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J. B. DANQUAH: TOWARDS AN UNDERSTANDING
OF THE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL IDEAS OF A
GHANAIAN NATIONALIST AND POLITICIAN
YAW TWUMASI
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74 AFRICAN AFFAIRS
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SOCIAL AND POLITICAL IDEAS OF A GHANAIAN NATIONALIST 75
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76 AFRICAN AFFAIRS
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SOCIAL AND POLITICAL IDEAS OF A GHANAIAN NATIONALIST 77
political arena. By this time he was already a national figure, and through a
variety of political associations and alliances he sought to provide an alternative
leadership in the struggle for independence. He was elected as the First Rural
Member for Akim Abuakwa in the 1951 General Elections, and led the effete
opposition in the CPP-dominated Legislative Assembly from 1951 until his
defeat in the 1954 General Elections.
After 1954 he continued his opposition to Nkrumah from outside. He again
narrowly lost in the election of 1956, and in 1960 he stood as the opposition
candidate in the rigged presidential elections, and lost, not unexpectedly, to
Nkrumah. He was first detained in 1961, at the time of the strike by railway
workers, and released nine months later. This did not deter him from opposi-
tional activities; when there was an attempt to assassinate Nkrumah in 1964, he
was once again detained, and died in prison in February 1965.
The second strand in Danquah's social and political ideas may be traced to
his exposure to Idealist philosophy. It has been noted that Danquah was a
student of philosophy at London University by 1922; and this was a period when
philosophy departments in Britain were strongly influenced by Philosophical
Idealism. 'With the exception of Cambridge', observes M. Richter, 'the
Universities of England, Scotland and Wales were on the whole Idealist in their
teaching of philosophy.' 2 There is always a problem with questions of intel-
lectual influences, particularly when the influences are of a general kind such as
these. A satisfactory account of the idealist influence on the young Danquah
must consider the philosophical bias of individual teachers. Prof. G. Dawes
Hicks of University College, London, was his teacher in Kantian, Hegelian and
Aristotelian philosophy; L. T. Hobhouse, though repelled by the Idealist trend
in British Philosophy, taught him to appreciate the social and political ideas of
Hegel and those of the British Idealists. Danquah himself acknowledges his
intellectual debt to F. H. Bradley and T. H. Green, and admits to the immense
influence on him of V. S. Solovev's book, The Justification of the Good, an
ethical work in the Idealist tradition.
Nowhere is the Idealist influence more evident than in his 225-page Ph.D.
dissertation which is a critical examination of contemporary ethical theories.
It may be said that in this work may be seen the ideological paradigm of most of
his works. Unless one is familiar with this early study, it is difficult to grasp
the theoretical focus of Danquah's works, hence it is necessary to review briefly
the main ideas in the dissertation. Danquah seeks to show that the individual
best realizes himself when he consciously seeks to attain the common good.
The psychological foundations of personality, Danquah wrote, are to be
found in three elements-always in the process of growth-that constitute
the human mind. These are cognition, the mental element by which we know
and apprehend; conation, normally the physical condition antecedent to a
2. M. Richter, The Politics of Conscience: T. H. Green and His Age (Cambridge, Mass-
achusetts, 1964), p. 294.
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78 AFRICAN AFFAIRS
The individual's search for his good is thus an activity in harmony with the
good of other self-conscious agents who accept a common good. Perfection or
moral excellence is manifested in the goodness of character of such individuals.
Danquah, then, like British Idealists such as Green, Bradley and Bosanquet,
3. J. B. Danquah, 'The Moral End as Moral Excellence', London University Ph.D.
Thesis, 1927, p. 139.
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SOCIAL AND POLITICAL IDEAS OF A GHANAIAN NATIONALIST 79
regarded the state as a moral society, and saw the relationship of this society to
the individuals who compose it as essentially a moral one.
