expression "for beginners," since it is a literary
commonplace to show the virtue of humility from the part of an author or
commentator. We know that in his other commentaries "for beginners only" he
makes references to many authorities. For indeed in the last page of his commentary,
in a kind of appendix he argues that if Friday prayer is validly performed by four
persons only, based on an earlier opinion of al-Shafi‘1, then a fortiori the performance
by twelve people should have more grounds for validity. For this short discussion he
lumps as many as eight authorities.176
The almost complete absence of authority references and quotes makes the
sentences in the commentary flow with ease. If we consider the other factors
mentioned above, namely, the year of composition, the speed with which it went to
press, we see in this simple style and in the almost absence of references a symbol of
the maturity of Shaykh Nawawi, the authority and respect that he by then has gained
in Egyptian and Meccan intellectual circles. He simply wants to teach the basic
176Shaykh Nawawi says that Mubyi al-Din al-Nawawi holds the view that the
minimum quorum for a valid Friday prayer is twelve male, free, Muslims residing in
a village. This view is supported by Taqi 1-Din al-Subki, and is also a legal opinion
(fatwa) of Ahmad b. Tahir b. Jum‘an. Whereas who support the earlier position of
al-ShafTi that sanctions a quorum of four people are al-Muzani, Abu Bakr b.
Mundhir, al-Suyutf, and Sulayman b. Yabya b. ‘Umar al-Ahdali (al-Tqd al-Thamin,
24). These arguments will appear again in Chapter Four that deals with Shaykh
Nawawi’s Suluk al-Jadda, a small treatise of Friday prayer.
204
things Muslims ought to know and do as good Muslims; he does not want to
complicate matters with subtleties, minutiae or explaining different opinions among
the scholars.
2. Kashifat al-Shija’
This work was first published at Muhammad Mustafa Press (Cairo) in
1292/1875, then underwent several reprints in different Cairo presses, namely, at al-
Halabi Press in 1301/1884, at ‘Abd al-Razzaq in 1302/1885, at al-Khayriyya in
1303/1886, at al-Maymuniyya in 1305/1888, at Biilaq in 1309/1891, again at al-
Halabi Press in 1321/1903; it is still printed in Indonesia and is reported to be used in
the pesantrens.177
This work is a commentary on Safinat al-Naja by a Hadrami scholar, Shaykh
Salim b. Sumayr al-Hadri, the same author of al-Lum‘a Mufada that Shaykh Nawawi
comments upon in his Suluk al-Jadda that we will discuss in detail in Chapter Four.
Safinat al-Naja’ seems to have enjoyed wide circulation among Muslims in Indonesia.
We have a report of its circulation in Surabaya and it was included in the list of
Arabic writings that the Resident of Surabaya dispatched to C. Snouck Hurgronje for
I77See Chapter Two, Table 5; cf. Sarkis, 1882. References are taken from al-
Halabi edition in 1321/1903 which has on the margin a treatise of the same genre by
Shaykh Nawawi’s contemporary, Shaykh Muhammad Hasab Allah, entitled al-Riyad
al-Badi‘a that Shaykh Nawawi also comments on in his al-Thimar al-Yani‘a. The
Maymuna edition has been printed many times at several presses in Indonesia, all of
them without date (Pustaka ‘Alawiyya [Semarang], IJusayn ‘Umar [Surabaya], al-
Ma‘arif [Bandung], and Dar Ibya’ al-Kutub al-‘Arabiyya).
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout permission.
205
inspection.178 Safinat al-Naja’ was also reported to be used in the eastern part of
the Archipelago as far as Ambon, among the Hittu Muslims in the nineteenth
century.179 There are several editions with an interlinear translation in Malay,180
Javanese and Madurese in addition to two versified versions of the text.181 The
popularity of the text and the renown of the author among Muslims in Java were
perhaps among the reasons that prompted our Shaykh Nawawi of Banten to write a
commentary.
The base text, Safinat al-Naja’, consists of only three chapters on the two-fold
profession of faith, prayer, religious alms. Shaykh Nawawi appends a chapter on
fasting to the chapter on zakat. He leaves out a chapter on pilgrimage, however,
arguing that, for one thing, there have been many independent treatises dealing with
the hajj, and for the other a chapter on fasting has more practical urgency for the
faithful than a chapter on pilgrimage, for the prescription for fasting occurs more
often than for the pilgrimage.182 We should remember that Shaykh Nawawi had
178Ambtelijke Adviezen, III: 1887.
179H. Kraemer, "Mededeelingen over den Islam op Ambon en Haroekoe," Djawa,

7 (1927): 87.
180GALS II: 812/4c.
181M. van Bruinissen, "Books in Arabic Script used in the Pesantren Milieu," BKI
146(1990): 248, note 41.
182Kashifat al-Shija’, 102.
206
already written a commentary on the manual of hajj, Fath al-Mujib, which we
discussed previously.
Unlike his other works, this work of Shaykh Nawawi contains detailed
information on the progress of its composition. He began to compose this
commentary on Dhu al-Qa‘da 16, 1276/June 5, 1860, completed the chapter on
religious alms (zakat) on Safar 26, 1277/ September 13, 1860, and finished the
chapter on fasting (siyam) on Safar 29, 1277/ September 16, I860.183
The chapter on fasting that Shaykh Nawawi wrote as an appendix to the
original text gives us a glimpse of how the gloss literary production was commonly
written. Shaykh Nawawi could have simply written his appendix in the form of
continuous and running lines. But this is not what he did. Instead, he wrote in the
form of text-gloss. First, he wrote an outline or a condensed text on the margin
following the pattern of the source text Safinat al-Naja, and then slices the outline into
word or phrases after which he writes a commentary on his own quasi-mam. We
have seen how he had recourse to a similar method when he wrote his "original"
works.184 We know that in a traditional teaching-learning setting, the teacher, after
the praises to God and salutation to the prophet, would usually ask his student lector
(muqri’), usually his appointee, often his close relative or even his own son, to recite
l84See the discussion on Shaykh Nawawi’s works on the Arabic language in this
chapter.
207
a passage from the written text or from memory, then the teacher would start his
lecture by dissecting the passage and then reading his commentary on each word or
phrase.185 We also know that commentaries follow a similar structure; the original
text (mam) is usually printed on the margins and its commentary fills the center page
with parts of the original text being cut into short phrases and placed in between
brackets, or the other way around. We may ask if there is a correlation between oral
commentary and the written. At least in the case of Kashifat al-Shija’, particularly
Shaykh Nawawi’s appendix on fasting, suggests that the written commentary is
practically the same as the oral. At least, we can say that Shaykh Nawawi’s
commentary was written with an full awareness that or as if his "readers" were
present. This gives us a new perspective on what gloss literature is. They represent
traces of a living session in a teaching-learning process.
Kashifat al-Shija’ represents Shaykh Nawawi’s reading of the text Safinat al-
Naja against the backdrop of the epistemological expectation or the cultural habitus of
his day. To some extent the source text itself is a product of that episteme, the
cognitive strategy, and the intellectual framework in which the author grew up in a
society into which he was educated, and by which he latter understood, explained,
and argued out a particular discourse. For certain reasons, generally practical, such
as succinctness for the sake of easy memorization, an author leaves out some
185 See for example ‘Umar ‘Abd al-Jabbar, Siyar wa Tarajim, 68, 120, 204, 230,
234.
208
arguments. What a commentator does to a text is the first place is to spell out the
parts that the author has consciously "forgotten," given the degree of knowledge of
the students, or for some reason simply failed to mention. This completing what was
lacking is precisely what Shaykh Nawawi did in his commentary.
As we mentioned above, the source text Safinat al-Naja deals only with the
first three pillars of Islam, namely, shahadatayn, salat, and zakat. There is no way to
know whether the author would have wished to write the ’expected’ two chapters on
siyam, and tiajj, had time permitted. Or, whether he wrote only those three chapters
because these were what his Jawi audience needed most in practice. Whatever the
case, the framework of thinking of the day is that the work should have been dealing
with the five pillars of Islam. The chapter on siyam that Shaykh Nawawi appends to
the source text and, paradoxically, his argument for not writing a chapter on
pilgrimage to Mecca only indicate that it was expected, understood that a work of that
kind should deal with all five pillars of Islam. Anything less than that is considered
incomplete. This characteristic of a commentary—by which a commentator puts a
text within a broader epistemological context—appears throughout Kashifat al-Shija’.
In commenting on the section dealing with the double profession of Muslim
faith, for example, Shaykh Nawawi places the discourse in the wider context of what
constitutes belief. Shaykh Nawawi reiterates that there are five levels of belief. The
first is faith by means of taqlid, reliance on others’ statements; the second is faith by
means of film, knowledge arrived at by means of proofs; the third is ‘ayan, faith
209
arrived at by means of intimation; the forth is hagg, faith resulting from a vision of
God, and finally haqiqa, faith by immersion in the divine. It is only the first two that
are obligatory, the rest are sublime sciences given only to whom God pleases.186 It
is the basic, the obligatory, items that most Muslims need to know that the author
deals with in the source text. It is these fundamentals that Muslims ought to learn,
know, and practice first before venturing into different levels of faith.
Moving to the following sections in the commentary, we have a clear view of
the way Shaykh Nawawi reads, understands, and explains the rulings that govern the
prescribed prayers and religious alms. The appendix, by virtue of its being an
addition by Shaykh Nawawi himself, actually helps us to see what that perspective
was. Shaykh Nawawi comments on his own composition on rulings related to the rite
of fasting, particularly that of Ramadan, in terms of four points, namely, its
preliminary conditions or constitutive elements without which the act of worship
would be null (arkan); the category of persons who are under the obligation to
perform the act (shurut al-wujub); the conditions of a valid performance of the act of
worship (shurut al-sibba) the absence of which would impair the act of worship,
without though rendering it null. As a corollary to these conditions are things or acts
that would impair the act of worship and the reparation and expiation therefor
(mufsidat).
210
Our interest in this regard is not so much on what are listed under those four
categories—indeed there are hardly differences between one author and the other and,
if there are any at all, those differences seem unimportant—but rather the perspectives
themselves, the way people look at and understand things. This became the cognitive
as well as the practical strategies that belonged to the matrix, and cultural "habitus" of
being Muslim.
Shaykh Nawawi reads the chapter on salat and zakat through that prism. If the
author skips one of the aspects, Shaykh Nawawi supplies it. Regarding the discourse
on salat, for example, Shaykh Nawawi writes "the author does not mention the
persons for whom prayer is obligatory, because, for one thing, they are already clear,
and, for the other, the category of persons are not incumbent by virtue of the
prescribed prayers only. But I, God’s willing, shall mention them for the sake of
completeness [tatmim] and for its benefits [fa’ida]."187
The source text barely deals with zakat. It simply lists the six kinds of
property on which the obligation of zakat fall, namely, livestock, silver and gold
coins, agricultural products, capital, hidden treasures, and gold and silver mines.
Shaykh Nawawi in his commentary inserts long paragraphs to discuss the persons to
whom the obligation of paying religious alms falls (shurut al-wujub) and the minimum
187Kashifat al-Shija’, 44. Shaykh Nawawi inserts the paragraphs on the category
of persons on whom the prescribed prayer is incumbent right after the commentary on
the conditions for a valid performance of a prescribed prayer ( 46).
211
amount on which zakat is to be paid for each of those six kinds of property.188
With regard to the stipulation on the minimum amount taxable, there is no difference
between what Shaykh Nawawi says in this commentary and in other commentaries,
because of his references to authorities whom he quotes in support of his arguments.
This for us could amount to some degree of inconsistency on the part of Shaykh
Nawawi. But, the task of a commentator is not so much to take a personal position
regarding a text, but rather to explain it. This gives him a certain degree of freedom,
although, seen as a whole, he might seem to suffer from inconsistency. This brings
us to the discussion on another feature in commentary writing that may be described
as an elaboration by means of lateral expansion.
Shaykh Nawawi expands the commentary by providing details. In many
places, the author of the source text gives a specific number of conditions for the
validity of performance of an act of worship or the number of things permitted in that
regard. Shaykh Nawawi, in mild and indirect criticism, consistently reminds the
audience that there are actually more items than the number the author specifies.189
Then he expands the commentary by recalling the related additional information.
188Kashifat al-Shija’, 96-102.
l890 n the conditions related to the correct recitation of the fatifra, to the correct
performance of sujud (prostration) in salat, the things that invalidate salat, the
conditions for a correct sermon at Friday prayer service, and the conditions for
exhumation of body, see Kashifat al-Shija’, 10, 57, 68, 87, and 95 respectively.
212
Another means of expanding a commentary is to quote authority references
and juxtapose their opinions. In this commentary Shaykh Nawawi makes extensive
reference to authorities. They are over 100 names and titles, but most of them are
referred to only once or twice. This fact indicates that Shaykh Nawawi quoted them
only indirectly through more recent works whose authors he cites more frequently.
The following are the authors whom Shaykh Nawawi frequently cites, listed in
descending order.
The authority most frequently referred to by Shaykh Nawawi is Shaykh ‘Abd
Allah al-Sharqawi (d. 1812). This rector of al-Azhar is referred to 52 times by name
and once by a quote from a gloss (hashiya) written by him on the Tuhfa al-Tullab by
the Shaykh of Islam, Zakariya’ al-An§ari d. 916/1511).190 The gloss was better
known under a different title, Hashiya ‘ala Sharh al-Tahrir.191 Indeed, Tuhfa al-
Tullab is a gloss of al-Ansari’s commentary (sharh) on his own al-Tahrir, which itself
is already a precis of Tanqib al-Lubab, a fiqh treatise according to the ShafTite school
written by Abu Zur‘a (d. 826/1423). This work itself is a commentary on al-Lubab fi
al-Fiqh by al-Mahamilli (d. 415/1024).192 There is no doubt that Shaykh Nawawi
l90See Sarkis, 1116.
I9lShaykh Sharqawi’s gloss on Tuhfa al-Tullab was very popular; after the first
publication in 1857 at Bulaq, Cairo, it was reprinted over a dozen times at different
Cairo presses (NUS I: 70-71).
l92Sarkis: cols. 485. See Eduard Sachau, Muhammedanishces Recht nach

Shafiitischer Lehre (Stuttgart & Berlin: W. Spemann, 1827, xix).
213
quotes Shaykh Sharqawi’s gloss on al-Ansari’s Tuhfa al-Tullab, when referring to the
Azhari Shaykh.
About 27 times Shaykh Nawawi cites Tuhfa al-Habib, which he attributed to
Shaykh ‘Uthman al-Suwayfi. The first publication of this work in 1867 by Bulaq
Press, Cairo, carries a complete title, Tuhfa al-Habib ‘ala Sharh al-Khafib al-
musamma bi al-Iqna‘ fi Hall Alfa? Abi Shuja‘.193 So, it is a super-commentary on a
commentary on al-Iqna*, which is al-Shirbini’s commentary on the Grand al-Taqrib by
Abu Shuja‘. As a matter of fact, this gloss was not actually written by ‘Uthman al-
Suwayfi, but rather by Shaykh Sulayman al-Bajirami (or al-Bujayrimi) (d. 1221/1807)
from whom one of his students, ‘Uthman al-Suwayfi, took dictation.194 By way of
a genealogical tree, at the very top is al-Taqrib fi al-fiqh by Abu Shuja1 (twelfth
century), sometimes also called Mukhtasar fi al-fiqh or Ghaya al-Ikhtisar; one of its
commentaries al-Iqna‘ by al-Shirbini (sixteenth century); a commentary on al-Iqna‘ by
al-Bujayrimi (eighteenth century) entitled Tuhfa al-Tullab; and at the bottom, a re
edition of the latter book under the same title by Shaykh ‘Uthman al-Suwayfi.
Shaykh Nawawi also cites in eight places another commentary on Ghaya al-Ikhtigar by
al-Hisni (d. 1426), entitled Kifayat al-Akhyar. So, this cluster of commentaries
belongs to the Taqrib family, one of the two most important families of fiqh literature
according to the ShafTite school. Shaykh Ibrahim b. Muhammad al-Bajun (d.
193NUS I: 53.
194Sarkis: cols. 528-529.
214
1276/1860) is cited twenty-four times, but Shaykh Nawawi does not mention which
particular work or works of al-Bajuri. Most likely Shaykh Nawawi referred to al-
Bajuri’s most famous gloss on al-Taqrib (Hashiya al-Bajuri ‘ala Fatb al-Qarib).
Almost as frequently cited as Shaykh al-Bajuri is a certain al-Ziyadi whose identity
remains unclear.195
The next most frequent citations come from al-Misbah (twenty-fine times) by
al-Fayyumi, a collection of unique opinions on al-Ghazali’s al-Wajiz assembled by al-
Rafi‘i in the latter’s al-‘Aziz.196 al-RafTi is the author of Kitab al-Muharrar that
became famous in the work of al-Nawawi’s Minhaj al-Talibin to which our attention
now turns.
Next come references to authors whose works are related to two works of
Mubyi al-Din al-Nawawi (d. 1277), namely ‘Arba’un or al-Arba’in, a collection of
"forty" hadith and Minhaj al-Talibin, a full-fledged book of fiqh. The first author is
Ibn Hajar al-Haythami (d. 1565) and Shaykh Nawawi cites four works of his works of
which is Fath al-Mubin, a commentary on al-Nawawi’s ‘Arba‘un. However, this
work of Ibn Hajar is referred to only once; most likely Shaykh Nawawi made this
reference to this work indirectly through its gloss that was written by Hasan al-
195Is he ‘Ali b. Yafcya al-Ziyadi (GALS I: 678)?
196Abmad b. M. b. ‘Ali al-F. al-Himawi al-Muqri (d. 770/1368) wrote al-Misbah

al-Munir fi gharib al-Sharb al-Kabir, see Sarkis: 1476. Onn al-Rafi‘i see GAL I:
493, GALS I: 678.
215
Madabighi (d. 1757) whom Shaykh Nawawi refers ten times by name.197 Still
related to al-Arba'un is another commentary on this Arba’un by Abmad al-Fashni (d.
1570) which Shaykh Nawawi mentiones eight times.198
It is surprising that Shaykh Nawawi refers to Ibn Bajar’s commentary on al-
Nawawi’s Minhaj al-Talibin only twice, once by the title Sharh al-Minhaj, and
another by its more widely known title Tuhfa al-Mubtaj. We should say quickly,
however, that the Tuhfa is so popular that often Shaykh Nawawi refers to this work
when he mentions Ibn Hajar by his name. In this commentary Shaykh Nawawi
mentions Ibn Hajar fifteen times by name.
The third work of Ibn Hajar referred to by Shaykh Nawawi is al-Minhaj al-
Qawwim. Shaykh Nawawi mentions it nine times. This work is a commentary on al-
Muqaddima al-Hadramiyya, a short treatise (muqaddima) or precis (mukhtasar) on the
five pillars of Islam written by a Hadrami scholar, Shaykh ‘Abd Allah Ba Fadl.199
The title Minhaj al-Qawwim seems to be popular among the Jawis only. The author
himself does not mention that title in the work—which is rather unusual. Although all
Egyptian publications bear only a descriptive title, Sharh ‘ala Mukhtasar Ba Fadl al-
i97There is only one Cairo edition of al-Fath al-Mubin that has a gloss by al-
Madabighi printed on the margins (Sarkis, 83; NUS I, 32; GALS I, 683).
198Ahmad al-Fa§hni, al-Majalis al-Saniyya fi al-Kalam ‘ala al-Badith al-Nawawi,

Sarkis, 1453; SUPT, 683.
I99The work was first printed by Bulaq Press, Cairo, in 1301/1883. See NUS I,
66; Sarkis, 73.
216
Hadrami al-Mashhur bi al-Muqaddima al-Hatjramiyya, in Indonesia, however, the
commentary is published under the title Minhaj al-Qawwim.200
The fourth work of Ibn Hajar is Fath al-Jawwad, which Shaykh Nawawi
mentions three times in his commentary. This is a commentary on al-Irshad by Ibn
Muqri’ al-Yamani.201
The second author is Shams al-Din Muhammad b. Hamza al-Ramli
(1004/1596). Shaykh Nawawi mentions two works by him, namely Sharb Manzuma
Ibn Tmad.202 But the most important is definitely al-Ramli’s commentary on al-
Minhaj al-Talibin by Mubyi al-Din al-Nawawi. This commentary is better known as
Nihaya al-Muhtaj or Ghaya al-Muhtaj. Since Shaykh Nawawi also mentions a gloss
on this commentary that is written by al-Shabramallisi (d. 1087/1676), fifteen times,
and the Cairo edition of this gloss was the first available in print,203 most likely
Shaykh Nawawi used this gloss when referring to al-Ramli’s commentary, Nihaya al-
Muhtaj.
20°Minhaj al-Qawwim, published by Taha Putra Press, Semarang, Indonesia, no

date. At the end of the book, it carries also a note that it was printed by Dar al-
Tiba‘a al-lslamiyya.
20lSarkis, 84, 248.
202The complete title of this work is Fath al-Jawwad bi Sharh Manzuma Ibn al-
Tmad fi al-Ma‘fiiwwat. It was referred to 4 times and should not be confused with a
book of the same title written by Ibn Hajar to which Shaykh Nawawi also refers
(Sarkis, 463, 951).
203Sarkis, 952.
Ill
The next figure is al-Qalyubi (d. 1069/) whom Shaykh Nawawi mentions by
name most of the time, and once by the title of his work Sharh al-Mi‘raj2(>t
At one place the reference to al-Qalyubi pertains to his opinion reported by al-
Shabramallisi,205 and at another by al-Suwayfi,206 and again by al-Sharqawi.207
These references indicate only that Shaykh Nawawi did not consult the work of al-
Qalyubi, but rather he referred to him only indirectly by means of much latter works
that contain references to the opinions of the respective authors.
Kashifat al-Shija’ is particularly important for us, because Shaykh Nawawi
mentions his teachers, some of whom have not been mentioned in contemporary
sources or his other works. They serve as a connecting link between Shaykh
Nawawi and his Jawi generation to the preceding authorities. Some of them were
famous teachers, while others were not. And it is only through this work that we
have a better knowledge of Shaykh Nawawi’s intellectual circle.
It is not difficult to identify them as Shaykh Nawawi’s teachers, because he
always called them "our teacher" (shaykhuna). It can be argued that a title
"shaykhuna" may be only a honorific address and thus does not necessarily refer to a
204Kashifat al-Shija’, 98. On al-Qalyubi and his works see Sarkis, cols. 1525-
1526. The work Sharh al-Mi‘ra|, however, is not listed.
218
direct teacher. But, we can be sure that some of them who can be identified were
actual teachers of Shaykh Nawawi, as we will see below. Since there is no contrary
evidence such as anachronistic impossibility, we tend to regard them as Shaykh
Nawawi’s actual teachers. In this commentary he mentions as many as thirteen
teachers. We fail to identify six of them whose names do not appear in the biography
of teacher-scholars in nineteenth-century Mecca,208 namely, Ahmad al-Dimyati,209
‘Umar al-Baqa‘i,210 ‘Atiya,211 a certain fellow Jawi by the name of Yusuf al-
Jawi,212 Mansur al-Tiblawi,213 al-Ramli.214
Shaykh Nawawi also referred to al-Hifni,215 and Ahmad al-Suhaymi216 as
his teachers. He even reported as having heard an opinion from the first,217 yet he
208‘Umar ‘Abd al-Jabbar, Siyar wa Tarajim ba‘di ‘Ulama'ina fi Qam al-Rabi‘ al-
‘Ashar li al-Hijra (Jidda: Tihama, 1982).
21QKashifat al-Shija’, 8.
21lKashifat al-Shija’, 39.
2l2Kashifat al-Shija’, 38.
2l3Kashifat al-Shija’, 105.
214Kashifat al-Shija’, 82, 104.
215Kashifat al-Shija’, 31, 36,39, 41, 88, 89, 106.
216Kashifat al-Shija’, 4, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 32, 58, 97, altogether 13 times.
also mentioned that al-Hifni was also a teacher of Shaykh al-Sharqawi (d. 1812).218
If this is the same al-IJifni, he could not be Shaykh Nawawi’s teacher, for he must be
a teacher-scholar of the eighteenth century. The same caution should be taken
regarding the identity of Shaykh Ahmad al-Suijaymi, despite the fact that Shaykh
Nawawi consistently called him "our teacher." Yet, Shaykh Nawawi also refers to
him as his authority in his other works such as Fath al-Majid that we have discussed
above.219 If Shaykh Nawawi spoke about the same Ahmad al-Suhaymi, the latter
could not be his teacher, since he was also from the eighteenth-century generation.
Another indication that may lend support to the argument against identifyint both
teacher-scholars as Shaykh Nawawi’s teachers is the fact that Shaykh Nawawi referred
to them much more frequently than those six figures we mentioned earlier. At any
rate, we are on safe ground to say that those teacher-scholars had a particular
influence in the professional formation of Shaykh Nawawi, such that he called them
"his teachers."
The other five teachers are identifiable from contemporary sources,
particularly C. Snouck Hurgronje’s Mekka and ‘Umar ‘Abd al-Jabbar’s Siyar wa
Tarajim. Two of them are Arab teachers, Shaykh al-Nahrawi and Shaykh
Muhammad Hasab Allah, and the other two are prominent Jawi teacher-scholars who
resided in Mecca long before Shaykh Nawawi, namely, Shaykh Ahmad al-Khatib
2,9See Chapter II, Section 1.
220
from Sambas, Kalimantan, and Shaykh ‘Abd al-Ghani from Bima, Sumbawa, an
island in East Indonesia.
Dry citations of book titles and authority references can easily overwhelm us
at first glance, but a closer look at them yields very interesting and important
information regarding the intellectual milieu that surrounded Shaykh Nawawi. The
titles of book and authorities actually belong to three of the five main clusters or
groups of authoritative books of fiqh according to the Shafi‘ite school. A general
description of the five groups will be given here, following Eduard Sachau in his
introduction to Islamic jurisprudence according to the ShafTi school.220
The first group is based on al-Lubab fi al-Fiqh by al-Mahamili (d. 1024).
This was commented on by Abu Zur'a (d. 1423) in his Tanqih al-Lubab. The group
was named after the commentary on this Tanqih by Zakariyya al-Ansari (d. 1520),
entitled al-Tahrir. This commentary spawned a chain of super-commentaries. First,
Zakariyya al-Ansari himself wrote a commentary on it, entitled Tuhfa al-Tullab.
Then, the Egyptian al-Madabighi (d. 1756) wrote a super-commentary on the Tuhfa,
entitled Hashiya al-Madabighi, on which, al-Sharqawi (d. 1812), the famous rector of
al-Azhar, wrote yet another gloss, entitled Hashiya al-Sharqawi. This was published
in Cairo with a super-gloss by Shaykh al-Dhahabi.
220Eduard Sachau, Muhammedanisches Recht nach Shafiitischer Lehre (Stuttgart &

Berlin: W. Spemann, 1897).
221
The second group forms a cluster around the compendium by Abu Ishaq al-
Shirazi (d. 1083), entitled al-Tanbih, hence the Tanbih group. This book used to be
often cited, but nowadays is seldom studied. One of the important commentaries on
this book is written by al-Zarkashi (d. 1392).
The third group is based on the small compendium by Ahmad b. al-Husayn b.
Ahmad al-Isfahani, better known as Abu Shuja‘ (d. 1196), entitled al-Taqrib fi al-Fiqh
4ala Madhhab al-Imam al-ShafTi, or Mukhtasar ft al-Fiqh, or Ghaya al-Ikhti$ar. This
is the most succinct and elementary of all the manuals of the ShafTi school. The
compendium was very popular. Brockelmann lists as many as thirteen
commentaries,221 the most frequently cited of which was the commentary by
Muhammad Ibn Qasim al-Ghazzi (d. 1512), entitled Fath al-Qarib. In the Malay-
Indonesian world, this commentary was also known as Taqarrub or even Taqrib,222
which may be confused with the base text. Perhaps, people took only the tail of the
long title, Fath al-Qarib al-Mujib fi Sharh Alfaz al-Taqrib. As the descriptive title
shows, this is not an elaborate commentary; it focuses on grammatical and lexical
explanations in order to facilite the understanding of the text. In his glosses, Shaykh
Nawawi often cites other commentaries on the Taqrib, the one by Abu Bakr b.
Muhammad al-Hisni al-IJusayni (d. 1426), and that by al-Shirbini (d. 1569). With
- ‘GAL I: 492; GALS I: 676-677.
“ L. W. C. van den Berg, Fath al-Qarib: La Revelation de TOmnipresent.

Commentaire sur le Precis de Jurisprudence Musulmane d’Abou Chodja* par Ibn
Qasim al-Ghazzi (Leiden: Brill, 1894), vi.
222
respect to Ibn Qasim’s Fath al-Qarib, there are at least five known super-
commentaries: the first was written by Ahmad b. al-Qalyubi (d. 1658); the second
was composed by Ibrahim b. Muhammad al-Birmawi, Shaykh al-Azhar (d. 1694): the
third was written by Shaykh Ibrahim b. al-Bajuri (d. 1861), the famous Shaykh of al-
Azhar, and was reprinted many times at Bulaq; the fourth glossator was unknown, but
a copy of the gloss was listed in the Batavia Catalogue; and the fifth gloss was
written by none other than Shaykh Nawawi of Banten, entitled Qut al-Habib.
The fourth is the Minhaj group. The basis of this group is al-Muharrar by al-
RafTi (d. 1226). This work became famous in the hands of Muhyi al-Din al-Nawawi
(d. 1278), who wrote a commentary on it, entitled Minhaj al-Talibin, hence the
Minhaj group. This commentary eclipsed the position of al-RafiTs al-Muharrar
itself. Together with Ibn Qasim’s Fath al-Qarib above, al-Nawawi’s Minhaj al-
Talibin was the most often cited and used in the Malay-Indonesian world. This was
among the reasons the Dutch colonial government had both works translated.223 It
prompted more than thirty-one super-commentaries besides two precises with their
respective super-glosses.224 Four super-commentaries were popular: Mughni al-
Muhtaj by Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Khatfb al-Shirbini (d. 1570); Nihaya al-
Muhtaj li-sharh al-Minhaj by Shams al-Din Muhammad b. Hamza al-Ramli (1596);
^ F o r the translation of Abu Shuja‘’s Fath al-Qarib, see supra. L. W. C. van den
Berg also translated al-Minhaj al-Talibin into Le Guide des Zeles croyants (Batavia,
1914).
224GAL I: 496-498; GALS I: 680-682.
223
Tufrfat al-Muhtaj bi-Sharh al-Minhaj by Ibn Hajar al-Haythami (d. 1565); and Fath al-
Wahhab by Zakariyya al-Ansari (d. 1530). In addition to those three commentaries,
an abridged version of Minhaj al-Talibin entitled Manhaj al-Tullab by Zayn al-Din
Zakariya’ al-Ansari (d. 926/1520) was also popular. Indeed, in Shaykh Nawawi’s
glosses, most references to authorities go back to these four super-commentaries on
al-Minhaj al-Talibin. C. Snouck Hurgronje, in his review of Sachau’s
Muhammedanisches Recht nach Shafiitischer Lehre, stated that since the thirteenth
century al-RafiTs al-Mubarrar and Muhyi al-Din al-Nawawi’s al-Minhaj al-Talibin
were considered the most authoritive works within the Shafi‘i circles, but from the
sixteenth century onward, they were replaced by two glosses to the Minhaj, namely
al-Nihaya by al-Ramli and al-Tuhfa by al-Haythami.225
The fifth group consists of commentaries—and the glosses on these—on Qurra
al-’Ayn226 by Zayn al-Din b. Ghazzal b. Zayn al-Din ‘Abd Allah b. Ahmad al-
Malibari.227 We know two commentaries on Qurra al-’Ayn. The first is by Zayn
^ C . Snouck Hurgronje, "Muhammedanishes Recht nach Shafiitischer Lehre von

Eduard Sachau," ZGMD, 53 (1899): 142; see also his "Rapport over de
Mohammedaansche Godsdienstige Rechtspraak," Verspreide Geschriften, 4/1: 79-110.
~6Carl Brockelmann placed this treatise under the rubric for the Hanafi school of
law (GALS II: 604).
227This is the grandson of a sufi by the same name, Zayn al-Din b. ‘Abdallah b.
Ahmad al-Ma‘bari al-Malibari, who was bom in 1467 Kushan, became a student of
Ibn Hajar al-Makki, and died in 1522 in Fanan (GAL II: 287).
224
al-Din al-Malibari himself, entitled Fath al-Mu‘in.~8 It was written in 1574, so
Zayn al-Din was a contemporary to Ibn Hajar and al-Ramli,229 the main figures in
the Minhaj group above. There are several glosses on Fath al-Mu’in, of which the
most widely known in Indonesia is Tana al-Talibin by Abu Bakr b. Muhammad Shatta
al-Dimyati, a contemporary of Shaykh Nawawi of Banten. The second commentary
on the Qurra al‘Ayn is the Nihayat al-Zayn by Shaykh Nawawi of Banten.
The intertextuality map of the treatises of fiqh according to the Shafi’i school
is helpful to understand not only the significance of Shaykh Nawawi’s Qut al-Habib
al-Gharib and Nihayat al-Zayn, but also which "textual institutions" were in the
cultural landscape of the time. I have mentioned above that Shaykh Nawawi referred
to past authorities in fiqh, which belonged to the Taqrib or Abu Shuja‘ group and
particularly the Minhaj group. It is revealing that the main sources which Shaykh
Nawawi referred to in his Nihayat al-Zayn came from these two groups, namely,
Nihaya al-Muhtaj by al-Ramli, Tuhfat al-Muhtaj by Ibn Hajar al-Haythami, Fath al-
Jawad also by Ibn Hajar, Nihaya al-’Amal by Muhammad b. Ibrahim al-Dimyati, and
yet another al-Nihaya, a gloss on Abu Shuja1.230 This confirms the above
228Eduard Sachau has it the other way around and was corrected by Snouck
Hurgronje ("Sachau’s Muhammedanisches Recht," 144.) Fath al-Mu’in is still
popular in Indonesia and has been translated into Indonesian and reprinted many
times.
“ 9Snouck Hurgronje, "Sachau’s Muhammadanisches Recht nach Shafiitishe

Lehre," 144.
230Nihayat al-Zayn, 2.
mentioned claim by Snouck Hurgronje that since the sixteenth century, the Tuhfa of
Ibn Hajar and the Nihaya of al-Ramli became the authoritative references in Shafi‘i
circles.
With respect to Shaykh Nawawi’s Qut al-Habib al-Gharib, the title he chose
for his gloss on Fath al-Qarib, is worth noting. It suggests an association with Qut al-
Qulub by the sufi Abu Talib al-Makki (d. 996). Shaykh Nawawi himself belonged to
the Qadiriyya sufi order,231 but the works of tassawuf on which he chose to
comment belong to a more sober sufism, the so-called neo-sufism. For example, his
Maraqi al-‘Ubudiyya is a commentary on al-Ghazali’s Bidaya al-Hidaya, the
proponent of an ethical sufism. His Mirqat $u‘ud al-Ta§diq, al-Thimar al-Yani’a, and
Bahjat al-Wasa’il are commentaries on works that integrate basic elements of
dogmatics, ethical mysticism, and fiqh. Shaykh Nawawi also endorsed a pamphlet by
Sayyid ‘Uthman b. ‘Abd Allah b. ‘Aqil, a well known legal authority in Batavia,
entitled al-Na$iha al-Aniqa li al-Mutalabbisin bi al-Tariqa,232 in which Sayyid
^S ee his Bahjat al-Wasa’il, 2.
^Missives of the Government’s Secretary, 8-3-1886, no. 38/c, State Archives,

The Hague. This is a copy of Shaykh Nawawi’s note that was attached to a letter
from the Resident of Priangan, West Java, to the Governor-General. The Governor-
General was rather annoyed by the drive of K. F. Holle, the current advisor for
native affairs, against the growing influence of the Naqshbandiyya order in West
Java. Holle and his friend Muhammad Musa, the chief penghulu of Garut, spread the
anti-Nashbandi pamphlets of Sayyid ‘Uthman. Shaykh Nawawi wrote the note in
Arabic, and there was an introduction and an interlinear translation of the note in
Malay. I thank Martin van Bruinessen for the information regarding this note of
Shaykh Nawawi.
226
‘Uthman reprimanded Shaykh Isma‘il of Minangkabau for inviting people to join a
sufi order without knowing the proper conditions. Shaykh Nawawi reiterated that the
conduct and saying of those who join a sufi order have to remain in agreement with
the shari‘a. The actions of many followers of Shaykh Isma‘il of Minangkabau, such
as coercing dhikr, prohibiting communal prayer with those who do not join their
order, for example, were not acceptable. A fortiori, if behind all their anti-social
behaviors was a mundane objective, such as to collect money to pay off the Shaykh’s
own debt.
It is worth noting, however, that there was a versification of the Taqrib,
entitled Nihaya al-Tadrib fi Na?m al-Taqrib by Sharaf al-Din Yahya b. Nur al-Din al-
Tmriti (d. 1568). This was commented on by Ahmad b. TTijazi al-Fashni in a gloss,
entitled Tuhfa al-Habib.233 Whatever the case, the intertextuality of the title, Qut
al-Habib, is very clear. We will delve into this aspect of intertextuality of gloss and
its socio-semantic functions in the following chapter that deals with Shaykh Nawawi’s
Suluk al-Jadda.
^GALS I: 677.
227
CHAPTER FOUR
W r it in g as R e a d in g : R e a d i n g S h a y k h N a w a w i ’s S u l u k a l -J a d d a
Introduction
Once put into writing and made available for public consumption in printed
form, a text has a life of its own. It is then open to all possible interpretations by
readers who enter into a dialogue with the text, letting themselves be challenged,
cajoled, intrigued, confused, and impressed—in short, influenced by it.1 It is
impossible to recapture, even less re-create, the living setting, the original habitat in
which the text was alive in the interactions between the speaker and the audience, and
for that matter between Shaykh Nawawi and his students. Nevertheless, the act of
reading and re-reading Shaykh Nawawi’s composition may help trace the intention of
the speaker, the message he wished to convey to his audience, the values he hoped
they would appropriate.2
‘See for example Roland Barth, "The Death of the Author" in his Image, Music,
Text, translated by Stephen Heath (New York: Hill and Wang, 1985), 142-148.
2On the concept of interpretation as appropriation, see Paul Ricoeur, "What is a

