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and Race-Based
Expectations on
Evaluations of
Sports Reporters
Abstract
The present experiment examined the influence of gender- and race-based norms
associated with different sports on evaluations of newspaper reporters. Insights from
communication accommodation theory framed this investigation, which predicted that
the gender and racial compositions of sports (i.e., female/male sport, predominately
black/white athletes) and the gender/race of the reporter would interact in predicting
evaluations of reporters (with existing gender and racial attitudes as covariates).
Results generally supported these relationships. Female commentators were evaluated
more favorably in the context of women’s sports. A comparable pattern emerged for
race-based evaluations, although these results were somewhat less consistent.
Keywords
media, sports, race, gender
Sports are not just an American pastime; they are a mainstay of the American lifestyle,
as well as a multi-billion-dollar-a-year industry.1 Each week hundreds of sports com-
petitions, involving more than 5,000 professional,2 and 400,000 collegiate athletes,3
1
University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ, USA
2
Stanford University, Stanford, CA, USA
Corresponding Author:
Dana Mastro, University of Arizona, Department of Communication, Building 25,Tucson, AZ 85721-0025, USA
Email: mastro@email.arizona.edu
occur across the country at the college or professional level. In addition to being aired
on one (or more) of the dozens of television stations committed to sports program-
ming, these events receive abundant coverage in local and national newspapers. Given
this degree of media attention, one might assume that the diversity of the athletes
involved in these sports would be reflected in both the media’s coverage of the events
and in news reporting on these competitions. Instead, research indicates that women
and racial/ethnic groups (in general) are substantially underrepresented in terms of
both coverage and reporting, despite their prominence and prevalence as athletes.4
One potential explanation for this long-standing disparity can be garnered from
research on communication accommodation theory. Although this framework has tra-
ditionally focused on how or why individuals alter their communication patterns when
interacting in interpersonal/intergroup contexts,5 recent research suggests that sports
reporters use accommodation strategies in mediated contexts as well.6 Accordingly, its
assumptions can be applied to lend insights into how audience members interpret and
evaluate sports news/reporters. To this end, the present study experimentally investi-
gates the influence of newspaper reporters’ gender and race on evaluations of their
expertise and appeal in various sporting domains.
serve accommodation needs.22 In other words, because there is no ability for commu-
nicators to mutually converge in the mass media environment (i.e., for more tradi-
tional media such as print news), producers, journalists, and the like use accommodation
strategies founded in audience stereotypes (presumably including demographic fea-
tures) to ensure the approval of their audience and minimize the potential for the psy-
chological discomfort associated with divergence. This results in the careful matching
of messages and messengers (e.g., reporters) to the style and composition of the audi-
ence, as well as the prevailing situational norms. Accordingly, not only are news mes-
sages adapted to conform to audience conventions, but the demographic attributes of
the messengers (such as race and gender) are also designed to promote acceptance and
approval, as well as to decrease social distance (in terms of both the context and the
audience).
Thus, although traditionally applied to interpersonal/intergroup interactions, CAT
also can provide insights into mediated, intergroup contexts. Indeed, in their research
examining the influence of sports stereotypes on news reporting, Desmarais and Bruce
contend that reporters serve as “cultural intermediaries,” conforming to what is
socially/culturally expected of them by their audiences.23 They maintain that for
sports-related messages to be effective, reporters’ dialogue must be highly convergent
with viewers’ existing expectations. One can assume that the features of group mem-
berships (e.g., gender, race) would also contribute to perceptions regarding conver-
gence. Accordingly, reporters can be seen to “engage in a form of communication
accommodation with their national audience,” reinforcing preestablished norms and
stereotypes even at the expense of accuracy. The present study extends this rationale
by examining how convergence/divergence from group-based expectations in sports
reporting influences audiences’ evaluations of sports reporters/texts.
domains where they violate the broader macro context). In support of this contention,
research indicates that female athletes involved in “traditionally feminine” sports (i.e.,
involving grace, agility) receive more adequate coverage.30
Similarly, it is likely that stereotypes about black athletes, such as greater physical-
ity, power, and natural ability, but lesser sports intellect,31 would come into play in
much the same manner. As such, black sports reporters may be considered less quali-
fied, useful, and dependable and even less enjoyable than their white counterparts,
particularly in sporting contexts dominated by white athletes.