Social Ideas
In Philosophical Idealism Danquah found a style of thought he regarded as
appropriate for laying bare the social and political relations among the Akan who
believed in group morality. His major work in this direction was The Akan
Doctrine of God, published in 1944, though some of the ideas were foreshadowed
in a small pamphlet published in 1938, Ancestors, Heroes and God. It is facile
to regard these two works as motivated solely by scholarly considerations, for
Danquah went so much beyond all the available evidence that theologians and
sociologists of religion would find it difficult to regard his intention as purely
empirical rather than normative. In these two works as well as in other studies,
there are glimpses here and there of a desire on the part of Danquah to show not
only what Akan society was in the past but what also it ought to be. It may be
asked at this point,then, why Danquah began with a study of religion if his aim
was to show the principles of social organization in the Gold Coast ? First,
Danquah believed that social reality is spiritual; secondly, he postulated that
in any society what a people take to be their chief good (religion) determines
their culture, habits and forms of government, hence:
In the end we will find that the quest of God in Akanland is a quest of their
culture, their politics, their economics and the spirit of their art and life ...'
Thirdly, he felt that Africans had embraced Christianity, and if it was not to
remain the foreign veneer it was in his days in the lives of the peoples, then its
true nature must be set forth 'and related to something rooted in the national
inheritance of the Akan-Ashanti people'.5 The African, he finally believed,
had made an original contribution to world religion, and found it 'painful ... to
encounter learned men and civilized anthropologists who refuse to believe that
the non-European, non-Moslem or non-Aryan, or, lately, non-Japanese races
are capable of any originality which is not merely "primitive".' 6 For all these
reasons, calling on all his speculative and imaginative powers as well as using the
tools of his philosophical training, Danquah embarked on a grand reflection on
society and politics.
For Danquah the origin of religion lies in man's desire to identify himself
with superior powers, objects in nature which, however hard he struggles, he
cannot subdue. It is this which leads man to posit a God or gods-which he
defined as the 'ideal of the chief Good'. The attributes people give to God are
dependent on the people's objects of the ethical good; and each conception of
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80 AFRICAN AFFAIRS
7. Doctrine, p. 133.
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SOCIAL AND POLITICAL IDEAS OF A GHANAIAN NATIONALIST 81
8. Doctrine, p. 136.
9. Doctrine, p. 182.
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82 AFRICAN AFFAIRS
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SOCIAL AND POLITICAL IDEAS OF A GHANAIAN NATIONALIST 83
the Akan philosophy is that the 'obligation' that a man owes in society is
commanded or imposed by the fact of a common fatherhood. If all mankind
were made by the Unknown God, God the Father, of one blood, then all men
are all brothers, . . . and this extends the Akan idea of obligation towards all
mankind ... the coming of Christianity to the Akan was simply a confirmation
of the original philosophy which he had fashioned for himself. The white
man's Unknown God is the Akan's God, the Father.13
Political Theory
Danquah lived longer under imperial rule than under the government of an
independent Ghanaian state. One would naturally expect such a restless and
reflective mind to have ideas on imperialism. The views of Danquah on
imperialism are best examined by answering a basic question: What did Danquah
perceive to be the full consequences of the impact of colonialism on the colonized ?
As a starting point in answering this question it may be stated that Danquah's
basic position on questions such as these was broadly an historical one; it was
neither socio-psychological (Fanon) nor economic (Marx, etc.). Like Hegel he
saw the need to accept historical reality as embodying reason; that the rationale
of historical evolution is progress towards higher ideals such as greater freedom
of man and moral progress.
To Danquah mankind has been moving from progress to progress in history.
