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Emotional Influences on Singing

Article in Australian Voice · January 1998

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Davis 1

Emotional influences on singing

Pamela Davis PhD
National Voice Centre, The University of Sydney

A/PROFESSOR PAMELA DAVIS qualified as a speech pathologist and set up Australia's

first voice clinic at St Vincent's Hospital, Sydney in 1975. She completed a PhD in
respiratory and laryngeal neurophysiology in the Faculty of Medicine at the University of
NSW in 1986 and lectured in the School of Communication Disorders at The University of
Sydney from then until 1996. In 1985, she was a founding member of the National Voice
Centre, which was established as a Research Centre of The University of Sydney in
August, 1997 with her as Director. Her research has been supported by 6 large competitive
national grants in 9 years. She is the author of over 50 research papers, abstracts,
chapters and edited books, and has presented research results at 43 conferences and
been keynote or invited speaker at 13 international conferences. Her research interests
include the neural control of voice and breathing, respiratory and laryngeal control during
speech and singing and emotional influences on voice. She has supervised several PhD and
Masters research students and is currently supervising a number of postgraduate students
at the National Voice Centre. She was a founding Board member of the Australian Voice
Association and still serves on that board.

Why do we sing? There are many ways to approach this question. Is singing uniquely
human? Human and non-human sounds such as crying, moaning, wailing, howling, humming,
whistling, pastoral calling and yodelling might or might not contain musical sound. As well
as humans, birds and some whales express complex messages using musical sounds whereas
the communicative sound of species such as some frogs, insects (such as cicadas) and
wolves might not be so classified.

Understanding how song may have evolved may lead to a better understanding of why we
sing. Certa inly all human cultures sing - even cultures that have been discovered in remote
places of the world make particular kinds of sung sound when emotional. Song appears to
have always been important when people come together in rituals including religious hymns
and chants, as well as in states of heightened emotion such as battle songs, dolorous
wailing or group activities such as marching songs. Another reason for singing may be to
promote a spiritual atmosphere such as in hymns, or to convey messages as in political
songs, or to clear the mind or induce certain states as in chanting and lullabies. We may
also sing for utilitarian purposes as in teaching. Human expression may involve gesture,
sounds, spoken word, vocal music, instrumental music and/or dance. In many languages, the
same word is used for song, music and dance (Agawu, 1995). This suggests that the
question - why do we sing? - might be redefined to ask why we engage in these various
artistic activities?

Did singing develop from emotional speech as proposed by Vaughan Williams (1955), who
heard and wrote down the musical notation for one particularly loud, emotional political
speech. He said that the intonation pattern or melody resembled that of an old folk song.
Similar views of the development of song from impassioned speech were apparently held
by Jean Jacques Rousseau and Richard Wagner (Nettl, 1956). Vaughan Williams (1955)
also refers to the historical practice of supplementation of the words of religious
ceremonies with song, called "jubilati ons", including cantilenas on pure vowel sounds which
Davis 2

apparently had a mystical meaning that words were unable to match. Jespersen (1922)
proposed that a strong emotion might result in song and that it is the emotional expression
that is important, rather than the words themselves which may be quite simple or repetitive.
There is much anecdotal evidence that singing is accompanied by emotional feelings which
may be positive or negative, such as feelings of “well being” or “the blues”. Singers often
start to sing as children without thinking about how they do it at all, because it is a
pleasant and sociable thing to do and babies mimic tunes or intonation before they speak
words.

On the other hand, it is possible that the development was the other way around and that
song developed first and from it speech, as a rapid means of information transfer, and
music, tapping into artistry, rhythm and auditory emotional responses. Certainly singing and
calling are related whether as kölning, a song originating in a call to pasturing animals
(Johnson et al., 1982) or religious songs and dances as a call or communication to God
(Gibbon, 1976). Jespersen (1922) thought that humans may have sung out their feelings
long before they were able to speak their thoughts - that primitive utterances might have
been like the singing of birds, the roaring of animals or the crying and crooning of babies
- exclamative, not communicative. Others have dismissed this notion. Pinker (1994) has
suggested that humans evolved with the genetic capacity for language. Following from this,
one might wonder whether the human species, Homo Sapiens arrived on the earth more than
100,000 years ago with speech and song, or whether it was passed down from the human-
like species, Homo Erectus thought to be our ancestor. Alas, singing leaves few fossil
records!