Text? Explanation and Understanding," in his Hermeneutics and the Human
Sciences, edited and translated by John B. Thomson (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1983), 145-164.
228
The gloss literature we are about to re-read, Shaykh Nawawi’s Suluk al-Jadda,
has its own integrity and unity, and should be treated as such. It is possible,
however, to discern several textual layers within it. The first is the layer of the
original text of the author, namely Lum‘a Mufada fi Bayan al-Jum‘a wa al-Mu’ada by
Shaykh Salim b. Samir. It is physically marked, as printed, between brackets. The
second is the layer of the commentary by Shaykh Nawawi itself, which is all the rest
of the text outside the brackets, except for the material belonging to the editor and
publisher. This third layer is placed at the very end of the book, clearly separated
from the rest by a horizontal line. Within each layer, particularly the first and the
second layers, there are already many more sub-layers. These consist of different
texts taken from different sources, namely the Qur’an, the Hadith, and many
authorities of the past. Each layer thus represents a previous reading of other texts by
the respective authors of texts which he selected, excerpted, memorized, and then
integrated into his own text where appropriate. The same operation occurred at the
layer of the commentary of Shaykh Nawawi. It also resulted from his reading not
only the same texts of past authorities but also of the current text itself. It is possible
to re-read at the level of the first and the third layer independently. It is not,
however, always possible to do that at the level of the second layer, because the text
of Shaykh Nawawi’s commentary depends on the existence of the base text. So, as a
whole, the text as it stands looks like a hypertext that is bom from multiple interplays
between texts, cutting across history and tradition.
It is for this reason that the text contains so many repetitions and reiterations,
229
often word for word. For modern readers, particularly accustomed to the format of
modem "writing," this particular aspect of gloss literature may be tiresome. The
repetitions and the juxtaposition of cases and examples one after another are a
characteristic of gloss literature that defies abstraction. This is understandable only if
we consider that gloss literature used to live in a different habitat, namely in the oral-
aural setting. Since they did not have an overall understanding of the whole issue
from the beginning, the audience really needs these repetitions, reiterations, and
digressions. These are precisely what makes the text live.
The following re-reading of Shaykh Nawawi’s commentary Suluk al-Jadda has
two purposes in mind: first to introduce readers to what gloss literature really looks
like, how texts are knit together; how they come into multiple interplay among
themselves. The second is to show how gloss literature has become a unique locus
for students to come into contact with their religious heritage, through which they let
themselves be absorbed and integrated into it, and eventually implement it in their
own life by acting accordingly. Translating an excerpt from the text will serve to
make clear how a gloss helped students in understanding the text. It should dispel any
doubt about the utility of a gloss, which one might think could be dispensed with,
when the original texts have become widely available in print.
Our choice falls on Shaykh Nawawi’s commentary Suluk al-Jadda to represent
gloss literature for certain reasons. First, it is relatively short, only twenty-two pages
in all, and so a manageable size for a close treatment. Second, the subject matter,
Friday prayer, gives us an understanding of many aspects of the Muslim people, as
230
individuals as well as a community among many religious communities. Friday
prayer, as the text claims, "is among the greatest symbols of Islam." Still fresh in
our memory is how Friday prayer became a rallying point for and played an
important role in the Palestinian intifada. We can understand, therefore, how Friday
prayer has a powerful social and political potential for the Muslim people. Another
important aspect of this commentary, particularly within the purview of this current
study, is that gloss literature is not a text that hangs ahistorically, but it deals with
real concerns of the Muslim people—in this case with the people in Shaykh Nawawi’s
home country.
Shaykh Nawawi of Banten may have learned how Friday prayer became a
heated issue in his home country in relation to the construction of a new assembly
mosque. It is recommended that Friday prayer be held in an assembly mosque,
where available. Therefore an assembly mosque becomes an important symbol for a
village, for "no negeri [village] is considered complete without a mosque. Free
citizens of a negeri would not like to use an alien negeri’s mosque for their Friday
prayers, except on such occasions when they were in a negeri other than their own."3
According to the most accepted view in the Shafi‘i school, among the pre-conditions
for a valid performance of Friday prayer are that it be held by the local residents of
the "village" and that no other Friday prayer has been performed previously at the
3H. W. Bachtiar, "Negeri Taram: A Minangkabau Village Community," in

Villages in Indonesia, edited by Koentjaraningrat (Ithaca: Cornell University Press,
1967), 362. See also NN, "De Masdjid’s en Inlandsche Godsdienstscholen in de
Padangsche Bovenlanden door een Maleier in het Hollandsch beschreven," De
Indishce Gids 10, 1 (1888): 312-333.
231
same "village" on that Friday. In the nineteenth century, West Sumatra witnessed
many disputes resulting from local conflicts around the building of a new assembly
mosque. These often drew the direct intervention of the Dutch government into the
regions.4
Disputes erupted in Suliki in the district of Payakumbuh and in Palembang
around the construction of a new assembly mosque. The tension resulted in a quarrel
between the functionaries of the old mosque and the new one. Socio-economic
factors seemed to be involved, since functionaries of the old mosque were afraid of
losing their prestige and influence in the community and thus their income. Other
causes of the dispute were jealousy among religious leaders or chiefs, sometimes
conflicts between villages, and at still other times strife between different doctrinal
factions within the local community. An assembly mosque where Friday prayer was
performed became the symbol of the establishment of a new independent village. The
com m unal conflict invited the intervention of the local Dutch administration and an
indirect confrontation between a leading authority in Islamic law in Batavia, Sayyid
‘Uthman Yabya b. ‘Aqil, and the controversial scholar bom in Minangkabau and
resident in Mecca, Shaykh Ahmad Khatib of Minangkabau.5 In his polemic with
4Ch. O. van der Plas, "Geschillen over Meervoudigheid van Vrijdagsdiensten,"

Koloniaal Tijdschrift 22 (1933): 606-610. H. T. Damste, "Instellingen van een tweede
Sidang Djoema’at, Koloniaal Tijdschrift 7, 2 (1917): 1600-1602.
5On this dispute see Ph. S. van Ronkel, "De twee moskeeen en de Adat,"
Koloniaal Tijdschrift 6, 2 (1917): 1589-1599. Ch. O. van der Plas, "Geschillen over
Meervoudigheid van Vrijdagsdiensten," Koloniaal Tijdschrift 22 (1933): 606-610. H.
T. Damste, "Instellingen van een tweede Sidang Djoema’at, Koloniaal Tijdschrift 7, 2
(1917): 1600-1602. P. J. Veth, "Het Vrijdag-gebed in eene Mesdjid op Sumatra’s
232
Sayyid ‘Uthman, Shaykh Ahmad al-Khatib of Minangkabau wrote two small treatises.
The first is Sulh al-Jama‘atayn bi-Jawaz Ta‘addud al-Jum‘atayn, in which, as the title
shows, he defended the validity of the performance of two Friday prayers and helped
reconcile two factions in the dispute.6 The second is entitled Ithbat al-Zayn al-Sulh
al-Jama‘atayin bi-Jawaz Ta‘addud al-Jum‘atayn fi al-Radd ‘ala al-Kitab al-Musamma
Taftih al-Maqalatayn, in which he reiterated the position that he took in his previous
treatise against Sayyid ‘Uthman’s Taftih al-Maqalatayn.7
Similar disputes occurred in Panijauan, in the district of Enam-Kota,8 and in
Kota Dalam in Lubak Taruk, West Sumatra.9 In Banjar, Kalimantan, Friday prayer
also became a public issue. It was reported that the Sultan of Banjar had a policy of
fining his Muslim subjects who neglected Friday prayer. Shaykh Muhammad Arshad
Westkust," Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch-Indie 4, 1 (1870):118-123, and NN, "De

Masdjid’s en Inlandsche Godsdienstscholen in de Padangsche Bovenlanden door een
Maleier in het Hollandsch beschreven," De Indishce Gids 10, 1 (1888): 312-333.
6This treatise was printed in 1312 H in Mecca. In this edition, there were printed
on the margins three treatises of a related issue. The first two were written by a
teacher-scholar in Mecca, Shaykh Abu Bakr b. Sayyid Muhammad al-Shana: Shurut
al-Jam‘iyya and Jawaz al-‘Amal bi al-Qawl al-Qadim li al-Imam al-Shafi‘t. As we
will see in the discussion on Friday prayer in this section, the performance of Friday
prayer by fewer than forty people is permitted on the ground of an earlier teaching of
al-Shafi‘i. And the third treatise is entitled Nur al-Lum‘a fi Khaga’is al-Jum‘a by al-
Suyutf (see Sarkis, 386).
7Akhria Nazwar, Syekh Ahman Khatib: Umuwan Islam di Permulaan Abad Ini
(Jakarta: Pustaka Panjimas, 1983), 32.
8P. J. Veth, "Het Vrijdag-gebed in eene Mesdjid op Sumatra’s Westkust,"

Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch-Indie 4, 1 (1870): 118-123.
9H. T. Damste, "Instellingen van een tweede Sidang Djoema’at, Koloniaal

Tijdschrift 7, 2 (1917): 1600-1602.
233
al-Banjari asked the opinion of his teacher in Mecca, Sulayman al-Kurdi, on this
matter.10 In Java, it is reported that Hajji Ahmad Ripangi of Kalisalak (d. 1875) was
so adamant about enforcing the conditions, that he declared the performance of Friday
prayer in his village as invalid on the ground that there were less than forty people
present. He went so far as to disrupt the gathering of people who held Friday prayer,
and his actions cost him a term in jail in Wonosobo, Central Java and finally a
banishment to Ambon, East Indonesia.11 But, the reason for his exile was most
probably his opinion that Friday prayer performed in the mosques built by the Dutch
colonial government was invalid, and that all religious officials were sinners, because
they collaborated with an infidel government.12
Within the context of these disputes, the commentary of Shaykh Nawawi on Friday
prayer, Suluk al-Jadda, was without doubt relevant for the people in his home
country, particularly Java, as will be noted in the text itself.
The author of the original text
The author of the base text that Shaykh Nawawi comments upon is Shaykh
10Azra, "Transmission of Islamic Reformism to Indonesia," 505.
uOn Haji Ahmad Ripangi from Kalisalak, see Karl Steenbrink, Beberapa Aspek
tentang Islam di Indonesia Abad ke-19 (Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1984), 101-116. On
his quarrel involving his view on Friday prayer, ibid, 108-109.
12Muhlisin Sa‘ad, "al-Naz‘ah al-Kharijiyyah fi Afkari wa Harakati al-Shaykh

Ahmad Rifa‘i bi Kali Salak," Studia Islamika 2, 2 (1995): 135.
234
Salim b. Samir [or Sumayr].13 He was among the last wave of Hadrami immigrants
who settled in Batavia.14 He was bom in al-Hadri and resided in al-Shihri.15 For
several years he stayed in Singapore, then in 1851 he moved to Batavia where he
settled as a religious teacher while still carrying on with his trade. His anti-mysticism
stance often involved him in disputes with local religious teachers. He remained in
Batavia until he died in 1854; he was buried in Tanah Abang cemetery.16
Shaykh Salim wrote several treatises. One of them was Safina al-Naja’ fi U$ul
al-Din wa al-Fiqh, written in 1269 H (1840) in Singapore,17 which we have
discussed elsewhere in this study.18 The second is the present treatise on Friday
prayer. As its title suggests, the work, Lum‘a al-Mufada fi Bayan al-Jum‘a wa al-
Mu‘ada, deals with issues surrounding the validity of the performance of a
congregational Friday prayer. We have not been able to find any report about the
13There has been some uncertainty about his full name. Brockelmann has it Salim
b. ‘Ali b. Sa‘id Samir al-Khudri (GAL II: 500; GAS II: 812). "al-Khudri" must have
been a misprint for "al-Hadri" which means "of Hadramawt." L. W. C. Van den
Berg has it Salim b. ‘Abdallah b. Somair (Le Hadramout et les colonies arabes dan
rArchipel Indien [Batavia, 1886], 164).
14About the Hadrami immigrants to Java in the nineteenth century see van den
Berg, Le Hadramaout, Chapter I and Karel A. Steenbrink, Beberapa Aspek tentang
Islam di Indonesia Abad ke-19 (Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1984), 128-138.
15Suluk al-Jadda, 2.
16Brockelmann’s note that he was still active in 1277/1860 in Mecca (GAS II:
812) is probably incorrect. See van den Berg, Le Hadramaout, 164.
17See Sayyid ‘Uthman, Al-Nasiha al-Aniqa li al-Mutalabbisin bi al-Tariqa (MS

Royal University Library, Leiden), 2.
18See Chapter II, Section 3, b, 2.
235
popularity of this treatise in the Archipelago. There are, however, internal indications
that Shaykh Nawawi had the people of Java in mind when writing his commentary on
it.
Overview of the original text
A reading at the level of the original text reveals a discourse that has its own
structure. After an exordium, the description of its title and the reason for its
composition, the text deals with a number of issues closely related to the performance
of Friday prayer. It starts with the scriptural foundation for the obligation of Friday
prayer, its merits, and the consequences that the incumbents would face if they
neglect it. To be validly performed, Friday prayer requires certain pre-conditions.
The text distinguishes two kinds of conditions, shurut al-wujub and shurut al-gihha.
Both are conditiones ad validitatem, pre-conditions for the validity of Friday prayer.
Shurut al-wujub refer to the qualifications by virtue of which a person becomes
legally obligated to perform Friday prayer. Thus, this type of condition points to the
categories of persons upon whom the obligation of Friday prayer fall. They are seven
in number: being "muslim (islam), mature (bulugh), mentally capable (‘aql), male
(dhukur), free (hurriyya), healthy (sihha), and resident (iqama)." The shurut al-sihha,
on the other hand, refer to several material as well as formal procedures governing
the performance of Friday prayer itself. They are six in number: first, that it be
performed at a specific time of the day, namely at noon prayer time, on Friday;
second, that it be preceded by two sermons; third, that the sermons themselves meet
236
five procedural conditions; fourth, that it be held on a piece of land where the local
residents live; fifth, that no other Friday prayer be held at that same location that day;
sixth, that it be performed in an assembly; and seventh, that a minimum quorum be
present. Opinions differ among scholars as to the minimum number of the quorum
itself. The most accepted view among the Shafi‘is, however, is forty.
We notice that the six conditions of the shurut al-§ihba are listed one after
another, without any attempt to reach a hierarchical ordering. A western
systematization would distinguish between formal procedures and material
procedures, and put one item subordinate to another. This serial, or linear, listing
throughout the text in which cases and examples are juxtaposed one after another,
almost defying any abstraction, permits room for maneuver while remaining within
the bounds of validity.
A fairly long digression deals with the proper recitation of the Fatiha of the
Qur’an, which is crucial in Friday prayer as it is in other obligatory prayers. It
actually defines the literacy of a person. The long discussion on the proper recitation
of the Fatiha is understandable, since it is a major problem for non-Arabic speaking
Muslims. After this long digression, the text deals with the problem of whether or
not the congregation should perform noon prayer right after Friday prayer, when the
validity of the Friday prayer itself, for one reason or another, has been compromised.
The most crucial point is the quorum requirement. Scholars, even within the
ShafTi school, disagree among themselves. The author of the original text, Salim b.
Sumayr, presents three transmissions (naql) that he quotes from previous authorities.
237
Then, he concludes with a legal opinion (fatwa) encouraging people to perform Friday
prayer, even if they must have recourse to a less solidly grounded legal basis.
In the following pages, the gloss text of Suluk al-Jadda will be presented in
three different formats. The first part describes the interplay between the original or
base text and the commentary of Shaykh Nawawi, how the latter is weaved into the
former, thus forming a new entity, namely the gloss, Suluk al-Jadda, itself. In the
process, the act of describing the gloss is in itself the writing of another gloss on the
original gloss; thus, they contain repetitions, reiterations, overviews, and summaries.
The second part below offers a word-for-word translation of the first transmission
regarding the quorum for Friday prayer. The commentary of Shaykh Nawawi is
displayed as "footnotes" to the base text. This format helps us see a gloss as an
annotated edition of a text that guides students to understand the text. The third part
is a translation of the base text which deals with the second and third transmission, or
lists of authorities, on the quorum of Friday prayer. This format helps us to
understand the notion and meaning of authority in a text; how a text consists of layers
of authorities; how gloss represents still another layer of authority; and how a
glossator places himself in that chain of traditional authorities, uninterrupted from the
past to the present.
Into the text of Suluk al-Jadda
1. Exordium (SJ: 2)
"Praise be to God who commands us to perform Friday prayer in an assembly.
I praise Him, the Exalted and Most High, who gives us the honor of being
included in a community that God considers the best, according to the verse
"You are the best community" [Q. 3: 110]. I thank Him for enjoining us at all
times to carry out the teaching of the great authorities of the past (al-'ulama’
al-a’imma). Prayer and peace be upon the greatest of all prophets, our master
Muhammad, who said "Divergence of opinion in my community is a
blessing"; and upon his family who lived within the upright religious
community; and upon his companions, who defeated his enemies with sharp
swords; and upon his followers who conquer them with virtue until the day of
judgment."
If there is a place in gloss literature where one might find "original" ideas of
the writer within the constraints of the tradition, it is frequently in the exordium.19
An exordium usually contains three formulaic statements common to all, namely, the
basmala (invocation of the name of God), the hamdala, the praise to God, and the
shahadatayn, the twin professions of Islamic faith. Within the constraints of these
conventional formulae, Shaykh Nawawi prepares the audience for the subject matter
19See also Shaykh Nawawi’s exordium of his Kashf al-Murutiyya, a commentary

on Arabic grammar that has been discussed supra (Chapter 3, Section 1,3).
239
that follows by pointing to some specific aspects or actions of God, the Prophet, his
companions, and his followers in the past that touch on the theme of the treatise.
Thus, Shaykh Nawawi describes the content of the text he is commenting upon
that deals with Friday prayer and places the act of worship within the purview of a
divine command (amr). Friday prayer, Shaykh Nawawi reminds the audience and
readers, derives from God "who commands the performance of Friday prayer in an
assembly (alladhi amarana bi-iqamati al-jama‘a wa al-junfa). By playing with the
words "al-jam ay and "al-jum‘a, " Shaykh Nawawi already from the outset condenses
the issues raised in the text. It is about the congregational performance of Friday
prayer in and as a community, in contrast to other prayers that may be performed
individually. The performance of Friday prayer, among other rituals, gives a
distinctive character to the Islamic community apart from the other religious
communities. Shaykh Nawawi praises God for choosing him and his fellow believers
to be part of this community, for it is, as he cites, the "best community that has ever
been raised from among people (Q. 3: 110)." In the last phrase in God’s praise, this
time without giving an authority in support, Shaykh Nawawi contends that it is
incumbent upon the Muslims to ponder and follow the teaching of the previous
scholars on the performance of Friday prayer.
Opinions of scholars in the past often differ. Shaykh Nawawi cautions the
audience that variant opinions that the text will offer should not be considered a sign
of weakness on the part of the Islamic community. On the contrary, the divergence
of opinions among earlier scholars on the performance of Friday prayer is a blessing
240
to the community. It is only natural that at this point Shaykh Nawawi extend the
formulaic statement about the prophet Muhammad by recalling the most quoted
prophetic hadith about divergence within the Islamic community.
The descriptive statements about the family of the Prophet, his companions,
and his followers share the same spirit of jihad, physical or spiritual. The
companions of the prophet (sahaba) did it with their swords; the Prophet’s family by
faithfully abiding within the upright religious community; and the followers (tabi’un)
by their religious virtues. Thus, within the constraints of the formulaic structure of
an exordium, Shaykh Nawawi calls for the same attitude on the part of the audience,
namely that they make efforts and strive (ijtahada) in following the teachings of the
earlier scholars, here to fulfill the obligation of performing Friday prayer in an
assembly.
2. Title and purpose (SJ: 2)
Shaykh Nawawi’s Suluk al-Jadda is a commentary (sharb) on a small treatise
(risala) entitled Lum‘a al-Mufada fi Bayan al-Jum‘a wa al-Mu‘ada and ascribed to the
distinguished scholar Shaykh Salim b. Sumayr al-Hadri. Shaykh Nawawi offers
historical pointers about the author. He used to live in al-Shabra, that is, as Shaykh
Nawawi explains later in his commentary, "Shahra ‘Uman, a small village in coastal
‘Uman between ‘Uman and Aden (SJ: 3)" and he was buried in Batavia.
What Shaykh Nawawi had in mind when writing this commentary on Friday
241
prayer and some related issues is clear from the long title of the commentary, namely,
"to eliminate the ignorance and intransigence of some who want to perform Friday
prayer followed by noon prayer (izalatu al-?ulma wa al-mu‘anada li-man raghiba Fi
iqamati al-jum’a ma‘a al-i‘ada)."
3. Commentary on the exordium of the original text (SJ: 2-3)
On the formulaic basmala. Shaykh Salim, the author of the text, begins his
composition by invoking God, "I begin my composition in the name of God."
Shaykh Nawawi says, that is because no enterprise should start without first invoking
the names of God. He links the invocation of three names of God, namely "Allah,"
"the Compassionate," and "the Merciful" to the three categories of people mentioned
in Q. 35:32, "Of them some wrong themselves, some of them are lukewarm, and
some are outstrippers in good works." Shaykh Nawawi interprets the verse to mean,
"I am God whom those outstrippers in good deeds worship; I am the Compassionate
to those who are lukewarm; and I am the Merciful to those who wrong themselves."
To the rest of God’s praise, Shaykh Nawawi simply provides some clarifications on
points of grammar, particularly the antecedents to which personal pronouns refer—a
very important help for his students—and explains the words with different words or
phrases. He constantly precedes the explanation with the word "ay," "that is, in other
words."
On the first part of the formulaic tashahhud, the formulaic professions of faith.
The base text reads "I profess that there is no divinity but Allah, alone; and He is
242
without partner (wafrdahu wa la sharika lahu)." Explaining the phrase "alone without
partner" as a grammatical "bal," Shaykh Nawawi takes the opportunity to introduce
the students to some debates among theologians in the past by calling for support
from the authority of al-Sharqawi. This authority, one of the most frequently called
upon by Shaykh Nawawi in this commentary and others, contends that the word
"alone" refers to the unicity of God’s being (dhat) in refutation of the dualists,
whereas the words "without partner" refer to the unity of His actions (af‘al), in
refutation of the Mu‘tazilites. It is only at the end of this explanation that the
audience is notified that it is quoted from al-Sharqawi. However, the way the
commentary goes as a running text, it is not clear where the reference to al-Sharqawi
actually starts, although we know where it ends from the indication, "end of
quotation" (intaha). This method of quoting authorities occurs very often in the
commentary as well as in the base text. This practice is not surprising, since texts
are memorized in units which have boundaries, transmitted oral-aurally with inflection
and intonation indicating the beginning and the end of a unit. However, when the
memorized text is put into written form, the demarcated memory units are not always
enclosed between quotation marks.
The second part of the formulaic tashahhud contains the salutation on the
Prophet, his family, his companions. The text describes Muhammad as "the one who
was sent with clear proofs (al-mab’uth bi-l-ayat al-bayyinat)." Shaykh Nawawi refers
the phrase to the virtues (fada’il) and miracles (mu‘jizat) that confirm Muhammad’s
prophethood. As for the explanation of "the family of the prophet," Shaykh Nawawi
243
refers to them as all believers, even if they are sinners, according to the hadith that
says "the family of Muhammad are all those who fear God." On the other hand, the
phrase "his companions" is given a standard explanation: "those who lived during the
time of the prophet, believed in him and died in the Islamic faith."
4. Commentary on the purpose of the text (SJ: 3)
The author of the original text, Shaykh Salim, explains the background for
writing his treatise, saying that "some friends asked about the rules on performing
Friday prayer in this village and country (al-qura wa al-buldan) and the many
opinions on this issue among the people of learning of the time in our country.
Oman." It is a commonplace literary device for an author to claim that he wrote a
book, or a treatise in response to questions people asked. In this commentary of
Shaykh Nawawi itself, we will come across authors who claimed to have written their
treatises in response to people’s demands. Shaykh Nawawi does not elaborate which
"village and country" Shaykh Salim is referring to, which could have been helpful in
identifying the historical context. However, based on the fact that the author of the
original text lived in Batavia, and from the fact that the people of Java (ahl al-Jawa)
are mentioned in the text (SJ: 13), "the village and country" refers most likely to
Batavia and Java. The real reasons Shaykh Salim wrote his treatise was most
probably his concern that someone had misled people who are ignorant of the rulings
on Friday prayer, and thus put them and the community as a whole in serious danger.
In the middle of the treatise, Shaykh Salim writes, "it is clear that no one may
244
forbid—as one has done in our days—people of that village from performing Friday
prayer, which is obligatory, and then command them to perform noon prayer instead,
on the ground that Friday prayer is invalid, if not all those forty persons are capable
of reciting the Fatifra properly. That prohibition would put them into some danger:
neglecting Friday prayer ad infinitum; making the illiterate think that their prayers
other than Friday prayer are valid, when they are actually not; disregarding the
learned scholars who hold that Friday prayer is valid for them. According to the
consensus, disregarding them is a serious sin; others evils, such as enmity,
disharmony among the inhabitants of the village because their Friday prayer has
become invalid, and denouncing great scholars of the past. That person is the origin
of all those evils—We take refuge from God’s wrath and the temptations to our soul,
and from the devil." (SJ: 9]
When commenting on the word "‘Uman," Shaykh Nawawi cautions the
audience that it should not be confused with the city ‘Amman in Syria (present-day
Jordan). This digression is very helpful for Shaykh Nawawi’s audience, for
"‘Uman" and "‘Amman" are written in Arabic in the same notation and he realized
that Jawi students unfamiliar with the geography of the region might be confused.
The author of the original text, Shaykh Salim, apologizes to the people that
what he wrote consists of nothing new, but is a review and repetition of opinions of
the scholars of the past. Therefore, he asks for God’s help in delivering a sound
teaching to meet the demand of the people and their expectation and admits that he is
not knowledgeable in this matter. This self deprecation is commonplace and almost
245
formulaic in much gloss literature. Shaykh Nawawi also engages in it in many of his
commentaries.
5. The obligatory character of Friday prayer, its meaning and scriptural foundation,
and the call to prayer (SJ: 3)
Shaykh Salim, the author of the original text, begins with a prayer of thanks to
God for helping him and his fellow believers follow the correct surma, and a prayer
that they be protected from heresy (bid‘a). Then he states that "Friday prayer is a
duty incumbent upon every individual, if the conditions are m et." Shaykh Nawawi
glosses the different opinions regarding the reason behind the name of Jum'a. Some
said it was the day when God created Adam; others said it was the day when God
rested after creating all things and then all creation assembled (jama’u), and still
others said it was the day when people assembled for prayer.
Friday prayer, the author of the base text continues, is among the greatest
symbols of the religion of Islam. The Qur’an and the prophetic hadith confirm its
merits. Shaykh Nawawi does not provide the relevant Quranic citation, because the
base text itself will mention it, although he supplies a related hadith that praises the
merits of Friday. The base text then mentions the Qur’anic foundation for Friday
prayer in Q. 62: 9 "Believers, when you are summoned to Friday prayer, hasten to
the remembrance of Allah and cease your trading." Shaykh Nawawi simply provides
other words to elucidate the words of the Qur’an to better understand its meaning.
246
Shaykh Nawawi’s commentary points to the time when someone hears the call
to prayer (adhan) and digresses on a discussion of this call to prayer. During the time
of the prophet, following a hadith, the call to prayer was made once only. Then
during the time of ‘Uthman it came to be three times, because the number of the
believers grew and they lived far apart.
Of interest is Shaykh Nawawi’s explanation of how he deduces the obligatory
character of Friday prayer. The Qur’anic verse uses the imperative form of the verb
"to hasten" (fa-sa’u). If people are commanded to hasten, then to hasten is
obligatory; all the more so is Friday prayer, which is the purpose for which people
hasten. Besides, trading in itself is a neutral act (mubah) and a neutral act cannot be
forbidden, unless for something obligatory, which is Friday prayer.
6 . The consequence of neglecting Friday prayer
The obligatory character of Friday prayer, continues the original author of the
text, derives from a prophetic hadith in which the prophet said, "God enjoined on you
the performance of Friday prayer on such and such day, place, and time in my life
time; whoever neglects it during my life time or after my death, and there is a just
leader and neighbors with no valid excuse, God’s blessing will not be on him and He
will not gather him on the last day. His pilgrimage will be void, so is his fasting; but
whoever repents, God will turn to him. ”
Shaykh Nawawi clarifies some points in the hadith that are not immediately
clear to the audience, namely why neglecting Friday prayer would annul his
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pilgrimage and fasting. He explains that this is because prayer sums up all acts of
worship, one of them being jihad. Someone who performs a prayer performs a jihad
(yujahidu) against two enemies, himself and the devil. Someone who performs a
prayer does not eat nor drink, which is an act of fasting. In addition to fasting,
someone who prays also is in personal converse with the Lord. Pilgrimage is a visit
to God’s house, so performing a prayer is greater than a pilgrimage, since when
praying, the person visits the Lord of the house Himself. Shaykh Nawawi plays with
the words "the house of God" and "the Lord of the house." For this statement he
quotes the Qur’anic verse (Q. 96: 19) "Prostrate yourself, and draw near [to God]."
With this explanation, Shaykh Nawawi makes the students understand the hadith
quoted in the text, and he provides a variant of the hadith, preceded by an isnad.
The author of the original author quotes another hadith that warns those who
neglect Friday prayer, "Whoever neglects Friday prayer three times without valid
reasons, God leaves a mark on his heart." Shaykh Nawawi provides a variant reading
(laf? akhar) to the hadith. In place of "God leaves a mark in his heart," the variant
reads "Islam is snatched from behind him."
All of a sudden we are notified by the author of the base text that everything
he said is a quotation from Tafsir al-Kirmani. The readers would not know when and
where the quotation actually starts, only where it ends. Modern readers, of course,
can look up the original reference, if available, but for Shaykh Nawawi and his
students, this is not their concern. The text, as it stands, flows smoothly as a well-
knit unity, traversing different texts intertextually through time and space.
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7. Conditions for the validity of Friday prayer
After stating the foundation of Friday prayer in the Qur’an and Hadith, the
author of the original text proceeds to a discussion of the persons upon whom it is
incumbent to perform Friday prayer. Friday prayer is incumbent only upon those
who meet the conditions (shurut al-wujub), while a valid performance requires that
the prayer meet specific conditions (shurut al-gihha).
The shurut al-wujub refer to a number of qualifications by virtue of which a
person becomes legally required to perform Friday prayer. They are seven in
number, namely "being muslim (islam), mature (bulugh), mentally capable (‘aql),
male (dhukur), free (burriyya), in good health (sihha), and resident in a place
(iqama)."
The first three, Shaykh Nawawi comments, are conditions for any act of
worship. He adds that if someone temporarily loses his sanity, his consciousness, or
is drunk, and then recovers, he should make up the prayer. With regard to the
condition for being settled (rasikh), Shaykh Nawawi considers that a person staying in
a place as little as four full days has fulfilled the requirement of residency. It does
not matter if the area is extensive so that some of the inhabitants do not hear the call,
or if he is not actually settled in that place, or is not someone who would make up the
legally required minimum number of forty. If he is the last, Shaykh Nawawi might
have argued, he is all the more bound to perform Friday prayer. Shaykh Nawawi’s
interpretation of "residence" is so broad that he almost contradicts the meaning of
residency altogether.
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The author of the original text, Shaykh Salim, ends the discussion, saying that
if one of those seven conditions is lacking, then the person is not obliged to perform
Friday prayer. But, there are still many cases left out. Shaykh Nawawi calls for the
opinion of al-Ramli whose doctrine is that the blind, and the senile who are still
capable of standing on their own, are obliged to perform Friday prayer.
It is also the obligation of the ruler to command minors, those who have not
reached their age of maturity, to attend Friday prayer and other obligatory acts of
worship. Exception is made for those who are really incapable of managing
themselves, for example those not able to stand on their own or enter the mosque
without fear of soiling it. For such reason, they are even forbidden to enter a
mosque. Someone in charge of preparing a burial is also excused from Friday
prayer. He needs to take care of the deceased immediately, for fear of deterioration
and corruption of the body.
Three authorities are called upon, namely Shams al-Din Muhammad b. Hamza
al-Ramli (1004/1596), Shaykh ‘Izz al-Din b. ‘Abd al-Salam, and al-Hi$ni. It is
difficult to identify the last two. Usually Shaykh Nawawi uses the title Shaykh for
someone he knew directly as his teacher, or indirectly from another authority he was
acquainted with. Al-Hisni is perhaps Muhammad al-Hisni, the author of Kifayatu al-
Akhyar and Qami‘ al-Nufus, whom Shaykh Nawawi refers to many times in his
Mirqat $u‘ud al-Ta$diq.
It is noteworthy that the interpretation goes case by case, without any attempt
to arrive at an abstraction, or formulate a general rule that governs many cases. The
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case by case method is evident from the constant use of the particles wa law, in lam,
and idha.
8. Conditions for the valid performance of Friday prayer (SJ: 5-6)
According to the author of the original text, there are six conditions for the
valid performance of Friday prayer:
8.1 That it occurs at the time for noon prayer, not before nor after. Clear as
it is, this statement still opens many possible questions. Since the noon prayer
occupies a certain slot of time, one may ask what if Friday prayer begins not exactly
at the beginning of that time slot, but still within it? Shaykh Nawawi explains that
performing Friday prayer after the time for noon prayer has no foundation in the
practice of the Prophet nor of his companions. He then mentions the difference of
opinion between al-Ramli (d. 1004/1596) and Ibn Hajar al-Haythami (d. 1565).
Contrary to Ibn Hajar, al-Ramli considers Friday prayer is validly performed when
preceded by an intention to perform Friday prayer when the noon prayer time has not
elapsed; otherwise the act of worship is considered to be noon prayer only.
8.2 That it be preceded by two sermons. Shaykh Nawawi brings in the
authority of al-Sharqawi.
8.3 These sermons must contain five necessary elements. This statement is
very brief indeed. Shaykh Nawawi spells those elements out. Three elements should
occur in both sermons, namely, the formulaic invocations (lafr) of praise to God
(hamdala), of prayer and salutation to the prophet (salawat al-nabi), and an
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exhortation to fear God. The fourth element is a reading from a Qur’anic verse that
people understand in one of the sermons, preferably in the first. And the last element
is prayer for the believers, male and female in the second sermon.
8.4 That it be performed on a piece of land, a village (balad) or a small village
(qarya). Shaykh Nawawi explains that customarily (‘urf), this means a place where a
group of buildings or houses stand, or in between them. The difference between the
terms balad and qarya might not be clear to the students; therefore, Shaykh Nawawi
explains, following Ibn Mulaqqan, that a balad is larger than a qarya. It seems that
Shaykh Nawawi always tries to support his statements with an authority, because
teaching means passing on tradition from a past generation to the next. The technical
terms used are the verbs naqala 'an, afada, and §arraha, mashiya fi.
The author of the original text, Salim b. Sumayr, precludes Friday prayer for
people inhabiting tents in the desert. Tents might be foreign to some students of
Shaykh Nawawi, so he explains that tents are made of cloth or the like. A tent is not
a building, so Shaykh Nawawi tries to follow the argument of the author. But, again
on the authority of al-Sharqawi, Shaykh Nawawi argues that if the people living in
tents are associated with a mosque and the tents become part of a village, then Friday
prayer is valid in that place. Here once again we find Shaykh Nawawi extending an
interpretation of a text in such a way that he arrives at a different conclusion without
contradicting it. It becomes clear now that it is not the material of which the housing
is made that matters, but rather the ability of the inhabitants to hear the call to prayer.
For Shaykh Nawawi, calling on the authority of al-Shafi‘i, Ahmad, and Ishaq, the
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Beduin are to perform Friday prayer if they hear the call to prayer from the location
in which Friday prayer is to be performed. He goes even further when he says that
the call to prayer has to be heard clearly as a crisp voice and there is no wind
blowing.
The issue here is distance. Shaykh Nawawi refers to the Tafsir al-Sharqawi
that contains different opinions from past authorities regarding the distance separating
the location of the Friday prayer and those who hear the call to prayer: for al-Zuhri it
is six miles; for Rabi‘a four miles; for Malik and al-Layth three miles; whereas for
Abu Hanifa the Beduin are not obliged to perform Friday prayer, no matter how far
or near the village where Friday prayer is to be performed.
Shaykh Nawawi’s commentary shows how gloss offers the glossator room for
expressing his own views, making choices, and stating his conclusions. In support of
his arguments he taps into the wide array of views of past authorities within his own
tradition or school.
8.4 That no other Friday prayer has been performed for that day in that
village, except if it is difficult to attend. Then another Friday prayer is permitted.
The exception is expected to engender long commentary, since it touches the main
subject of the treatise itself. That is, Friday prayer, as mentioned above, is one of
the symbols of the unity of the community. Multiplication of Friday prayer in one
location could signal a division within the community.
Shaykh Nawawi first mentions several cases: the place cannot accommodate
the number of people who come together; war prevents people from gathering in one
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place; the village is so remote that people do not hear the call to prayer; or so far
away that, even when people leave home right after the morning prayer, they would
not arrive in time for Friday prayer. Shaykh Nawawi then enumerates the opinions of
past authorities on the reasons for permitting another Friday prayer: Ibn Qasim, al-
Ziyadi, al-Sharqawi, al-Shaykh al-Khatib, Ibn ‘Abd al-Haqq. (SJ: 5)
Shaykh Nawawi continues to elaborate on the rules of ta‘addud, performing an
additional Friday prayer in the same locality. If the additional Friday prayer occurs
after the imam of the (First) Friday prayer enters the state of sacralization (ihram),
that is, the moment when the sound of "r" of the takbir of the leader of Friday prayer
or his repetiteur has elapsed, then some scholars are of the opinion that additional
Friday prayer is not valid. Others say that, if in the middle of the village runs a
river, then on both sides of the river Friday prayer is valid. If the villages are
separated from one another, and so are the buildings, each village can have a separate
Friday prayer. Shaykh Nawawi explains the origin of the difference of opinion in the
silence of al-Shafi‘i, when he entered Baghdad where he witnessed people performing
two Friday prayers. There are three explanations for the silence of Shafi‘i on this
issue. The first, and the best, is that his silence was based on the difficulty of people
gathering in one place. Second, it was based on the argument that "a mujtahid does
not contradict another." It is to be recalled that Abu Hanifa sanctioned multiple
performance of Friday prayer. Third, it was due to a river cutting through the
village. Fourth, it was because the city of Baghdad used to consist of many villages
that later became united.
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8.5 That it be performed in an assembly; it is not permissible to perform
Friday prayer individually. Shaykh Nawawi explains that there is no scriptural or
traditional foundation for individual performance of Friday prayer. Therefore, it is
recommended that the imam not extend the gap between the Jhram. Different
opinions were expressed among scholars on the (minimum) number of persons
necessary to perform a valid Friday prayer. Shaykh Nawawi refers to Fath al-Jawad
(fi sharb al-Irshad) by Ibn Hajar al-Haythami (d. 1565).20
The author of the original text, Salim b. Sumayr, says that "the requirement
for praying in assembly is only in the first unit of prayer (rak’a)." Shaykh Nawawi
elaborates this sentence by saying that the assembly follows the imam of Friday
prayer until the second prostration (al-sujud al-thani), namely until the end of the first
unit of prayer. As for the second unit of prayer, there is no obligation to pray
together. If, for example—the author of the original text continues—the imam
becomes ritually impure during the second unit of prayer, and hence—Shaykh
Nawawi adds his comment—everybody continues his prayer individually, or the rest
of the assembly leave him, continues the author, on the condition that the imam does
not make up the group of the forty—in other words the group remains forty—then the
Friday prayer is valid. But, Shaykh Nawawi quickly adds, the number should remain
forty until the end of the prayer, otherwise the Friday prayer is not valid. The prayer
20This is a commentary on al-Irshad by Ibn al-Muqri. Since Fath al-Jawad is