To test these possibilities, the following hypotheses are proposed:
H1a–d: The gender (male/female) and race (white/black) of sports newspaper
reporters will interact with the sport being covered (traditionally male, female, white,
black) in predicting evaluations of the reporter’s (a) expertise, (b) contribution,
(c) character, and (d) likeability, such that more favorable evaluations will be yielded
when the reporter’s race and gender conform to sport-based expectations.
In other words, in the context of sports news coverage of traditionally male sports,
female (vs. male) newspaper reporting will be perceived as deviant from social norms
and hence will be judged as less valuable and trustworthy. Moreover, the female
reporters will be seen as less qualified and more personally objectionable than their
male counterparts. Similarly, black newspaper reporters will be seen as less qualified,
competent, and likeable than their white peers, in the context of traditionally white-
dominated sports because of the perceived divergence from sociohistorical/stereotype-
based expectations. Moreover, white and black women will be limited (in terms of
favorable evaluations) to domains traditionally associated with both their gender and
race. Altogether, then, reporters should be rated favorably when they converge with
stereotypic expectations based on their race and gender within the mores of the sport.
Method
Preliminary Tests
To ensure the appropriateness of the stimuli used in the current study, preliminary
tests were conducted with participants outside the experimental sample.
Reporter photographs (n = 98). The four images selected for use in the present study
included two women (black, white) and two men (black, white). The gender and race
of the individuals depicted in the photographs were correctly identified by all partici-
pants. The photographs were selected to match in terms of key features such as facial
expression, pose, close-up, and size. No significant differences emerged in the ratings
of reporters’ attractiveness, F(3, 94) = 0.20, ns; intelligence, F(3, 94) = 0.96, ns; trust-
worthiness, F(3, 94) = 0.92, ns; or honesty, F(3, 94) = 1.28, ns. However, the black
female was seen as younger than her counterparts, F(3, 94) = 6.91, p < .05.
Sports (n = 56). To assess sociocultural/stereotypic gender- and race-based associa-
tions within different sports, preliminary tests were conducted to determine the extent
to which different sports were seen as (a) more closely associated with males versus
females and (b) predominantly populated by athletes from particular racial or ethnic
groups.
First, participants were asked to respond to three questions (on a 7-point scale)
probing the extent to which different sports were considered predominantly male,
female, or neutral (played equally by both male and female athletes). The sports
included baseball, basketball, cycling, figure skating, football, golf, gymnastics,
hockey, soccer, swimming, and tennis. Next, they were asked to indicate (on a 7-point
scale) the extent to which these different sports (at the college or professional level)
typically comprised players from different racial/ethnic groups.
Then, based on the quantitative results from these tests, sports were selected that
were rated as nearly exclusively male, female, white, and black. Only sports highly
associated with one gender and one race were examined. This resulted in the selection
of (a) hockey to serve as a predominantly male sport, populated primarily with white
athletes; (b) women’s gymnastics as a female, mostly white sport; (c) football as a
male sport, dominated by black athletes; and (d) WNBA basketball as a female, mostly
black sport.32
Finally, sports rated neutrally in terms of both race and gender were assessed. To
be considered neutral, the sport must be perceived to be comparably populated with
both black and white male and female athletes at the college and professional levels.
Tennis was selected as a neutral sport.
Newspaper excerpts (n = 160). The newspaper excerpts used in the present study
were modified from existing sports news stories from local and national daily papers.
These brief newspaper articles were seventy-seven to seventy-nine words in length.