Music, as a painting of a flute, appears in some of the oldest representations of human life
found in caves in Europe from the superior paleolithique period, about 20,000 BC. In
Australia, songs constitute the liturgy of Aboriginal sacred life - there is no written
language, so song, art and dance dominate in religion, governance, medicine, history,
science and education. It is taught that the creation of song and other artistic forms
derives from ancestral beings of the Dreamtime at the creation of the earth; the songs or
Dreamtimes are derived from these ancestral beings and are passed from generation to
generation. It is compelling to speculate that these traditions have preserved the world's
most ancient songs. Other cultures, such as Greek, Egyptian, African, Indian, also teach
that song was part of creation (Plato, 1977).

As songs and other types of music evoke an emotional response in most people, these
physiological reactions and sensations are likely to also have an evolutionary history.
Indeed, features of the human voice may be essential for survival if they evoke responses
in listeners which lead to effective coping strategies. This is almost certainly true, both
for an individual as well as the group. For example, when a baby is extremely distressed,
such as when in pain, the cry contains vibrato (Vonwiller, 1986; Lieberman, Harris, Wolff
and Russell, 1971). Perhaps a vocal expression of pain containing vibrato is more likely to
result in an attempt to relieve that pain, compared to a straight cry, as long as the human
ear and perception has evolved along with the voice. Is it possible that a cry which
includes vibrato has an emotional effect on the caregiver convincing her/him of the
genuine nature of the baby’s pain (Seashore, 1967). In addition to vibrato, other acoustic
features are likely to have emotional responses. Do certain musical features have a strong
emotional effect on listeners because they tap into primitive emotional responses? Does
the “goose bump factor” that sells seats in theatres have a primitive root in responding to a
loved one’s emotion or distress?
Davis 3

The singer’s formant is an important phenomenon in sung communication and its frequency
is at a level where the human ear is the most sensitive (Sundberg, 1987). The perception of
the pitch and articulatory distinctions of human speech is decoded in a complex manner
(Liberman et al., 1967). Perception of the small integer relationships of frequency that are
an important part of the pitch structure of human music is critical in teaching and imitation.
However, as well as humans, birds and some whales perceive frequency relationships
relevant to their species-specific songs. While the frequency relationship of the notes is
generally different to that used by humans, the ability of several species of songbirds
(e.g., Nicolai's bullfinch) and parrots to learn human tunes or songs is well known.

Songs may have also been important to establish and reinforce social groups in primitive
human life, just as linguistic dialects do today. Group identity formation and maintenance,
at levels slightly larger than those that are established by daily familiarity, should have
been an important issue for our ancestors who may have lacked security arrangements and
fortresses to establish territory and shared arrangements.

We do appear to be equipped with the right vocal equipment and perhaps innate motivation
to sing. Evolution does not produce systems from scratch nor does it discard a functional
system. It “tinkers with odds and ends” by changing an existing system to give it a new
function, or combining systems to produce a more complex one (Darwin, 1859). The lung
and larynx evolved together about 300 million years ago in primitive fish able to breathe in
the water using their gills as well as breathe air using a primitive lung (Negus, 1949). From
these fish evolved amphibians, and ultimately mammals. Muscles around the opening of the
primitive lung evolved into a larynx and were important to keep water out of the lungs
when submerged. The larynx, then, has had a key phylogenetic role in regulating the flow
of fluid or air in and out of the lungs and it appears to play a similar role in embryonic
development. Foetal breathing movements occur intermittently, including laryngeal
adduction and abduction during the breathing cycle. In an animal model, these movements
have been shown to be critical for the lung tissue to grow and develop (Harding et al.,
1986). The intermittent activity of the laryngeal muscles has the effect of retaining
amniotic fluid in the lung in utero with its mix of chemicals vital for development of the
lung air sacs. Indeed, if one lung is deprived of its connection to the larynx, and permitted
to drain to the amniotic sac by-passing the upper airways, that lung will fail to develop
normally (Harding et al., 1986). Is it thus no wonder that all creatures that breathe with a
lung have a larynx? If the laryngeal muscles have the same role of keeping a back
pressure in the lungs in human foetal lungs as they develop, then we can even speculate
that voice might have even been an evolutionary "accident" if the larynx continued to
maintain back pressure in the lungs after birth when it emerged from the amniotic fluid
and into the air! Maybe these laryngeal movements in utero could be considered a type of
early "vocal training" and might explain the puzzle of why even the tiniest premature
infant is proficient at the complex motor skills involved in voice production. Indeed,
infants born at a stage of development when the forebrain is grossly immature (e.g., 22-24
weeks gestation) are capable of intermittent vocalization (David Henderson-Smart,
personal communication). Cries have also been recorded from human foetuses when they
have been touched as part of a medical procedure following rupture of the membranes and
release of the amniotic fluid (Thiery et al, 1973). We do know, then, that human foetuses
might practise vocalisation in utero but of course only when the vocal folds are released
from a watery amniotic environment might the sound penetrate the air and be heard by
others.
Davis 4