mentioned in the same place as matn al-Irshad, it is very likely that Shaykh Nawawi
used a manuscript of al-Irshad with Fath al-Jawad as its commentary, for al-Irshad
was first published in Egypt only in 1320/1902, four years after Shaykh Nawawi’s
death; cf. Bahjat al-Wasa’il, mentioned in three places.
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will be invalid also if the prayer of any one of the forty becomes invalid.
8.6 That it be performed by [a minimum of] forty people, one of them being
the imam. This is according to the later doctrine of al-Shafi‘i. The imam could be
the same the person who previously performed the sermon.
The forty people should be male, legally responsible (mukallaf), free, and
residents of the place where Friday prayer is held, even if they are ill. Shaykh
Nawawi quickly notes that the view of the author regarding the sick is different from
that of al-Qadi Husayn. This authority requires that the forty people be in good
health. The sick are not obliged to perform Friday prayer in consideration of their
condition of poor health. Here again we see how a glossator expresses his
disagreement with, or arrives at a different conclusion from, the view of the text he
comments on by pointing to the view of an authority in the past.
Those people are excused from the obligation if they are away from their
domicile, or on a visit. Shaykh Nawawi adds people on a business trip, even if they
hear the call to prayer, and non-local inhabitants who are determined to return to their
own domicile even after a long stay at that location (for example for the purpose of
study and trade). Those are not legally required to perform Friday prayer; however,
it is recommended they attend.
Shaykh Nawawi ends the discussion on the condition of being resident in the
place of Friday prayer by adding the views of authorities of the past who argue that,
if two villages are close to one another, but each has less than forty worshippers;
even if they join together and make up forty, they cannot hold Friday prayer, even if
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people of one village hear the call to prayer from the other village. This is because
"the [expected] forty people are not local inhabitants of the place where the Friday
prayer is to be held. Shaykh Nawawi finds this information in the commentary on
Abu Shuja1 by al-Ma‘$ani and Muhammad al-Ma$ri.
9. Literacy, illiteracy, and the Fatiha
9.1 At this point the base text seems to veer off track, its flow interrupted by
digressions, repetitions, and reiterations concerning matters whose relationship to the
previous section, which deals with the quorum of forty persons, is not immediately
apparent. The base text itself—or perhaps the editor—has alerted the readers with the
word "far1", meaning "detail," "branch" or "corrolarium," a device commonly used
to signal digression into detailed discussion. (SJ: 6). This section drags on at some
length until the text returns to its original track, when it deals with the ruling on noon
prayer (SJ: 13) as a precaution and then finishes with three transmissions of authority
regarding the quorum of Friday prayer (SJ: 14-20), thus rejoining the point where the
text has departed. However, a close reading of the text reveals that this section
actually occupies a central position within the text and perhaps touches the most
important and living issues within the community, namely the fate of people who do
not know Arabic, who cannot recite properly the Qur’anic verses commonly used
during ritual prayers, even the Fatiha. The discussion of the issue flows into an
interesting understanding and definition of literacy and illiteracy and its relation to the
Fatiha.
Shaykh Salim, the author of the original text, suddenly brings up another
condition for the validity of the performance of Friday prayer in addition to the six
commonly accepted conditions that were discussed previously. It is the rule of
iqtida’, namely, that the worshippers pray following a certain order, the gestures and
prayers of the imam being followed and repeated by the worshippers. A relayer
between the imam and the rest of the worshippers may come in between, depending
on the size of the crowd. Thus, Shaykh Salim begins this section by saying "A valid
performance of Friday prayer requires that the worshippers follow one another
(iqtida’ ba‘dihim bi-ba‘din)." This is the view of Ibn Hajar in his Tuhfa, Shaykh
Salim reminds us. This ruling can have serious effects on the performance of Friday
prayer, since the well established doctrine requires a quorum of forty persons, each
being fully capable. Here we see clearly how closely related is the issue to the
previous section. The question is what if one of the forty persons cannot follow the
imam, because the person does not know Arabic or cannot recite the Fatiha properly.
If one of the forty people attending Friday prayer cannot repeat the Fatiha after the
imam, the condition of iqtida’ is not fulfilled; therefore, the Friday prayer of the
whole congregation becomes invalid. This is a serious matter. Shaykh Salim and
Shaykh Nawawi were very well aware of the fact that there were many people in Java
who could not recite the Fatiha properly. To deal with the issue, Shaykh Salim,
again calling on the authority of Ibn Hajar, but this time quoting from another treat’se
entitled Fath al-Jawad, writes "The phrase in Fath al-Jawad reads "If they are only
forty persons, and among them is one illiterate who neglects learning, the Friday
258
prayer is not valid, because his prayer is not valid. The minimum number is thus not
reached. But if they do not neglect learning, and the imam can read, then the Friday
prayer is valid. This view is in opposition to the fatwa of al-Baghawi." (SJ: 7) So,
the issue hinges around the question whether the people make efforts to learn the
Fatiha or neglect it.
The main authority to which the original text, Shaykh Salim, refers is Ahmad
b. Muhammad b. Muhammad b. ‘All b. Hajar, Ibn Hajar al-Haythami (d. 1565) in
his famous al-Tuhfa21and Fath al-Jawad. Shaykh Nawawi takes this opportunity to
tell a story about the origin of the name hajar, meaning stone. The grandfather of Ibn
Hajar, Shaykh Nawawi says, when visiting him, found him very taciturn, talking only
when necessary, therefore, he called him "stone."
Shaykh Salim, the author of the original text, tries to reconcile the views of
Ibn Hajar in this matter and recap the essence of his teaching: "if there are forty men
in a village who meet the requirements, they must perform Friday prayer; there is no
21This reference to Ibn Hajar al-Haythami by Shaykh Salim, the author of the
original text, is a statement of authority. It is worth recalling that within the ShafTi
school the treatises of Islamic jurisprudence currently used among the Muslims,
particularly in the Indian Archipelago, can be divided into two categories: those
related to the Mukhtagar, the Precis, of Abu Shuja’ and those related to the Mufaarrar
of Rafi’i." The principal representative of the first category is the Fath al-Qarib of
Ibn Qasim, whereas the main representative of the second is the Minhaj al-Talibin of
al-Nawawi (L. W. C. van den Berg, Fath al-Qarib: La Revelation de 1’Omnipresent.
Commentaire sur le Precis de Jurisprudence Musulmane d’Abou Chodja’ par Ibn
Qasim al-Ghazzi (Leiden: Brill, 1894), v. Within the Minhaj tradition, two treatises
have become authoritative: first, the Tuhfa of Ibn Hajar al-Haythami and the Nihaya
of Ramli. The Tuhfa is much more popular among the Shafi'is in Hadramawt,
Yemen, and the Hejaz, whereas the Nihaya is so in Egypt and Syria (C. Snouck
Hurgronje, "Muhammedanisches Recht nach Shafiitischer Lehre von Eduard Sachau,"
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft 53 (1899), 142-143).
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good reason for omitting it, even if all of them are illiterate, as long as one of them
can deliver the sermon. As for the validity of their performance of Friday prayer,
there are four points: First, that all of them be literate, namely being able to recite the
Fatiha; second, if they are at the same level of illiteracy (fl darajatin wahidatin),
Friday prayer is valid in both cases; third, if one of them is illiterate who does not
neglect learning, the Friday prayer is valid as well. This is according to a book other
than the Tuhfa; fourth, if one of them is illiterate and shuns learning, however,
Friday prayer is not valid, because his prayer—regular prayer or Friday prayer—is
not valid, as has been clearly stated above."22
Someone is considered illiterate (ummi) when he is not capable of producing a
correct sound (man ‘ajuza ‘an ikhraj al-harf min makhrajihi), and particularly
someone who cannot put the tashdid properly when reciting al-Fatiba, which is always
recited in prayer. So, literacy is not related to the "reading" of a text, but to
producing the correct sound in reciting Qur’anic verses. The term for a literate
person is qari’, that is, a person who can recite the Fatiha properly.
This discussion of the literacy of one or more of the forty people becomes
important, because, if his or their prayer is not valid, the Friday prayer will not be
^The main issue here is the attitude torward learning to recite the Fatiha. If the
worshippers have the opportunity to learn and take it, they will be able to recite the
Fatiha. If they do not have the opportunity, then they all, understandably, become
illiterate. In both cases, therefore, Friday prayer is valid. If one of the forty
worshippers is illiterate and does not shun learning, given the opportunity, then their
Friday prayer is valid as well. However, if he neglects learning, then his prayer is
invalid, and so is their Friday prayer, because the condition of minimum number for a
valid Friday prayer (forty) is not met.
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valid either. Finding support from al-Minhaj al-Qawwim, Shaykh Nawawi argues
that, if all do not understand the sermon, then the Friday prayer is invalid. But if
some of them do understand, the Friday prayer is valid. He also calls on the authority
of Ahmad b. ‘Abd Allah al-Razzaq al-Rashidi (d. 1685),23 who reported an opinion
regarding the reason the presence of an illiterate would or would not render Friday
prayer invalid. In this Shaykh Nawawi offers his own opinion that "if there is no one
who is versed in Arabic, and there is no possibility of learning Arabic, then the
sermon is delivered in a language other than Arabic." If it is possible for someone in
the community to learn Arabic, and no one takes advantage of it, then the
worshippers could not perform Friday prayer. In its place, they perform noon prayer
only.
9.2 Thus "inability to recite the Fatiha well (‘adam ihsan al-fatiha) on the part
of the worshippers is no excuse for failing to perform Friday prayer," the author of
the original text, Shaykh Salim, continues. He reiterates that, if there are forty
people in a village who are perfectly capable, they are not to forgo Friday prayer.
Shaykh Nawawi reasons "otherwise, they destroy the banners, i.e., the symbols of
Islam." This view was quoted from Fath al-Mu‘in: "If in a village there are forty
perfectly legally capable people (kamilun), they have to hold Friday prayer and it is
forbidden for them to obstruct (‘attala) people from holding it there, or to go Friday
23Ahmad b. ‘Abd Allah al-Razzaq al-Rashidi (d. 1685) wrote a gloss on al-Nihaya
(see GALS H: 370).
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prayer in a different village, even if they hear the call to prayer. Ibn al-Rafa‘a and
other authorities said that the people of that village, when they heard the call to
prayer from a bigger village, would be confused whether to go to that village or to
hold Friday prayer in their own village."
Shaykh Nawawi’s commentary identifies the author of Fath al-Mu‘in. He is
Shaykh Zayn al-Din b. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-Malibari, the student of Ibn Hajar.24 The
presence of the people who leave their own village that has the quorum would not
change the quorum of the Friday prayer in the other village, Shaykh Nawawi argues,
because they would be counted only as travellers. Shaykh Nawawi reiterates the
obligation to perform Friday prayer for the inhabitants of a village that has the
minimum quorum of forty persons. He makes a reference to al-Shirbini in his Tafsir.
in which al-Shirbini says that it was the doctrine of ‘Abd Allah b. ‘Umar, ‘Umar b.
‘Abd al-Aziz. And this view was also adopted by al-Shafi‘i, Ahmad, and Ishaq.
‘Umar b. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz, however, requires that one of the forty should be a ruler,
such as one with the title Pasha.
Finally, the author of the original text arrives at his conclusion. We have
noted in the beginning of this section that most probably the concluding remarks of
Shaykh Salim represent the reason for writing his treatise. He was concerned that the
common people had been misled by someone, thus placing them and the Islamic
community in serious danger. People’s inability to recite the Fatiha properly does not
24Fatb al-Mu‘in is a commentary on Zayn al-Din al-Malibari’s own Qurrat al-

‘Ayn, on which Shaykh Nawawi wrote a commentary, entitled Nihayat al-Zayn.
262
relieve them of the obligation to perform Friday prayer. On the contrary, they have a
double duty: to learn the Fatiha and then to perform Friday prayer. Shaykh Salim
then concludes, "It is clear that no one may forbid—as one has done in our
days—people of that village from performing Friday prayer, which is obligatory, and
then command them to perform noon prayer instead, on the ground that Friday prayer
is invalid if not all those forty persons are capable of reciting the Fatiha properly.
That prohibition would put them into some danger: neglecting Friday prayer
altogether; making the illiterate think that their prayers other than Friday prayer are
valid, which they are actually not; disregarding the learned scholars who hold that
Friday prayer is valid for them. According the consensus, disregarding them is a
serious sin; there are other evils, such as enmity, disharmony among the inhabitants
of the village because their Friday prayer has become invalid, and denouncing great
scholars of the past. That person is the origin of all those evils—We take refuge from
God’s wrath and the temptations for our soul, and from the devil." (SJ: 9)
Shaykh Nawawi cannot agree more with Shaykh Salim regarding the
importance of learning the Fatiha, even if for many it would involve an extra mile.
He concurs that the majority of villagers do not know how to pronounce the Fatiha
properly. He also was well aware how in his days simple people had been misled
into forfeiting Friday prayer because of their illiteracy, and performed noon prayer
instead. Disregard for the views of the scholars of the past has a serious effect, since
in heaven people will be judged according to their religion, and disregarding the
views of the scholars is not a good thing to do. Closing his commentary on this
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this section, Shaykh Nawawi reiterates the merits of Friday prayer: Friday prayer is a
great act; it gives physical enjoyment to the believers; it is one of the symbols of
Islam that God uses to channel His grace and blessings; and it cleanses the sins of the
week. Therefore, scholars of the past encourage people to hold Friday prayer, even
if there are less than forty, by following the authority who permitted it. Shaykh
Nawawi holds that Friday prayer does not depend on the permission of an authority or
his deputy according to the view of the three founders of the madhhabs, except Abu
Hanifa. But asking permission from the authority is recommended in order to avoid
conflict. Performing more than one Friday prayer needs permission, because there
ijtihad is involved.
9.3 The role of civic authority (SJ: 9-10)
Since the Fatiba is so crucial for all prayers, the local authority should
command people to learn it and then to perform Friday prayer; it ought to inform
people that the prayer of the illiterate who neglected learning when opportunity was
offered is invalid and to remind them that Friday prayer is an obligation incumbent
upon an individual. If they follow someone who orders them to forgo Friday prayer,
they commit two sins, namely, failure to perform Friday prayer and failure to learn
the Fatiha. They resemble people who are in a state of impurity. When the
prescribed time for prayer comes, they must carry out two acts, the ritual purification
and then the prayer itself. Analogically, the illiterate have to leam the Fatiha and
then to perform Friday prayer. Ritual purification is to a ritual prayer as the ability
264
of reciting the Fatiha is to Friday prayer.
Modem readers may find tedious that the author of the original text at this
point repeats the arguments that have been mentioned earlier. Shaykh Nawawi takes
up again the same arguments or lines of thought, explaining them in different words,
finding support from authorities of the past. Those arguments are presented again and
again, circling around their center, spiraling, and moving slowly forward by
incrementally including new elements. As we have seen, gloss is actually not a text
to read in the modem sense, but a hypertext into which people immerse themselves in
the movement of the text, being inundated by it, and then emerging to the surface
with a body of knowledge that hopefully will be memorized and internalized.
Repetitions, reiterations, summary of summaries are not only the objective contents of
gloss, but also part of the process of learning itself, or in Bourdieu’s term, they are
product of a "habitus" and at the same time producing a "habitus." They even help
students to "read" the text rapidly because they already know how the phrases are
articulated.
So, here Shaykh Salim recaps the rulings regarding those who are literate and
those who are not. "If the number of literate (in that village) reached the quorum,
then they perform Friday prayer, otherwise, if in the neighboring village, from where
they hear the call to prayer with all its conditions, a valid Friday prayer is held, then
those who are literate have to rush to that place. It is not valid for them to perform
noon prayer [instead] in their own village. This is on the condition that they have not
missed the salutation of the imam [that is before the end of the prayer itself]. If there
265
is no valid Friday prayer in the neighboring village, noon prayer is definitely valid."
As for those who cannot recite, and who are neglectful in learning to do so,
their prayer is invalid. But if they are not neglectful, then their prayer is valid, but of
course an illiterate cannot be the imam. Shaykh Nawawi at this point refers to his
teacher al-Kurdi, who quotes from Ibn Qasim (al-Jawzi) and holds the view that if the
illiterate have tried their best to learn the Fatiha but failed, their Friday prayer is
valid. Here the author of the original text refers to Shaykh Zayn al-Din al-Malibari
in his Fath al-MuTn and Shaykh Nawawi refers to Minhaj al-Qawwim to explain the
obligation to perform noon prayer, when Friday prayer is not valid for someone
arriving late.
9.4 Conditions for recitation of the Fatiha (SJ: 11- 12)

Then, Shaykh Salim, the author of the base text, spells out five conditions for
a proper recitation of the Fatiha. Those five points are actually instructive for us in
that they do not describe the rulings as such, but rather the reality that is commonly
found among people in Java. So, a proper recitation of the Fatiha would involve:
1. Recitation of all the letters of the Fatiha, of which there are 141
according to the recension of Malik, discounting the "alif" in "maliki yawm al-din."
There are 155 letters if all occurrences of tashdid (reduplication of letters) are counted
and the basmala is counted as one of the verses." Shaykh Nawawi prefers to count
the "alif" as one of them, because one letter brings ten blessings.
2. One letter should not be exchanged for another letter either
knowingly or if someone has the chance to learn otherwise. Shaykh Nawawi gives
some examples that very much indicate the difficulty that Jawi students face, namely,
to differentiate between "h" and "h" in "al-hamdu lillah" and between "dad" and
"?a’" in "wa la al-dallin" and "maghdubi, " and between "dha" and "dal" or "za’" in
"alladhina. " These problems apply strikingly among non-Arabic speaking Muslims!
3. One should not mispronounce (lahana) words in a way that changes the
meaning because of a wrong declension or conjugation, such as "an‘amti" or
"an‘amtu" instead of "an‘amta"; "iyyaki" instead of "iyyaka." The key is whether it
is done deliberately or not. If it is, then it invalidates the prayer.
4. One word should follow the word next to it, without a gap, except for
breathing and for reasons of tiredness. Shaykh Nawawi considers a brief moment to
say "God bless you" to someone at one’s side who has sneezed as an interruption of
the recitation, requiring re-recitation of the respective verse.
5. One should read the Fatiha following the accepted order of words, phrases,
and verses.
Then, the author of the original text summarizes in his own words the rules
for a proper recital of the Fatiha, "Whoever is able to recite the Fatiha with all its
letters and its reduplication of letters, does not exchange one letter for another,
follows its approved order of verses, does not separate one word from the next in a
harmful way, does not pronounce it in such a manner that would alter its
meaning—However, if he mispronounces it so that he does not alter the meaning,
such as saying Tilluh’ instead of ’lillah,’ ’na‘bidu’ or ’na’badu’ instead of ’na‘budu,’
and other mispronunciations that do not alter the sense, as usually occurs among
unlearned people (‘aw warn)—his recitation of the Fatiha is not harmed, and he is
counted among the forty, even if it is considered wrong pronunciation, because that
type of mispronunciation does not render the prayer invalid." (SJ: 12)
Shaykh Nawawi’s commentary provides more examples of this
mispronunciation that generally occurs among people, clearly referring to the people
in his home country, and supports the position of leniency for those who are not able
to pronounce the Fatiha correctly, as long as it is not done on purpose, or while
knowing the correct pronunciation, as long as the person is not the imam. He finds
support from the opinion of al-Sharqawi.
9.5 Reciting the Fatiha in dialectical Arabic
The author of the original text, Shaykh Salim, ends the discussion on the
Fatiha with the issue of recitation of the Fatiha in dialectical Arabic. Finding support
in the view of Shaykh Hasan al-Muzani al-Ansari, he argues that the practice of using
the vernacular should not be considered invalid before being proven otherwise. Al-
Muzani said "If the judgment of validity of prayer prevails, then Friday prayer is
valid, because scholars hold the view that in acts of worship good judgment is
tantamount to certainty. However, it is recommended that people perform noon
prayer after Friday prayer as a precaution."
268
10. Performing noon prayer after Friday prayer (SJ: 13-14)
After a long and tortuous digression on the Fatiha—an outgrowth of the
discussion on the minimum quorum of forty persons—the text returns to the subject of
the treatise, namely, the problem of performing noon prayer after Friday prayer as a
precaution. Even before Shaykh Salim’s discussion on three legal qualifications
regarding noon prayer on Friday appears on the text, Shaykh Nawawi has already
mentioned how performance of noon prayer after Friday prayer as a precaution had
become a practice in his home country. He brings up support from the view of an
authority close to him, namely Shaykh Muhammad Arshad al-Banjari (from Banjar in
Kalimantan),25 a student of Shaykh Muhammad b. Sulayman al-Kurdi and the author
of Sabil al-Muhtadin. Shaykh Arshad of Banjar commanded the Jawis (ahl al-Jawa)
to perform noon prayer after Friday prayer, even if there were more than forty people
present. Shaykh Nawawi reports a similar view from his own teacher, Ahmad al-
Sambas.26
Noon prayer becomes obligatory if it is clear that for one reason or another
Friday prayer was invalid, such as when another Friday prayer has taken place before
in that same location. What Shaykh Nawawi means is that in case of doubt about the
validity of Friday prayer, it becomes obligatory to perform noon prayer; otherwise
“ On him see H. Ahmad Basuni, Nur Islam di Kalimantan Selatan (Surabaya: Bina
Ilmu, 1986).
26This is Ahmad Khatib al-Sambas; the text mistakenly calls him "al-Samis."
Sambas is a district in Kalimantan.
269
one would not perform any prayer at all at noon time, since the Friday prayer was
invalid, and no noon prayer was performed.
Noon prayer is recommended in three cases. First, if Friday prayer was
performed more than once out of necessity, and the worshipper does not know that
Friday prayer has been performed, then it is recommended to perform noon prayer
after Friday prayer. This is in consideration of the view of the scholars who forbade
multiple Friday prayers, even if there were reasonable grounds. Shaykh Nawawi
provides some examples, such as the difficulty of people gathering in one place, or
the fact that the place is too small to hold the entire congregation. Shaykh Nawawi
reiterates the view of Ibn Hajar regarding this prohibition of multiple Friday prayers
because it was not the practice of the prophet, or four rashidun caliphs. Ibn Hajar
himself based his view on the view of al-Subki that the prophet, the companions, and
the next generation always held Friday prayer in one place only; people continued the
practice until the time of al-Mahdi in Baghdad. The sense of this is that when
someone is not convinced about the validity of Friday prayer held at his location, then
it is recommended to perform noon prayer after Friday prayer.
Second, "If Friday prayer is performed more than once in one location without
there being a valid reason to do so, and there is doubt which one came first, or both
occurred at the same time—Shaykh Nawawi says both thus become invalid—it is
recommended to perform noon prayer thereafter. In this case the second Friday
prayer becomes invalid. This is the view of Ibn Uajar.
Shaykh Nawawi says that opinion differs on whether or not noon prayer after
270
Friday prayer is obligatory. He refers to the commentary by ‘Atfya on Fath al-
Wahhab by Zakariyya al-An$ari (d. 1530). There are two views on this issue. Imam
al-Haramayn holds the view that noon prayer is obligatory, because the Friday prayer
that occurs first is valid, and thus renders the second invalid. Therefore, for the
people who belong to this second group, noon prayer is obligatory. Al-Bajirami holds
the view that noon prayer is recommended only, and Shaykh Nawawi agrees with
this, because opinion differs on the non-validity of the Friday prayer. This is the
view of al-Sharqawi who perhaps includes both views of Imam al-Haramayn and al-
Bajirami.
The third instance when noon prayer is recommended is discussed, on the
authority of Zayn al-Din [al-Malibari], the author of Fath al-MuTn, who reported the
response of al-Bulqini to the question of whether Friday prayer is valid when less than
forty people are present. If the people follow the authority of others (qallada) who
hold the view that Friday prayer is validly performed by less than forty people, then
Friday prayer is valid. Then noon prayer is recommended after that Friday prayer.
Noon prayer is forbidden to be held in a location where one and only one
Friday prayer has been validly performed for that particular Friday and there is no
disagreement on its validity. Still, the author of the original text contends that "it is
not permissible to denounce someone who performs noon prayer until it is proven that
his practice is completely outside the range of opinions of the learned scholars. The
author cannot explain the reasons for this. He simply says that Muhammad b. Khatim
b. ‘Abd al-Rabman understood this opinion to be that of al-Shafi‘i.
Ill
This leads the original author, Shaykh Salim, to discuss the different opinions
among scholars as to the minimum number required to hold a valid Friday prayer.
11. Text and authority
The following section of the base text as well as Shaykh Nawawi’s
commentary contains many references to authorities of the past. In fact, any gloss is
replete with such references. At times the reference is made in passing, at other
times it is a long quotation from an authoritative work. Sometimes we wonder why
authors and commentators go through the tedious task of calling on those authorities,
when the text itself seems clear. Phrases are often repeated in several places that
make reading the text tiresome for modem readers. But for the students of Shaykh
Nawawi those references represent living testimony that the doctrine has been
faithfully transmitted from generation to generation.
11.1 Different views on the quorum for Friday prayer (SJ: 14-23)
The section dealing with the ikhtilaf (divergence of opinion among scholars) is
long enough that the readers may be lost in its details. Therefore, by way of
introduction to this particular section, Shaykh Nawawi summarizes the different
opinions that will be discussed in the text. "The author of the text transmitted three
views: (1) that of Shaykh ‘Uthman b. Ahmad al-Paja‘t, which transmits the view of
al-Suyutf who holds that it is valid for four people to perform Friday prayer; (2) the
view of Shaykh Aljmad b. Tahir, which transmits the view of al-Nawawi, who holds
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that it is valid for twelve people to perform Friday prayer; (3) the view of Sayyid
Sulayman b. Yabya al-Ahdali, who sanctions the first two views together. This was
also the view of Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Madani who sanctions the performance of
Friday prayer by three people, by four people, and by twelve people. Also, al-Subki
holds that Friday prayer is validly performed by twelve people.
The text then adumbrates the different views already outlined by Shaykh
Nawawi. Shaykh Nawawi’s commentary gives grammatical explanations to facilitate
the understanding of the text; here and there, where appropriate, he gives additional
information regarding the person under discussion.
We would like to approach the remaining part of Suluk al-Jadda with a
particular focus. The first transmission will be presented to show how the knowledge
that is stored in the authoritative text is transmitted to the generations of readers in a
didactic and pedagogical way. The presentation of the second and the third
transmissions will focus on the layers of authorities on which basis the gloss and the
original text derive their own authoritative character.
11.2 The first transmission (SJ: 14-16)
To provide an example of the appearance of a gloss, the excerpt is translated
literally. What appears indented on the upper part of the page represents the main
text, which in the original document is placed between brackets. Shaykh Nawawi’s
commentary is extracted and placed at the bottom as footnotes with my numbering.
Shaykh Nawawi’s gloss looks like an annotated edition of Shaykh Salim’s treatise.
This format shows how gloss helps the reader understand the text.
273
The source for the first transmission (naql) is Imam ‘Uthman b. Ahmad al-
Daja‘i (fl 1578).27 He reports a quotation from a book entitled "P aw ’ al-Sham‘a fi
Bayan ‘Adad al-Jum‘a" written by Shaykh Abu Fadl ‘Abd al-Rahman b. Kamal al-
Din, Abu Bakr,‘Uthman b. Muhammad b. Khadr b. Ayyub b. Muhammad al-Suyuti
(d. 1505).28 The chain of transmission from the bottom up, therefore, is: Shaykh
Salim *- ‘Uthman b. Ahmad al-Daja‘i *- al-Suyuti. By writing on Shaykh Salim’s
treatise, Shaykh Nawawi attaches himself to that chain of authorities.
The following quotation comes from this al-Suyuti, who in mm reports other
authorities before him. This quotation will be cited again later in the presentation of
the third transmission [SJ: 20]:
27GAL H: 392.
28He also wrote another short treatise on the particularities of Friday, al-Paw’ al-
Sham‘a fi Khasais Yawm al-Jum‘a, and highlights on this, entitled Lum‘a fi
Khu$u$iyyat Yawm al-Jum‘a (GAL II: 180-181, 184_.
274
"Scholars (1) held fourteen29different views regarding the [minimum]
number of worshippers who should be present in order to perform a [legally
valid] Friday prayer, since it has been the consensus to have more than one
person present. This is notwithstanding the fact that Ibn Hazm (2) reported
on the authority of some scholars that it (3) would be valid even if it (4) were
performed by one person. (5) It is Darimi (6) who reported this on the
[Shaykh Nawawi’s commentary]
( 1) Sunni scholars
(2) Muhammad b. Hazm al-£ahiri
(3) Friday prayer
(4) Friday prayer
(5) The worshipper, thus, delivers a sermon [essential to Friday prayer] to
himself.
(6) Related (nisba) to Darim Malik, Abu Qubayla of Tamim.
29The quotation actually mentions only three views, namely, that the minimum
quorum for Friday prayer is two, or four, or twelve legally capable persons. In the
base text, Shaykh Salim does not give the list of those fourteen views. For this
reason, when the base text mentions the quotation again later in the text, Shyakh
Nawawi spells out those views one after another. They are: (1) the view that the
quorum is two is held by al-Nakha‘i and the £ahiris; (2) the quorum is four, inclusive
of the imam. This is held by Abu Yusuf, Muhammad [Ibn Hasan al-Shaybani] and al-
Layth; (3) the quorum is four, exclusive of the imam. This is held by Abu Hanifa
and Sufyan al-Thawri; (4) the quorum is seven. This is held by ‘Ikrima, the master
of ‘Abdallah b. ‘Abbas; (5) the quorum is nine, held by Rabi‘a, the teacher of Malik.
(6) the quorum is twelve, also held by Rabi‘a; (7) the quorum is thirteen, held by [the
Hanbali] Ishaq b. Rahawayh; (8) the quorum is twenty, held by ‘Abd al-Malik b.
Habib on the authority of Malik; (9) the quorum is thirty, held by Imam Malik; (10)
the quorum is forty, inclusive of the imam. This is held by Shafi‘i; (11) the quorum
is forty-one, one of them being the imam. This is the view of Shafi‘i too; (12) the
quorum is fifty, held by Ahmad; (13) the quorum is eighty, held by ‘Iyad b.
Muhammad b. Ibrahim al-Abhari al-Maziri; and (14) the quorum is unlimited. This
is held by the Maliki school [SJ: 20].
275
authority of al-Qashani. (7) However, Nawawi in his Majmu’ wrote that
Qashani’s view does not represent the consensus. (8)
The first view holds that Friday prayer can be performed by two
persons, one of them acting as the leader (imam). (9) This is the view of al-
Nakha‘i, (10) Hasan b. Salih, Dawud and his followers. (11)
The second view holds three persons, one of them acting as the leader.
He (12) said in (13) the commentary on al-Muhadhdhab (14) that it (15) was
reported on the authority of (16) al-Awza‘i (17) and Abu Thawr.
(7) Related to Qashan or Qasan, a small town in the mountainous regions of

Persia.
(8) The community had agreed on stipulating a number, and "one" is not a
number.
(10) Ibrahim b. Yazid; Nakha’i is a name related to Nakha\ a Yemeni tribe.
(11) The £ahiris
(12) al-Nawawi
(13) al-Majmu‘
(14) By Abu Ishaq al-Shirazi
(15) This view
(16) ‘Abd ar-Rahman b .‘Amr
(17) A name related to A w za\ belonging to a group from Hamadan. He was a
famous founder of a school who used to say, "There is no single hour
in this world that does not reveal to the servant the Day of Judgment,
for any hour in which he neglects to remember God, in that hour his
breathing falters in gasps and sighs; we wonder, then, what hour after
hour and day after day would be like," [The hadith seems unrelated to
the subject under discussion; it was quoted here apparently as a point
of interest.]
276
Besides him (18) another scholar said that it (19) was the view of the school of
Abu Yusuf (20) and Muhammad. (21) It (22) was reported by Rafi’i (23) and
by other scholars based on a solid doctrine. (24)
The third view holds four persons, one of them acting as the leader.
This (25) is the view of Abu Hanifa, al-Thawri, (26) and al-Layth. (27) Ibn al-
Mundhir reported it (28) on the authority of al-Awza‘i and Abu Thawr, and he
considered it as the preferable view. (29) He reported it (30) in (31) the
commentary on al-Muhadhdhab, on the authority of Muhammad. (32)
(18) Nawawi
(19) The view
(20) Ya’qub
(21) Muhammad b. Hasan
(22) This view, i.e., permission for three persons to perform a Friday prayer
(23) Imam al-Din ‘Abd al-Karim
(24) The doctrine of the earlier period (al-qawl al-qadim) is the doctrine that
ShafTi held in his Iraqi period, whereas the latter doctrine (al-qawl al-
jadid) is that in his Cairo period. Awza’i and Abu Yusuf said that
Friday prayer was permitted to be held by three persons on the
condition that one of them is a person of authority. This is according
to al-Shirbini in his Tafsir.
(25) This view
(26) Sufyan b. Sa‘id, the founder of a school. Thawri is a name related to
Thawr, a chief of a Mudar tribe, Thawr b. ‘Abd al-Manaf.
Furthermore, this Sufyan was Imam ShafTi’s shaykh and was called
"The commander of the faithful" in the field of hadith.
(27) Ibn Sa‘d al-Layth
(28) The view
(29) al-Majmu‘. Ibn al-Mundhir opted for that view
(30) Meaning, Nawawi reported this view
(31) al-Majmu‘
(32) Ibn al-Hasan [al-Shaybani]
Ill
It was also reported by the author of al-Talkhi?30 as a doctrine of
ShafTi in his early period (qadim). And he reported the same view in (33) the
commentary on al-Muhadhdhab. (34)
It (35) was preferred by al-Muzani, (36) as it (37) was also reported on
his (38) authority by al-Adhra‘i (39) in al-Qut (40), saying that al-Suyuti, after
a long discourse, (41) said ’This (42) is the reason that leads my judgment to
(33) al-Majmu*
(34) Meaning, also attributed to ShafTi in his earlier period
(35) The view
(36) Isma’il [al-Muzani]: a name of relation to Muzina, the name of a tribe of
Mudar
(37) The view
(38) al-Muzani
(39) A name related to Adhrfat, located in Syria
(40) Qut al-Muhtaj: a commentary on al-Minhaj31
(41) That is, his statement that the designation of a specific number cannot be
confirmed at all from the hadith. Then he said, "The result is that the
hadiths and [non-prophetic] traditions sought to give indications about
setting the conditions for the holding of [Friday prayer] in a village
which is populated by a sufficient number of people that it deserves to
be called a village. They [the hadith and traditions] do not indicate
anything about setting conditions just for the number itself of those who
attend; but rather [the prayer] is valid on the basis of any plural
number which gathers for it. And the smallest plural is three not
counting the leader. Therefore, a Friday Prayer service is [validly]
held by four persons, one of whom is the leader.
(42) The holding of Friday prayer service by four persons, one of whom being
the leader
30Perhaps, this is Ibn Hajar al-‘Askalani’s al-Talkhis al-Habir fi ta’rikh Ahadith

al-Raff al-Kabir, see Sarkis: 79.
31Shihab al-Din Abu al-‘Abbas Ahmad b. Hamdan al-Adhra‘i (d. 1381), see GAL
I: 398, II: 90; GALS I: 680, II: 108.
278
accept the view: because it has been accepted by al-Muzani, as mentioned
above.’ It (43) was reported on his (44) authority by al-Adhra‘i in al-Qut. (45)
He (46) was the best authority from the previous generation (47) to accept it,
(48) because he (49) was among the greatest authorities who heard from
ShafTi himself and was among the greatest transmitters of the books containing
his later views. His (50) ijtihad tends to accept the view in his earlier
[Baghdadi] period. This (51) was also held by (52) Abu Bakr al-Mundhir (d.
1340] in al-Ishraq. Also on his (53) authority Nawawi reported it (54) in the
commentary on al-Muhadhdhab. (55) Then he, i.e., al-Suyuti, concludes at
the end of his book, (56) "Our acceptance of that view (57) is preferable to the
view of later scholars who permitted multiple performance of Friday prayer,
(43) The view