They varied in terms of the sport being covered (football, hockey, tennis, WNBA bas-
ketball, women’s gymnastics) but were designed to be equivalent along other known
influential features. Because each reporter was paired with his or her own excerpt for
each sport, four comparable excerpts were created for each of the five sports, for a
total of twenty newspaper excerpts. No significant differences emerged in preliminary
tests of the excerpts’ affective tone, F(19, 140) = 1.71, ns; interest, F(19, 140) = 1.53,
ns; informativeness, F(19, 140) = 1.01, ns; or readability, F(19, 140) = 0.88, ns. Fur-
thermore, all participants correctly named the sport addressed in the article.
Participants
Participants from a large public university took part in this study (N = 244). On aver-
age, these students were twenty-two years of age, female (57%), and white (84%).
Procedure
The study was conducted in two ostensibly unrelated sessions. In the first phase, a
questionnaire was used to measure existing gender and racial attitudes. In the second
phase (two to fourteen days after completion of the survey), the experiment was
conducted. Participants were randomly assigned to one of the five sports article condi-
tions, with the sports reporter’s race/gender serving as a within-subjects variable.
Hence, participants in each condition were exposed to all reporters analyzing only one
sport/topic. Participants completed the experiment at individual computer work sta-
tions in a lab. Perceptions about the reporter’s credibility, competence, and character
as well as measures of positive/negative affect toward the reporters were gauged.
Finally, they were asked to provide demographic information. All participants were
fully debriefed.
Within-Subjects Variables
The race/gender of the newspaper reporters was varied using the previously tested
photographs representing the following levels: white female, black female, white
male, and black male. Cognitive and affective evaluations of these sports reporters,
using the same sets of items at each measurement, were assessed. They were rated on
a 7-point scale with higher numbers indicating more favorable judgments. Reliability
analyses for these measures revealed that alphas at all levels were appropriate, ranging
from .72 to .88. Bivariate correlations (Pearson’s r) between measures ranged from
.17 to .45.
Expertise. Three sets of bipolar adjectives were used to determine evaluations of the
reporters’ expertise. They included qualified/unqualified, expert/inexpert, informed/
uninformed.
Contribution. Two pairs of bipolar adjectives (valuable/worthless, useful/useless)
were utilized to measure perceptions of the value of the reporters’ contribution.
Character. To assess views regarding the reporters’ character, the following two sets
of bipolar adjectives were used: honest/dishonest, trustworthy/untrustworthy.
Likeability. Assessments of likeability were measured with the following two bipolar
adjectives: pleasant/unpleasant, awful/nice.
Covariates
Because social attitudes can affect stereotyping and decision making,33 existing gen-
der and racial attitudes were measured for inclusion as covariates (in a seemingly
separate study, prior to the experiment). These two scales were created based on
Table 1. Differences in Mean Expertise Score by Sport and Reporter Race and Gender
White
White male female Black male Black female
Reporter M SE M SE M SE M SE F(ηp2)
Sport 2.72 (.04)*
White male (hockey) 3.23 (0.19)a 2.46 (0.15)b 2.68 (0.17)b 2.32 (0.15)b
White female (women’s 2.36 (0.18)ac 2.70 (0.19)a 1.93 (0.15)b 2.10 (0.15)bc
gymnastics)
Black male (football) 3.32 (0.19)a 2.48 (0.15)b 2.88 (0.17)a 2.43 (0.15)b
Black female (WNBA) 2.75 (0.14)a 2.77 (0.14)a 2.75 (0.17)a 2.89 (0.18)a
Neutral (tennis) 3.04 (0.18)a 2.89 (0.14)a 2.54 (0.14)b 2.58 (0.17)ab
Means in the same row with no common superscript differ at p < .05 using Bonferroni tests.
*p < .05.
modified items from several race and gender discrimination and prejudice measures.34
Items were scored on a 5-point scale from strongly disagree to strongly agree (higher
numbers reflect greater perceived discrimination/prejudice).
Gender-based attitudes (α = .73, M = 2.53, SD = 0.74). Five items composed this
measure, for example, “Discrimination against women is no longer a problem in the
United States.”
Racial attitudes (α = .85, M = 2.82, SD = 0.81). This measure included five items, for
example, “On average, people in our society treat blacks and whites equally.”