One of the most obvious differences between human and non-human larynges is the
relatively lower position of the human larynx which descends at puberty to the 5th or 6th
cervical vertebrae, compared to the much higher position in non-human primates. Lieberman
(1991) has argued that this permits more mobility of the tongue and jaw to articulate the
sounds of speech and singing.

But vocalisation is not just the larynx making sound; it has to be activated by the brain;
connected to emotional expression and to the will. Vaughan Williams (1955) describes the
voice as the perfect instrument on the basis that there is a minimum of mechanism between
the performer's will and the result. So, which part of our brain do we use when we speak
or sing? For a long time the prevailing scientific wisdom has been, and continues to be,
that the processes involved in human speech and song are very sophisticated and are
governed by the higher brain, the cerebral cortex (Sataloff, 1992; Ludlow and Lou.,
1996). Voluntary motor control is associated with nerve pathways from a prefrontal strip
of gray matter containing neurones (brain cells) connected to the nucleus ambiguus, a
nuclear group of motor neurones in the brainstem which control the laryngeal muscles. This
cortico-bulbar pathway and connections undoubtedly play a key role with respect to many
aspects of the initiation and expression of human language and precise articulation of
speech sounds. However there is now evidence that in addition to this pathway, a very
primitive and unconscious part of our brain that controls our emotions, and which is
probably responsible for the unconscious sounds tha t we make, may also play a role in the
motor control of voice for speech and song (Zhang et al., 1994; Davis et al., 1995; 1996a;
1996b).

Emotional experiences and expression includes many brain structures such as the pre-
frontal and cingulate cortex as well as deeper structures including the hippocampus,
hypothalamus and the amygdala: structures where emotions are thought to be generated,
perceived and remembered. Emotions are expressed and communicated through changes in
the autonomic, somatic and endocrine systems. Examples include changes in heart rate,
blood pressure, urination, piloerection and sweating as well as changes in breathing, facial
expression, vocalisation, body posture and movement. The hypothalamus has been thought
to play a key role in integrating emotional expression although this view has been recently
challenged and it is now thought that the midbrain periaqueductal gray (PAG) plays a major
role in emotional expression (Bandler and Shipley, 1994). The PAG region comprises
discrete longitudinal columns of neurones which co-ordinate distinct coping strategies
which are triggered by different types of stimuli in the environment. One set of
behavioural changes which can be evoked from the lateral PAG enables an animal to
confront a threatening stimulus and “fight”: including piloerection, arching of the back,
and vocalization, as well as increased blood pressure and heart rate and a redistribution
of the blood flow to the face (Bandler and Carrive, 1988; Zhang et al, 1994). In contrast,
excitation of other parts of the PAG evokes other behavioural patterns, such as “flight” or
passive immobility (Bandler et al., 1996). It is important to note that stimulation of the PAG
produces complex integrated patterns of involuntary changes in blood pressure and heart
rate, as well as changes in the activity of muscles under voluntary control, including the
breathing, laryngeal, facial, and oral muscles which are always activated simultaneously in
a coordinated manner and may be accompanied by body movement. In addition to the
different somatic and autonomic responses, excitation of different PAG columns evokes
analgesia or relief from pain (see Bandler et al., 1996).