(44) al-Muzani
(45) The title of one of his books
(46) al-Muzani
(47) Previous authority
(48) The view
(49) al-Muzani
(50) al-Muzani’s
(51) This view
(52) One of the proponents of our school
(53) Abu Bakr
(54) The view of his Iraqi period
(55) al-Mawardi said, "Al-Muzani said that ShafTi used an argument that was
not confirmed by the proponents of the hadith of the prophet, in which
the prophet, prayer and blessing be upon him, when he went to
Medina, held a Friday prayer with forty persons." This is according to
al-Suyufi.
(56). An appropriate conclusion
(57). Which sanctions the performance of Friday prayer by four persons.
279
because Shaft'1did not have a textual foundation sanctioning multiple
performance of Friday prayer, (58) not in his early period nor in his later
period. (59)
What happened to him (60) is that in his early period (61) he was
silent, (62) then scholars deduced (63) from it (64) a view (ra’y) (65)
according to which he permits it. (66) Then they added it (67) and considered
it (68) as being accepted in his (69) later books, despite the fact that he (70)
himself had said expressly that an argument cannot be deduced from silence.
Therefore, how is that people attributed to him (71) a view based on his
(58). In general
(59). Therefore, Shaykh Abu Isbaq al-Shirazi and Shaykh Abu Hamid and his
followers were content to say that multiple performance of Friday
prayer is not permitted.
(60) Shaffi
(61) When he was in Bagdhad
(62) With respect to the practice of performing Friday Prayer twice or more,
because one mujtahid does not disapprove of another. We must
remember that Abu Hanifa permitted multiple performance of Friday
prayer service.
(63) Extracted, extrapolated an argument
(64) ShafiTs silence in multiple performance of Friday prayer
(65) A doctrine
(66) The permission to perform multiple Friday prayer services
(67) The extracted doctrine (al-istinbat)
(68) That extracted doctrine
(69) Imam Shaffi
(70) Shaffi
(71) Shaffi
280
silence in this regard and (72) how could it (73) become his (74) textual
ground if he was against it? (75)
As for our position, (76) it (77) has a strong textual foundation in him
(78), and as a matter of fact other evidences also led to accepting that, (79)
and therefore we adopted it. (80) It (81) was, in short, (82) his (83) view.
Another proof based on one of his other doctrines (84) also lends support to it.
(85) It (86) is better than leaving his (87) text entirely to adopt a view which
sanctions a doctrine that is contrary to it (88) about which (89) he (90) did not
[Shyakh Nawawi’s comentary]
(72) How could it be possible that

(73) Silence
(74) ShafiTs
(75) The silence as a supporting argument
(76) Which sanctions the performance of Friday prayer by four persons.
(77) Our position
(78) ShafTi
(79) Proofs point to the acceptance of that view
(80) The view
(81) ShafiTs doctrine in his Baghdadi period
(82) In some brief explanations
(83) ShafiTs
(84) Meaning another doctrine which was the consequence of ShafiTs legacy
that was "If a hadith is sound and not contradicted by another, then it
becomes my way. Follow it as closly as possible."
(85) The view
(86) Accepting the view
(87) ShafiTs
(88) In contradiction to his text
(89) That doctrine
(90) ShafTi
281
write literally at all. (91)
This is the end of the quotation from Sayyid ‘Uthman in his own
words in his responsae that (92) he entitled al-Qawl al-Tamm fi Jawaz al-
Jum‘a bi Thalatha Ahaduhum al-Imam [The comprehensive doctrine on the
permission to three persons, one of whom being the leader, to perform Friday
Prayer]. (93)
(91) Such as multiple performance of Friday prayer, for the text clearly says
that multiple performance of Friday prayer is not permissible, because
ShafTi did not write a text that permits it.
(92) The response
(93) The Prophet, prayer and blessing be upon him, said: "Divergence of
opinions among my community is a grace." It means "blessings," as
Ibn Hajar reported, and he also said, "You are to believe that
divergence of opinions among Sunni Muslim scholars in the branches of
laws (furu‘) is a great favor. It holds a small secret treasure that
knowledgeable persons understand but negligent opponents cannot see.
You have to beware not to oppose a doctrine of one of the Imam
mujtahids by challenging it, or curtailing it. For their body will be
corrupted. Someone challenges any of them or his doctrine, his
perishing is near." It was said that Subki followed Abu Hanifa in
prayer by proxy for a person who has omitted a prayer. He performed
a prayer on behalf of his mother. Then he saw her in his dream as a
large figure wearing a splendid garment. He asked her, "Mother, how
did you achieve that rank?" She answered, "God granted me a great
favor because of you."
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11.3 The second transmission, supporting four, twelve, and forty persons [SJ: 16-18)
The base text reads:
The scholar Abu al-Qasim, Ahmad b. Tahir b. JunTan said as follows
"I was asked about the minimum number of people that is required to perform
Friday prayer (tata‘ayyanu bihi al-jum‘a). I said, Know—may God grant me
and you success—that Shaft‘i—God have mercy on him—has three doctrines
(qawl/aqwal).
The later doctrine (al-jadid) holds the minimum number is forty—male,
free, legally responsible, resident at the location where the Friday prayer is to
be held.
Two doctrines [are] from his earlier period (qadiman): the first holds
that the minimum number is four. The second puts it at twelve persons with
the known pre-conditions. [Abu Zakariyya’ Muhyi al-Din] al-Nawawi
considers this doctrine as preferable (ikhtara) in his commentary on al-
Muhadhdhab and in his commentary on Sahih Muslim. He gave a fatwa
seconding this view, because the supporting evidence (dalil/adilla) is stronger.
This is because this view is much more in agreement with the evidence, which
includes the issue surrounding "the scattering" (al-infidad) [described] in the
Qur’anic verse "wa idha ra’aw tijaratan aw lahwan infaddaw ilayha wa
tarakuka qa’iman ...”32What is not meant here is that ten people only
32"And when they see merchandise or diversion, they scatter off to it and they
leave thee standing" (al-Junfa, 62: 11).
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remained with the Prophet—May God pray for him and give him peace—with
whom he performed Friday prayer. As for the opinion that they might have
returned, it is conjecture. A statement cannot be grounded on conjecture.
What is well established is that there remained ten persons with the
Prophet—May God pray for him and give him peace—apart from himself and
Bilal.33 They finished the prayer as Friday prayer. He [Nawawi] rendered a
fatwa, and now I also pronounce it as a fatwa for people from small villages.
This [fatwa] contains common benefits for the Muslims, as it encourages
people to maintain that symbol, and it also contains public benefit in showing
the symbols of Islam to the general public." With this, he [Ahmad b. Qasim]
ends his responsae quoted here literally.
In general, the minimum quorum for Friday prayer is known, particularly
according the well established view within the ShafiTs school, namely, forty persons.
What is important is not so much the view itself, but rather who said or held this
view. So, at the heart of the issue is the question of authority. The immediate source
for Shaykh Salim in this second transmission is Ahmad b. Tahir b. Junf an, who
reported three views of Shaffi: the quorum is forty, or four, or twelve. Shaykh
Ahmad b. Tahir, however, derives these three doctrines not directly from Shaffi, but
rather from Muhyi al-Din al-Nawawi who said that Shaffi sanctioned the performance
33Thus there were twelve persons remaining who make the minimum quorum for
a valid Friday prayer.
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of Friday prayer by twelve persons. Mubyi al-Din al-Nawawi mentions his view in
his commentary on al-Muhadhdhab, entitled al-MajnuT and his commentary on Sahib
Muslim. In these works, Mubyi al-Din al-Nawawi is reported as adopting this earlier
doctrine of Shaft‘i as a legal judgment (fatwa). He considers this view as having a
strong scriptural foundation in the Qur’an.
So, the chain of authorities is the author of the base text, Shaykh Salim *-
Ahmad b. Tahir b. Jum‘an •*- al-Nawawi. From this point the chain splits into two
branches: al-Nawawi *- al-Majmu‘ *- al-Muhadhdhab «- ShafTi«- Hadith al-Bukhari
«- Qur” anic verse, and al-Nawawi *- Sabih Muslim *- Qur’anic verse.
Shaykh Nawawi hesitates over the name "Abu al-Qasim." The use of this
name used to be forbidden because it is the name of the Prophet. He reports the view
of al-RafTi who forbade the use of the name, particularly if his first name is
Muhammad. However, Ibn Hajar, Shaykh Nawawi quotes, holds the view that if
someone was given that name, and then becomes famous, then there no harm in using
it.
Then Shaykh Nawawi elaborates further on the position of ShafTi in his earlier
Iraqi period. The quorum is forty, but it can either include or exclude the imam.
Quoting from Mubyi al-Din al-Nawawi’s al-Majmu4, Shaykh Nawawi provides
authority references. In support of the former are ‘Ubayd Allah, ‘Umar b. ‘Abd al-
‘Aziz, Ahmad, and Ishaq. And supporting the later is ‘Umar b. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz. On
the view that the quorum is four, Shaykh Nawawi simply comments that it was also
the view of Abu Hanifa. Whereas on the view of ShafTi that the quorum is twelve,
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he mentions the view of al-Shirbini in his Tafjsir, in which the latter reports on the
authority of a certain Sha‘ba. Also in this regard, Shaykh Nawawi quotes the hadith
that tells the historical incident of "scattering" which prompted the revelation of the
Qur’anic verse.
This verse of the Qur’an "... and they leave you standing," gives Shaykh
Nawawi an opportunity to remind the readers that Friday sermons must be delivered
by the imam while in a standing position. Shaykh Nawawi then lists the other
constituents (arkan) of the two sermons during Friday prayer. The sermons are to be
delivered in Arabic. Shaykh Nawawi reports an opinion that the imam then can
follow up his sermons in Arabic with sermons in the vernacular language, if the
worshippers don’t understand Arabic. This view is held by al-Kurdi (who is perhaps
the teacher of Shaykh Nawawi) on the authority of Ibn Qasim (perhaps al-Jawzi). A
glossator explains the base text and supports the views that are put forward by its
author with other references to authorities. These will make the author’s view much
more solidly grounded. A glossator may disagree with the view being put forward,
but his disagreement is rarely expressed. He simply puts forward an additional,
different view with its support from the authorities of the past.
11.4 The third transmission [SJ: 18-22]
In this section the author of the base text, Shaykh Salim, calls on another
authority, namely, al-Sayyid Sulayman b. Yahya b. ‘Umar al-Ahdali. He is among
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the twelfth-century scholars of Zabid, Yemen.34 This scholar wrote a composition
from which Shaykh Salim quotes. The quotation includes nine questions that people
asked regarding Friday prayer and his responses to the respective questions.
"Is it valid to perform Friday prayer with less than forty persons
present in a village? If it is, what is the minimum number?
If you say that it is valid with that number of persons, should they
follow (taqlid) the person who holds that view?
If they should follow, what are the conditions for following that view
(taqlid)?
If there are conditions for it, what about those who don’t know them?
Should the congregation perform noon prayer as a precaution?
If they perform noon prayer after Friday prayer, should they do it in
assembly or individually?
Who are the culprits (sinners), the people of the village or those who
don’t attend Friday prayer without an excuse?
Should a visitor to the village attend Friday prayer and pray with them?
Should they pray at the beginning of the prescribed time or wait for a
time that is sufficiently long to perform ablution and prayer?
Please, advise us with a fatwa. God recompense you."
34he studied with his father and Muhammad b. ‘Ala al-Din al-Mizjadi and then
excelled in both traditional and rational sciences. He became the muhaddith of the
House of Yemen, and then took the office of mufti of Zabid, a position that was taken
by his son ‘Abd al-Rahman when Sayyid Sulayman al-Ahdali died in 1197 (see al-
Shawkani, al-Badr al-Tali‘, I: 267-268.
287
As has been mentioned, it is a commonplace literary device for a writer to
compose a treatise in response to questions posed to him. The above questions are
very neatly organized, and so may well have been written by Shaykh Sulayman al-
Ahdali himself. The questions assume the possibility of performing Friday prayer
with fewer than forty persons, the well established doctrine according to the ShafTi
school. From the responses that the author of the composition, Shaykh al-Ahdali,
gives, it is clear that the main concern of the author—and for that matter, the concern
of Shaykh Salim and Shaykh Nawawi— is the problem of taqlid, namely, to follow
the view of another authority, particularly from other sunni schools. Since it is very
difficult to know the precise conditions that are required to perform an act of worship,
here Friday prayer, according to another school of law, then it is better for the
worshippers who belong to the ShafiTs school to exhaust all the available views or
doctrines within the school itself, before following the authority of a different school,
because they may fall into the practice of talfiq, namely, performing an act of
worship by following the authority of another school, without knowing precisely the
conditions of its validity according to that school. This practice is forbidden.
It is within this context that we should read and understand the references to
past authorities as they are presented here, and selected in this section of the text by
Shaykh Salim. So, Shaykh Ahdali reponded to the above questions,
"Praise be to God. The school (madhhab) holds that it is not valid to
perform Friday prayer by fewer than the entire forty persons. This is based
on the conditions stipulated in the books of fiqh. This is the later doctrine (al-
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qawl al-jadid) of Imam Shafi‘i. [However,] he has two earlier doctrines
(qawlan qadiman): The first is that the minimum number is four. Therefore,
Friday prayer is validly performed by four persons. This outweighs (arjah)
the view that holds the minimum number is forty. You should take the view
(‘alayka bihi) without, however, following others (bila taqlidin lil-ghayr) and
there is no need to perform noon prayer, if you know the view of your Imam.
The proof (dalil) supporting that view is the statement transmitted by al-
Daraqutni on the authority of Umm ‘Abdallah al-Dawsiyya. She said, "The
Messenger of God—May God pray for him and give him peace—said Friday
prayer is obligatory for every village, even if there are only four people."
The second doctrine is twelve, according to a tradition transmitted on
the authority of Rabi‘a. On his authority, al-Mutawalli and al-Mawardi
reported it. Al-Mawardi also reported it (haka) on the authority of al-Zuhri
and al-Awza‘i and Muhammad b. al-Hasan [al-Shaybani]. [Muhyi al-Din] al-
Nawawi holds this view is preferable (ikhtara, mukhtar) in his commentary on
al-Muhadhdhab and his commentary on Satuh Muslim, on grounds of its rigor.
Indeed, it agrees with what appears in the hadiths concerning the event of
"scattering," which occasioned the revelation of the divine Qur’anic verse:
"But when they see merchandise or diversion they scatter off to it, and they
leave thee standing." [wa idha ra’aw tijaratan wa lahwan infaddaw ilyha wa
tarakuka qa’iman." Q. 62:11]. It is also supported by al-Bukhari and Muslim
on the authority of al-Jabir—God be satisfied with him—who said, "The
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Prophet—May God pray for him and give him peace—was one day delivering
the Friday sermon when a caravan arrived from Damascus. Then people
scattered off to it until there remained with the Prophet only twelve
persons...."
The hadith shows that the number of people present changed in the
process. Therefore, the fact that the dispersion of the people other than the
remaining twelve did not render the Friday prayer invalid indicates (dalla) that
the Friday prayer was without doubt valid.
The scholar, Imam Abmad b. Muhammad al-Madani (d. 1660), in his
book entitled Munya Ahl al-Wari ft ‘Adad man Tagihhu bihim al-Jum‘a,35
said, "Whoever does not submit to the views of great scholars falls into three
categories: first, he is the Imam of the school; [second,] someone who does
not submit to the view of his own Imam ShafTi regarding four people; [and
third,] he does not accept the prayer of the Prophet—May God pray for him
and give him peace—with twelve persons. Thus, he opposes the sound
prophetic practice (sunna ?ahiba) that God has commanded us to follow, after
it has become clear. He becomes lax and makes others lax, and there is no
other help or power but from God the Almighty."
These three views belong to the school of Shafi‘i—God have mercy
upon him. As for the views of the mujtahids, Imam al-Suyuti in his Daw’ al-
Sham’a fi ‘Adad al-Jum‘a, said that regarding the minimum number they hold
35GAL II: 39; S I: 761.
290
as many as fourteen different views, once they agreed that there must be a
number.36
Now, let us return to the question being raised if those people
mentioned above should follow (taglid) the opinion of others. It is better for
them to follow the person who said that Friday prayer is valid with twelve
persons. If they do so and perform the prayer, their Friday prayer is valid.
And if they perform noon prayer in assembly, it is better for them. If they do
not perform noon prayer, their Friday prayer is valid as well. The sin does
not fall on them, but on those who were absent without good reason. They
should pray at the beginning of the prescribed time.
As for a visitor to a village who follows the authority of another, al-
Taqi [al-Din] al-Subki said, "If he follows someone belonging to the ShafTi
school who holds that Friday prayer is valid when performed by twelve
persons, that is acceptable. It is hard to fulfill the conditions for following the
authority of a person belonging to the Shafi‘i school when he follows another
school, i.e., other than the ShafiT school. The person who follows the
opinion of Abu Hanifa, or Malik, must make sure that he fulfills all the rules
of the school he follows regarding ablution, purification, ritual bath from
impurities and all the conditions for the validity of prayer and its constituents,
36This information has been quoted earlier in the first transmission. Here Shaykh
Nawawi spelled out all the fourteen opinions (see this Chapter, footnote 29).
291
and as was mentioned above, it is difficult for those who do not know the
rulings." This is the end of my opinion concerning his—God have mercy upon
him—word-for-word response.
Now, let me conclude from what has been said. Regarding the
minimum number of persons to perform a valid Friday prayer, Shaft‘1—God
have mercy upon him— has four views. The most widely accepted view is
that the minimum quorum is forty with all the conditions mentioned. Three
views that come from the earlier doctrines are weak: first, the minimum
number is four people including the imam; second, three persons including the
imam, and third, twelve including the imam. All those four views require the
necessary conditions that are valid for the performance of Friday prayer by
forty persons.
Now that you know all the above, it is incumbent upon a reasonable,
pious person not to neglect Friday prayer and to follow one of those views.
Attached to the validity of Friday prayer are the conditions that must be
fulfilled according to the first view presented above, namely the later doctrine
(qawl jadid). Then it is recommended that you perform noon prayer after
Friday prayer as a precaution. You are not to forfeit Friday prayer and
perform noon prayer, for you will miss great benefit if you do not perform
Friday prayer by substituting it with noon prayer. To avoid practicing talfiq
that is forbidden, you should follow the opinion of one of the views of the
Shafi‘i scholars that sanctions the validity, if it is impossible to follow one of
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the four [orthodox] schools, because you don’t know the conditions for the
validity of the performance of Friday prayer according to that particular
Imam." End of quotation.
15. Summa summarium
"Now that you know all the above, you are to perform Friday prayer
and not to heed people who forbid it on the ground that it does not meet the
conditions for the validity according to the later doctrine (qawl jadid) that is
well established. That is because you understand the legal opinion (fatwa) of
the authoritative scholars. In fact, they have considered it as preferable
(rajjaha), since it was mentioned again and again by people of great knowledge
and piety. They are the authoritative scholars of the ShafTi school,
particularly Imam al-Muzani, Imam al-Suyuti, and others mentioned
above—God have mercy upon them and we benefit from them and die in their
love and their path. Amin, O Lord of the universe."
The gloss of Shaykh Nawawi—and any gloss for that matter—was not bom
from a void. A derivative text by nature, it does not have a life of its own. Its
existence serves certain purposes, such as to explain the content of the base text, to
elucidate its points that may be not immediately clear, to elaborate some details and,
if necessary, to expand its scope. To carry out these tasks, a glossator delves into the
293
treasure of knowledge he has accumulated thus far. This knowledge comes through a
lifetime of learning at the feet of his teachers who had the authority to transmit it.
Beside purely explanatory words and phrases, identification of names, places, and
titles of books, we often come across citations, references to authorities of the past.
These are not footnotes, but rather statements of authority. It sounds paradoxical that
the authority of a text does not derive from the "author" himself, but rather from the
authorities of the past to whom this "author" refers in his text. As evidenced in the
works of Shaykh Nawawi, the base text itself contains multiple layers of references to
authorities. One authority is quoted as reporting a view on the authority of another,
and this earlier authority transmits it on the authority of still another and so continues
the line, thus forming a chain of transmission of authority that is not different from
the isnad of hadith transmissions.
On the last page of Suluk al-Jadda the editor writes a concluding note:
"Thus finished the commentary entitled Suluk al-Jadda on a treatise
called Lum‘a al-Mufada ft Bayan al-Jum'a wa al-Mu‘ada, by Shaykh
Nawawi al-Jawi under the sponsorship of al-Hajj Muhammad Abi Talib
al-Mini, at the Wahhabiyya Press, at the end of Jummada II, 1300 H."
The commentary of Shaykh Nawawi reached its crowning moment with it was
submitted to the printing press. But, it was at that very moment that it became an
independent text with a life of its own, independent from the authority of the "author"
or authorized and authoritative transmitters.
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CHAPTER FIVE
T h e P r in t e d G l o s s : A p o g e e and D e c l in e of T r a d it io n a l A u t h o r it y
Introduction
As we mentioned in Chapter One, the works of Shaykh Nawawi are still
currently listed in the curriculum of some pesantrens, particularly in Java.
Appearance in the curriculum, however, does not necessarily mean he is studied or
even read by the santris, the students of pesantrens. In general, gloss literature still
bears an aura of reverence and instills a sense of deep affection among the students as
well as the kiyahis, the leadership of pesantrens. The term used to refer to classical
Arabic religious texts in general is very instructive. They are called, "yellow books"
(buku kuning), not only because the pages tend to turn that color, but also signifying
their being invaluable, ancient, traditional and old in the positive meaning of these
words. The students find them difficult to understand, yet they are indispensable.1
'K. H. Dawam Anwar, "Kitab Kuning, Susah Dipahami Tapi Perlu" [Yellow
Books: Difficult to understand, but necessary] Pesantren 1, 2 (1985): 48-50; Masdar
F. Mas’udi, "Menguak Pemikiran Kitab Kuning," [Revealing the Thoughts in Yellow
Books] Pesantren 1, 1 (1985): 26-33; K. H. Ahmad Shiddiq, "Dari Kitab Kuning
sampai Kontak Masyarakat," [From Yellow Books to Contact with the Society]
Pesantren 2, 4 (1985): 51-53.
295
Until the turn of the twentieth century, pesantrens in Java—and their sister
institutions outside Java—were practically the only Islamic traditional institution of
learning for the Muslim population in general. Thus, gloss literature was the
thesaurus of knowledge that was transmitted from one generation to another within a
personal, interactive method of translatio studii, transfer of knowledge. Along this
path of learning one climbed the social ladder for long years of dedication. Many
reached the top by becoming leaders of a pesantren or in a respected position of
leadership of the local community, or landed in the office of a penghulu, a local
administrator of restricted religious affairs within the Dutch administration.2
In part to fill the need for low level indigenous administrators in the Dutch
colonial administration, the Dutch government introduced elementary schools that
were open only to the sons of local aristocrats (priyayi), while maintaining the
traditional institution of learning, pesantrens. This educational policy of the double
system continued until the demise of the colonial government, even until today.3
Around the same period, in the early part of the twentieth century, developments in
the Middle East, particularly in Egypt, brought modernist religious teachers to
Indonesia. When they returned to their home country, they founded new types of
2G. F. Pijper, "De Panghulu’s van Java," in his Studien over de geschiedenis van
de Islam in Indonesia, 1900-1950 (Leiden: Brill, 1977), 63-96.
3Karel A. Steenbrink, Pesantren, Madrasah, Sekolah: Recente Ontwikkelingen in

Indonesisch Islamonderricht [Pesantren, Madrasah, Sekolah: Recent Development in
Islamic Education] (Meppel: Krips Repro, 1974).
296
schools, and printing offices that published brochures, journals, and books in the
vernacular language, Malay. A new leadership thus emerged.
In the following section it will be argued that the declining trend in the
leadership of the traditional religious authority in nineteenth-century Indonesia was not
simply a matter of change in terms of persons of different educational backgrounds.
There was a much more fundamental change underway, whose impact went beyond
geographical and ethnic boundaries. That societal transformation was brought about
by the advent of printing technology. It introduced print culture in a society in which
oral learning prevailed. That transformation was epitomized by a parallel process that
impinged on gloss literature. Handwritten Arabic classical texts—and gloss literature
for that matter—were fixed once and for all, in print format in the recently founded
printing presses in the Middle East, particularly in Egypt and later in Mecca. It was
a crowning moment for gloss literature, as it was for the glosses of Shaykh Nawawi
of Banten, but at the same time new writing formats—brochures, pamphlets,
newsletter, journals, newspapers—began to emerge and little by little displaced gloss
literature from its place of pride in the transfer of knowledge.
1. The decline of the traditional authority of the religious leaders in
nineteenth-century Java: a socio-historical perspective
The first quarter of the twentieth century in Indonesia was a very exciting
period in modem Indonesian history. Takashi Shiraizi has eloquently described it as
297
"An Age in Motion."4 It was when people "moved (bergerak) in their search for
forms to express their new political consciousness, put in motion (menggerakkan)
their thoughts and ideas, and confronted the realities of the Indies in the world and in
an age they felt to be in motion." Similar movements occurred in China, almost at
the same period, and in the Philippines, one or two decades earlier. It was the
period when people felt "that they could change their world, and express this new
consciousness in modem forms and languages now familiar to us, such as
newspapers, rallies, strikes, unions, parties, and ideologies."5
No movement is possible without leadership. During that period, there
emerged a new breed of leadership that challenged, provided an alternative to, or
even displaced the traditional leadership that for a long time had been in the hands of
Muslim religious teachers. Seen from the perspective of post-independence Indonesia,
it was a movement toward significant change the final form of which, however, was
not yet in sight.
It will be recalled that in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Indonesia, the
local Islamic religious teachers (ulama) were the only elite stratum independent of the
native echelon of the Dutch colonial administrative corps (pangreh praja) in
Indonesian society around whom the rural population found an alternative leadership
to voice their grievances. "Traditionally, revolts of the Indonesian peasantry against
4Takashi Shiraizi, An Age in Motion: Popular Radicalism in Java, 1912-1926,

(Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1990).
5Takashi Shiraizi, An Age in Motion, xi, xiv.
298
authority, native or alien, had tended to crystalize around the Muslim ulama. and the
age-old suspicion of the nobility towards the scribes was paralleled by Dutch fears of
Islamic ’fanaticism’ throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries."6
It was Islamic religious revivalism7 that led to the outbreak of the Padri War
(1821-1838) in Central Sumatra, one of the agrarian uprisings that has been most
studied.8 Three revivalist leaders rallied the people around them and called for
religious reform. After performing the pilgrimage and sojourning in the holy land to
deepen their study of their religion, religious teachers returned from Mecca to their
home country, full of zeal for reform and renewal of religious practices among their
6Harry J. Benda and Ruth McVey, The Communist Uprisings of 1926-1927 in

Indonesia: Key Documents (Ithaca: Cornell Modem Indonesia Project, 1960), xv.
7,’Revivalism," "reformism," and "radicalism" are three terms that Youssef M.

Choueri uses to describe three distinctive movements in Islamic history that he—for
lack of a better word—puts together under the term "fundamentalist" in a sense that
has been redefined, so he claims, to convey a less rigorous connotation. Each
movement has "its own historical genesis, socio-economic environment and conceptual
frame of reference." So, "revivalism" denotes Islamic movements that were bom in
the form of an internal dialogue within rural, peripheral, and tribal Islamic
communities in the eighteenth and nineteenth century; "reformism" was bom in an
urban setting, in response to the challenge from European cultural and technological
domination at the turn and the beginning of the twentieth century on the one hand and
the perceived Islamic decline on the other; whereas, "radicalism" is a twentieth-
century phenomenon that claims to offer a radical Islamic system of thought and
theoretical matrix as the only alternative to solve the current problems that grew
within the nation-state and the current world system (Youssef M. Choueiri, Islamic
Fundamentalism, Boston: Twayne, 1990).
8Christine Dobbin, Islamic Revivalism in a Changing Peasant Economy: Central

Sumatra, 1784-1847, (London and Malmo: Curzon Press, 1983). For a brief account,
see M. C. Ricklefs, A History of Modem Indonesia Since c. 1300 (California:
Stanford University Press, [1981] 1993), 140-143. E. Graves, The Minangkabau
Response to Dutch Colonial Rule in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca: Cornell Modem
Indonesia Project, 1982).
299
fellow West Sumatrans. New demand for export crops, in particular cassia and
coffee, on the part of foreign customers had prompted economic growth and trade
activity in the region. The new source of wealth provided the West Sumatrans with
funds to fulfill their fifth religious obligation, the pilgrimage to Mecca, while
supporting their families during their often extended absence. The economic boom,
however, also carried with it new waves of social conflicts and moral decadence
among the people, which in the eyes of the revivalists, were against the fundamental
tenets of Islam. The British and the Dutch were drawn to expand their economic
ventures in the region. Their presence with a superior military power and their
support for the traditional local leadership added a new factor in the social conflict.
Thus the Padri war grew out of a social conflict bom within changing patterns of the
traditional peasant economy that was open to international economy. Revivalist
religious teachers became an alternative leadership which harnessed people’s
frustration and feeling of injustice into popular uprisings that grounded their
justification in religious reform. The movement was cast in a revivalism directed
against the decline of morality within society and the traditional leadership, and a war
against foreign monopoly and domination, couched in a socio-religious theme of a
jihad against un-Islamic practices and infidels.
Similarly, in Java, agrarian revolts were the prevalent popular uprisings that
had been puncturing the Dutch hegemonic presence in the East Indies in the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, so much so that they earned a separate rubric in
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the Dutch archival records.9 The peasant’s revolt in Banten of 1888, thoroughly
studied by Sartono Kartodirdjo,10 was one of the typical popular uprisings in Banten.
Banten had been, and still is, one of the regions in Java that was very deeply
religious. It is not surprising that the pan played by the traditional religious
leadership in the revolts of 1888 was as important as it had been in Sumatra.
Gauging from the list of Bantenese exiles in the aftermath of the revolt of 1888, out
of ninety-four deportees, forty-three, almost one-half, are hajis, and twelve of the
hajis are religious teachers as well.11 Considering the number of hajis in the
residency of Banten (0.72 % of the population)—in comparison to other residencies in
Java and Madura—the number of hajis involved in the revolt of 1888 is not
surprising.12
In the Java war (1815-1825), the prince Dipanegara made a strong alliance
with the ulama in his rebellion against the Dutch and their puppet rulers in the palace
9Records and reports were collected under the rubrics of "woelingen" (uprisings)
in the colonial archives. On the agrarian uprisings in Java in general, see Sartono
Kartodirdjo, Protest Movements in Rural Java: A Study of Agrarian Unrest in the
Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries (Singapore: Oxford University Press,
1973).
10Sartono Kartodirdjo, The Peasants’ Revolt of Banten in 1888 (’s-Gravenhage:

Nijhoff, 1966).
“Sartono Kartodirdjo, The Peasants’ Revolt of Banten 1888, 344-347.
12Ibid., 332.
301
of Yogyakarta.13
It is not the purpose of this study to do more than mention the debate among
historians on how to place the revolts during the first quarter of the twentieth century
in the modern history of Indonesia, namely, whether the uprisings were the terminal
spasm of a social phenomenon that was ending, or the birth pangs of another coming
into being. Harry J. Benda and Ruth McVey considered the revolts of 1926 in
Banten, West Java, and of 1927 in the West Coast of Sumatra to be the end of the
"proto-nationalist" period in the history of modem Indonesia. At that stage uprisings
"were at one and the same time traditional and modem phenomena."14 The
uprisings, Benda and McVey continued to argue, still characterized the traditional
agrarian insurrections in the nineteenth century. They were localized, rural uprisings
directed against the Dutch colonial mle whose increasingly deeper penetration into the
fabric of the society caused the disruption of the traditional agrarian economy and the
breakdown of the traditional leadership. This view was challenged by Shelton
Stromquist, who holds that, instead of marking "an end of an era," the Bantenese
uprising of 1926 and that of West Sumatra in 1927 "were the beginning of another
13Carey, "The Origin of the Java War (1825-1830)," The English Historical
Reviews, 91, 358 (January 1976): 52-78; "Satria and Santri: Some notes on the
relationship between Dipanagara’s kraton and religious supporters during the Java
War (1825-1830), in Ibrahim Alfian et al., eds., Dari Babad dan Hikayat sampai
Sejarah Kritis: Kumpulan Karangan Dipersembahkan kepada Prof. Dr. Sartono
Kartodirdjo, (Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press, 1987), 271-318.
14Harry J. Benda and Ruth McVey, The Communist Uprisings of 1926-1927 in

Indonesia: Key Documents, (New York, Ithaca: Cornell Modem Indonesia Project,
1960), xi.
302
era, that of active, revolutionary resistance, not only in Indonesia, but in much of the
colonial world."15 In his recent study on the revolt, M. C. Williams argues that
"the revolt of 1926 in Banten, while sharing many common features with the Cilegon
uprising of 1888 and especially the close identification between religion and revolt,
was notable too for other novel features,"16 particularly in terms of the nationwide
awareness of the rebels, the composition of the leadership and participants, and the
real objectives which the rebels wanted to reach. In this regard, the traditional,
localized, agrarian uprisings ("Little Tradition") in the nineteenth century were co
opted into the "Bigger Tradition," into a bigger community with an increasingly
supra-regional, or nation-wide awareness.
Let us consider for a moment the role of two rebel leaders in the revolt of
1926 in Banten. Tubagus Kyahi Haji Ahmad Khatib, one of the ninety-nine
Bantenese exiled to Boven Digul, an isolated area infested with malaria in the south of
what is now Irian Jaya, had all the credentials to become a leader of the community.
In the first place he had performed the pilgrimage, hence his haji title, and spent three
years studying in Mecca. After his return from Mecca in 1916 he gave religious
education to children and young people so that he became a religious teacher of
standing, hence the title kyahi; and in addition to that he was also a tubagus, a
15Shelton Stromquist, "The Communist Uprisings of 1926-1927 in Indonesia: A

Reinterpretation," Journal of Southeast Asian History, 8, 2 (September 1967): 189-
200 .
16M. C. Williams, Communism, Religion and Revolt in Banten (Ohio: Ohio

University, 1990), 314-315.
303
Bantenese title for a nobleman who belong to the family of the Bantenese sultan. But
even more, he commanded respect from the people in that he was a son-in-law of
Kyahi Haji Asnawi, one of the prominent leaders of the Cilegon revolt of 1888 and
the most respected religious leader of the time, even in the eyes of senior Dutch
officials. Another leader of the revolt, Haji Saleh, also had irreproachable
revolutionary references: his grandfather was involved, and killed, in the Bantenese
revolt in 1855 under the direction of Haji Washia; so was his father in the Cilegon
revolt of 1888.17 Indeed, the involvement of Islamic religious leaders, particularly
on the village level, was as intense as in the previous Bantenese revolts in the
nineteenth century. In the list of the Bantenese deportees to Boven Digul in 1927, out
of the ninety-nine Bantenese, twenty-seven, almost one-third, were hajis, and eleven
of these were religious teachers.18
However important their role in the revolt may have been, particularly at the
village level after the "secular" leaders were arrested by the Dutch colonial authority,
they could not claim to be the only or even the primary leadership of the revolt as
could their predecessors in the pre-modem revolts. In spite of their continuing vital
role in the revolt of 1926, the Muslim ulama "were no longer the prime actors in the
revolutionary drama... they have ceded that role to urbanized, partly westernized,
Indonesians, who were not only newcomers on the social and ideological scene of the
17M. C. Williams, Communism, Religion, and Revolt in Banten (Ohio: Ohio

University, 1990), 220, 252-253.
l8Ibid., 253, 317-332.
304
colony but who also welded the local and regional discontent of earlier times into
nation-wide, or at least supra-regional, mass movements without precedent in
Indonesian history."19
In spite of the differing interpretations and perspectives, the above studies on
the revolts of 1926 and 1927 agree upon one aspect pertinent to the characteristics of
the leadership. The central leadership of the mass revolts had changed hands from
the traditional Muslim leaders to the emerging elite intelligentsia.
The newly emerging leadership had heterogeneous social origins. Robert van
Niel20 focused his analysis of the members of the new elite who came from the
following group: The growing urban bourgeoisie; the nascent class of landowners;
sons of what he called "lesser priyayi," the lower echelon of the Dutch civil
administration; and people who managed to climb up the social ladder—teachers of
native schools, paramedics, and native doctors—through Western education, recently
introduced and advocated by the Dutch liberal policy, the so-called "Ethical Policy."
Benda and McVey wrote, "Their ideological significance lay in the fact that,
irrespective of their place on the political spectrum, they were the first important links
between Indonesia and the outer world in modem times. In the early part of the
century, the new Indonesian intelligentsia had primarily been influenced either by
I9Harry J. Benda and Ruth McVey, The Communist Uprisings of 1926-1927 in