Results
Testing Model Assumptions
Because the independent variables in the current study include both within- (race/
gender) and between-subjects (sport) categorical variables in addition to two continu-
ous covariates (gender and racial attitudes), mixed-model analysis of covariance was
deemed the appropriate method to test the hypothesized relationships. Results from
Mauchly’s test indicated that the assumption of sphericity was not satisfied for the
within-subjects factor. Hence, all mixed-model analysis of covariance results are
reported with Greenhouse–Geisser correction. To interpret the significant interac-
tions, Bonferroni comparisons were used for the combinations of the repeated-
measure and the between-subjects factors, as this correction controls for familywise
error rate, providing a rigorous test of the relationships under investigation. Tables 1–4
contain all means, standard errors, and a priori post hoc comparisons for expertise,
contribution, character, and likeability.
Table 2. Differences in Mean Contribution Scores by Sport and Reporter Race and Gender
White
White male female Black male Black female
Reporter M SE M SE M SE M SE F(ηp2)
Sport 3.94 (.06)**
White male (hockey) 3.19 (0.22)a 2.45 (0.19)b 2.44 (0.15)b 2.17 (0.15)b
White female 2.87 (0.15)a 3.66 (0.22)b 2.41 (0.15)c 2.55 (0.18)ac
(women’s gymnastics)
Black male (football) 3.97 (0.23)a 2.31 (0.16)b 2.83 (0.20)c 2.24 (0.16)b
Black female (WNBA) 3.12 (0.18)b 3.08 (0.15)b 2.54 (0.14)a 3.35 (0.21)b
Neutral (tennis) 3.08 (0.22)a 2.85 (0.19)a 2.24 (0.15)b 2.26 (0.15)b
Means in the same row with no common superscript differ at p < .05 using Bonferroni tests.
**p < .01.
Table 3. Differences in Mean Character Score by Sport and Reporter Race and Gender
White
White male female Black male Black female
Reporter M SE M SE M SE M SE F(ηp2)
Sport 4.66 (.07)**
White male (hockey) 3.09 (0.17)a 2.41 (0.14)b 2.31 (0.16)b 2.19 (0.15)b
White female (women’s 3.23 (0.14)ab 3.46 (0.15)a 3.11 (0.14)b 2.96 (0.16)b
gymnastics)
Black male (football) 2.97 (0.17)a 2.48 (0.14)b 2.79 (0.16)a 2.35 (0.15)b
Black female (WNBA) 3.10 (0.16)a 2.66 (0.15)b 2.78 (0.14)ab 2.90 (0.16)ab
Neutral (tennis) 2.78 (0.17)a 2.71 (0.18)a 2.13 (0.16)b 2.51 (0.15)a
Means in the same row with no common superscript differ at p < .05 using Bonferroni tests.
**p <. 01.
Hypothesis Testing
H1a: Expertise. H1a posited that the race/gender of the reporter and the sport being
covered would interact in predicting evaluations of the reporter’s expertise. The inter-
action between the repeated-measures factor of expertise and the between-subjects
condition of sport was significant, F(10.32, 611.37) = 2.72, p = .01, ηp2 = .04
(see Table 1). Thus, evaluations of expertise differed depending on the race/gender of
the newspaper reporter and the sport being addressed. As expected, when the sport
being covered was hockey (white, male sport), the white male reporter was judged to
Table 4. Differences in Mean Likeability Score by Sport and Reporter Race and Gender
White
White male female Black male Black female
Reporter M SE M SE M SE M SE F(ηp2)
Sport 4.17 (.07)**
White male (hockey) 5.83 (0.14)a 5.20 (0.18)b 5.17 (0.14)b 4.73 (0.19)b
White female (women’s 5.14 (0.14)a 5.22 (0.14)a 3.82 (0.19)b 4.59 (0.18)c
gymnastics)
Black male (football) 5.58 (0.13)a 4.73 (0.17)b 5.30 (0.13)a 4.14 (0.18)b
Black female (WNBA) 5.21 (0.14)ab 5.16 (0.19)ab 4.95 (0.18)a 5.51 (0.13)b
Neutral (tennis) 5.98 (0.14)a 5.75 (0.19)ab 5.09 (0.20)c 5.56 (0.15)bc
Means in the same row with no common superscript differ at p < .05 using Bonferroni tests.