The lateral PAG is now accepted as the source of vocalisation in animals and possibly so me
human emotional utterances, such as primitive cries of pain or distress or the newborn's
Davis 5

cry. It has always been assumed that vocalisation during human speech and song was
something that depends on different brain regions and pathways, reflecting the
sophisticated human vocal control. However, recent data has demonstrated striking and
detailed similarities in the laryngeal muscle patterns for PAG -evoked vocalisation in
animals compared to that for human speech during consonants and vowels (Zhang et al.,
1994; Davis et al., 1995; 1996a; 1996b; Shipp and McGlone, 1971). We proposed that PAG
does not just mediate emotional vocalisation, but that indeed, all sound production was
critically dependent on the lateral PAG and its output pathway. If so, this may help to
explain the extent to which emotion is so closely aligned to speech and singing if both are
governed, in part, by the PAG. Recently, on the basis of PAG recordings (Larson, 1991),
Bandler et al (1996) proposed that the PAG may play a critical role in speech and song by
setting a necessary state of readiness for voiced and voiceless sound production, rather
than controlling the motor patterns directly. Of importance here is the fact that the PAG
output is necessarily linked to the sensory input from the respiratory system and the larynx
(Davis et al, 1993).

Most photographers know that to coax someone to smile genuinely by telling a joke will
produce a different facial muscle pattern than just telling their subject to impose a smile.
Darwin (1965) made a detailed study of these observations and the universal way that
emotions are expressed, commenting as an example on the “grief” muscle in the central
forehead. It appears that the PAG pathway, which would be responsible for the motor
control of the genuine laugh or expression of grief, has access to a different combination
of muscles than is available to the voluntary motor system. It may be that certain singers
and actors are able to use the emotion of the words of the song or speech to produce a
different and co-ordinated pattern - including how they take air in, as well as how they
use their abdominal, intercostal, laryngeal, pharyngeal, tongue, palate, lips, jaw and facial
muscles. Chapman (1986) and Brown (1996) have written about this, stating that singing is a
primal sound which makes demands upon the body which are involuntary. As described in
an accompanying article (Chapman and Davis, ??this issue), Chapman uses natural primal
muscle movements of the abdomen, chest and rib cage, proposing that the control of primal
sounds also drives the air in singing. She teaches singers to gain voluntary control of these
muscles, using a quick release of the belly muscular wall (“splat”) so that the ensuing
inspiration is assisted by the recoil forces operating with a reduced volume of air in the
lungs and associated with diaphragmatic contraction unopposed by abdominal co-
contraction.

Other teachers have a similar view. Linklater (1976) points out that emotional spontaneity is
often inhibited in speech through the action of muscles that affect the breath. She teaches
the concepts of letting the thought "bring in" the breath by allowing inhalation to be
involuntary. However, operatic singing over an orchestra may make greater demands on this
system, requiring often larger inhalations, more extended phonations and more extremes of
the dynamic and pitch range. Research is needed on the way that breathing is controlled
when singers and actors perform to an audience which may be quite different to the way
that they might demonstrate their craft in a laboratory (Watson and Hixon, 1996).

There are two ways of controlling our breathing: behavioural such as speech and song and
metabolic or automatic breathing such as when we are asleep when our breathing is
controlled by a complex breathing network of cells deep in the brain. Occasionally this
automatic pilot breaks down in sleep and the sufferer is said to have “Ondine’s curse” from
the Greek legend about Ondine who could only remain alive as long as he did not fall
asl eep. At a voluntary level, we can hold our breath until the build up of carbon dioxide
Davis 6

forces us to take a new breath; or we can sustain a sung or speech sound for as long as air
remains in the lungs. We can also initiate a new breath whenever we wish and we can alter
the rate and depth of breathing on a breath-by-breath basis or maintain a level of
contraction of various muscle groups, such as by holding in the tummy or releasing the
abdomen. We achieve this via cortical (voluntary) projections to the individual muscles
(Macefield et al., 1996). However we cannot modify the activity of the respiratory
network deep in the brainstem medulla and there has been a failure to find evidence for
anatomical connections of the voluntary part of the brain (motor cortex) to the
(unconscious) respiratory network, specifically to the nucleus retroambiguus where the
expiratory co-ordination of the laryngeal and respiratory muscles for voice appears to
take place (Zhang et al., 1995). However it is known that PAG output for vocalisation
connects to the nucleus retroambiguus (Holstege, 1989; Zhang et al., 1995), a finding
which supports the idea that PAG may facilitate the breath-voice coordination for human
speech and song.