Indonesia: Key Documents (Ithaca: Cornell Modem Indonesia Project, 1960), p. xv.
“ Robert van Niel, The Emergence of the Modem Indonesian Elite, (The Hague:
W. van Hoeve, 1970).
305
Dutch liberalism or by Islamic reformism. "21
Deliar Noer in The Muslim Modernists traced the origin and development of
the newly emerging elite, particularly those figures and institutions, educational as
well political, which were much influenced by the reformist movement in Egypt at the
mm of the twentieth century.22 Of particular significance for the purpose of our
study here are two remarks by Deliar Noer regarding the Muslim reformist-modemist
movement.
Noer seemed to find it hard to reconcile two related facts: first, that the
founders of Muslim modernism in Indonesia, from Sumatra and Java, once studied at
the feet of Shaykh Ahmad Khatib of Minangkabau (1855-1916), the "forerunner of the
reformists in the Minangkabau area," in Mecca; and second, that they were very
much influenced by the teachings of Muhammad ‘Abduh, with whom Shaykh Ahmad
Khatib of Minangkabau could not have agreed, particularly with regard to the call to
abandon the traditional and slavish acceptance and obedience (taglid) to one particular
school of law only (madhhab). An adequate explanation for the apparent paradox
needs to be sought from a context broader than merely the personality of Shaykh
Ahmad Khatib itself. It is unconvincing to say merely "the influence exercised by
Shaykh Ahmad Khatib of Mecca was relatively limited in character" or that Shaykh
Ahmad Khatib "did not prohibit his students from reading Abduh’s writings."23 We
21Benda and McVey, The Communist Uprising, xv.
“ Deliar Noer, The Modernist Muslim Movement in Indonesia, 1900-1942

(London: Oxford University Press, 1973).
“ Deliar Noer, The Modernist Muslim Movement, 297, 32.
306
are dealing here with two different types of authority and leadership that were the
outcome of two different types of knowledge management and intellectual technology.
The relationship between Shaykh Ahmad Khatib and his students was on the
level of the traditional, interpersonal affinity between teacher and students. In this
system of transfer of knowledge, religious knowledge is "transmitted traditionally
through a quasi-genealogical chain of authority that descends from master or teacher
(shaykh) to student (talib) to insure that the knowledge of earlier generations is passed
on intact," similar to the passing of knowledge of crafts from master to apprentice.24
When the founders of the Indonesian modernist movement furthered their studies in
Egypt, they had access to knowledge through a quite different channel, namely
through printed books. Therefore, the relationship between them and Muhammad
Abduh is in the realm of ideas, which were communicated not so much in person, but
through the print medium: public lectures, publications, particularly Tafsir al-Manar
and al-‘Urwa al-Wuthqa (The Indissoluble Bond). Deliar Noer wrote that "The
reformists in Indonesia did not stop at Abduh’s writings (my emphasis). Many of
them delved deeper into writings which had inspired Abduh in the first place, i.e., the
views of Ibn Taimiyah and Ibn al-Qayyim.1,25 This return to the original books, or
"Ur-Quelle" became more and more convenient when printed materials became
24Dale F. Eickelman, "The Art of Memory: Islamic Education and its Social
Reproduction," in Juan R. I. Cole (ed.), Comparing Muslim Societies: Knowledge
and the State in a World Civilization, (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press,
1992), 103.
“ Deliar Noer, The Modernist Muslim Movement, 297. Emphasis mine.
307
widely available. Thus, instead of visiting a shaykh or a guru, they went directly to
the "books," which became thus the seat and the source of their authority. They did
not study under Muhammad Abduh, but read his books, captured his thoughts.
Reformist spirit and zeal had always been in the minds and hearts of the Muslims
upon their return from Mecca. The thing that sets the reformist in the 1920s apart
from their predecessors is that they based their reformist ideas on "ideas" stored in
books, heard in public lectures, not in the oral teaching of their shaykhs in Mecca.
The call of the reformists for the abandonment of the slavish acceptance of the
teaching of the traditional ulama (taglid) and for the reinstatement of personal
judgment (ijtihad) illustrate once again the conflict between the authority linked to a
teacher and the authority of a book independent of an authoritative teacher. We will
see in the next section how in the context of traditional learning, the authority of a
book cannot be separated from the persons who held the authority to teach it. The
movement to return to the Sunna and the Qur’an, as the reformists wished, bypassing
the teaching of the established texts or authority, in order to lay claim to the direct
authority of Sunna and the Qur’an, understands "the sunna and the Qur’an" as the
printed books of the hadith collections and the printed Scripture.
As for the second, Deliar Noer noted that many reformist did not claim their
reformists ideas came from Muhammad Abduh.26 The emergence of the new
intelligentsia was, of course, one way or another linked to external influence, but the
26Deliar Noer, The Muslim Modernists, 296-297.
308
important point here is not so much the ideas themselves, but rather the media though
which the novel ideas were expressed and communicated. It is this new intellectual
technology, new ways of expression that were shared by the new intelligentsia and
leadership in the first quarter of the twentieth century, no matter what path they took
to climb the social ladder—Western education or Islamic modernism. Indeed, the
thing that justified the reformist movement’s adopting the term "modernism" is that
they accepted the advantages of modem technology.27 Therefore, a modernist is not
necessarily "reformist.” Haji Misbach of Java is an example of a modernist Muslim
leader who was not a reformist, and free of the influence of the reformist movement
in Egypt. Haji Misbach was called Ahmad when he was a child. He changed his
name to the Javanese Darmodiprono when he married, and again to Haji Muhammad
Misbach after performing the pilgrimage to Mecca. The methods he employed to
propagate his traditional view of Islam were the same as those used by Muslim
reformist leaders, the Muhammadiyyah movement in the neighboring city of
Yogyakarta, and the Muslim reformists in Minangkabau. In their appeals to the
Muslims and their efforts to "put Islam in motion," they used tabligh (mass meeting)
and publications, or in their own words "the methods of the present age" and "in the
way of the present age."28
Shaykh Ahmad Khatib of Minangkabau was a contemporary of Shaykh
Nawawi of Banten. Along with the ulama of al-Azhar in their time, they represented
27M. C. Ricklefs, A History of Modem Indonesia, 169.
28Takashi Shiraizi, An Age in Motion, 128-129.
309
the bastion of the traditional authority that, as we described above, started to ebb with
the rise of modernist reform at the mm of the twentieth century. The shift of
authority was also observable from the growing interest among the students from
South East Asia (the Jawis) in furthering their religious study in Cairo, at the
reformed al-Azhar.29
The mosque-university of al-Azhar, from the eighteenth century, can be
considered as the principal institution of religious education in the Islamic world, the
place to send sons who aspired to become religious leaders in their own country,
including the then Netherlands East Indies.30
Foreign students were known to have studied at al-Azhar since the eighteenth
century, but there was no record. This is partly because al-Azhar divided the students
not according to their lands of origin, but rather according to the schools of law
(madhhab) to which they belonged. We do not know exactly when students from the
29Apart from J. Jomier’s article on "al-Azhar” in El, on al-Azhar reform see also
Pierre Arminjon, "L’Enseignement: La doctrine et la vie dans les universites
musulmans d’Egypte (Paris, Felix Alcan, 1907); J. Heyworth Dunne, An Introduction
to the History of Education in Modem Egypt (London: Frank Cass, 1968), 395-405.
For Indonesian students in al-Azhar, see the study of Mona Abaza, Islamic Education.
Perceptions and Exchanges: Indonesian Students in Cairo (Paris: Cahier d’Archipel
23, 1994). For a recent study on al-Azhar, see C. A. Eccel, Egypt, Islam and Social
Change: al-Azhar in Conflict and Accomodation (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag,
1984).
30G. Lecarpentier, L’Egypt modeme, (Paris: Pierre Roger, 1920), 149-150. On al

Azhar, see J. Jomier, "al-Azhar", in El, new edition, 814. C. A. Eccel wrote that al-
Azhar "has survived not as a fosil of the past, but as a large and active religious
center, still the most important institution of the sunni world. It provides
organizational status, incomes, teaching facilities, access to publication and other
communication facilities for virtually hundreds of ulama (Egypt Islam, 499).
310
Malay Peninsula and the Netherlands East Indies began to come to Cairo to study at
al-Azhar. The Egyptian historian, ‘All Mubarak, in his Khitat al-Tawfiqiyya
mentions the presence of a student hostel (riwaq) for Jawi students in the second half
of the nineteenth century, under the care of Shaykh Isma‘il Muhammad al-Jawi.
Gauged from the loaves of bread distrubuted to this riwaq, the number of Jawi student
must have been very small. Goldziher mentions six students living in the riwaq for
the Jawis in 1871.31
Dutch Foreign Ministry records show that in 1909 there was a sizable presence
of Jawi students in Cairo and since then their number kept growing. Muhammad
Ahmad Rabi‘i, bom c. 1845 in Solo, is recorded to have arrived in Cairo in 1875
with his two years old son Ahmad b. Muhammad Rabi‘i. He then settled down and
raised his family in Cairo.32 Ismail Beginda Tamuda from Minangkabau, alias
Shaykh Ismail Abdul Muttalib (bom in Padang 1868/69 and died in 1930), arrived in
Cairo in 1894/95 and later became teacher and the guardian of the quarter (riwaq) of
Malay and Indonesian students at al-Azhar.33 It is reported that in 1902 there were
3IAbaza, Islamic Education, 38-39. The number of students from Indonesia must
have been even smaller, for—it should be rememembered—the term "jawi" refers to
the people in the Malay-Indonesian world, including the present day Thailand and
Burma.
32Dutch Foreign Ministry’s archive, Dossier A-190, number 1737/306, July 13,
1915. Malay-Indonesian (Jawi) names are written as reported in the archives, without
diacritics.
33Dutch Foreign Ministry’s archive, Dossier A-190, March 25, 1909, 596/91.
Shaykh Ismail Abd al-Mutttalib became, as it were, the Nestor of the Jawi students in
al-Azhar. He was present at the second anniversary of the Journal Seruan Azhar (The
Call of Azhar), the journal of the Malay and Indonesian students at al-Azhar for the
audience in their home country (William R. Roff, "Indonesian and Malay students in
311
645 foreign students studying at the university, six of them Jawi. Again, since the
term Jawi is a designation for people from all parts of South East Asia, we cannot be
sure how many of them actually came from Indonesia. From 1909, the Dutch
consulate in Cairo began registering students from their colony as they arrived and as
they left Cairo.
According to the lists from 1909 to 1915 (See Appendix VI and VII), up to the
end of July 1915, seventy-nine students had come to Cairo. This does not include the
possibly substantial number of those who saw no reason to register at the consulate.
In terms of geographical distribution, most of them came from Sumatra; thirty-eight
students—almost a half of them—particularly from Padang (West Sumatra). Twenty-
four came from Java, most of them from West Java (Banten and Batavia districts).
Nine came from Sambas, Kalimantan. Most of them were in their twenties when they
arrived, except for the children of the al-Attas family and the sons of Muhammad
Ahmad Rab‘i who were bom in Cairo. Of the seventy-nine students, only thirty-one
were actually studying at al-Azhar by the end of July 1915. Sixteen of them left
Cairo; twelve went to Mecca and six returned to their home country. There was no
report regarding the remaining thirty students; they might have returned home or left
for Mecca, without being reported. Or, they might well have dropped out of school,
since the drop-out rate for Indonesian students was high.34 It is worth noting that
Cairo in the 1920’s," Indonesia, 9 (April, 1970): 80). He is reported by ‘All

Mubarak in his Khitat al-Tawfiqiyya, see footnote 31.
34See Zamakhsyari Dhofier, "The Inteilectualization of Islamic Studies in

Indonesia, IC, 52 (June 1992), 22.
312
almost half of them came to Cairo before performing their pilgrimage. Allowing for
some mistakes that might have occurred in the list, the number remains high. The
fact that they went to Cairo first and only later to Mecca provides us with an
indication that there had been a shift in people’s minds regarding the center of Islamic
knowledge, namely from Mecca to Cairo. A Malay smdent could say, "In Mecca one
could study religion only; in Cairo, politics as well."35 In 1919, there were fifty or
sixty students in Cairo from Indonesia and about twenty from the Malayan Peninsula
and Thailand. The number grew to over two hundred students in 1925.36
Why were the students attracted to Cairo at the turn of the twentieth century,
and not before? Much has been written on the role of figures such as Muhammad
Abduh, Jamaluddin al-Afghani, Rashid Rida, and the attraction of al-Azhar,
particularly with the reforms inspired by Muhammad Abduh, on the reformist
movement in the Muslim world. The place of al-Manar and the Tafsir al-Manar that
grew out of it in serial form, al-‘Urwa al-Wuthqa (The Indissoluble Bond) was
always emphasized and reiterated in all writings about the Islamic awakening at the
beginning of the twentieth century. It is almost unthinkable to write about the Islamic
reform without mentioning them. Without doubt all the figures, the institutions and
35Willam R. Roff, "The Life and Times of Haji Othman Abdullah," Peninjau
Sejarah (Kuala Lumpur), I, 2 (December 1966), p. 63, as quoted in his "Indonesian
and Malay Students in Cairo in the 1920’s," Indonesia, 74.
36Willam R. Roff, "Indonesian and Malay Students," 74. In 1987, there were 722
students in Cairo, 585 of them at al-Azhar (Fred R. von Mehden, "Indonesia," in The
Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modem Islamic World, (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1995), 197.
313
organizations, the modem thoughts and ideas were very influential. Thoughts and
ideas are very important, but we sometimes forget what conditions, what
circumstances, which elements and factors it was that made the thoughts and ideas
known. It might be banal to say that al-Manar, al-‘Urwa al-Wuthwa, Seruan Azhar
(Call of Azhar), al-Ittihad, al-Imam, al-Bashir, Saudara (Bretheren), Bahtera (Ship),
Pilihan Timur (The Choice of the East), Usaha Pemuda (The Youth Effort), al-Munir.
al-Akhbar, al-Islam were magazines, periodicals, or journals in Arabic or in the
Malay language.37 It is hard to see the precise impact of the thoughts and ideas put
forward in those magazines, journals, and vernacular press,38 but one thing is clear,
namely, that the new media had provided the reformists with tools to express
themselves, to write their own opinions, and to convey them to a larger public.
Thus, they reached a wider audience, much wider than a traditional shaykh could
reach within the confines of his learning circles (halqa).39 Magazines, pamphlets,
journals, circulars, and other printed materials became possible only because the
37See William R. Roff, Bibliography of Malay and Arabic Periodicals Published

in the Straits Settlements and Peninsular Malay States (London: Oxford University
Press, 1972). See, Deliar Noer, The Modernist Muslim Movement, 39, 47, 87, 91.
38See Abaza, Islamic Education, 57-61.
39The famous reformist journal, al-Manar, for example carries a criticism of the
traditional system education in Mecca in that it did not teach the students almost
nothing. "The students spend long years studying useless heritage books ... the late
literature of Shafi’i rite, including the works of Ibn Hajar al-Haythami, al-Ramli ...
Zakariyya al-Ansari and Shaykh [Muhyi al-Din] al-Nawawi. The blame was placed
on the archaic methods of teaching, which emphasized learning by heart rather than
any understanding. After many years in Mecca, they ended up with a very poor
knowledge of Arabic. These shaykhs ... teach Jawi pilgrims false, charlatanistic
practices" (Abaza, Islamic Education, 59).
314
advent and acceptance of print technology in the Muslim world. It is not intended
here to ascribe the entire socio-cultural and political reform and movement to the
advent of printing technology alone. A social phenomenon is always complex and
defies a singular, linear, and uni-directional cause and effect. But, the impact of
printing technology on the management and transfer of knowledge and hence on the
authoritative interpreters of religion is, indeed, very deep.
This phenomenon was vividly captured at the begining of a novel by
Pramoedya Ananta Toer, The Earth of Mankind, in which the protagonist marvelled
at the way modem learning and new sciences, or what he called "modernity" gave
him and a privileged few, many advantages. Such advantages enabled them to rise
above their fellow countrymen. One of these was the ability to write down one’s own
ideas and observations:
"One of the products of science at which I never stopped marvelling was

printing, especially zincography. Imagine, people can reproduce tens of
thousands of copies of any photograph in just one day: pictures of landscapes,
important people, new machines, American skyscrapers. Now I could see for
myself everything from all over the world upon these printed sheets of paper.
How deprived had the generation before me been—a generation that had been
satisfied with the accumulation of its own footsteps in the lanes of its villages.
I was truly grateful to all those people who had worked so tirelessly to give
birth to these new wonders. Five years ago there were no printed pictures,
only block and lithographic prints, which gave very poor representations of
reality."40
■^Pramoedya Ananta Toer, The Earth of Mankind, translated from Indonesian

Bumi Manusia by Max Lane (New York: William Morrow and Company, 1992), 17.
315
2. The Islamic religious establishment and printing technology
2.1 The reluctance on the part of the Islamic religious establishment to accept
print technology was rooted in their fear that printing technology would threaten their
authority. The acceptance by the Islamic religious establishment—and the Islamic
community for that matter—of printing of Islamic religious texts came only in the first
quarter of the nineteenth century, long after the appearance of the first printed books
in Europe. Western observers often sneered at this reluctance and considered it to
derive from ignorance or was simply due to cultural difference. Lane tells the story
of an Egyptian bookseller who canceled his decision to have some manuscripts printed
because he was not sure if it were permissible.41 Commenting on this account,
Pedersen wrote how ignorant the person must have been of the fatwa of the Shaykh
al-Islam who a hundred years earlier had permitted it.42
Many scholars wondered why the Islamic community was not as enthusiastic in
welcoming print technology as had been their predecessors when they embraced the
Chinese paper making technology in the eighth century.43 The Muslims were not
left uninformed of the existence of the printing press. The deep penetration of
41Lane, Manners and Customs of the Modem Egyptians (London: The Aldine
Press,' 1954), 288.
42Pedersen, The Arabic Book, trans. by Geoffrey French (Princeton: Princeton

University Press, 1984), 137.
43Thomas Francis Carter, The Invention of Printing in China and its Spread
Westward (New York: The Ronald Press Company, 1955), 150-153; "Islam as Barrier
to Printing," MW 33 (1943): 213-216. Francis Robinson, "Technology and Religious
Change: Islam and the Impact of Print," Modem Asian Studies 27, 1 (1993): 229-251.
Timothy Mitchell, Colonising Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988),
90-150.
316
Chinese printing in the Muslim world of Chinese Turkestan and even China in the
early period of the history of printing, the intermarriage between Arab traders and
Chinese women could not have left the Muslims ignorant of block printing technology
and its role in the spread of literary and religious texts in the East. Based on an
analysis of medieval Arabic blockprints, called tarsh, Richard W. Bulliet advanced
the idea that the so-called "tarsh technique," namely, wooden block printing
technology cast in tin, may have been an independent development in the Muslim
world itself. There was strong evidence of its use among the "underworld" Banu
Sasan Muslims for printing amulets for sale to the unsophisticated public, and it was
even reported being used in Spain by Muslim officials, in the tenth century.44 It
disappeared completely by the end of the fourteenth century, because, according
Bulliet, the tarsh peddlers with their block printing could not compete with the rising
organized sufis who provided the same market with much prized handwritten amulets.
The end result was that the tarsh method, identified with the underworld, was
eventually trashed. This explanation of "suppression" of print technology suffices to
refute Carter’s accusation that the Muslim world, and even Islam itself, of being "a
barrier to printing."45 In Istanbul itself Jewish refugees from Spain were permitted
in 1493 to set up a printing press for their religious as well as secular purposes. The
Christian Arab communities in the Middle East had availed themselves of the new
■
“ Richard W. Bulliet, "Medieval Arabic tarsh: A Forgotten Chapter in the History
of Printing," JAOS 107, 3 (1987): 427-438.
45T. F. Carter, "Islam as Barrier to Printing," MW 33 (1943): 213-216.
317
technology since the beginning of the eighteenth century. Therefore, there should
have been no ground for rejecting printing technology on the part of the Islamic
religious authority because they were not aware of its existence. It has been argued
that the Muslims rejected the printing of religious texts on religious and ideological
grounds. It has been suggested, for example, that the Muslims fear that the ink and
the paper used in printing might have contacted some impurity or they "suspected
hog’s bristles in the brush used for cleaning the block, and that to touch the name of
Allah with this brush seemed to them the height of blasphemy."46 Carter suggests
that the reluctance was merely due to conservatism and prejudice. The Koran was
given in written form; therefore, it must remain so. Robinson does not doubt that
possibly there was opposition from the guilds of scribes to printing and an attitude on
the part of the religious authorities against anything new that came from non-Muslim
countries. Still he questions why Muslims katibs should play a more important role
than Christian scriptoria, 47 and why other new things, such as military technology
and tobacco, were readily accepted. In an article in which he lays out a map of
studies on the transition from the manuscript to the age of printed books, Muhsin
Mahdi points to the gross printing errors and faulty version of printing of the Qur’an
by non-Muslims in the West as justification for the initial rejection of the printing
technology on the part of the Islamic communities. As for the delay in the acceptance
46Lane, Manners and Customs of the Modem Egyptians, p. 289; Carter, The
Invention of Printing, 150.
47T. F. Robinson, "Technology and Religious Change: Islam and the Impact of
Print," Modem Asian Studies 27, 1(1993), 233-234.
318
of printing technology until well in the first quarter of the nineteenth century, Muhsin
Mahdi said, "What is clear is that in many cultural centers in the Islamic world a
scribal tradition flourished with standards of accuracy that could not be assured in
printed books, especially when the printing was done outside the Islamic world by
printers with limited knowledge of the language involved; and many of the early
printers both outside and inside the Islamic world were not Muslims and not well
versed in Islamic religious sciences."48
In the following it will be argued that the reluctance on the part of the Islamic
religious establishment to accept print technology derives from perceived threats that
print technology may impinge on their authority. First, we will look into Western
encroachment on the long held Islamic hegemony. As a corollary to this is the effect
of the spread of Christianity that went hand in hand with the spread of colonialism.
The second is the tremendous, albeit not yet seriously studied, impact of print
technology on the traditional, person-to-person method of transmission of religious
knowledge.
2.2 The Islamic Empire from the eightth to thirteenth century maintained
socio-political hegemony. Having the upper hand, the Islamic community did not find
threatening new objects, customs, practices, and even ideas coming from the lands
48Muhsin Mahdi, "From the Manuscript to the Age of Printed Books," in George
N. Atiyeh (ed.), The Book in the Islamic World: The Written Word and
Communication in the Middle East (Albany: State University of New York Press,
1995), 1. A faulty copy of the Qur’an, printed in Hamburg, Germany, in 1694 is
shown as an example.
319
they conquered. On the contrary, the acceptance of different customs enhanced their
efficiency in the administration of the conquered regions and it also helped the new
subjects to accept Muslim rule. The adoption of Greek science and philosophy, and
of local customs and laws proceeded smoothly. The presence of Christian high
officials in court was not a threat.
The socio-political conditions of the Islamic community from the eighteenth
century until the beginning of this century were quite the opposite. It was the
Europeans who exercised hegemony, putting the Ottoman Empire on the defensive
and finally making the Islamic regions parts of their colonial domain. The presence
of the European powers with their superior technology was both attractive and
repugnant. Commenting on the Western challenge to the Islamic lands, Malise
Ruthven wrote:
The W est-like its women—has been a simultaneous source of attraction and

repulsion: admiration for its institutions and for the technical prowess that has
enabled so many of its citizens to enjoy undreamed-of-freedoms and
opportunities; disgust at its vulgarity, its seeming callousness and spiritual
emptiness, combined with a deep sense of unease that Allah, whose Way has
been shown for all mankind in the Holy Quran and the Sunna, should have
permitted infidels to violate all but the innermost chambers of the House of
Islam.49
It is also in this context that we should understand the rejection on the part of
the political and religious authorities in the Muslim community regarding the
technology of printing. The printing press that the Western powers introduced to the
49Malise Ruthven, Islam in the World (New York: Oxford University Press,
1984), 289.
320
Islamic countries was in their eyes—and was in fact—a tool of colonial administration
to enhance the efficiency of their domination. It was Napoleon who in 1798 landed in
Egypt bringing with him all the equipment for setting up an Arabic printing press. It
was also to counter a similar influence from the West among the population that
Sultan Beyezid II in 1485, and subsequently Sultan Selim I in 1515 issued an edict
prohibiting the printing of Arabic books.50
Riding on colonial success was the spread of Christianity, particularly in the
East, and the introduction of Western culture in the Islamic countries in general. The
history of the printing press in the West cannot be separated from the involvement of
the religious clerics, since they represent the largest proportion of readers and
possessors of printed books. Albert Delorez51 observes that "It is well known that
the great majority of books printed in the fifteenth century were Latin books.
Culture, and especially scientific culture, was still mainly a business of the clergy,
and even at the end of the century private book-collections were chiefly to be found in
the houses of priests and canons."
One of the main purposes of printing in its earliest days was to make the Bible
more accessible to a greater number of readers both in Latin and the vernaculars, to
provide students and professors with the texts of and commentaries on the chief
50Pedersen, The Arabic Book, 133.
5IAlbert Delorez, "The Copying of Printed Books for Humanistic Bibliophiles in

the Fifteenth Century," in From Script to Book: A Symposium, edited by Hans
Bekker-Nielsen, Marianne Borch, and Ben Argot Sorensen (Odense: Odense
University Press, 1986), 141.
321
medieval philosophers.52 Books in Arabic were also printed in the meantime. Many
of them, understandably, were printed to provide Eastern Christian Arabs with the
Bible, books of rituals and devotions, and books of Christian doctrine. Three Italian
printing presses were particularly important in this regard: the Medici Press, first
established in Rome (1584) then in Pisa (1627) before it finally settled in Florence
(1684); Congregatio de Propaganda Fide Press in Rome (1622); and Typografia del
Seminario in Padua (1680).53 And it was the Christian clerics of those churches who
introduced the art of printing books into the Arabic-speaking world itself.
From the perspective of the Arabic-speaking Christians, the appearance of
printing was welcomed as a technology to meet the religious needs of their local
communities. This was the main purpose of the establishment of many printing
presses in several monasteries in the Middle East: Quzahiyya in Tripoli (after 1600).
Aleppo in Syria (1706); Shuwair in Lebanon (1724); the Greek Orthodox monastery
of St. George in Beirut (1750). But the moving of the printing press belonging to the
American Protestant missionaries from Malta to Beirut in 1834 brought a new aspect
to the functions of a religious institution’s printing press, an aspect that is not far
different from that of the colonial authority. That is, an aggressive introduction of
Western culture among the people in the Arabic-speaking countries. For not only
were books for Christian religious needs printed, but also many books of secular
52B. H. Rasmussen, The Transition from Manuscript to Printed Bock (London:

Oxford University Press, 1962), 19.
53Pedersen, The Arabic Book, 131-133.
322
science such as geography, mathematics, physics, chemistry, zoology, and other
branches of natural science, as well as a number of dictionaries that were to facilitate
the learning of European languages.54 The Catholic Press established in 1848, with
its monthly journal al-Mashriq and its publications, attempted to set up a bridge of
mutual understanding between Western and oriental culture. It is not surprising that
the Muslim religious authorities saw the introduction of printing not merely as not a
value-free technology, but even more, a double edged assault on their religion and
culture. It is only after Muhammad Ali’s decision to establish the first Arab printing
press at Bulaq in 1821 that Islamic religious texts were sent to the printing presses
that began to sprout in Egypt, Syria, India, and even in Mecca itself.55
2.3 The deepest impact of print technology on the Islamic community was in
the dramatic change in their traditional method of transmission of learning that had
prevailed for centuries.56 We have mentioned on several occasions how the basic
54Pedersen, The Arabic Book, 135.
55After Bulaq (al-Matba‘a al-ahliyya) was founded in 1821, came other printing
presses: al-Matba‘a al-Qabtiyya (1860), Wadi al-Nil (1866), Jam‘iyyat al-Ma‘arif
(1868), al-Ahram (1875) and Sharika Tab4 al-Kutub al-‘Arabiyya (1898). See G.
Zaydan, Tarikh al-Adab al-‘Arabiyya (Cairo: 1936), 195-202; J. Hayworth Dunne,
"Printing and Translation under Muhammad 4Ali," JRAS (1940): 325-349.
560 n the traditional Islamic transfer of knowledge, see Jonathan Berkey, The
Transmission of Knowledge in Medieval Cairo: A Social History of Islamic Eucation
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992); Richard W. Bulliet, The Patricians of
Nishapur: A Study in Medieval Islamic Social History (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1972), 49-55; George Vajda, "De la transmission oral du savoir
dans I’lslam traditionnel, " L’Arabisant 4 (1975): 2-3. Makdisi, The Rise of
Colleges, pp. 141-143.
323
and traditional method of teaching and learning has been—and still is in some
traditional centers of learning such as pesantrens—person-to-person transmission of
knowledge. A student santri of a pesantren learns directly from the authority closest
to him. In a village this authority could be a teacher in a local mosque (kuttab in
Egypt, langgar or pesantren in Java) who could be the founder of the mosque or
pesantren itself, or someone who has obtained a license for teaching (ijaza) from the
founder, who himself has obtained his license for teaching from another authority or
authorities elsewhere. This license is of two types: license to transmit works that were
studied by means of reading aloud to the teacher (al-maqru’at); and works that were
studied by the method of audition (al-masmu‘at).57
Thus the chain of authority and license goes from a student to the authorities
in the past. Our discussion on the gloss of Shaykh Nawawi’s Suluk al-Jadda in
Chapter Four showed how a gloss is the locus where these authorities of the past were
transmitted to the present generation, through the authority of the glossator himself.
The teaching material is a religious text. We have discussed earlier how the
significance of a text lies in its relation to another text, which is itself related to
another text. Thus, not only has a text been transmitted person-to-person from one
generation to the next, but the text itself is related to another text in terms of an
explanation, commentary, or gloss on it. It is actually not quite correct to separate
intertextual relation from interpersonal relation, because a text cannot be separated
57Subtelny, "The Curriculum of Islamic Higher Learning in Timurid Iran in the

Light of the Sunni Revival under Shah-Rukh," JAOS, 115, 2 (April-June, 1995): 210-
236.
324
from the person who has the authority and license to transmit it. The interdependence
of a text and the person who has the authority to transmit it only indicates once again
that the fundamental transmission of Islamic knowledge has been in an oral-aural
setting. This method assumes the presence of three elements that are closely related:
an audience, a speaker, and a text. Before the advent of print technology, this text
was in manuscript form. In the nineteenth-century mosque-university in Mecca, a
shaykh could choose one of three options: to recite to his students a hand-written
commentary with the help of a gloss written on the same manuscript; to read a
commentary and give an oral exposition he has memorized from different glosses; or
to read his own gloss on a commentary.58 All the above three methods are oral-
aural. The importance of isnad (the chain of transmitters) of badith and the study of
the biographies of transmitters only indicates how person-to-person, oral-aural
transmission was at the heart of traditional Islamic management of knowledge. In this
context, a writing, to quote Walter J. Ong,59 "served largely to recycle knowledge
back into the oral world, as in medieval university disputations, in the reading of
literary and other texts to groups, and in a reading aloud even when reading to
oneself." In this method of transmission of knowledge, writing has always danced
attendance to an oral tradition. Closely related to this are the importance of
memorization and direct and personal contact with a licensed authority. In the
S8C. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka: 188.
59Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (London:
Methuen, 1982), 119.
325
biographies of the nineteenth-century Meccan ulama,60 one is said to have
memorized works of scholars in the past to prove his prowess in memory.
In a manuscript culture, the seat of authority is not in the text itself, but rather
in the persons who have the authority to transmit to other persons, the trustworthy
authority who expounds the intention of the original author of a work. It is to be
understood that the process of writing brings with it an inevitable alienation from the
intention of the author, because the rendition of the intention of the author into
graphical images is open to interpretation. But, a misinterpretation is duly avoided by
the presence of someone who heard the sound-images of the original intention directly
from the original author. In short, a manuscript always needs a person who has the
authority to explain. The close relation between oral-aurality and authority is very
clear in the field of hadith science. It is not reading the collection of hadith that
brings authority to a person, but rather his hearing it read aloud by someone who has
the authority to transmit it. R. Bulliet relates how many students travelled a long way
from Nishapur to Kushmaihan, a village near Marv, to audit the text of $afrifr al-
Bukhari being read aloud by the last living hadith scholar, Abu al-Haytham
Muhammad al-Kushmaihani, who had heard it dictated by his teacher from a copy he
made while attending a class of al-Bukhari himself.61
604Abd al-Jabbar, Siyar wa Tarajim, 1992.
61Richard Bulliet, Islam: The View from the Edge (New York: Columbia
University Press, 1994), 19-21.
326
The printed text is very different from the manuscript. In a manuscript
culture, the intention of the original author is always checked and rechecked through
the intermediary of authoritative transmitters of the text. In mass produced print
form, the intention of the original author is, as it were, reified in a fixed and printed
text. The text has a life of its own. It is a closed circle in which the meaning of the
words is explained by reference to another word in a never ending circular reference.
The seat of the authority is found in the text itself. A reader is not an audience who
listens to an authority, but someone who listens to the text itself. A reader of a
printed text bypasses the need for the presence of an authority. It is no wonder that
the religious authorities expressed strong objections to print technology. Robinson62
puts it tersely: "printing attacked the very heart of Islamic systems for the
transmission of knowledge; it attacked what was understood to make knowledge
trustworthy, what gave it value, what gave it authority."
2.4 The Academy of Arabic Language (Majma‘ al-Lugha al-‘Arabiyya) in
Cairo launched a project in 1933 to reform the design of the Arabic letters (al-kitaba
al-‘arabiyya).63 Two major factors moved the Academy toward that ambitious plan:
62Francis Robinson, Islam and the Impact of Print: 234.
“ The following section is based on the account of Roland Meynet in his

L’ecriture arabe en question: Les projets de l’Academie de Languge Arabe du Caire
de 1938 a 1968 (Beyrouth: Dar El-Machreq, 1971) and Rached Hamzaoui,
L’Academie de Langue Arabe du Caire: Histoire et Oevre (Tunis: Publications de
1’Universite de Tunis, 1975), 211-246.
327
the government drive toward improving literacy among the population and the
challenge from the printing technology. Egyptian school teachers complained of how
difficult it was to teach their students Arabic. Learning foreign languages for them
was much faster than learning Arabic, although they spoke the vernacular (al-
‘arabiyya al-‘ammiyya) at home. In their pursuit of modem education which involved
learning modem sciences, Arab students felt left behind by their fellow students in the
West because of their language, or more precisely because of the design of its letters.
As often quoted, Qasim Amin stated their predicament clearly: "In western languages
you read to understand, whereas in Arabic you have got to understand to be able to
read." The same sentiment was expressed by al-Karmali, a member of the Academy
of Arabic Language in Cairo, "The Arabs study the laws of the Arabic language to
learn how to read, whereas foreigners read to leam sciences. That is the difference
between them and us."64
Beside the drive against illiteracy in general and the urgent needs of teachers
for solutions in the difficulties they encountered in teaching Arabic, there are other
inconveniences or inefficiencies that the printing offices had to deal with when
printing Arabic books. One of them was the number of boxes of characters due to
the nature of the Arabic scripts. Although the printing press managed to reduce the
‘“Roland Meynet, L’ecriture arabe en question: Les projets de l’Academie de