**p < .01.
be higher in expertise than any of his counterparts. Somewhat consistent with expecta-
tions, when the sport being covered was football (black, male sport), the male report-
ers were seen as significantly higher in expertise than their female counterparts. The
men were seen as comparable on expertise.
With regard to the female sports, when the sport being covered was women’s gym-
nastics (white, female sport), the white female reporter was rated significantly higher
in expertise than both her black counterparts, but not the white male reporter. The
white male reporter also was deemed significantly more expert than the black male
reporter. When the sport was the WNBA (black, female sport), no statistically signifi-
cant differences emerged based on the race/gender of the reporter.
When the sport was tennis (neutral sport), both the white male and female reporters
were seen as higher in expertise than the black male reporter, but not the black female.
No other statistically significant differences emerged.
H1b: Contribution. H1b proposed that the race/gender of the reporter and the sport
being covered would interact in predicting judgments regarding the value of the
reporter’s contribution. The interaction between the repeated-measures factor of
reporters’ contribution and the between-subjects sport variable was significant,
F(8.52, 504.76) = 3.94, p < .01, ηp2 = .06 (see Table 2). In the hockey condition, the
white male reporter’s contributions were deemed significantly more valuable than any
of his counterparts. When the sport was football, the male reporters’ excerpts were
rated more valuable than those from the female reporters. In addition, the white male
reporter’s contribution was seen as more valuable than that of the black male reporter.
When the sport being covered was women’s gymnastics, the white female report-
er’s contribution was rated more valuable than all of her counterparts. In addition, the
white male reporter’s excerpt was rated more useful than that of the black male. When
the sport was the WNBA, the black male reporter’s contribution was rated less valu-
able than those of all of his peers.
When the sport was tennis, the contributions of the white reporters were seen as
more valuable than those of the black female and the black male. No other significant
differences emerged.
H1c: Character. H1c posited that the race/gender of the reporter and the sport being
covered would interact in predicting judgments regarding the reporter’s character. A
significant interaction emerged between the repeated-measures factor of character and
the between-subjects factor of sport, F(8.73, 517.46) = 4.66, p < .01, ηp2 = .07 (see
Table 3). When the sport being covered was football, the male reporters were rated
significantly more favorably than the female reporters. When the sport was hockey,
the white male newspaper reporter was rated significantly higher in character than all
others. No other differences were revealed.
When the sport was women’s gymnastics, the white female reporter was more
favorably rated on character than the black reporters, but not the white male. When the
sport was the WNBA, the white male reporter was evaluated more positively than the
white female. No other significant differences emerged.
When the sport being addressed was tennis, the black male reporter was rated less
favorably than all of his peers. No other significant differences were revealed.
H1d: Likeability. H1d proposed that the race/gender of the reporter and the sport
being covered would interact in predicting likeability of the reporter. The interaction
between the repeated-measures factor of likeability and the between-subjects condi-
tion of sport was found to be significant, F(9.25, 548.32) = 4.17, p < .01, ηp2 = .07 (see
Table 4). As expected, when the sport was hockey, the white male reporter was rated
more likeable than all others. When the sport being covered was football, the male
reporters were seen as more likeable than either of the female reporters.
When women’s gymnastics was the sport being covered, both white reporters were
seen as more likeable than either black reporter. In addition, the black female reporter
was rated more likeable than the black male reporter. No other differences emerged.
When exposed to coverage of the WNBA, the only impact on likeability was the
greater likeability of the black female reporter compared to the black male reporter.
Finally, when the sport being covered was tennis, the white male reporter was
deemed more likeable then either the black male or black female reporter. The white
female reporter also was rated more likeable than the black male reporter. No other
significant differences emerged.