There is evidence in an animal model that PAG receives afferent information related to the
volume / pressure of air in the lungs and this information is used in planning the motor
pattern for vocalization (Davis et al., 1993). It appears that unless the PAG receives a
signal that sufficient lung (and subglottic) pressure is available for voice, the muscle
activity controlled by PAG, and the sound, is terminated and a new inspiration occurs. This
co-ordination ensures that a new breath is taken naturally as the lung volume decreases
during sound production. The same may apply to human speech and song. Possibly related is
the finding from this laboratory that the depth of inspirations in spontaneous speech was
related to the length of what the speakers intended to say (Winkworth et al, 1995). This
indicates that the motor planning of human speech includes pre-planning of inspiratory
depth for the linguistic intention but it is not known at what brain level this planning
occurs. If human newborns control their cries in a similar manner, inhaling a greater
amount of air for longer cries, this would add support to the hypothesis that the midbrain
structures such as the PAG and its output pathway are controlling the breath -voice
coordination as a newborn's voice or hearing are largely controlled by the midbrain
(Erulkar, 1975). In further support of this hypothesis are the observations that when
newborns are born with little or no forebrain, but an intact midbrain, they vocalise in a
manner which is relatively similar to that of normal infants (André-Thomas, 1954; André-
Thomas et al., 1944; Aylward et al., 1978).

But singing is more than vocal emotional expression! Human evolution and language
development was associated with neo-cortical brain development with its memory stores
and inter-connections and with it, more complex functioning - reason, intellect, perception,
language, artistry. As well as singing, humans make non-biological sounds such as beating
drums or blowing into a pipe and are unique in that they listen to music for pleasure. This
suggests that our brain has evolved in ways that facilitate singing. These skills have
developed because of an enlarged human brain experimenting with instruments and tools,
perceiving, remembering, developing artistically and recreating pleasing sounds. However
the key factor that led to speech and song was unquestionably the development of
intention - or voluntary control. “May not some unusually wise ape-like animal have begun to
use ... emotional outcries intentionally and so have taken the first step towards the
development of true speech?” (Darwin, 1859). Humans can voluntarily control their
breathing within limits set by the brain. Significantly for singing they can also voluntarily
inhibit emotional expression if required and can recreate an emotional experience from
memory. Such voluntary control skills are not seen in any other species. Even for other
primates such as the chimpanzee, vocal sounds are always emotional in nature and can
Davis 7

rarely be inhibited, even if this is to the detriment of the individual by alerting others to
its location.

Then, we might speculate that the evolutionary tinkerer might have combined:
• a primitive sound production system - over 300 million years old - with a breathing
system and a larynx that became capable of making sounds varying in pitch and
intensity;
• a primitive oral system capable of varying that sound by altering the positions of the
pharynx, tongue, jaw and lips;
• primitive unconscious brain control with emotional vocal expression, emotional
responses to sounds and voice coordinated with breathing;
• more recently developed neo-cortical brain development: language, memory, perception,
music and some voluntary control of breathing and emotional expression - the ability to
remember a feeling and express it again, memory of events, inhibition of emotional
expression
• pitch discrimination and hearing to help make sense of the environment - ability to
reproduce sounds that are concordant

Darwin’s theory of evolution was that genetic variation of behaviour which conferred
advantages with respect to survival were more likely to be reproduced (Darwin, 1859).
There are probably many genes which have some influence on singing (Sataloff, 1995). It
is well known that vocal qualities may be similar from generation to generation, although
the environmental effects are unknown. A good example is the similarity of the singing
voice qualities of Judy Garland and her daughter, Lisa Minelli. It is also likely that
emotional expression and perception have evolved in mammals and humans under genetic
factors.

So why do we sing? To express and feel emotion. Universally, songs are thought to be
imbued with power - the power to move people outside themselves, the power to enchant.
Darwin (1859) was of the opinion that voice was first used for sexual activity in attracting
a mate. But there will be little argument that we sing not only to convey messages but also
for pleasure and because it makes us feel good.

Acknowledgments
A version of this paper was presented by invitation at the Fourth International Congress of
Voice Teachers in London in July, 1997. The author acknowledges research collaborators
in the work described here: Richard Bandler, Shi Ping Zhang, Alison Winkworth as well as
helpful comments from Janice Chapman, Jane Heirich, Susannah Foulds-Elliott, Patricia
Howes, Julie Vonwiller, Martin Wesley-Smith and Martin Wild in the course of writing this
paper.

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