Languge Arabe du Caire de 1938 a 1968 (Beyrouth: Dar El-Machreq, 1971), 24 and
27, a quotation from al-Karmali, Risala fi 1-kitaba l-’arabiyya 1-munaqqaha (Baghdad:
n.p., 1935).
328
number into 600, or 400 excluding the vowel marks,65 they would welcome a
simplification of the letters, as the proposals for reform that were sent to the
Academy clearly indicate.66
It is not within the purview of this study to enter into the debate around the
reasons why the thirty-five years of work by the Academy of Arabic Language had
accomplished very little, if we consider the enthusiasm of the members for the project
and the scope of the reform in the beginning. Some of the arguments, however, help
us to understand the correlation of language, knowledge, and power, particularly the
role of printing technology in shifting the claimant to authority from its traditional
bearers. Even the little that the Academy had delivered—some would characterize the
Academy as a mountain that gave birth to a mouse—had touched the very foundation
of the problem, namely the question of ambiguity in the Arabic language.
Students of Arabic are well aware that literary Arabic in its fullest form has
five layers of notation: the vocalization above the letters; the diacritical marks above
the letters; the letters themselves; the diacritical notations under the letters; and the
vocalization under the letters. In handwriting as well in print, the vocalization is
almost always omitted. Diacritical notations slow down handwriting, since the writer
has to go back and add them to the appropriate place and often they are forgotten. A
missing diacritical mark can be very confusing to a reader. The extreme case in point
“ Meynet, L’ecriture arabe, 31.
“ Ibid., 65-80, with many photographic examples of the proposals for reform of
Arabic letters.
329
is the fact that the base form for the letter ba/ is the same as that for t a \ tha\ nun,
and y a \ It is to be recalled that for the twenty-eight Arabic letters, the Arabic
alphabet has only fifteen basic forms. Discounting the case of fa/ and £af, which
without the diacriticals mean nothing, the rest of the characters are formed by adding
diacriticals to the fifteen basic forms.
The scriptio defectiva of the Arabic language, in which the chirographical
representation of a word notes only some parts of the pronunciation, is the Arabic
"Sleeping Beauty" whose beauty even one who knows Arabic grammar, syntax, and
morphology still often stumbles to unravel. The scriptio defectiva is the main source
of ambiguity. All proposals sent to the Academy of Arabic Language try, one way or
another, to deal with this problem. The most radical reform was the proposal of
scriptio plena that was put forward by ‘Abd al-‘Aziz Fahmi. He suggested
latinization of Arabic letters. This solution has the advantage, he argues, that the
character boxes needed in printing office was thus reduced, because one morpheme is
represented by one letter; the full vocalization (scriptio plena) permits correct and
precise reading and pronunciation, thus facilitates learning; the problem of
transcribing foreign words is thus eliminated.67 His proposal created uproars within
the walls of the Academy as well as outside, and finally was rejected. Less radical
was the proposal of ‘All al-Jarim. It received less attention from the members of the
Academy, but in hindsight proved to influence the direction that the Academy would
in the end take. While keeping all the Arabic letters, he incorporates Arabic
67Roland Meynet, L’ecriture arabe en question, 44-45.
330
vocalization (barakat or shakl) into the flow of the word, by means of signs that
resemble the vowel notations. The vowel "a" is assumed to follow all consonants,
except for the sake of clarity and in necessary cases such as in hiyal and suwar.
In the end the decision of the Academy of Arabic Language was simply to
insist on writing (or ’printing’) the notation of vowels: a complete vocalization for the
Qur’an and the Hadith; and partial vocalization for other books, at times extensive
and at the other less frequent, depending on the level of the students. The higher the
grade level, the less the requirement for the application of vocalization, except in
places where mistakes are often made.68 Thus the Academy returned to where it all
started—the vocalization.69
The scriptio defectiva of the Arabic language is the source of ambiguity, but it
also conceals knowledge, and hence power. It is meant to suggest that the complex
problem of understanding in Arabic rests on the three forms of vowel markings. But,
I believe, they represent symbols of signification in the Arabic language. Abbas
Muhammad al-‘Aqqad, one of the member of the Academy and well known author,
underlined this very aspect of the Arabic language:
“ Roland Meynet, 60-61.
69Hamzaoui saw this reform as a modest but positive achievement of the academy:
"Le seul resultat relativement positif qui se degage des reforms de l’Accademie, est la
tendance, combien timide, a lier i’orthograph a la phonetique en vie de la liberer des
speculations morphologiques. Ce ne sont la que voeux pieux, qui n’ont eu aucune
application pratique. La reforme reele de l’ecriture arabe est renvoyee a un avenir
incertain, bien que l’Academie ait propose modifications et adaptations qui precede,
somme toute, de la pedagogie. Elies sont certes significatives dans la mesure ou elles
laisseraient prevoir d ’autres modifications plus importantes" (R. Hamzaoui,
L’Academie de Langue Arabe du Caire, 246).
331
I was convinced that the only thing that could justify the change of the system
of writing we have been following until now is to find a system that would
enable us to avoid mistakes in reading and mistakes in writing at the same time
... The difficulty is not so much to know how to write the nominative or the
accusative case, but to know what [and when] to put into the nominative,
accusative, or genitive case. That belongs to the characteristics of the Arabic
language, a property that exists only in Semitic languages, such as the three-
radical verbs and the rules of i‘rab (the final vowel of verbal flexion).70
The scriptio defectiva is the form used in manuscript. To do away with the
ambiguity in a word, a writer sometimes indicates how to read it by attaching the
correct vowel reading right after the word, such us "the vowel ’u’ above the letter
’k \ the vowel ’i’ under the letter’t’, and the vowel ’a’ above the letter ’b’ for the
sign ’ktb’ in the passive form." Still, it is assumed that the reader is capable of
reading the explanation that involves understanding the grammar, syntax,
morphology, and the i‘rab.
The term for vocalization or "putting the vowel marks above or under a letter"
is called tahrik ("to make the consonant move") or tashkil ("to give a form"), and the
vowels themselves are called barakat ("movements") and all the signs of reading shakl
("form"). Reading, therefore, consists in giving flesh and face to a skeleton. But
then, the next question is who has the authority to blow life into a text?
In a traditional setting or system of education, where a student sat face to face
with the teacher, the scriptio defectiva was solved by the teacher himself. He put life
into the text. He would read the text whose correct reading he knew very well, from
his previous reading with his former teacher, or the student would read aloud the text
70Roland Meynet, pp. 51-52.
Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission
332
to him under his direction and correction, then he would memorize the text. In the
process, the student might also master the rules of grammar, syntax, morphology, and
flexion, or he might not. But most important is that the student is given tools with
which to reduce the ambiguity of the text, first with the help of an authoritative
teacher, then on his own. When he re-reads a text, he is more dependent on his
memory than on his mastery of Arabic grammar, syntax, morphology, and flexion.
The proposal of scriptio plena, incorporating the vowel marks or a complete
latinization of Arabic letters, would in effect have eliminated the ambiguity of the
language, at least at the level of reading, if not at the level of signification. Although
the proposal for a scriptio plena failed and was abandoned completely, the decision of
the Academy of the Arabic Language to vocalize textbooks for primary students—or
for any reader for that matter—was in effect the beginning of a process in which one
had direct access to a text, thus departing from the traditional methods of transfer of
knowledge. The flesh and life of a text, as it were, has been transferred from the
mind and memory of a teacher onto the pages of the book. Books of science and
religious texts remain to be printed in scriptio defectiva with some improvement in
punctuation and here and there to help correct reading. All these apparently trivial
steps actually initiated the process of reifying the text. It is a shift from Iogocentrism
to graphicentrism, to use Derrida’s terms, from epireading to graphireading.
Epheaders assume the existence of a presence, a voice, a logos behind language or
words. Reading is a process of going through language to an original experience of
presence that language both reveals and hides. Whereas, graphireaders want to play
333
with the elements that are available in the text itself. Everything is in the text, one
does need the presence of a logos hiding behind the text.71
In spite of the continuation of scriptio defectiva, the door toward an
understanding of a text has been thus opened to those who have knowledge of
grammar, syntax, morphology, and flexion. Knowledge is no longer the monopoly of
those who studied at the feet of traditional teachers, but to those who have the
linguistic tools by which to open the gate, on their own. Authority, power, and
knowledge are no longer embodied in qualified persons as such, but have been, as it
were, transferred or transposed into the textuality of the text itself, to which
everybody having the necessary tools can have access. Muhsin Mahdi writes, "Yet
the printed copy, which may not have been better than an imperfect manuscript copy,
was now published in hundreds if not thousands of copies, sought by everyone
interested in that book, and taken by the public to represent the book itself, the book
to which reference is made and from which quotations are reproduced. It came to
have the authority and finality only the author’s copy could have claimed in the
manuscript age. "n
2.5 It would be erroneous to assume that the reluctance toward accepting
printing technology on the part of the religious establishment is something particular
7lDenis Donoghe, Ferocious Alphabets (New York: Columbia University Press,

1984), 152: "Epireaders say to a poem: I want to hear you. Graphireaders say: I
want to see what I can do, stimulated by our insignia."
^Muhsin Mahdi, "From the Manuscript to the Age of Printed Books," p. 11.
334
to Islam. The rise of protestantism and then the counter-reformation from the
Catholic establishment cannot be separated from the Guttenberg revolution. The
Reformation doctrine of sola scriptura, no other authority than the Bible, spans the
drive to return to the Bible and thus assumes the availability and accessibility of the
Bible to the general public. The Bible was thus translated into the vernacular
languages, and became available and accessible, in a theoretically unlimited way, in
printed form. Henri-Jean Martin in his History and Power of Writing notes how
following the day in 1517 when Martin Luther nailed his propositions against
indulgences on the door of Wittenberg chapels, the printing press became feverish in
printing books in Low German. But Luther’s translation of the Bible was the
mainstay of the press. The New Testament was reprinted again and again in different
printing presses so that in 1523 "overall it had eighty-seven editions in High German
and nineteen in Low German." Similarly, the Old Testament was reprinted 410 times
between 1522-1546.73
With the availability of the Bible to the general public, people can understand
the Bible directly without the need of an intermediary of clerics of the church
hierarchy. Indeed, "in sixteenth-century Germany," to cite Henri-Jean Martin again,
"the Word of God gained in prestige as it was offered in several volumes: reading
was like a revelation hitherto known only in restricted circles which had transmitted
73Henri-Jean Martin, The History and Power of Writing (Chicago and London:
The University of Chicago Press, 1994), 253.
335
no more than glimpses of it in sermons and readings during the Mass."74
The correlation between the printing technology and between power and
authority was seen in the catholic institution of censorship and inquisition to maintain
its status-quo and power.75
Ducruex76 describes how forbidden printed books helped a group in
preserving its identity in a culture cut off from its roots. She studies the process of re-
catholization of Czech regions and noted how print books became a sign of heresy of
the possessors. A diocesan priest was told by the Grand Vicar of Prague that "the
books which the Czechs, in particular the simple people, notoriously love unto death
to read furnish them the occasion to doubt faith, even turn away completely from the
salutary Catholic and Roman religion." Monsignor Martini was explicit, "it was
reading that produced a heretic. ” Or even one of the accused said, "As long as I had
no evangelical books I was Catholic; then when I had some, I was evangelical, and
now that I no longer have any I am Catholic."
But the power and attraction of printed books were irresistible. Therefore, the
74Ibid., 254.
750 n censorship see George Haven Putnam, The Censorship of the Church of
Rome and its Influence upon the Production and Distribution of Literature (New York
and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1907), 2: 77-80; or, Antonio Rotondo, "La
censura ecclesiastica e la cultura," in R. Romano and C. Vivanti (eds) Storia d’Italia
(Torino: Einaudi, 1972-1977), 1399-1492.
76Marie-Elisabeth Ducruex, "Reading unto Death: Books and Readers in

Eighteenth-Century Bohemia," in The Culture of Print, edited by Roger Chartier,
translated by Lydia G. Cochrane (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press,
1987), 197-229.
336
only way to (re-)convert the people was by countering the books with "correct"
books. Thus, in the process, print technology was winning, because, the fundamental
issue was "reading" itself, no matter what printed books were being read, orthodox or
heretic. "In the eighteenth century, however, this intent [countering the heretic by
copying their method] was embodied in a veritable politics of Catholic publishing in
the vernacular, fostered above all by the work of the missionaries, some of whom
went beyond simple imitation of genres and titles to recommend Protestant ways of
reading.1,77
In a sense, the counter-reformation drive for publishing "orthodox" catholic
teaching deconstructed the catholic authority itself. Ducmex dubs this as "a
Protestant acculturation of the Catholic Counter Reformation in Bohemia. ” A new
relation between reader and written (printed) text was bom; it is no longer founded on
the decipherment or the hearing of a text, but on the possession or the simple
presence of the book as an object. "The written text, continues Ducmex, that
contains absolute truth and produces truth in its reader, legitimizing his spiritual and
individual freedom of choice." Detached from their traditional, authoritative, and
privileged interpreters, knowledge and truth are transposed, reified in printed texts,
and now are in the hands of the readers who have the tools of erudition to access.
Îbid., 201.
337
CHAPTER SIX
SOCIO-SEMANTIC FUNCTIONS OF GLOSS LITERATURE
1. Shaykh Nawawi’s glosses as interface between two traditions
Shaykh Nawawi’s writings belong to a genre that is commonly called "gloss
literature." The term "gloss" already carries certain connotations that are almost
unconsciously associated with something assumed to be not original, not important,
uninteresting, not creative, cumbersome, wordy and having other characteristics to the
same effect. This attitude results from a mental disposition to which we have
become accustomed. Impatient with long, winding discourse, we then ask "What are
you getting at?" That basic mental attitude places high value on the content of a
discourse, oral or written, in terms of novel and original ideas, and thus disregards
the context, the intellectual process of the discourse and the functions the discourse
fulfills in the transmission of knowledge.
The context of Shaykh Nawawi’s writing is consciously religious. He wrote
following closely a scholarly technique that was the convention long before his time.
The Sitz-im-Leben of this kind of literature is religious instruction, where a teacher
is surrounded by students who would listen to him explaining a difficult text or
338
elaborating important points in the text in a process of transferring religious
knowledge. This does not mean that Shaykh Nawawi wrote his works while he was
physically in the presence of his students. As a matter of fact, Shaykh Nawawi
composed his works at home "at night by the glow of a little, pewter, petroleum lamp
(mesrajah)’’1 absent from his students. Nevertheless, his students were always
present in another sense. They were his "textual" audience. His writings are, as it
were, written transcripts of what he would have performed orally in front of his
students and what they would have received aurally from him. This method of
teaching has left traces until today in Indonesian pesantrens where it is called
balaghan or bandongan in Java and halaqah in Sumatra.2
As I have described in the introduction to Shaykh Nawawi’s writings on the
Arabic language, even the Arabic is part of this religious instruction. It is only
proper to quote here again his own assessment on the objective of learning Arabic
declension (tasrif) by using examples from Qur’anic verses and the hadith. He wrote,
"Apart from correcting mispronunciations and acquiring fluency in Arabic, the art of
declension is an aid toward understanding the meaning of the Qur’an and the hadith
and enabling one to converse with the Arabs. "3 Different from a course in
introductory Arabic that college students take, the Arabic "class” had in the
‘C. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, 272.
2Heru Sukadri, Kiai Haji Hasyim Asy’ari: Riwayat Hidup dan Pengabdiannya
(Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, 1985), 56-57. Sudjoko Prasodjo
and others, Profil Pesantren (Jakarta: LP3ES, 1982), 53.
3al-Riyad al-Fuliyya, 4.
339
consciousness of Shaykh Nawawi's students an aura of religiosity. Whereas for
college students Arabic is only one among many courses of foreign languages that the
university offers, for Shaykh Nawawi’s students, and Muslim students in general, it is
the gateway to the world of Islamic religious learning.
The knowledge of various aspects of the Arabic language is called an
"instrumental science" (film al-alat), a key to the world of Islamic religious sciences
in the strictest sense: fiqh, hadith, u?ul al-din, tafsir, and tasawwuf. In reality,
however, these sciences are open to only a limited few, particularly for Jawi students,
whereas the rest had to be satisfied with the little they could accomplish according to
their means and during the time available for them.4 Therefore, for the students, the
knowledge of Arabic is more than simply propaedeutic to obtaining knowledge
(film); a good command of Arabic already constitutes knowledge itself or at least a
great part of it.
The nature of Arabic as the language of revelation, the method employed to
teach Arabic grammar and other branches of Arabic studies, and the social respect
accorded those versed in it place Arabic above all languages. Learning Arabic can be
called a religious act in itself. For Muslims, Arabic is first of ail the language of
4It takes a long time to finish learning one treatise. In the Yusufiyya at the
mosque-university of Marrakesh, in the 1920s ‘Abd al-Rabman "followed the lessons
of Shaykh Muhammad b. ‘Umar as-Sarghini on Ibn Ishaq’s Mukhtasar. Indicative of
the lack of "closure" in traditional studies, Ibn ‘Umar was unable to complete his
commentary on the entire treatise in the six years that ‘Abd ar-Rabman followed his
lessons." Dale F. Eickelman, Knowledge and Power in Morocco (Princeton, New
Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1985), 92. Makdisi, The Rise of Colleges, on the
length of stay of students...
340
God who speaks to humankind in the Qur’an. Secondly, it is the language of the
prophet Muhammad whose logia are kept in the collections of hadith. The ritual
prayers that Muslims are obliged to perform five times daily consisting of portions of
the Qur’an are recited in their original Arabic. We need here only to recall the long
digression on the discussion of the Fatifta in Suluk al-Jada above—in terms of the
proper ways of reciting it; how it determines the literacy of a person; and the
importance for worshippers to learn to recite it properly as an individual
obligation—to grasp the importance of Arabic for Muslims, particularly non-Arabic
speaking Muslims.
Unlike the grammar of languages which is derived from the usage of the living
language, Arabic grammar rules are perceived to derive from the Qur’an.
Illustrations and examples of phrases, sentences, and locutions are often taken directly
from Qur’anic verses or the hadith. Through Arabic grammar the students start to
understand not only the meaning of the portions of the Qur’anic verses they recite
during ritual prayers, but they also appreciate the beauty of the script, of the
structure and style of the verses, and also of the rhythmic sound that reverberates in
their ears. The script is not only a graphical representation, but calligraphy is a
religious an. The study of eloquence (ilm al-balagha) is closely related to the
doctrine of the inimitability of the Qur’an (‘ijaz al-Qur’an), which is an analytical
substantiation for the divine origin of the Qur’an. In a study on rhetoric, William
Smyth wrote:
Tim al-balagha teaches the student not only to understand the text and to
follow mles it lays down, but also following the implication of ‘ijaz al-Qur’an
341
to recognize its aesthetic merit. The reading of Tim al-balagha may be seen
then to go beyond that of law. While law teaches us how to translate the text
into human action, ‘ilm al-balagha teaches us how to appreciate it; it
transcends the mundane, and points the reader in the direction of the Divine.5
The students, therefore, regard the Arabic language, its script, morphology,
grammar, and rhetoric with respect and awe. Knowing the correct pronunciation of
Arabic letters enables students to recite correctly parts of the Qur’an during their
ritual prayers. Upon their return to their home country, to their villages, this
knowledge of Arabic, however limited, definitely raises them above their fellow
countrymen who did not have the opportunity to sojourn in Mecca. There were
many positions a has-been-to-Mecca can aspire to: founder of a pesantren, a local
religious bureaucrat (penghulu), religious teacher, or simply a prayer leader. All of
them benefit from some knowledge of Arabic, making a real difference in their social
standing.
From the point of view of the social attitude of the students toward a text,
there is actually no significant difference between a text and its commentary, between
a commentary and its super-commentary, even between texts of different subjects. A
religious text is a religious text with all the respect it commands. The difference
between one text and another, between a commentary on a work and another
commentary on the same work, does not lie so much in the content, even less in its
originality, but rather on the social standing the author—and the text—has acquired
5William Smyth, "Rhetoric and ‘ilm al-Balagha,” MW, 82 (1992), 242-255;

quotation from p. 255.
342
and the community has accorded thereto. It is true that an author, because of his
background, can put more materials into his commentary than another author. But
accumulating information is one thing, and providing new ideas or arguments is quite
another. The first focuses on gathering information, the second on organizing that
same information sequentially, establishing a coherent structure in order to present a
view on the matter. The first values virtuosity and performance, while the second
praises creativity and originality.
What is true for the Arabic language and the effort of learning the language is
even more valid for the other branches of Islamic religious studies in terms of the
functions that each discipline has and of the position it occupies vis-a-vis the Qur’an,
the main source and origin of all Islamic learning. Indeed, the entire Islamic learning
enterprise obtains its raison d’etre from the Qur’an on which each branch of learning
functions as a kind of "commentary" or "gloss." Islamic learning activities as a
whole resemble a solar system in which the Qur’an occupies its center, emanating
rays to the surrounding of layers of celestial bodies travelling in their own orbits at
different distances from the center, themselves being surrounded in turn by their own
sub-satellites. Thus, the study of the Qur’an is surrounded by the studies of hadith,
Qur’anic commentaries (tafsir), Qur’anic recitation (tajwid), the study of the variant
readings of the Qur’an (‘ilm al-qira’a). Surrounding the study of Hadith are the study
of hadith transmitters (‘ilm al-rijal). Then come the study of the principles of
theology (u$ul al-din), the principles of legal interpretation (u$ul al-fiqh), divergence
of opinions among the chief schools of law. This order of text is often mirrored in
343
the order of teaching, often in the order of the day itself following the sequence of the
five times for ritual prayer, in the sequence of scholarship: original text (matn), its
commentary (sharh), its super-commentary (hashiya), and the explication of the gloss
itself (takrir), and even in the "seating arrangement" of the students around the
teacher according to the degree of competence of the students in the text being
studied.6
Seen from the other direction, the position of the students vis-a-vis the great
tradition of Islam, the writings of Shaykh Nawawi represent a means of entree and
guides for the students to the great classical traditions of Islam, and insert them in the
living community and tradition that exists beyond any time and geographical
boundary. These propaedeutic and didactic functions can be seen in three symbols
that the works of Shaykh Nawawi provide namely, the gloss (sharh) literary genre
itself, the titles of the gloss that he chose, and the authorities of the past to whom he
referred.
Except for his commentary on the Qur’an (Marah Labid), which for an
obvious reason Shaykh Nawawi calls a tafsir, and his super-commentary on a fiqh
book by Ibn Qasim al-Ghazzi, which he calls tawshih (Tawshih ‘ala Fath al-Qarib al-
Mujib), Shaykh Nawawi uses the term sharh to describe what he does to a text. The
term sharh here is a technical term in reference to a particular literary genre. "This
tim othy Mitchell, Colonising Egypt, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,

1988), 33-35; C. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, 180-212; Dale F. Eickelman,
Knowledge and Power in Morocco, 91-104. Richard Bulliet, The Patricians of
Nishapur, 47-60; and George Makdisi, The Rise of Colleges, 80-98.
344
is a commentary on ..." (Hadha sharh ‘ala ...) is the common opening phrase, to be
followed by the title of the text to comment on. The use of Arabic terms indicating
the literary form of commentaries has been somewhat fluid. The terms widely used
are tafsir, sharh, mukhtasar, ikhtisar, jawami‘, talkhi?, and taTiq. For example al-
Farabi’s commentary on Aristotle’s De Interpretation is called sharh, tafsir, tajrid,
and taTiq. Tafsir was the generic form of all sorts of commentaries.7 In Shaykh
Nawawi’s time, however, tafsir was used strictly for commentary on the Qur’an, and
mukhtasar is for a succinct rendering of a work. Both terms sharh and mukhtasar
are used in one of Shaykh Nawawi’s work, Fath al-Mujib bi-Sharh Mukhtasar al-
Khatib. Indeed, sharh is a commentary proper, since the rest denotes a "condensing"
of a work: mukhtasar/ ikhtisar (abridgement), jami‘ (pi. jawami‘) (synopsis), talkhis
(summary). In terms of method and content, sharh can be ‘ala al-laf?, an ad literam
commentary on the letter of a text or ‘ala al-ma‘na, providing the general sense of the
paragraph or sentence in the form of a paraphrase.8 In Shaykh Nawawi’s time sharh
tends to be the word by word type of commentary, in the form of discrete notes to the
text without internal coherence, and is never a running commentary. What we want
to note here is simply the fact that the literary genre of Shaykh Nawawi’s works,
which is the sharh, is not a text that stands on its own feet, but has rather a function
7Dimitri Gutas, "Aspects of Literary Form and Genre in Arabic Logical Works,"
in Charles Burnett (ed.), Glosses and Commentaries on Aristotelian Logical Texts
(London: The Warburg Institute University of London, 1993), 32.
8Ibid„ 31-43.
345
in relation to another text. Our presentation of Shaykh Nawawi’s Suluk al-Jadda9
above shows how a gloss has a function similar to an annotated edition of a text.
This didactic and propadeutic function is also obvious from the titles of the
works. The title of a religious text is not simply a dry factual description of what the
text is, but evokes a certain psycho-religious experience, inspired by the text. As had
long since become common to authors, Shaykh Nawawi gave his work titles that
would rhyme with the title of text it comments on, such as Fath ghafir al-Khattiya
‘ala Kawakib al-Jalliya fi na?m al-Jurumiyya, a commentary on a versified form of
the classic manual of Arabic grammar. Apart from the mnemotechnical help that the
title provides the audience, it also displays the poetic beauty of the Arab language, the
language of the Qur’an. Some titles describe its function in relation to the basic texts
they comment on. They can be an introduction to, an interface, a door, a gateway
that opens the path that leads to eventual victory or success in understanding the text.
The words fath and futuhat10 are used (Fath al-Mujib, Fath al-$amad, Fath Ghafir al-
Khafliyya, Fath al-Majid, al-Futuhat al-Madaniyya). Thus a commentary serves as an
eye opener to the Islamic religious treasure. Hence the idea of discovery, unveiling,
uncovering (kashf) a secret or precious mine such as Shaykh Nawawi’s Kashf al-
Murutiyya and Kashifat al-Shija’.11 Religious knowledge buried in the text is
9See Chapter IV, particularly sub 11.2
10There are recorded 230 titles that start with fath (GALS, III: 858-861) and 40
items with futuhat (GALS, HI: 867-868).
“Brockelmann records 301 titles that start with the word kashf (GALS, III: 935-
939) and eight titles with kashifa (GALS, III: 939).
346
described as invaluable. The idea of precious stones (durr, yaqut) and jewelry (*iqd).
gold (ibriz), ornament (hilya) are loved (Tijan al-Darari, al-Durar al-Bahiyya; al-Tqd
al-Thamin, ‘Uqud al-Lujayn; al-Ibriz al-Dani; Hilyat al-Sibyan)12 or the idea of a
cool, green, pleasant pasture such as a garden (al-Riyad al-Fuliyya), or perfume (al-
Nafahat).13 Very popular is the description of the method of approaching and
reaching the text, the repository of invaluable things. They can be by walking
slowly, briskly, or climbing a ladder or ascending gradually until the end is in sight
(Suluk al-Jadda, DharTat al-Yaqin, Sullam al-Munajat, Salalim al-Fudala’, Madarij
al-$u‘ud, Maraqi al-‘Ubudiyya, Mirqat $u‘ud al-Tagdiq, Nihayat al-Zayn).14
Besides the instmment for climbing such as ladder, a commentary can become a
guiding light for those who still walk in the darkness of ignorance (Nur al-Zalam,
Migbah al-Zulam, al-Lum‘a al-Nuraniyya), or even nourishment for the heart (Qut al-
Habib al-Gharib) or delicious fruit (al-Thimar al-Yani‘a).
i:There are as many as 397 titles starting with the words that derive from the root
drr: durar 107 items (GALS, HI: 837-839); durr 164 items (GALS, HI: 839-843);
and durra 121 items (GALS, HI: 843-845). Titles starting with the words ‘iqd and
‘uqud are 146 (GALS, HI: 918-920, 1151-1152). Those with ibriz (GALS, HI: 906),
tijan (GALS, IH: 1136), yaqut (GALS, HI: 1161), and bilya (GALS, HI: 896-897) are
relatively not very popular: respectively three, five, eight, and thirty seven items.
13GALS, IH: 1077-1078 records 58 titles of work that begin with the word riyad;
coming next are those start with the word nafahat (46 items in GALS, IH: 1011-1012.
I4Titles of books that start with the word suluk are relatively small, only nine
(GALS, in: 1087), so are those with the word dharTa, twelve items (GALS, HI: 847-
848); eleven items with sullam (GALS, HI: 1087), and surprisingly Shaykh Nawawi's
Salalim al-Fudala’ is unique; twelve item with madarij (GALS, III: 954); seven items
with maraqi (GALS, IH: 971) and sixteen items for its cognate mirqat (GALS, III:
985-986). But, titles starting with the word nihaya are among the favorites, seventy
items (GALS, HI: 1021).
347
The words chosen are by no means new. They have been used by previous
authors. A glance at Brockelmann’s titles of books that begin with the same words
are in general frequent. It is precisely its power of association that the words
generate with famous previous works, bearing the same or synonymous words that
makes the title its legal descendant, thus becoming part of the line of transmission of
knowledge from generation to generation. To name just a few: al-Fu$us al-Yaqutiyya
to Fusus al-Hikam by Ibn aI-‘Arabi (d. 1240), al-Futubat al-Madaniyya to the al-
Futubat al-Makkiyya again by Ibn al-‘Arabi, Kashifat al-Shija’ to Kashf al-Mahjub by
Hujwiri (d. ca. 1071), Qut al-Habib al-Gharib to Qut al-Qulub by Abu Talib al-Makki
(d. 996), al-Tqd al-Thamin to Iqd al-Farid by Ibn ‘Abd Rabbih (d. 940), al-Lum‘a al-
Nuraniyya to Kitab al-Lum‘a by al-Shafi‘i (d. 820), al-Riyad al-Fuliyya to the Riyad
al-Salihin by al-Nawawi (d. 1278), and Nihayat al-Zayn to the famous book al-Nihaya
by al-Ramli (d. 1596).
Reading the works of Shaykh Nawawi we are struck with the pervasive
presence of references to authorities of the past. In his works on the Arabic language
(al-Riyad al-Fuliyya, al-Fu$u$ al-Yaqutiyya, Kashf al-Murutiyya, Lubab al-Bayan) that
we described above, Shaykh Nawawi cites many Egyptian authorities—most of them
from al-Azhar—among his contemporary as well as authorities of the past generation,
such as ‘Abd al-Mun‘im al-Jiijawi (fl. 1854), Muhammad Ullaysh (d. 1882), Hasan
al-‘Attar (d. 1835), Na$ir al-Din al-Laqani (d. 1551), the book Sharh al-Marah by
Shams al-Din Ahmad, Sharh al-Shafiya Radi al-Din al-Astarabadhi (d. 1287),
Zamakhshari’s Asas al-Balagha, Ibn Hisham’s Mughni al-Labib, Ibn Malik’s Alfiyya,
348
al-Fayumi’s al-Mi$bah, al-Firuzabadi’s al-Qamus al-Mublt, al-Juijani’s Asrar al-
Balagha, Yusuf al-Sakkaki’s Miftab al-'Ulum, al-Kazwinl’s Talkhis al-Miftah, al-
Taftazani’s al-Mutawwil.15 In his works of dogmatics (Nur al-£alam, Fatb al-Majid,
Tijan al-Darari, DharTat al-Yaqin, and Qatr al-Ghayth), Shakh Nawawi refers to the
Egyptian scholar of the day, Shaykh al-Bajuri (d. 1861), his own teachers—Shaykh
Hasab Allah and Yusuf of Sumbawa, al-Nahrawi—al-Subaymi (d. 1765), al-Dasuqi
(d. 1815), al-Sharqawi (d. 1812). Through these authors, Shaykh Nawawi goes back
to the great authorities in Ash‘ari theology from al-Sanusi (d. 1486), al-Razi (d.
1210), al-Ghazali (d. 1111), al-Juwayni (d. 1085), al-Isfara’mi (d. 1027), al-Baqillani
(d. 1013), until al-Ash‘ari (d. 935) himself.16 The list of authorities that Shaykh
Nawawi mentions in his works on Islamic law is even longer. They are mentioned
here not so much to impress the reader how well read Shaykh Nawawi was or to
show what books he had in his private library, but rather for the symbolic meanings
the list evokes in the audience. For Shaykh Nawawi himself, the list of past
authorities and classical books represented, in Bourdieu’s terms, the accumulation of
symbolic and cultural capital, by means of which he distinguished himself from the
rest, particularly common Jawi Muslims, thus he gained a specific space (authority)
within the distribution of power in the society. The references to past authorities also
guarantee the orthodoxy of the teaching that Shaykh Nawawi transmitted from one
generation to the next. He often said he did not bring anything new in his writing,
15See above, Chapter III, Section 1.
l6See above, Chapter IH, Section 2.
349
but rather gathered the opinions of past authorities on a specific subject. This will
bring us to the discussion on originality within the constraints of tradition and what
we may call initiation and immersion into the classical tradition of Islam.
What a glossator can do with a text is quite limited. First, his movement is
already restricted by the structure of the base text to be commented on. Unlike the
method of commenting that treats an argument, usually developed in one paragraph or
more as its minimum unit of analysis, the method of commenting on a text word by
word, or phrase by phrase, inhibits the flow of thought, since no sooner one finishes
with commenting on one word or phrase than he has to jump to the next word or
phrase, whose direction may not necessarily be the same as the previous word or
phrase. Still, within this structural contraint, a glossator can find room for maneuver.
We have seen how Shaykh Nawawi uses the exordium to express his touch of
originality.17 However, the locus of his free movement is preciesly the reference to
authorities of the past. This is the place where he can chose where he wants to go,
what books to cite, which authorities to refer to. It is true the choice is not
unlimited, but the door is wide open for him, and as it were, it is his privilege to
choose. All depend on his own expertise, erudition, and in short, on the treasure of
knowledge he has accumulated thus far.
This kind of creativity and ingenuity, or we may say originality, within the
constraint of tradition resembles very closely that of the composition of oral poetry
17See the exordium of Suluk al-Jadda (Chapter IV, page 238) and that of Kashf al-
Murutiyya (Chapter HI, page 137).
350
such as Homer’s Iliad for which Eric Havelock draws a simile that I cannot resist
quoting in full:
"Let us think of him [Homer] therefore as a man living in a large house

crowded with furniture, both necessary and elaborate. His task is to
thread his way though the house, touching and feeling the furniture as
he goes and reporting its shape and texture. He chooses a winding and
leisurely route which shall in the course of the day’s recital allow him
to touch and handle most of what is in the house. The route that he
picks will have its own design. This becomes his story, and represents
the nearest that he can approach to sheer invention. This house, these
rooms, and the furniture he did not himself fashion: he must
continually and affectionately recall them to us. But as he touches or
handles he may do a little refurbishing, a little dusting off, and perhaps
make small rearrangements of his own, though never major ones. Only
in the route he choses does he exercise decisive choice."18
A base text is similar to a historical house, and a glossator an expert tour
guide. Words and phrases are its furniture, structural elements of the building, and
all it contains. A glossator cannot change them nor rearrange them, but while he is
telling the story of the house, he can stop at any point and recall an authority or
authorities in the past who had something to say about it or whose life was in one
way or another connected with, perhaps an annecdote or two here and there to lighten
up the audience, should they become tired. Perhaps there were many persons with an
opinion on that particular part of the building or furniture, but a glossator can choose
among them at will. The information that the guest or tourist would get from the
guide consists of disjuncted stories and facts, but at the end of the tour he will grasp
the overall beauty of the house, even though there may remain some confusion that he
I8Eric Havelock, Preface to Plato (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard UNiversity

Press, 1963), 88-89.
351
may not quite able to discern. If we listen to the guide’s explanation of the house
more than once, we will notice that he does not vary much. We notice that his
creativity or originality has its own limits, but it does not prevent him from making
an interesting tour. On the contrary, the more often one listens to the tour guide, the
deeper his knowledge becomes, and thus the road has been paved for him to become
a tour guide himself.
Seen from this perspective, the authorities that a glossator cites are not dry
data or sources of objective information, but rather truthful interpreters of the religion
and trustworty witnesses of faith who faithfully kept and transmitted the deposimm
fidei of Islamic faith from generation to generation, in a chain process (isnad) that is
very similar to the transmission of hadith. Thus, a gloss is by no means a text replete
with desiccated fossils, but a living testimony of intellectual technology to which we,
living in the print and electronic culture, are no longer accustomed. The long list of
authorities does not necessarily mean that Shaykh Nawawi consulted all those books.
For example, in our description of Shaykh Nawawi’s Lubab al-Bayan the list of books
to which he referred probably come from his direct source, namely, the book by an
authority in rhetoric, al-Taftazani.19 This fact actually supports the contention that
the difference between a gloss and a base text is not in kind, but rather in degree.
Both texts function as an interface between the students, the reader, the audience and
the classical tradition of Islam.
I9See, Chapter 01, 142-143.
352
2. The printed gloss mediating manuscript culture and print culture
The story given in Chapter One of Shaykh Nawawi’s trip to Cairo not only
represents an edificatory legend to show a certain Javanese conceit, but in hindsight,
it has a more important symbolic significance in terms of the fate of his writings and
hence the transmission of knowledge after the arrival of printing technology.
Shaykh Nawawi’s works are now available in printed form. They are, thus,
printed gloss. Gloss literature belongs to the manuscript culture; so the term "printed
gloss" actually contains a combination of two things that do not normally mix. On
the one hand, printed gloss has the external look of printed books, but on the other,
its organization still represents the noetic economy of the manuscript culture with a
heavy residue of oral culture.
According to Webster, "gloss" is: "an interlinear translation," "an explanatory
interlinear or marginal insertion in the text of a book," "a glossary," "a verbal
interpretation or paraphrase," "a sophistical, misleading interpretation."20 It is worth
noting how Webster orders the definitions of gloss in such a way that reflects the
primacy of written and/or printed form over the original habitat of oral-aural setting.
The first three definitions refer to the visual appearance of gloss and the spatial
division on a page, since "interlinear" and "marginal" belong to the world of writing.
Likewise, the words "book" and "glossary" are terms used to describe printed
material. It is the remaining definitions which actually give a hint of the environment
20 The New Webster Comprehensive Dictionary of the English Language (New

York: American International Press, 1987)
353
in which gloss originated. The words "verbal" and "sophistical" bring us back to the
time when glossing was an activity in which someone talked while others were
listening.
The term "gloss" derives from "glossa," meaning "tongue." Its orality is
evident. Even when the object of glossing is a manuscript, the oral-aural setting
remains perceivable. Manuscript and the oral-aural transfer of knowledge was the
core system of education in the Middle Ages before the arrival of printing technology.
A manuscript is "tongued over," talked over, explained, elaborated, commented upon
orally to an audience. At that time students scribbled comments either on the written
words or in a place close to them. So, originally the "glossing activity" itself is an
event, an occurrence in a living situation, in which a student is engaged in an
interactive and interpersonal communication with a teacher, who is an authoritative
interpreter and guarantor for the correct transmission of the text in the absence of the
original author. In this tradition a text cannot live alone; it always needs an
authoritative transmitter. It is through this interpersonal communication that religious
knowledge is transmitted from generation to generation, relayed from person to
person in the form of "ijaza," an authority as well as a permit to pass on that baton of
religious knowledge. As will be seen later, this close relationship between a text and
an authoritative interpreter is going to be severely impaired, even broken, with the
advent of print.
It is not only in the chain of authority between teacher and student that the
communitarian nature of Islamic learning is seen. Texts are read in community, and
354
so the apparently chaotic accumulation of comments, elucidations, traditions and
anecdotes which characterize glossing actually brings the past community of scholars
to the present. By his mastery of the field, the teacher inserts himself into this
tradition and community and thereby provides for his students a link with or
admission into this same community of scholarship. In our description of selected
works of Shaykh Nawawi above, we are constantly introduced to authorities in the
past, both in terms of authors or authoritative works. Here again we see how the
intertextuality of gloss literature is very closely related to the interrelation between
authoritative transmitters of knowledge. As we see clearly in our discussion of
Shaykh Nawawi’s Suluk al-Jadda, the gloss contains layers of references to
authorities. In this regard, Shaykh Nawawi’s works become the very chain that
connects the students to the great past tradition of Islam.
The writing composition or composing of a gloss as an individual and
intellectual activity by an author, without the presence of his students, detaches the
gloss from its original living setting, in the same way the dryness of its written record
is detached from an exciting conversation. The transcription of a living session into a
gloss gives it quite a different shape and character from its original setting. Writing it
down freezes a gloss onto a page of a manuscript, usually on the margins around the
original text, hence the term marginal annotations or notes. The teacher’s voice, the
context given by his gesture and facial expressions, the nuances, irony, interaction
between him and the students are all but buried beneath the written gloss. M. A. K.
355
Halliday21 has pointed out in detail how the device of writing cannot represent all the
properties of speech. Visual devices in printed works such as spacing, layout,
underlining, fonts are but inadequate substitutes for what are possible in speech.
Certainly, a manuscript maintains a closer relationship to the oral setting than do
printed books. Describing the nature of manuscript, Walter J. Ong writes "Still tied
to the commonplace tradition of the old oral world, it deliberately created texts out of
other texts, borrowing, adapting, sharing the common, originally oral, formulas and
themes, even though it worked them up into fresh literary forms impossible without
writing."22 The function of writing in the manuscript era is largely to recycle
knowledge back into the oral world, as the medieval scholastic method of disputation,
in the West as well as in the East.23
Writing on the history of printing and its impact in the western culture, Lucien
Febvre24wrote that it took a long time for printed books to have the visual
appearance that we have today. The earliest printed books, the so-called incunabula,
were printed to look exactly like manuscripts. Printers used different type fonts to
reflect the script commonly used in manuscripts. Cost and other economic factors
2lM. A. K. Halliday, Spoken and Written Language (Oxford: Oxford University