Discussion
The current study examined experimentally the influence of sports reporters’ gender
and race (across a variety of sports) on perceptions of expertise, contribution, charac-
ter, and likeability. Although not to be overstated, findings indicate that norms/stereotypes
about gender, race, and sports can influence perceptions of news reporters (as well as
the value of the information they provide), in a manner consistent with CAT.
Sports seen as characteristically white provided clear-cut support for the gender
and race predictions put forth by CAT. Specifically, a white male reporter was rated
more favorably in terms of expertise and character, seen as making a stronger contri-
bution, and deemed more likeable compared with his counterparts when the sport was
thought to be a typically white, male sport (i.e., hockey). In terms of white, female-
dominated sports (i.e., women’s gymnastics), the contribution of a white female
reporter was regarded to be more valuable than that of her peers. It should be noted,
however, that white reporters (males in particular) were judged highly favorably on a
consistent basis.
Although findings for football (a black, male sport) and the WNBA (a black, female
sport) supported gender-based expectations rooted in CAT, race-based predictions
were only partially corroborated. In terms of football, male reporters were seen as
more likeable and possessing greater expertise, and were rated more favorably in
terms of character than their female counterparts. Similarly, the black female reporter
was rated as more likeable than the black male reporter when the sport was the WNBA.
On the other hand, the contribution of the white male reporter was rated more posi-
tively than all others when the sport was football—raising questions about the influ-
ence of sociohistorical context on this mediated environment.
Content-analytic evidence speaks to this issue by providing insights into these
somewhat antithetical findings. When it comes to football, research indicates that
although blacks compose the largest portion of professional athletes, whites dominate
what are considered to be “high-profile” positions in the sport, such as quarterback.35
Moreover, white quarterbacks are characterized as more intelligent and hardworking
than their black counterparts.36 Such descriptors have important implications for per-
ceptions of these figures both on and off the field, possibly including subsequent roles
in sports reporting. Furthermore, research by McDonald suggests that although the
WNBA is predominately populated by black females, it is marketed to “idealize”
white players.37 When coupled with the fact that white males are the most prevalent
group in the media workforce (including sports), it seems reasonable to suggest that
they would come to be seen as the norm.38
This overarching pattern privileging whites has the potential to influence group
norms/stereotypes, which in turn would affect expectations associated with communi-
cators as described by CAT. Accordingly, audience members’ overall perceptions of
the reporters can be understood, in part, as a function of convergence (or lack thereof).
This interpretation not only squares with the white-favoring responses revealed in the
present study, but also reconciles these data with results from studies in different
domains that reveal a tendency for audiences to prefer (and favorably evaluate) media
figures/celebrities who validate self-concept and accommodate social norms.39
It should also be noted that although tennis was deemed a neutral sport, white
reporters were, again, generally rated more favorably than their black peers. It is con-
ceivable that while there are highly successful male and female black tennis players
(e.g., Serena and Venus Williams, James Blake), these players may be seen as excep-
tions, with their success not generalizing to their social group as a whole. This inter-
pretation is consistent with literature on intergroup contact and self-categorization,
which suggests that when individuals are not seen as prototypical of the group, their
positive traits do not transfer beyond the individual to the larger category.40
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of
this article.
Notes
1. Arthur Raney, “Enjoyment of Sports Spectatorship,” in Communication and Emotion:
Essays in Honor of Dolf Zillmann, ed. Jennings Bryant and Joanne Cantor (Mahwah, NJ:
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2. Richard E. Lapchick, Jessica Bartter, Marina Bustamante, Boma Ekiyor, Bente General,
Nadia Gunny, and Horacio Ruiz, “Beyond the Competition: 2006–07 Racial and Gender
Report Card” (University of Central Florida, Institute for Diversity and Ethics in Sport,
College of Business Administration Tech. Report No. 15, 2008).
3. “1981-82–2006-2007 NCAA Sports Sponsorships and Participation Ratings,” ncaapub-
lications.com, August 6, 2008, http://www.ncaapublications.com/ProductsDetailView.
aspx?sku=PR2008.