Press, 1985).
“ Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (LOndon
and New York: Meuthen, 1982), 133.
^G. Makdisi, The Rise of Colleges, 99-152. Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy,
119.
24Lucien Febvre and Henri-Jean Martin, The Coming of the Book: The Impact of
Printing 1450-1800 (London: NLB, 1976), 75-108.
356
forced the printers to standardize. It is only a century after printing that the roman
script, or the humanist script, was used throughout Europe, because of its clarity and
the efficient size of its characters. But the most important developments relevant for
us here are the appearance of a title page or label, that Febvre calls "the civic status"
of the book, and page or folio numbering.
We are accustomed to see in the title page of a printed book some basic
information about the title, author, publisher, place and date of publication. That is
not how manuscripts looked, and for that matter, neither did printed books in the
fifteenth and even the sixteenth century. Since earlier printed books were exact
copies of manuscripts, the text in printed books began on the recto of the first page or
leaf, then a short description of the book and the author came next. For more
detailed information on the title, author, publisher, place and date of publication, the
reader had to go to the colophon at the end of the book, the colophon itself being a
carry-over from the manuscript.25 Since the recto of the first leaf tends to soil, the
beginning of the text was moved onto the verso of the first leaf, thus leaving the recto
blank. From the natural tendency to fill blank spaces was bom the title page that
would become the identity of the book.
The second "innovation" was the introduction of continuous pagination of
folios or leaves. Binding books used to be a very delicate process. Sections of the
book had to be sewn one after another. Each section might have an unequal number
of leaves. To guide the binders, the device that had been used by copyist or scribes
“ Lucien Febvre and Henri-Jean Martin, The Coming of the Book, 83-84.
357
of manuscripts was used by printers to mark the sequence of leaves. Then a table, or
the so-called register, was added, on which was recorded the first word of each
double leaf. Then the marks were printed on the leaves themselves, usually at the
bottom right of the sheet. First, the marks were letters of the alphabet, then they
were replaced by numbers. From practical indicators for the guide to binding was
bom a new device, pagination that "opened up new possibilities for indexing and
reference, and the modem table of contents became possible."26
If we open a work of Shaykh Nawawi—and almost any work of gloss literature
for that matter—it is interesting to note that the printed gloss has the external look of
a modem book: title page, author, publisher, place and date of publication on the
recto of the first page. The text begins on the verso of the first page. It has also
running pagination, and often a table of contents (fihrist) at the end of the book. But.
when we look closely into the text, we also find residues of manuscript culture.
First, right after an exordium, the text usually gives the information about the author
of the gloss, the title of the gloss, the title of the base text on which he comments.
Second, there is a "colophon" at the end of the book that contains more detailed
information on the gloss itself: the author, title, title of the base text, publisher,
sponsor, sometimes the corrector or editor, the date and place of publication. This is
definitely a carry-over from the manuscript era. Another trace of the manuscript is
the very presence of the text being commented upon, printed either in the middle of
the page surrounded by the gloss, and often a work similar to the base text or another
26Henri-Jean Martin, The History and Power of Writing, 303.
358
gloss by a different author printed on the margins. This is reminiscent of the
manuscript economy that leaves no blank spaced unfilled. Al-Jahiz in his Kitab al-
Hayawan told an anecdote in which a student attended the lecture of a scholar and
took notes on part of what the latter said. Noticing what the student did, the scholar
said, "Take notes of everything that you hear in class. A black space is better for it
than a white one ."27
We reiterate here that even though Shaykh Nawawi’s works are available in
printed form, they still bear several internal signatures of the manuscript culture
whose original habitat was in the oral culture. We should here hasten to note that to
correlate gloss literature with the oral culture by no means should undermine its
importance. On the contrary, the orality elements in gloss literature point to a
management of intellectual technology and a cognitive strategy that are very different
from that which has been influenced by the print culture. Oral culture, manuscript
culture, print culture, and lately electronic culture are different from one another in
terms of their method—to use Ong’s terms—in "technologizing the word" and
"restructuring thought"—each with its own advantages and disadvantages. In the
following it will be argued that the mixture between the management of knowledge in
the oral culture and that in the manuscript culture help to explain the relative success
of Shaykh Nawawi’s works in the nineteenth century and its gradual decline in this
century.
27Jahi?, Kitab al-hayawan, quoted in Franz Rosenthal, The Technique and

Approach of Muslim Scholarship (Roma: Pontificium Institutum Biblicum, 1947), 6,
to argue the reliance of all branches of literature on its preservation in written form.
359
Ong describes the differences between the management of knowledge in the
oral culture and that in the chirographic culture in terms of their respective
psychodymanics. In a culture that is deeply influenced by the use of writing,
knowledge is obtained by "looking up" in the repository of knowledge such as books
or dictionaries, whereas in a culture untouched by writing, knowledge is obtained by
"re-calling" the knowledge from memory, with the help of mnemonic devices and
formulaic or patterned statements. Oral style tends to be additive rather than
subordinative. Information and data are placed aggregatively one after the other,
rather than arranged in a systematic, hierachical, and analytical ordering. Cornucopia
is preferred to selection. Therefore, repetitions, digressions, copiousness bordering
on redundancy are common in primary oral culture.28 Our reading of Shaykh
Nawawi’s works shows the presence of characteristics that are similar to those
common in primary oral culture as well as those common in written culture, but the
former seems stronger. Information was culled from different sources or authorities
in the past and juxtaposed one after the other without any attempt at abstraction.
Repetitions, reiterations, digressions are also commonplace. But what is the
relevance of these oral elements to our understanding of Shaykh Nawawi’s works in
particular?
Together with the practice of referring to past authorities as discussed
previously, these elements of orality were the products of the "habitus" and the
cultural style of the time. At the same time, they produced a corresponding
280ng, Orality and Literacy, 31-57.
360
"habitus," which, on the one hand, guaranteed their success in their own time, but, on
the other hand, were bound to become obsolete when new factors came into play and
changed the shape of the cultural landscape.
What I believe is most interesting in gloss literature is that the pervasive
presence of references to past authorities and repetitions not only represent the salient
objective contents of gloss literature, but they also—and perhaps in a more important
way—instill certain dispositions, call for similar actions on the part of the students,
and prepare a path for them to follow, within the framework of "structured and
structuring habitus." And these are the fundamental elements of being "Muslim."
Gloss literature always begins with the "basmala," and the glossator has to
comment on the "basmala" in the base text itself. This base text may already be a
commentary on another text that contains another "basmala," and so we have layers
of "basmala" within one gloss. This practice is actually in accordance with the
Qur’an itself, most of whose suras begin with the "basmala." The practice of citing
the "basmala" at the beginning of a gloss also becomes the practice of Muslim daily
discourse. Similarly, the frequent citations from the Qur’an and the hadith, and the
references to past authorities, also appear as frequently in Muslim oral as well as
written discourses.
With regard to repetitions, reiterations in gloss literature we have already
discussed how they are helpful and, indeed, necessary to students. In addition to that,
we must mention that repetition was also the formal method of learning itself. A
student had to read aloud from memory a portion of the text he was studying to his
361
shaykh. The next day he would repeat the same portion of the text and a couple of
lines next to it; thus, he would learn the entire text incrementally. This is one of the
reasons why it takes such a long time for a student to learn a text. Within this
cultural style of learning, knowledge is not so much the objective contents and truth
stored in texts which students have to cull with the help of a teacher, but rather a sea
in which students immerse themselves, thus partaking in the Islamic heritage.
Eickelman, in his study on the Islamic education in Morroco ,29saw a close
relationship between the cognitive style associated with Islamic knowledge (‘ilm) and
the management of non-religious knowledge (ma‘rifa), both in their formal and
material objects. The material sources of religious knowledge as well as non
religious knowledge are considered as fixed and memorable. In terms of the method
of transmission, "the religious sciences throughout the Islamic world are thought to be
transmitted traditionally through a quasi-genealogical chain of authority that descends
from master or teacher (shaykh) to student (talib) to insure that the knowledge of
earlier generations is passed on intact. Knowledge of crafts is passed from master to
apprentice in an analogous fashion, with any knowledge or skill acquired independent
of such a tradition regarded as suspect. "30 The commonality between management
of knowledge of both religious and non-religious knowledge explained the success of
29Eickelman, "The Art of Memory: Islamic Education and its Social

Reproduction, " in Juan R. I. Cole (ed.), Comparing Muslim Societies: Knowledge
and the State in A World Civilization (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press,
1992), 97-132.
30Ibid., 103.
362
Islamic education in Morrocco, before it was disrupted by the introduction of the
Western educational system with formal curricula, new subjects, admission and course
examination, formally appointed faculties, and budgets subject to external
governmental control.31 In a similar fashion, the success of gloss literature in
nineteenth-century Java was among other things due to the orality of gloss literature
and the Javanese culture in the nineteenth century.
Amin Sweeny32 in his study on orality and literacy in the Malay world makes
a very interesting observation on Malay literature in that underneath the bulk of
Malay literature there was a strong current of the oral culture. "Our awareness of the
schematic nature of much of Malay written composition leads us to see each
manuscript of a ’work’ as a potential performance."33 Performance is the stage and
habitat of the oral communication. Nancy Florida34 in her study of the classical
Javanese literature makes some interesting remarks on the possibility of reading and
writing in traditional Java. She contends that "the traditional literature of Java is, for
the most part, a manuscript literature." They were composed in macapat meters
which were meant for sung performative readings and hence for melodic aural
consumption. Indeed, even the solitary reading of these texts entails the intoning of
3IEickelman, "The Art of Memory," 100.
32Amin Sweeny, A Full Hearing: Orality and Literacy in the Malay World
(Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: Univrsity of California Press, 1987).
33Ibid, 42.
34Nancy K. Florida, Writing the Past, Inscribing the Future: History as Prophecy
in Colonial Java (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1995).
363
the melody in the reader’s mind. Sometimes the melodic phrasing of the poetry in
performance actually determines the sense of a given passage. Thus there was what
we may call an "oral literacy" in which "the literate audience of Java’s past included
persons who were ’illiterate’ in the narrower sense of the word, and yet, through
practiced and sensitive listening, had become highly conversant with literature."35
Florida points to an important fact that the loci for the Javanese traditional literature
are both the royal court and the pesantren; this is not surprising, since there is ample
evidence that the so-called ’Javanese court literature’ grew out of and through textual
tradition in the pesantrens so much so that many court poets were graduates of
pesantrens.
Java in the nineteenth century—and the rest of Indonesia for that matter—was
basically an oral culture in which part of the population had a relatively high "oral
literacy." The pesantren was in practice the only educational institution that existed
in Java until well into the beginning of the twentieth century when the Dutch colonial
government introduced a western system of education, first for the sons of the
Javanese aristrocrats.36 The new system of education brings with it new materials,
tools, and approach to the management of knowledge, namely, printed books and
other types of publications that became possible because of print technology. As we
have seen in the previous chapter, this new development led to the emergence of a
35Florida, Writing the Past, 11-12.
36Karel A. Steenbrink, Pesantren, Madrasah, Sekolah : Pendidikan Islam dalam

Kurun Modem (Jakarta: LP3ES, 1974), 23-35.
364
new type of leadership that little by little shoved aside the traditional leadership and
the educational institution from which the leadership had formerly come. And along
with their decline was the fate of gloss literature.
Shaykh Nawawi’s works belong to the gloss literary genre. It is in the
religious context surrounding the writing of the gloss, in the subject matter his works
deal with, in the living setting in which the works were taught to his students, present
or absent, in the social attitude of the audience toward them, and in the social
functions the works performed, that we may find the socio-cultural meaning of gloss
literature. Deriving from an originally personal, oral-aural habitat, gloss finds its
place in the world of writing until finally it reaches its apogee in the finished, final,
fixed form of the printed book. Shaykh Nawawi’s gloss works were all printed. This
crowning moment of gloss literature, however, marks its own demise.
365
APPENDIX I
P esantrens in T h e L a t e N in e t e e n t h -C e n t u r y
Java and M adura
Source: C. Snouck Hurgronje, Travel Notes in West and Central Java 1889-1891.
Leiden University Library: Mss. Cod. Or. 7931-A.
I. Surabaya: [Excellent in fiqh]
Teachers:
1. In Dasarma (or Sidacerma): Ubaydah (d. 1291/1874),

descendant of Raden Rahmat Ngampel
2. In Dasarma: Abd al-Qahhar, Ubaydah’s successor
3. Sa’id, grandson of Ubaydah
4. Zubayr, Ubaydah’s predecessor
5. Yusuf
6. In Sepanjang: Adra’i
7. In Kedung Madura: Na?m al-Din, Ubaydah’s brother
Students and the pesantrens of origin:
1. Shaykh Rafi’i of Caringin (Garut)

2. H. Yusuf b. Rafi’i of Caringin (Garut)
3. Muhammad Sahih of Bunikasih (Cianjur)
4. Abd al-Halim b. Abdallah Salim of Cibangbau (Suci/ Garut)
5. Yusuf (Garut)
6. Adra’i (Kuningan/Sapanjang, Sudareja)
7. H. Rushdi (Bandung)
8. H. Anwar (Bandung)
9. H. Zakarya, Cipaganti (Jumbrung/ Bandung)
10. H. Muhammad, Sukamiskin (Jumbrung/Bandung)
11. H. Ishaq, Bunikasih, Peser (Cianjur)
12. H. Khalil, Kampung Lembur Tengah
13. H. Abd al-Muhyi (Mufti Cianjur)
14. H. Muhammad Salih
15. Muhammad Sarip, Limbangan (Cicalengka)
16. Abd al-Rahman, Bojong (Leles, Cicalengka) studied with Abd al-
Shakur
366
17. Kyahi Condong (Tasikmalaya) studied with Zubayr
18. H. Adra’i (Tasikmalaya)
19. H. Arshad, Sindang Kasih (Tasikmalaya)
20. Muhammad Mansur (Manonjaya)
21. H. Muhammad Salih (Manonjaya)
22. H. Muhammad Salih (Awipari, Manonjaya)
23. H. Muhammad Tahir (Lemah Abang)
24. Ahsan, Cempaka (Cirebon)
25. H. Hasan, Setu Jero (Pelumbon)
26. K. Anwar, Tegal Gubeng (Gegesik Lor)
27. H. Hasan (Indramayu)
28. H. Abd al-Mu’in b. Buntet
29. Kyahi Luqman, Rojom/Kedongdong Lor
30. H. Muhammad Nawawi, Babakan (Palimanan)
31. H. Sheykh Muhammad Garut, but not with Khalil or Hasab Allah,
since these were his contemporaries
32. H. Abd al-Fattah, Gunung Sabeulah (Tasikmalaya)
33. Kurdi, Singapama
34. Raden H. Muhammad Husayn
35. H. Hasan Alami, Sukapakir
36. Muhammad Imam, Trogong (Cicalengka)
37. H. Abd al-Hakim (Manonjaya)
II. Madura: [Excellent in Arabic grammar]
Teachers:
1. Khalil
2. Hasab Allah
Students:
1. H. Muhammad, Sukamiskin (Jumbrung/Bandung)

2. H. Ishaq, Bunikasih, Peser (Cianjur)
3. H. Khalil, Kampung Lembur Tengah
4. H. Abd al-Muhyi (Mufti Cianjur)
5. Muhammad Sarip, Limbangan (Cicalengka)
6. K. Anwar, Tegal Gubeng (Gegesik Lor)
7. H. Muhammad Salih (Manonjaya)
8. Kyahi Luqman, Rojom/Kedongdong Lor
9. H. Abd al-Fattah, Gunung Sabeulah (Tasikmalaya)
10. Kurdi, Singapama
11. Muhammad Razi (Sukamana)
367
III. Garut (West Java)
Teacher:
1. Kyahi Mulabaruk
Students:
1. Muhammad Razi (Sukamana)

2. Rdn. Haji Yahya (Chief Penghulu of Garut)
3. Muhammad Arif (Sumedang)
4. Muhammad Sahih (Bumikasih, Cianjur)
5. Kyahi Bunter (Tanjung Sari, Sumedang)
6. Hasan al-Basri (Kiara Koneng, Garut)
7. Kyahi Ci Pari (Wanaraja)
Teacher:
2. Shaykh Muhammad Garut
Students:
1. H. Hasan Mustafa (Garut)

2. Muhammad Salih (Awipari)
3. Abd al-Mu’is [b. Ithhar] (Sukabumi)
4. Muntasir, Cisempur (Sukabumi)
5. Abd al-Mannan [b. Ithhar] (Jampang)
6. Yahya (Cimahi)
7. Izra’i, M. Garut’s son-in-law
8. Most students of Priangan regions smdied with him when they went
to Mekka.
Teacher:
3. H. Hasan Mustafa
Students:
1. Kyahi Adra’i (Adrangi)

2. H. Rushdi (Bandung)
3. Zakarya (Cipaganti/ Jubrung (Bandung)
4. H. Muhammad Razi (Jumbrung)
5. Muh. Talha [b. Muh. Zayn] (Cianjur)
368
6. H. Ahmad (Pesawahan/Trogong (Cicalengka)
7. Muhammad Husayn, Jayawae (Tasikmalaya)
8. Ahsan, Cempaka (Cirebon)
10. H. Hasan, (Indramayu)
11. Amin (Indramayu)
IV. Cianjur (West Java)
Teacher:
1. Muhammad Sahih
Students:
1. H. Muhammad Siddiq, grandson of Kyahi Ci Pari (Wanaraja), a

contemporary of Hasan al-Basri
2. H. Hasan Alami (Sukapakir)
3. Muhammad Razi (Jumbrung/ Bandung)
4. Ishaq (Bumikasih, distrik Peser)
5. H. Ra’is from Cipaku (Cianjur)
6. A cousin of Muhammad Sahih (Cisarua)
7. Muhammad Talha b. Muh. Zayn (Cianjur)
8. Muhammad Pabuwaran (Cianjur)
9. Kyahi Warungmangga
10. Zayn al-Muttaqin b. Salihan, a brother of Khyahi Warungmangga
11. H. Ibrahim b. Kyahi Gandaria (Garut)
12. Muhammad Sahih b. Ithhar (Kebun Kawung, Sukabumi)
13. Muntasir b. Ithar (Sukabumi)
14. Yahya b. Ithar (Sukabumi)
15. Abd al-Hakim (Cihanyir/ Cicalengka)
16. H. Adra’i b. Kyahi Condong
17. Abd al-Fattah b. Kyahi Condong
18. Muhammad Mansur (Manonjaya)
19. H. Muhammad Salih (Awipari)
V. Cirebon
Teacher:
1. Kyahi Rahil [Anwar] Buntet, descendant of Sunan Kali Jaga
369
Students:
1. Kyahi Kan’an, Timbang (Hulu Dajeuh)

2. Kyahi Ramli, Panawuan (Ciampelas)
3. K. H. Abduljamil, Buntet-Martapada Kulon (Sindang)
4. K. H. Muhammad Sa’id, Gedongan/Ender (Sindang)
6. Amin, relative of Anwar Buntet (Dramayu)
7. H. Ahsan (Plered)
8. H. Abd al-Mu’in b. Anwar Buntet
9. K.H. Hidayat (Serang)
10. H. Abd al-Jamil b. Anwar Buntet
11. H. Khatib Qadhi Anwar, son-in-law of Anwar Buntet
12. H. Muhammad Sarip ([In]Dramayu)
13. Abdul al-Aziz (Penghulu Cirebon)
14. Kyahi Ciampelas (Cilimus, Cirebon)
Teacher:
2. Khatib Qadhi Anwar, son-in-law of Anwar Buntet;

in Pesantren Karian, Cirebon (d. 1282/1879)
Students:
1. H. Ihsan, successor to Khatib Qadhi Anwar

2. Kyahi Ciampelas (Cilimus, Cirebon)
3. Muhammad Shaybari (Timbang, Cilimus, Cirebon)
Teacher:
3. Muhammad Sarip (Indramayu), after the death of Anwar Buntet, he

and Khatib Qadhi Anwar became famous. His sons (Agus, Amin
and Jamal) were also teachers. Jamal was still in Mekka 1889.
VI. Kuningan (Kadu Gede)
Teacher:
1. Kyahi Kadu Gede (contemporary to Anwar Buntet)

2. Zayn al-Din b. Kyahi Kadu Gede
370
Students:
1. H. Muhammad Hasan b. Kyahi Ci Pari (Wanaraja)

2. Abd al-Mu’is b. Kyahi Ci Pari (Wanaraja)
3. Muhammad Siddiq, grandson of Kyahi Pari (Ci Pancur)
4. Abd al-Rahman (Bojong/ Leles)
VII. Pekalongan (Central Java)
Teachers:
1. Murtada (Karanji)
Students:
1. Raden Haji Yahya, Chief-penghulu Garut

2. Amir, grandson of Kyahi Munjul (Cirebon)
3. Amin, son-in-law of Salih Jawahir (Dramayu)
4. K.H. Hidayat (Serang)
Teacher:
2. [Raden] Salih Jawahir [b. Anwar Buntet], Benda

Kerep, Plered
Students:
1. Haji Hasan (Indramayu), married to a sister of the wife of Salih

Jawahir
2. Amin, son-in-law of Salih Jawahir
3. H. Abd al-Mu’in b. Anwar Buntet, Salih Jawahir’s successor
4. H. Abd al-Jamil b. Anwar Buntet, Anwar Buntet’s successor
5. H. Ihsan, Mufti, successor to H. Khatib Qadhi Anwar
6. H. Agus (Ghawth) b. Muhammad Sarip
7. Kyahi Ciampelas
VII. Purwakarta/Krawang
Teacher:
1. Raden Haji Yusuf (medium of teaching Malay)
371
Students:
1. Haji Ra’is from Cipaku (Cianjur)

2. H. Abd al-Salam (Cianjur); Khalifah of Sulayman
Effendi
3. Shaykh Abu Bakr Pontang (Banten)1
4. H. Hamim
5. H. Muhammad Ash’ari Bantani (Bogor)
VIII. Bogor
Bogor owed its fame to the family of H. ‘Abd al-Rabim al-Ash‘ari al-Qadiri.
He used to live in Banten before moving to Bogor. He studied with Haji Yusuf in
Purwakarta/Krawang, then he went to Mecca. When he returned from Mecca, he
founded and ran a big pesantren in Cilembar, Cisarua. During the visit of Snouck
Hurgronje, the pesantren hosted around 600 students. His brother, H. Alimuddin
taught in Pesantren Pasanggrahan, South Cisarua. He had thirty students. Another
brother of al-Ash‘ari was H. Abdullah; he had a pesantren in Krakal, Cokopo, but i
had only a few students, some of them, however, became famous.
Snouck Hurgronje mentions Haji Abdullah’s students who later ran their own
pesantrens: The most prominent was H. Demar of Ciomas, who had a pesantren with
around 200 students; Kyahi Akub and Kyahi Sariban, who both had a small pesantren;
Zayn al-Muttaqin b. Salihan who became a prominent kyahi in Cianjur; and
Muhammad Salih in Cimahi.
‘Information about this student and the next two is taken from C. Snouck
Hurgronje’s Mekka, 273-274.
372
APPENDIX II
Books of Sh a y k h N a w a w i U s e d in P esantren
1. Tijan al-Darari (34)
WEST JAVA (25):
1. Madrasa al-Khayriyya, Banten (Yunus I960: 265-266)

2. Ahl al-Sunna wa al-Jama’a, Cimanying, Menes, Pandeglang (DP, 1:22)
3. al-Ashikin, Pejajaran, Cicendo, Bandung (DP, 1:23)
4. al-Barkah, Sukajadi, Ciamis (D P, 1:24)
5. al-Fitra, Paris Plawad, Cipondoh, Tangerang (DP, 1:27)
6. al-Hikraa al-Shatibiyya, Kasturi, Cikijing, Majalengka (DP, 1:31)
7. al-Makmur, Kereo, Ciledug, Tangerang (DP, 1:34)
8. al-Nizhamiyya, Sukamaju, Labuan, Pandeglang (DP, 1:37-38)
9. al-Salam, Cihaji, Sukanagara, Ciberuem, Tasikmalaya (DP, 1:39)
10. al-Azhariyya, Majelengka (D P, 1:43)
11. Gedongan, Cirebon
12. Hidaya al-Islam al-Shafi’iyya, Krawang (DP, 1:65)
13. al-Islamiyya, Bandung (DP, 1:67)
14. Jami’a al-Subban, Pandeglang
15. Keresek, Garut (DP, 1:74-75)
16. Miftah al-Ulum, Subang (D P, 1:81)
17. Miftah al-Ulum, Sodong Hilir, Tasikmalaya (DP, 1:82-83)
18. Miftah al-Ulum, Manonjaya, Tasikmalaya (DP, 1:84)
19. Miftah al-Rahman, Majalengka (DP, 1:86)
20. Nur al-Hidaya, Garut (DP, 1:94)
21. Riyad al-Sarf wa al-Mantiq, Ciamis (DP, 1:96)
22. Subanagara, Tasikmalaya (D P, 1:99)
23. Sukawana, Ciamis (DP, 1: 103)
24. Turns, Pandeglang (DP, 1:104-105)
25. al-Falak, Bogor (Profil, 54)
CENTRAL JAVA (5):
26. PPAI, Cilacap/Jateng (DP, 1:175)

27. Rawda al-Talibin, Wonosobo/Jateng (DP, 1:185)
28. al-Huda, Magelang/Jateng (DP, 1: 119)
373
29. Miftah al-Huda, Sleman/Jateng
30. Riyad al-Uqul, Kebumen/Jateng
EAST JAVA (4):
31. Rawda al-Mubtadi’in, Ngawi/Jatim (DP, 1:324)

32. Tahsin al-Khuluq, Jember/Jatim (DP, 1:137)
33. Bani Shahir, Kuningan (DP, 1: 47)
34. Manara al-Huda, Cilacap/Jateng
2. Marab Labid (15)
WEST JAVA (9):
1. al-Nizhamiyya, Pandeglang (DP, 1:37-38)

2. Bani Shahir, Kuningan (DP, 1:47)
3. Dar al-Mau’allama, Bekasi (DP, 1:59)
5. Majlis Tarbiyya al-Mubtadi’in (DP, 1:79)
6. Miftah al-Ulum, Tasikmalaya (DP, 1:84)
7. Nasr al-Ulum, Serang (DP, 1:89)
8. Tunis, Pandeglang (DP, 1:104-105)
9. al-Falak, Bogor (Profil, 55-57)
CENTRAL JAVA (3):
10. Dar al-Ulum, Pati/Jateng (DP, 1:149)

11. Manara al-Huda, Cilacap/Jateng (DP, 1; 163)
EAST JAVA (2):
13. Lirboyo, Kediri/Jatim (DP, 1:28)

14. Tebuireng, Jombang/Jatim (DP, 1:364)
SUMATRA (1):
15. ai-Qadiriyya, Lampung/Sumsel (DP, 1:373)
3. ‘Uqud al-Lujayn (12)
WEST JAVA (3):
374
2. Nur al-Khashshaf, Bekasi (DP, 1:62)
3. Miftah al-Ulum, Subang (DP, 1:8
CENTRAL JAVA (4):
4. Dar al-Salam, Kendal/Jateng (DP, 1:151)

5. Majlis al-Ta’lim, Tegal/Jateng (DP, 1:159)
6. Rawda al-Muta’allimin, Kendal/Jateng (DP, 1:181)
7. Rawda al-Ulum, Pati/Jateng (DP, 1:182)
EAST JAVA (4):
8. Dar al-Ulum, Jombang/Jatim (DP, 1:253)

9. Nur al-hasan, Bondowoso/Jatim (DP, 1: 305)
10. Rawda al-Mubtadi’in, Ngawi/Jatim (DP, 1:324)
11. Salafiyya Shafi’iyya al-Waridin, Madiun/Jatim (DP, 1:349)
SUMATRA (1):
12. al-Qadiriya, Lampung/Sumsel (DP, 1:373)
4. Tanqib Qawl al-Uathith (11)
WEST JAVA (6):
1. al-Tahiriyya, Tebet/Jakarta (DP, 1:2)

2. al-Fitra, Tangerang (DP, 1:27)
3. Bahr al-Ulum Yayasan Utama, Subang (DP, 1:45-46)
4. Miftah al-Talibin, Kuningan (DP, 1:97)
5. al-Falak, Bogor (Profil, 54-57)
CENTRAL JAVA (3):
7. Miftah al-Huda, Sleman/Yogya/Jateng (DP, 1:15)

8. al-Firdaws, Cilacap/Jateng (DP, 1:108)
9. Dar al-Salam, Kendal/Jateng (DP, 1:151)
EAST JAVA (2):
10. al-Aziz, Jember/Jatim (D P, 1:207)

11. Tahsin al-Khuluq, Jember/Jatim (DP, 1:357)
375
5. Nasa’ifr al-‘Ibad (8)
WEST JAVA (4):
1. al-Tahiriyya, Tebet/Jakarta (DP, 1:2)

2. Dar al-Tawhid al-Islami, Cirebon (DP, 1:54)
3. al-Nur al-Kashshaf, Bekasi (DP, 1:62)
CENTRAL JAVA (4):
5. al-Itqan, Semarang/Jateng (DP, 1:122)

6. Wahid Hashim, Sleman/Yogya/Jateng (DP, 1:19)
7. al-Ittihad, Semarang/Jateng (DP, 1:124)
8. Bustan al-Arifin, Pati/Jateng (DP, 1:143)
6. Nihayat al-Zayn (6)
WEST JAVA (3):
1. Ahl al-Sunna wa al-Jama’a, Pandeglang (DP, 1:22)

2. al-Nizhamiyya, Pandeglang (DP, 1:37-38)
3. Turus, Pandeglang (DP, 1:104-105)
CENTRAL JAVA ( 1):
4. Dar al-Ulum, Pati/Jateng (DP, 1:149)
EAST JAVA (2):
5. Langitan, Tuban/Jatim (DP, 1:279)

6. Salafiyya Shafi’iyya al-Waridin, Madiun/Jatim (DP, 1:349)
7. Qatr al-Ghayth (6)
WEST JAVA (4):
1. A Baeli Putra, Tasikmalaya (DP, 1:21)

2. al-Fitra, Tangerang (DP, 1:27)
4. Miftah al-Ulum, Subang (DP, 1:81)
376
CENTRAL JAVA (2):
5. al-Huda, Boyolali/Jateng (DP, 1:117-118)

6. al-Insha’iyya,Kendal/Jateng (DP, 1:121)
8. Maraqi al-‘Ubudiyya (6)
WEST JAVA (2):
1. al-Barkah, Ciamis (DP, 1:24)

EAST JAVA (2):
3. Salafiyya Shafi’iyya, Jombang/Jatim (DP, 1:344)

4. Sha’air al-Naja, Sumenep/Madura (DP, 1:356)
SUMATRA (2):
5. al-Hashimiyya Dar al-Ulum, Tapanuli/Sumut (DP, 1:370)

6. Miftah al-Salam,Aceh Barat/Aceh (DP, 1:385)
9. Sullam al-Munajat (5)
WEST JAVA (3):
1. A Baeli Putra, Tasikmalaya (DP, 1:21)

3. Nur al-Hidaya, Cirebon (D P, 1:92)
CENTRAL JAVA (1):
4. PPAI, Cilacap/Jateng (D P, 1:175)
EAST JAVA (1):
5. Salafiyya Shafi’iyya al-Waridin, Madium/Jatim (DP, 1:349)
10. Qami‘ al-Tughyan (5)
WEST JAVA (2):
1. Jariya al-Islamiyya, Pandeglang (DP, 1:72)
377
2. Turns, Pandeglang (DP, 1:104-105)
CENTRAL JAVA (3):
3. Futuhiyya, Semarang/Jateng (DP, 1:155)

5. Rawda al-Muta’allimin, Kendal/Jateng (DP, 1:181)
11. Fatfr al-Majtd (5)
WEST JAVA (2):
1. Sekolah Guru PUI, Majalengka/ Jabar (Yunus, 1960:257)

2. al-Nizhamiyya, Sukamaju, Labuan, Pandeglang (DP, 1:37-38)
CENTRAL JAVA (1)
3. al-Zahra, Penanggulan, Pegandon, Kendal/Jateng (DP, 1:140)
EAST JAVA (1):
4. Manba’ al-Huda, Dukuh Slatri Pait, Kesembon, Malang/Jatim (DP, 1:288)
SUMATRA (1):
5. Miftah al-Salam, Meunasah Weh Jaya Lam No Aceh Barat/Aceh
12. Nur al-Zalam (4)
WEST JAVA (2):
1. Bani Shahir, Kuningan (D P, 1:47)

2. Nasr al-Ulum, Serang (D P, 1:89)
3. Nur al-Amal, Pandeglang (DP, 1:90-91)
SUMATRA (1):
4. al-Qadiriyya, Lampung/Sumsel (DP, 1:373)
13. Mirqat Su‘ud al-Ta§diq (2)
CENTRAL JAVA (1):
1. Hidaya al-Mubtadi’in, Tegalrejo, Magelang/Jateng
EAST JAVA (1):
2. Sha’air al-Naja, Sumenep/Madura
14. Madarij al-§u‘ud ( 1)
CENTRAL JAVA (1):
1. al-Ittihad, Semarang/Jateng (DP, 1:124)
15. Bahjat al-Wasa’il ( 1)
WEST JAVA (1)
379
APPENDIX IIII
REGIONAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE USE OF SHAYKH NAWAWI’S WORKS
I. WEST JAVA (39 pesantrens in 15 Districts/Kabupatens)
1. Serang, 2: Banten/al-Khayriyya; Nasr al-Ulum

2. Tasikmalaya, 5: A Beli Putra; al-Salam; Miftah al-Ulum Gunung
Bubut; Miftah al-Ulum Gunung Tanjung; Subanagara
3. Pandeglang, 6: Ahl Sunna wa al-Jama’a; al-Nizhamiyya; Jariyya
al-Islamiyya; Jami’a al-Subban; Nur al-Amal; Tunis
4. Bandung, 2: al-Askhikin; al-Islamiyya
5. Ciamis, 3: al-Barkah; Riyad al-Sarf wa al-Mantiq; Sukawana
6. Tangerang, 2: al-Fitra; al-Ma’mur
7. Majalengka, 4: al-Hikma al-Shatibiyya; al-Azhariyya; Miftah
al-Rahman; Sekolah Guru PUI
8. Subang, 2: Bahr al-Ulum; Miftah al-Ulum
9. Kuningan, 2: Bani Shahir; Miftah al-Talibin
LO. Cirebon, 4: Dar ai-Tawhid al-Isiami; Gedongan; Majlis al-
Tarbiyya; Nur al-Hidaya
11. Bekasi, 2: Dar al-Mu’allama; al-Nur al-Kashshaf
12. Krawang. 1: Hidaya al-Islam al-Shafi’iyya
13. Garut, 2: Keresek; Nur al-Hidaya
14. Bogor, 1: al-Falak)
15. Jakarta, 1: al-Tahiriyya Jakarta Selatan
II. CENTRAL JAVA (22 pesantrens in 11 Districts/Kabupatens)
1. Cilacap, 3: al-Firdaws; Manara al-Huda; PPAI

2. Boyolali, 1; al-Huda)
3. Magelang, 2: Al-Huda; Hidaya al-Mubtadi’in
4. Kendal, 4; al-Insha’iyya; al-Zahra; Dar al-Salam; Rawda al-
Muta’allimin
5. Semarang, 3: al-Itqan; al-Ittihad; al-Futuhiyya
6. Pati, 3: Bustan al-Arifin; Dar al-Ulum; Rawda al-Ulum
7. Tegal, 1: Majlis al-Ta’lim
8. Wonosobo, 1: Rawda al-Talibin
9. Kebumen, 1: Riyad al-Uqul
10. Purworejo, 1: Tarbiya al-Atfal
11. Sleman/Yogyakarta, 2: Miftah al-Huda; Condong CatuR
380
III. EAST JAVA/MADURA (18 pesantrens)
1. Jember, 2: al-Aziz; Tahsin al-Khuluq

2. Pasuruan. 1: Dar al-Falah
3. Mojokerto, 1: Dar al-Hikma
4. Jombang, 2: Dar al-Ulum; Salafiyya Shafi’iyya
5. Gresik, 1: Ihya al-Ulum
6. Tuban, 1: Langitan
7. Kediri, 1: Lirboyo
8. Malang, 1: Manba’ al-Huda
9. Bondowoso. 1: Nur al-Hasan
10. Ngawi, 1: Rawda al-Mubtadi’in
11. Madiun, 1: Salafiyya Shafi’iyya al-Waridin
12. Probolinggo, 1: Zayn al-Hasan
13. Sumenep (Madura), 3: Matlab al-Ulum; Nur al-Huda; Sha’air al- Naja
IV. SUMATRA
1. Sumatra Selatan, 1: al-Qadiriyya Lampung

2. Aceh, 1: Miftah al-Salam Aceh
3. Sumatra Utara, 1: ai-Hashimiyya Dar al-Ulum Tapanuli Selatan
381
APPENDIX IV
LIST OF SHAYKH NAWAWI’S WRITINGS AND PUBLICATIONS
The following list consists of 41 items, representing the complete works of

Shaykh Nawawi of Banten that have been thus far identified. With the exception of
his review on Sayyid ‘Uthman’s book (item 41), the items are sorted according to the
year they were first published. Books published in the same year are sorted
alphabetically.
Sources:
NUS-I : Nu$ayr, ‘Ayda Ibrahim. Al-Kutub al-‘Arabiyya allati Nushirat fi Mi$r fi al-
Qam al-Tasi‘ Ashara. Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press, 1990.
NUS-II : Nu$ayr, ‘Ayda Ibrahim. Al-Kutub al-‘Arabiyya allati Nushirat fi Migr

bayna ‘Amay 1900-1925. Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press,
1983.
NUS-m : Nu§ayr, ‘Ayda Ibrahim. Al-Kutub al-‘Arabiyya allati Nushirat fi Migr

bayna ‘Amay 1926-1940. Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press,
1980.
DMM = Mansur, Ahmad Muhammad et al. Dalil al-Matbu‘at al-Mi$riyya, 1940-

1956. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1975.
DKM = Wizarat al-Thaqafa wa-al-I‘lam. Dalil al-Kitab al-Misri, 1972-1987. Cairo:

al-Hayat al-Misriyya al-‘Amma lil-Kitab, 1973-1988.
Anawati, R. P. M. M. and Charles Kuentz. Bibliographic des ouvrages arabes

imprimes en Egypte en 1942, 1943 et 1944. Cairo: Institut Frangais, 1949.
1. Fath al-Mujib: (1276/1859)
1. 1276/1859, Bulaq (NUS-I, 75: 2/1658)

2. 1292/1875, Bulaq (NUS-I, 75: 2/1656)
3. 1297/1879, Bulaq (NUS-I, (75: 2/1655)
4. 1297/1879, Wadi al-Nil (NUS-I, 75: 2/1660)
5. 1298/1880, Sharaf (NUS-I, 75: 2/1659)
382
6. 1299/1881, NP (NUS-I, 75: 2/1651)
7. 1306/1888, al-Maymuniyya (NUS-I, 75: 2/1657)
8. 1316/1898, Mekka (Sarkis, 1881)
9. 1333/1915, al-Khayriyya (NUS-II, 100: 2/1880)
10. 1346/1927-28, Dar al-Kutub al-Mi§riyya (NUS-in, 54: 2/885)
11. 1391-92/1972, ‘Isa al-Babi al-Ualabi (DKM-1972, 495)
12. 1392-93/1973, ‘Isa al-Babi al-Ualabi (DKM-1973, #2465)
13. 1393-94/1973, Mu§tafa al-Babi al-Ualabi (DKM-1973, #2466)
2. Bahjat al-Wasa’il (1289/1872-3)
1. 1289/1872-3, NP (SUP-B, 814: 7/40)

2. 1292/1875, Bulaq (NUS-I, 75: 2/1645)
3. 1334/1925, al-Maymuniyya (NUS-II, 75: 2/1369)
4. 1349/1930-31, Mustafa al-Babi al-Ualabi (NUS-IB, 54: 2/882)
5. 1392-93/1973, Mustafa al-Babi al-Ualabi (DKM-1973, #1373)
7. No Date, Semarang: Usaha Keluarga, many reprints
8. No Date, Indonesia: Dar Ibya’al-Kutub al-‘Arabiyya
9. No Date, Bandung: al-Ma‘arif, many reprints
10. No Date, Surabaya: Uusayn ‘Umar, many reprints
3. Maraqi al-‘Ubudiyya (1289/1873); completed on Dhu al-Qa‘ada 13th, 1289/Jan

12th, 1873
1. 1289/1873, Dar al-Ifcya’al-Kutub al-‘Arabiyya (NUS-I, 21: 1/519)

2. 1292/1874-75, NP (S U M , 814: 7/39)
3. 1293/1876, Bulaq (NUS-I, 21: 1/518)
4. 1298/1880, NP (NUS-I, 21: 1/512)
5. 1299/1881, NP (NUS-I, 21: 1/507)
6. 1304/1886, NP (NUS-I, 21: 1/515)
8. 1306/1888, NP (NUS-I, 21: 1/509)
9. 1306/1888 al-Khayriyya (NUS-I, 21: 1/521)
11. 1308/1890, al-Azhariyya (NUS-I, 21: 1/514)
12. 1308/1890, Dar al-Ibya (NUS-I, 21: 1/517)
13. 1309/1891, NP (NUS-I, 21: 1/508)
15. 1309/1891, Bulaq (NUS-I, 21: 1/516)
16. 1317/1899, al-Uamidiyya (NUS-I, 21: 1’520)
18. 1327/1909, al-Uamidiyya (NUS-II, 28: 1/639)
19. 1345/1927-28, ‘Isa al-Babi al-Ualabi (NUS-BI, 63: 2/1075)
20. 1391-92/1972, Mustafa al-Babi al-Ualabi (DKM-1972, 641)
23. 1396/1976, Sabib (DKM-1976, #2027)
24. 1396/1976, ‘Isa al-Babi al-Ualabi (DKM-1976, #2603)
26. No Date, Semarang: Usaha Keluarga (many reprints)
4. Fatb al-Samad (Bughyat al-‘Awamm) (1292/1875)
1. 1292/1875, Bulaq (NUS-I, 101: 2/2467)

2. 1297/1879, NP (NUS-I, 101: 2/2465), title Bughyat al-‘Awamm
3. 1344/1925, NP (NUS-II, 297: 9/20)
4. 1345-46/1927, NP (SUP-I, 916: 5/13), title Bughyat al-‘Awamm
5. Kashifat al-Shija’ (1292/1875)
1. 1292/1875, NP (NUS-I, 76: 2/1669)

2. 1298/1880, NP (NUS-I, 76: 2/1670)
3. 1301/1883, Muhammad Mustafa (NUS-I, 75: 2/1666)
4. 1302/1884, ‘Uthman ‘Abd al-Razzaq (NUS-I, 76: 2/1672)
5. 1303/1885, al-Khayriyya (NUS-I, 75: 2/1667)
7. 1309/1891, Bulaq (NUS-I, 76: 2/1668)
8. 1317/1899, al-Maymuniyya, (NUS-I, 75: 2/1652; 2/1665); listed also
NUS-n (100: 2/1881).
9. 1320/1902, al-Taqaddum al-‘Ilmiyya (NUS-II, 101: 2/1882)
10. 1343/1924, al-Ualabi (NUS-n, 101: 2/1883)
16. No Date, Semarang: Puskata al-‘Alawiyya, many reprints
17. No Date, Kebumen: al-Mu‘awana, many reprints
384
6. Mirqat Su‘ud al-Tasdiq (1292/1875)
1. 1292/1875, NP (NUS-I, 59: 2/1164)

2. 1293/1876, Wadi al-Nil (NUS-I, 75: 2/1680)
3. 1297/1879, Wadi al-Nil, NUS-I (75: 2/1679)
4. 1298/1880, Sharaf (NUS-I, 75: 2/1676)
5. 1302/1884, Muhammad Mustafa (NUS-I, 75: 2/1677)
6. 1303/1885, al-Khayriyya (NUS-I (75: 2/1673)
7. 1305/1887, NP (SUP-H, 814: 7/38)
9. 1317/1889, al-Mubammadiyya (NUS-I, 21: 1/522)
10. 1309/1891, Bulaq (NUS-I, 75: 2/1674)
11. 1316/1898, al-Maymuniyya, (NUS-I, 75: 2/1678)
12. 1317/1899, al-Khayriyya (NUS-H, 29: 1/642)
13. 1317/1899, al-Uamidiyya (NUS-H, 29: 1/641)
14. 1318/1900, al-Maymuniyya (NUS-H, 125: 2/2560)
15. 1318/1900, al-Khayriyya (NUS-I, 65: 2/1337)
16. 1343/1925, al-Ualabi (NUS-H, 29: 1/643)
21. 1395-97/1976, ‘Isa al-Babi al-Ualabi (DKM-1976 (#2610)
22. 1403-04/1983, Mustafa al-Babi al-Ualabi (DKM-1983 (#3797)
7. Taghrib al-Mushtaqin (1292/1875)
1. 1292/1875, Bulaq (NUS-I, 101: 2/2466)

2. 1311/1893, Mekka (Sarkis, 1879)
3. 1328/1910, NP (NUS-H, 297: 9/17)
4. 1330/1912, al-Khayriyya (NUS-n, 297: 9/18)
5. 1339/1921, NP (NUS-H, 297: 9/19)
8. 1392-93/1973, ‘Isa al-Babi al-Ualabi (DKM-1973 (#1457)
8. al-‘Iqd al-Thamin (1296/1878)
1. 1296/1878, al-Wahhabiyya (Sarkis, 1881)
385
2. 1297/1879, Sharaf (Sarkis, 1881)
3. 1300/1882, al-Wahhabiyya (NUS-I, 75: 2/1644)
4. 1300-01/1883, NP (NUS-I, 75: 2/1643)
5. 1316/1898, Mekka (Sarkis, 1881)
9. Madarij al-Su‘ud (1296/1878)

2. 1297/1879, Sharaf (NUS-I, 101: 2/2469)
3. 1315/1897, Mekka (Sarkis, 1882)
7. 1392-93/1973, Mustafa al-Babi al-Ualabi DKM-1973, #2859)
10. Qami‘ al-Tughyan (1296/1878)

2. 1344/1925, al-Ualabi (NUS-n, 115: 2/2283)
3. 1344/1925-26, ‘Isa al-Babi al-Ualabi (NUS-ni, 38: 2/530)
4. 1346/1926-27, Mustafa al-Babi al-Ualabi (NUS-ffl, 39: 2/531)
12. No Date, Semarang: Taha Putra, several editions
11. ‘Uqud al-Lujayn (1296/1878)

2. 1296/1878, NP (SUP-H, 814: 7/37)
3. 1297/1879, Sharaf (NUS-I, 75: 2/1653)
5. 1316/1898, Mekka (SUP-n, 814: 7/37)
386
6. 1331/1913, NP (SUP-n , 814: 7/37)
7. 1337-38/1919, al-Ualabi (NUS-H, 136: 3/126)
8. 1375/1955-56, Bandung: al-Ma‘arif
14. 1407/1986, Kudus: Menara, 5th edition, with Javanese translation by Sebat
al-‘Uthmani al-Ahdari of Jenggala, Kudus
17. No date, No Place: al-Nur Asia
12. al-Fusus al-Yaqutiyya (1297/1879)
1. 1297/1879, NP (NUS-I, 139: 4/292)

2. 1299/1881, NP (NUS-I, 139: 4/291)
3. 1300/1882, NP (NUS-I, 139: 4/293)
13. Nihayat al-Zayn (1297/1879)

2. 1298/1880, Sharaf (NUS-I (75: 2/1681)
3. 1299/1881, Sharaf (NUS-I (75: 2/1682)
4. 1356-57/1937, Mustafa al-Babi al-Ualabi (NUS-IH, 54: 2/886)
14. Sullam al-Munajat (1297/1879)
1. 1297/1879, Bulaq (NUS-I, 75: 2/1647)

2. 1301/1883, NP (NUS-I, 75: 2/1649)
3. 1302/1884, NP (NUS-I, 75: 2/1646)
5. 1308/1900, NP (NUS-H, 100: 2/1878)
7. 1345/1926-27, Dar al-Ibya’ al-Kutub al-‘Arabiyya (NUS-HI, 54: 2/884)
387
15. Fatb Ghafir al-Khattiyya (1298/1880)
1. 1298/1880, Bulaq (NUS-I, 159: 4/943)
16. Fatb al-Majid (1298/1880)
1. 1298/1880, NP (NUS-I, 41: 2/604)

2. 1299/1881, NP (NUS-I, 41: 2/603)
3. 1300/1882-83, NP (GAL-H, 652: 7/4)
4. 1318/1900, al-Maymuniyya (NUS-I, 41: 2/605). Three references in NUS-
l (14.1, 14.2 and 14.3) are attributed (incorrectly) to Ahmad Nabrawi,
who is the author of the text that Shaykh Nawawi comments on. This
edition is also mentioned in NUS-II (71: 2/1115).
5. 1345/1927-28, Mustafa al-Babi al-Ualabi (NUS-III, 38: 2/529), printed on
the margin of Abmad Nabrawi, al-Durr al-Farid
8. No Date, Semarang: Usaha Keluarga (many reprints)
17. Uilyat al-$ibyan (1298/1880)
1. 1298/1880, Sharaf (NUS-I, 25: 2/109)

2. 1304/1886, Mekka (Sarkis, 1983); in a collection of works (Majmu‘)
consisting of (1) Abmad Zayni Dablan, Manhal al-‘Atshan ‘ala Fatb al-
Rabman, (2) Shaykh Nawawi’s Uilyat al-Sibyan, and (3) Sulayman
Jamzuri, Fatb al-Aqfal li-Sharb Tubfat al-Atfal
18. Kashf al-Murutiyya (1298/1880)
1. 1298/1880, NP (NUS-I, 159: 4/944)

2. 1308/1890, NP (SUP-H, 813: 7/1)
19. al-Durar al-Bahiya (1298/1881)
1. 1298/1881, Sharaf (NUS-I, 101: 2/2463)
20. al-Ibriz al-Dani (1299/1881)
1. 1299/1881, NP [Lithographed] (NUS-I, 101: 2/2462)
21. al-Riyad al-Fuliyya (1299/1881)
1. 1299/1881, NP (Sarkis, 1882)
22. al-Thimar al-Yani‘a (1299/1881)
1. 1299/1881, NP (NUS-I, 75: 2/1641)

2. 1302/1884, Bulaq (NUS-I, 75: 2/1642)
4. 1321/1903, al-Taqaddum al-‘Ilmiyya (NUS-II, 71: 2/1113)
5. 1329/1911, al-Jamaliyya (NUS-U, 71: 2/1114)
6. 1345/1926-27, Mustafa al-Babi al-tfalabi (NUS-ffl, 53: 2/883)
7. 1391-92/1972, Mustafa al-Babi al-tfalabi (DKM-1972, 213)
8. 1391-92/1972, ‘Isa al-Babi al-tfalabi (DKM-1972, 213)
9. 1395-97/1976, ‘Isa al-Babi al-tfalabi (DKM-1976, #1543)
23. Suluk al-Jadda (1300/1882)

2. 1303/1885, Mekka (Sarkis, 1881)
24. Lubab al-Bayan (1301/1883)
1. 1301/1883, Muhammad Mustafa (NUS-I, 233: 7/2)8/1324), also listed

SUP-n, 813: 7/2
25. Qatr al-Ghayth (1883)
1. 1301/1883, Muhammad Afandi Mustafa (NUS-I, 50: 2/901)

2. 1301/1883, NP (Sarkis, 1882)
3. 1303/1885, ‘Uthman Abd al-Razzaq (NUS-I, 50: 2/902)
4. 1303/1885, NP (Sarkis, 1882)
5. 1309/1891, NP (SUP-n, 813: 7/24)
6. 1311/1893, Mekka (Sarkis, 1882)
8. 1325/1907, NP (NUS-H, 71: 2/1117)
9. 1344/1925, al-tfalabi (NUS-H, 71: 2/1118)
10. 1344/1925-26, ‘Isa al-Babi al-tfalabi (NUS-IH, 39: 2/532)
389
12. 1391-92/1972. ‘Isa al-Babi al-IJalabi (DKM-1972. 561)

13. 1392-93/1973, Mustafa al-Babi al-IJalabi (DKM-1973, #2632)
14. 1392-93/1973, ‘Isa al-Babi al-IJalabi (DKM-1973, #2633)
15. 1395-97/1976, ‘Isa al-Babi al-tfalabi (DKM-1976, #2373)
18. No Date, Surabaya: IJusayn ‘Umar, many reprints
26. Qut al-Uabib al-Gharib (1301/1883)
1. 1301/1883, NP (Sarkis, 1882)

2. 1305/1887, NP (NUS-I, 75: 2/1662)
3. 1309/1891, N P (S U P -n, 813: 7/13)
4. 1309/1891, Mekka (SUP-H, 813: 7/13)
6. 1314/1896, Bulaq (NUS-I, 75: 2/1638; 2/1663)
7. No Date, Mubammad Mustafa (NUS-I, 75: 2/1664)
8. 1314/1896, NP (NUS-I, 75: 2/1639)
9. 1373-74/1954, ‘Isa al-Babi al-IJalabi (DMM, 34: #1710)
10. 1391-92/1972, ‘Isa al-Babi al-IJalabi (DKM-1972, 206)
11. 1391-92/1972, Mustafa al-Babi al-IJalabi (DKM-1972, 568)
27. Al-Tijan al-Darari (1301/1883)
1. 1301/1883, NP (Sarkis, 1880)

3. 1309/1891, Mekka (Sarkis, 1880)
4. 1325/1907, Dar al-Kutub al-‘Arabiyya (NUS-H, 71: 2/1112)
5. 1329/1911, Mekka (SUP-II, 741: 2/1)
6. 1345/1937-38, ‘Isa al-Babi al-IJalabi (NUS-m, 38: 2/538)
7. 1391-92/1972, ‘Isa al-Babi al-IJalabi (DKM-1972, 390)
13. No Date, Surabaya: IJusayn ‘Umar, many reprints
390
28. Salalim al-Fudala’ (1883)
1. 1301/1883, NP (NUS-I, 21: 1/506)

2. 1301-02/1884, NP (NUS-I, 20: 1/505)
3. 1310/1892-93, Mekka (Sarkis, 1880)
4. 1344/1925, al-Ualabi (NUS-H, 120: 2/2426)
5. 1344/1925-26, al-Ualabi (NUS-III, 67: 2/1151), printed on the margins of
Abu Bakr al-Bakri ‘Uthman b. Shafta al-Dimyatf’s Kifayat al-Atqia
29. Sharh ‘ala manûma fi al-tawa§§ul bi al-asma’ al-busna (1884)

2. 1302/1884, al-‘Uthmaniyya (NUS-I, 94: 2/2253)
30. Dhari‘at al-Yaqin (1885)

2. 1317/1899, Mekka (Sarkis, 1880)
[Both editions mentioned in SUP-II (813: 7/3)]
31. Nur al-Zalam (1885)
1. 1303/1885, NP (NUS-I, 101: 2/246)

5. 1329/1911, al-Jamaliyya (NUS-H, 71: 2/1121)
6. 1344/1925, al-Ualabi (NUS-II, 71: 2/1122)
7. 1344/1925-26, ‘Isa al-Babi al-Ualabi (NUS-IH, 39: 2/533)
8. 1345/1926-27), al-Azhariyya (NUS-IH, 39: 2/534)
9. 1355/1936-37, ‘Isa al-Babi al-Ualabi (NUS-IH, 39: 2/535)
18. No Date, Surabaya: Ahmad b. Sa‘d b. Nubhan and Sons, many reprints
391
32. al-Nahja al-Jayyida (1303/1885)
33. Marafr Labid: (1305/1887)

2. 1305/1887, aI-‘Uthmaniyya (NUS-I, 32: 2/320)
3. 1330/1911-1912), al-Maymuniyya (NUS-II, 48: 2/497)
8. No Date, Singapore: al-al-Uaramayn
34. Nasa’ib al-‘Ibad (1312/1894)
1.1312/1894, Mekka: al-Miriyya (Leiden University Library, #891A25)

2. 1345/1926-27), al-Ualabi (NUS-IH, 67: 2/1152)
5. 1392-93/1973, ‘Isa al-Babi al-Uaiabi (DKM-1973, #3212)
10. No Date, Kudus: Menara, many reprints, with Indonesian translation
Nasehat Penghuni Dunia by Drs. Aliy As‘ad
35. al-Futufrat al-Madaniyya (1312/1894)
1. 1312/1894, Mekka: al-Miriyya (Leiden University Library, #891A25)
36. Misbab al-Zulam (1314/1896-97)
1. 1314/1896-97, Mekka (Sarkis, 1883)
37. Sharh [‘alal Sahih Muslim (1326/1908)
1. 1326/1908, NP (NUS-II, 57: 2/766), in 12 volumes

2. 1395-97/1976, Sabifc (DKM-1976, #2012), in 18 volumes
3. 1397-98/1978, al-Kutub al-Uaditha (DKM-1983, #2890), in 2 volumes;
392
edited by al-Uusayni ‘Abd al-Majid Hashim

4. 1403-04/1983, Sabib (DKM-1983, #2895), in 18 volumes
5. 1403-04/1983, Sabih (DKM-1983, #2896), in 8 volumes
38. Tanqib Qawl al-Uathith (1348/1929-30)
1. 1348/1929-30, Mustafa al-Babi al-âlabi (NUS-ffl, 28: 2/304)

2. 1356/1937-38, Dar al-Ibya’ al-Kutub al-‘Arabiyya (NUS-III, 28: 2/305)
4. 1392-93/1973, NP (DKM-1973, #1574)
7. No Date, Semarang: Usaha Keluarga, many reprints
39. Al-Lum‘a al-Nuraniyya (1391-92/1972)
1.1391-92/1972, Mustafa al-Babi al-Ualabi (DKM-1972,603)

2. 1403-04/1983, Mustafa al-Babi al-Ualabi (DKM-1983,#3588)
40. ai-Nafafrat (1391-92/1972)
1.1391-92/1972, Mustafa al-Babi al-Ualabi (DKM-1972,751)

2. 1392-93/1973, Mustafa al-Babi al-Ualabi (DKM-1973,#3256)
41. Shaykh Nawawi’s brief note on Sayyid ‘Uthman’s al-Nasiba al-Aniqa li al-
Mutalabbisin bi al-tariqa (ca. 1886)
393
APPENDIX V
I n d o n e s ia n S t u d e n t s a t a l -A z h a r , 1909-1915
Source: Dutch Foreign Ministry’s Archives, Dossier A-190
NAME BORN ORIGIN ARRIVAL NOTE

(ALIAS) (AGE)
1. Ismail Abdullah Alattas Batavia *1909
2. Shaykh Ismail Abdul Muttalib 1868/69 Padang 1894/95 Teacher

(Ismail Beginda Tamuda) (26)
3. H. Abdul Razak (Aludin) Tanjung *1909

Karang,
Lampung
4. H. Makhtiar b. Abdul Aziz Batavia *1909

(Metawi Makhtiar)
5. H. Abdullah Shafi’i Uddin 1883/4 Meester 1903

Cornelis (ca. 20)
6. H. Omar (Muhammad Arif) Palembang *1909
7. H. Omar b. Zain (H. Omar b. Lampung *1909

H. Zain)
8. H. Taha Ahmad b. Khatib ca. 1884 Bengkulu 1903

(Jemma) (ca. 19)
9. H. Osman (Samsudin) Palembang *1909
10. Shaykh H. Omar Nawawi 1877/8 Tegal 1900

(Tabrani) (ca. 33)
11. H. Muhammad Zain Krue, Bengkulu *1909

(Muhammad Dayad)
y.
12. Abdul Rahman al-Aidarus Batavia *1909
13. H. Muhammad Mukhtar 1886/7 Perdasuka, 1908

(Muhammad Semail) T. Betung, (ca. 22)
Lampung
14. H. Muhammad Syafi’i 1880/1 Komering, 1908

Palembang (28)
15. H. Abdul Fathi *1909
16. Masagus H. Nanang b. 1883 Palembang *1909 Passp.

Masagus Atim (26) 9/29/08
17. Muhammad Aba 1877 Payakumbuh *1909 Passp.

(32) 8/5/07
18. H. Abdul Jalil 1874 Jambi *1909 Without

(35) Passp.
19. Muhammad Haki b. 1891 Palembang *1909 Passp.

Muhammad Zain (18) Jeddah
20. Syarif Uddin b. Muhammad 1884 Lampung *1909 Passp.

Dai (25) Jeddah
21. H. Muhammad Ash’ari b. H. 1889 Karibumu 1910 Trader

Abdul Ghani (21)
22. H. Ibrahim Ankrat B. 1888 Ampenan *1910 Trader

Muhammad Ankrat (22)
23.H. Asy’ari b. H. Tawan Libai 1892 Palembang 1910 Peasant

(18)
24. H. Hasan b. Kasim 1891 Mandailing 1910 Peasant

(19)
25. H. Muhammad Sa’ad b. Ali 1884 Palembang 1911 Trader

(27)
26. H. Abdul Wahid b. Abdullah 1894 Padang 1911 Servant

Sedempuan (17)
27. H. Ahmad Osman b. Hasan 1892 Palembang *1912 Peasant
(20)
28. Taufik Mahmud b. Basyuni 1896 Sambas 12/1911 Peasant

(15)
29. Ahmad Marzuki b. Muhammad 1887 Danu, Padang 12/1911 Trader

Yatin (24)
30. Abdul Rahman b. Hamid [b. 1887 Sambas 12/1911 Teacher

Muhammad Asif] (24)
31. H. Muhammad Nur 1887 Labuan 12/1911

(24)
32. Muhammad Arsyad b. 1890 Mandailing 12/1911

Muhammad Junus (21)
33. Abdul Wahid Nazarin b. Abdul 1890 Sambas 9/1912 Peasant

Wahid
34. H. Abdul Wahid b. H. Abdul 1886/7 Terusan, 1/1913

Rahman Padang (ca. 27)
35. H. Sulaiman Hasyim b. 1890/1 Padang 1/1913

Abdullah (ca. 24)
36. Muhammad Aisam 1892/3 Kauman, 1/1913

Surakarta (ca. 21)
37. Ahmad Abdul Hamid 1894/5 Deli, Medan 1/1913

(ca. 19)
38. Abdullah b. Sulaiman 1890 Asahan 1/1913

(24)
39. Ibrahim b. Zainal Abidin 1888/9 Asahan 1/1913

(ca. 25)
40. Raden Muhammad Dasuki b. 1888 Kudus, 1/1913

Raden H. Muhammad Abdul Semarang (25)
Khair
396
41. Ahmad Fauzi Imran Maharaja 1890/1 Sambas 1910
(20)
42. H. Muhammad Basuni ca. 1885 Sambas 1910

(ca. 25)
43. Ahmad b. H. Muhammad 1896/7 Sambas 1910

Sa’ud (ca. 14)
44. H. Inung Hasan 1886/7 Kadumas, 1912

Banten (ca. 16)
45. Semaun b. Alwia ca. 1898 Citanking 1912

(ca. 14)
46. Muhammad Omar ca. 1897 Pandeglang 1912

(ca. 15)
47. Raden Muhammad Kamil ca. 1893 Kudus 1913

(ca. 20)
48. Ibrahim Bastari 1891/2 Menanga, 1913

Palembang (ca. 22)
49. Muhammad Sa’ad 1895 Kota Agam, 1913

Padang ( 18)
50. Abas 1885 Nimbul, Banten 1913 Peasant
51. Marzuk 1892 Cikondang, 1913 Peasant

Banten
52. Jiman Sadiman b. Diyan 1903 Cikondang,Bant 1913

en ( 10)
53. H. Muhammad Musra ca. 1901 Banten 2/1914

(13)
54. H. Burhan Nuruddin 1897/8 Banten 2/1914

(Muhammad Ruyan) (ca. 17)
397
55. Muhammad Saleh ca. 1896 Padang 2/1914
(ca. 18)
56. H. Ahmad Dasuki ca. 1892 Banjarmsin 1/1914

(ca. 22)
57. Muhammad b. Muhammad ca. 1892 Tlk Betung 1/1914

(ca. 22)
58. Syamsuddin ca. 1892 Palembang 2/1914

(ca. 22)
59. Sa’ad Abdullah ca. 1890 Banten 1914

(ca. 24)
60.Mansur Arif ca. 1885 Banten 1914

(ca. 29)
61. Abdul Rasy id ca. 1895 Banten 1914

(ca. 29)
62. Abdul Salam ca. 1895 Padang 1914

(ca. 29)
63. Ibrahim Takdir 1892/3 Palembang 1914

(ca. 22)
64. Muhammad Sa’ad ca. 1895 Ford de Kock 1914

(ca. 19)
65. Muhammad Sa’ad Abdullah ca. 1889 Banjar 1914

(ca. 25)
66. Muhammad Mansur Arif ca. 1884 Banjar 1914

(ca. 30)
67. Muhammad Rasyid Sadik ca. 1894 Banjar 1914

(ca. 20)
68. Abdul Salam ca. 1894 Padang 1914

(ca. 20)
69. Sa’ad Abdul Jalil ca. 1894 Fort de Kock 1914

(ca. 20)
70. Ahmad Saladin ca. 1898 Padang 1915
(ca. 17)
71. Muhammad Ahmad Rabi’i ca. 1845 Solo 1875

(ca. 30)
72. Ahmad (b.) Muhammad Rabi’i ca.1873 Cairo
73. Hasanain (b.) Muhammad ca.1889 Cairo

Rabi’i
74. Muhammad (b.) Muhammad ca.1892 Cairo

Rabi’i
75. Hamza Alattas ca. 1898 Weltevreden 1910

(ca. 12)
76. Muhammad Alattas ca. 1901 Weltevreden 1910

(ca. 9)
77. Ali Alattas ca. 1900 Pekembangan, 1910

Batavia (ca. 10)
78. Hashim al-Idrus ca. 1903 Veltevreden 1912

(ca. 9)
79. Muhsin Alattas ca. 1900 Moar, S. 1910

Settlement (ca. 10)
399
APPENDIX VI
A r r i v a l a n d D e p a r t u r e o f In d o n e s ia n S tu d e n ts , C a ir o 1909-1915
DATE STUDENTS
03/25/’09 I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 II 12 13 14
06/28/'09 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 75 16 17 18 19 20
08/02/’10 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22
03/30/’11' I 2 3 5 7 8 9 10 1112 13 14 15 17 21
OI/18/’12 1 2 3 5 7 8 9 10 1112 13 14 15 17 21 23 24 25 26 27
02/10/’12J 1 2 3 5 7 8 9 10 1112 13 14 15 17 21 23 24 25 26 28 29 30 31 32
02/21/’ 133 1 2 3 5 7 8 10 11 12 13 14 15 21 23 24 26 28 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40
05/29/’13 2 5 8 10 13 14 21 23 24 25 26 28 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48
07/10/'134 2 5 8 10 13 14 21 23 24 25 26 28 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 43 44 45 46 47 48
10/09/’13s 2 5 8 10 13 14 21 23 24 25 26 28 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 43 44 45 47 48 49
10/28/’13 2 5 8 10 13 14 21 23 24 25 26 28 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 43 44 45 47 48 49 50 5J_ 52
12/11/' 13“ 2 5 8 10 13 14 21 23 24 25 26 28 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 43 44 47 48 49 50 52
12/31/’ 13T 2 5 8 10 13 14 23 24 25 26 28 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 46 47 48 50 52
03/17/’ 14 2 5 8 10 13 14 23 24 25 26 28 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 46 47 48 50 52 53 54 55 56 57 58
12/31/’ 14 2 10 14 31 34 35 36 37 39 41 43 44 48 52 53 54 56 59 60 61 62 63 64
07/31/T5" 2 10 14 34 35 36 37 39 41 43 44 48 52 54 56 63 65 66 6 7 68 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79
Legend: Date represents the date of recording.

Numbers refer to students’ names listed in Appendix V.
N u m b e r s in italic represent new arrivals.
Underlined numbers represent students absent in the next recording date.
‘H. Makhtiar b. Abdul Aziz (4) and Masagus Haji Nanang b. Masagus Atim (16)
returned home, whereas H. Omar (6), H. Abdul Jalil (18), Muhammad Haki b. Muhammad
Zain O , Syarif Uddin b. Muhammad Dai (20), and H. Ibrahim Ankrat (22) went to Mekka.
2H. Osman b. Hasan (27) went to Mekka.
3Muhammad Aba (17) and Ahmad Marzuki (29) went to Makka; whereas H. Osman (9)
and H. Muhammad Sa’ad b. Ali returned home.
4Abdul Rahman b. Hamid (30) and H. Muhammad Basuni (42) returned home to
Sambas.
5Muhammad Omar (46) went to Mekka.
6H. Muhammad Asy’ari b. H. Tawan Libai (21) went to Mekka
7The family Muhammad Rabi’i only appears in this record, although they have settled
down in Cairo since 1875. They might have returned from Java.
8The family Muhammad Rabi’i appears only in this record, although they had
settled in Cairo since 1875.
400
BIBILOGRAPHY
Abbreviations
BKI Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indie
BSOAS Bulletin of School of Oriental and African Studies
El2 Encyclopedia of Islam, New Edition
GAL/S Geschichte der Arabischen Litteratur/ Supplement Band
IG De Indische Gids
JAS Journal of Asian Studies
JMBRAS Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, Malaysian Branch
JAOS Journal of The American Oriental Society
JRAS Journal of Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland
JSAH Journal of Southeast Asian History
KT Koloniaal Tijdschrift
NION Nederlandsch Indie Oud en Nieuw
RHR Revue de l’Histoire des Religions
TNI Tijdschrift vor Nederlandsch-Indie
TBG Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (Bataviaasch

Genootschap en Wetenscappen)
VBG Verhandelingen van het (Koninklijk) Bataviaasch Genotschaap van

Kunsten en Wetenschappen
VKI Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en

Volkenkunde
401
Sarkis Mu‘jam al-Matbu‘at al-‘Arabiyya wa al-MiTarraba
ZDMG Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft
I. Archives
Djajadiningrat, Raden Abu Bakar. "Tarajim ‘Ulama’ al-Jawa." Leiden: Oriental

Manuscript Library. MS. Cod. Or. 7111.
Snouck Hurgronje, C. "Travel Notes." Leiden: Oriental Manuscript Library, MS.

Cod. Or. 7931-A.
Dutch Foreign Ministry Archives: MS. Dossiers A-74; A-190.
II. The writings of Shaykh Nawawi1
1. On the Arabic language
Kashf al-Murutiyya ‘an Sitar al-Ajurumiyya. Cairo: Sharaf, 1298 H.
Fath Ghafir al-Khatiyya ‘ala al-Kawakib al-Jaliyya fi Na?m al-Ajurumiyya. Cairo:

Bulaq, 1297 H.
al-Fu$u? al-Yaqutiyya: (Sharh) ‘ala al-Rawda al-Bahiyya fi al-Abwab al-Ta$rifiyya.

Cairo: n.p., 1299 H.
Lubab al-Bayan: Sharh ‘ala Risala Husayn (al-Numawi) al-Maki fi al-Istiarat. Cairo:
Muhammad Mustafa, 1301.
al-Riyad al-Fuliyya. Cairo: n.p., 1299 H.
2. On Dogmatics
P h arr a al-Yaqin: Sharh ‘ala Umm al-Barahin. Cairo: ‘Abd al-Raziq, 1303 H.
‘For a complete list of Shaykh Nawawi’s works and their reprint editions, see Appendix
IV, and Chapter Two.
402
Fatfr al-Majid: Sharh ‘ala al-Durr al-Majid (li al-Shaikh al-Nafrrawi). Cairo: n.p.,
1298 H.
Nahja al-Jayyida li Hall Naqawa al-‘Aqida. Cairo: ‘Abd al-Raziq, 1303 H.
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INFORMATION TO USERS

The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality o f the

Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by

Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced

ALEX SOESILO WUOYO

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the

UMI Microform 9728321

This microform edition is protected against unauthorized

Alex Soesilo Wijoyo

SHAYKH NAWAWI OF BANTEN:

TEXTS, AUTHORITY, AND THE GLOSS TRADITION

ALEX SOESILO WIJOYO

Gloss literature, the writing of multiple commentaries on Islamic religious

works, used to be handwritten in manuscripts, transmitted from generation to

generation within the framework of an oral-aural transmission of knowledge; it thus

literature has been neglected.

played in the transmission of knowledge. Although Shaykh Nawawi produced many

particular period in a society.

The didactic elements in gloss literature show the function of a commentary as

Learning is thus not so much an effort to understand a text, much less an

strategy that defines truth.

More than being an epiphenomenon, gloss literature, therefore, had important

TWO T h e W orks of Shaykh N aw aw i

1. Editions and Reprints of Shaykh Nawawi’s W o rk s............................................ 105

2. Shaykh Nawawi’s Works Used in Pesantrens at P resent.................................... 107

3. Shaykh Nawawi’s Works Reported Being Used in Pesantrens 109

4. Shaykh Nawawi’s Works Still Reprinted............................................................. 115

5. Comparison of Ranking in "Importance" 117

which is adopted by the Encyclopedia of Islam, with the following modifications: to

prepositions, and conjunctions, all words (ism) are capitalized.

written, without diacritics and Arabic definite article.

Woodworth and John E. Woods (1989).

Throughout the years of my study in the Department of Middle East

the completion of this dissertation possible.

First of all, I would like to thank my professors at Columbia University:

Professor Richard W. Bulliet, I would like to express my gratitude for inspiring me to

gratitude for her guidance, patience, understanding, continuous encouragement and

help beyond description, particularly during the writing of this dissertation.

To the members of my Dissertation Committee, Professors Richard W.

broadening my academic perspective.

Madigan, S.J., for patiently challenging me to persevere; William Alan Briceland,

Wardaya, Hari Kustanto, and Amrih Widodo in the cyberspace.

Soehartini, I dedicate this dissertation.

multiple commentaries on Islamic religious works, is the perplexing question which

al-Mu'in. which was al-Malibari’s own commentary on his compilation of fiqh.

as "nothing new or original," "too elementary," "written at the period of Islamic

of reading such glosses if the original treatises are now available?

lC. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka (Leiden: Brill, 1970), 189.

commentary on religious works—here Islamic religious literature—used to be

handwritten in manuscripts, and transmitted from generation to generation within the

framework of an oral-aural transmission of knowledge, or copied by copyists within a

foundation of al-Mafba‘a al-Ahliyya, or better known as the Bulaq printing office in

1821, gloss literature has been put to print.5

2. Gloss literature is a neglected field of study. The low, if not almost

endowed with an inheritance of a vast amount of knowledge, stored in print, ready to

original, why bother with its commentaries or its glosses?

Closely related to the impact of the interiorization of print culture was a

of education. That concept of education has its own underlying epistemological

often memorized by the students, without a deep understanding of the subjects."7

scholarship consisted of learning by heart a traditional corpus of material, encumbered

the studies of manuals, of commentaries (sharh), of marginalia on the commentaries

complicated learning, which was presented with no pedagogical method

’Bayard Dodge, Al-Azhar: A Millennium of Muslim Learning (Washington,

8Jomier, s.v. al-Azhar, El, new edition. 816-817. Emphasis mine.