4. James R. Angelini, “Television Sports and Athlete Sex: Looking at the Differences in
Watching Male and Female Athletes,” Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media 52 (1,
2003): 16–32; Susan Tyler Eastman and Andrew C. Billings, “Biased Voices of Sports:
Racial and Gender–Stereotypes in College Basketball Announcing,” Howard Journal
of Communication 12 (4, 2001): 183–201; Marie Hardin, Julie Dodd, Jean Chance, and
Kristen Walsdorf, “Sporting Images in Black and White: Race in Newspaper Coverage,”
Howard Journal of Communication 25 (4, 2004): 211–27; Lapchick et al., “Beyond the
Competition.”
5. Howard Giles and Tania Ogay, “Communication Accommodation Theory,” in Explaining
Communication: Contemporary Theories and Exemplars, ed. Bryan Whaley and Wendy
Sampter (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, 2007), 293–310.
6. Fabrice Desmarais and Toni Bruce, “The Power of Stereotypes: Anchoring Images through
Language in Live Sports Broadcast,” Journal of Language & Social Psychology 29 (3,
2010): 338–62.
7. Marie Hardin and Jennifer Greer, “The Influence of Gender Role Socialization, Media
Use, and Sports Participation on Perceptions of Gender Appropriate Sports,” Journal of
Sports Behavior 32 (2, 2009): 207–27; Charles A. Tuggle, “Differences in Television
Sports Reporting of Men’s and Women’s Athletics: ESPN SportsCenter and CNN Sports
Tonight,” Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media 41 (1, 1997): 14–24.
8. Daniela Baroffio-Bota and Sarah Banet-Weiser, “Women, Team Sports, and the WNBA:
Playing Like a Girl,” in Handbook of Sports and Media, ed. Arthur A. Raney and Jennings
Bryant (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, 2006), 485–500.
9. Elaine M. Blinde, Susan L. Greendorfer, and Rebecca J. Shanker, “Differential Media
Coverage of Men’s and Women’s Intercollegiate Basketball: Reflection of Gender Ide-
ology,” Journal of Sports and Social Issues 15 (2, 1991): 98–114; Marie Hardin, Susan
Lynn, Kristie Walsdorf, and Brett Hardin, “The Framing of Sexual Differences in SI for
Kids Editorial Photos,” Mass Communication & Society 5 (3, 2002): 341–59.
10. Andrew Grainger, Joshua I. Newman, and David L. Andrews, “Sports, the Media, and the
Construction of Race,” in Raney and Bryant, Handbook of Sports and Media, 447–68.
11. Eastman and Billings, “Biased Voices of Sports”; Andrew C. Billings, “Depicting the
Quarterback in Black and White: A Content Analysis of College and Professional Football
Broadcasting Commentary,” Howard Journal of Communication 15 (4, 2004): 201–10.
12. Jake Harwood and Abhik Roy, “Social Identity Theory and Mass Communication,” in
Intergroup Communication, ed. Jake Harwood and Howard Giles (New York: Peter Lang,
2005), 189–211.
13. Lapchick et al., “Beyond the Competition.”
14. Carol J. Auster and Susan C. Ohm, “Masculinity and Femininity in Contemporary American
Society: A Reevaluation Using the Bem Sex Role Inventory,” Sex Roles 43 (7–8, 2000):
499–528.
15. Howard Giles, “Communication Accommodation Theory,” in Engaging Theories in Inter-
personal Communication: Multiple Perspectives, ed. Leslie Baxter and Dawn Braithwaite
(Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2008), 161–73; Giles and Ogay, “Communication Accommo-
dation Theory.”
populated primarily by black athletes, the WNBA was subsequently tested and deemed
appropriate for inclusion.
33. Travis L. Dixon, “Psychological Reactions to Crime News Portrayals of Black Criminals:
Understanding the Moderating Role of Prior News Viewing and Stereotype Endorsement,”
Communication Monograph 73 (2, 2006): 162–87.
34. Janet K. Swim, Kathryn J. Aikin, Wayne S. Hall, and Barbara A. Hunter, “Sexism and
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