Certain 'nations' and peoples, at certain historical stages, represent higher levels
of progress and civilization. If a 'nation' is to survive and make a creative
12. Danquah, Obligation in Akan Society (West African Pamphlet Series No. 8), p. 13.
13. Obligation, p. 14.
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84 AFRICAN AFFAIRS
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SOCIAL AND POLITICAL IDEAS OF A GHANAIAN NATIONALIST 85
'Recall, for a moment, the prevalent belief in 'Gold Ages' of several races and
nations. The general characteristics of golden ages are that the nation or
people attained to the highest in moral, intellectual and artistic endeavour
in some time past. Looked at closer, it has often turned out to be the truth
that the attainments of the subsequent non-golden age really stood far
superior to those of the so-called golden . . . to come to the Gold Coast
country, the golden age of Osei Tutu in Ashanti, of Ofori Panyin in Abuakwa,
of Asebu in Fantiland, of Manche Tackie in the Ga State, of Akonno in the
ancient Akwamu State, who would exchange life of today for any of those
gilded ages ... were those who lived in those ages called upon to cope with the
difficulties, complications, disciplines and expanded organizations by which
the modern man is faced, ... Okomfo Anokye's magical control of the Ashanti
Kingdom might be quite inadequate to cope with the demands of a British
Chief Commissioner of Ashanti acting through cohorts of police and regi-
mental soldiers. ...' 15
True, Danquah did not paint a romantic picture of the African past but he
believed, however, that there is a spiritual dimension to historical evolution.
The genius of a people and its 'purpose' in world historical development may be
seen in what he called its 'national inheritance.' A people can make a creative
contribution to world culture only if it acts in accordance with this 'spirit.'
It is through education that a nation can discover 'the purpose or design of the
particular community in its place in human races.' He identified this 'design'
in Africa as consisting in what Africa was intended to teach the world, though
kept so late out of the general run of things. This late appearance in history,
however, Danquah thought, should not be accounted as a factor against the
liberty and capacity of Africans 'to fulfill their purpose in that world.' 16
This distinctive contribution to world culture will not be made, as Senghor
believes, through tribal dances, drumming, and music. In Danquah's view
the distinctive 'national inheritance' of the Gold Coast people is their system
of rule by elected monarchs, an achievement which has for centuries given
them stability. Since chieftainship is an aspect of African religious experience,
Danquah maintained that true religion may yet be discovered in Africa: '. .. that
the true meaning of life, and the place of God in that life, may obtain its best
definition if Africa is given the freedom and independence to make her own
contribution to the culture and thought of the race.' 17 Political independence
and cultural creativity are thus closely linked in his thought.
In a memorandum prepared on behalf of the Gold Coast Youth Conference
and submitted to the Elliot Commission on Higher Education in British West
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86 AFRICAN AFFAIRS
The immense changes which followed in the wake of World War II led
a rethinking of the international status of African colonies, changes which m
it possible for African nationalist to believe that independence-to borr
A. Cohen's phrase-was possible 'on the horizon of time.'
Nationalists like Danquah began to put forward concrete proposals regardi
future structures and institutions of self-government. The role of chiefs beg
to occupy a central place in his numerous suggestions, and the proposals he p
forward to be properly appreciated must not be torn out of the context of h
more theoretical and justificatory arguments. The chiefs became less free age
after the passing of the Native Authority Ordinance of 1944. Danquah in th
post-1945 period began to see the chiefs as 'belittled governors', and con
quently began a quest to find them a dignified place in an independent Gha
For Danquah, the nation-state, or what he would call the 'native state
authority', meaning by this a political grouping with the chief or nana as t
political sovereign, is the only political reality that there is, in Ghana as well a
18. Memo, pp. 6-7.
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SOCIAL AND POLITICAL IDEAS OF A GHANAIAN NATIONALIST 87
. . . The chiefs represent the voice and power of the past and they signal
the hope and strength of the future. It is through and by means of chieftaincy
that this Gold Coast is to make a contribution to the culture of the world,
for all our original forms of culture are centered around the chiefs .... 20
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88 AFRICAN AFFAIRS
Conclusion
Danquah's political activities spanned distinct phases in the political develop-
ment of Ghana: the period of proto-nationalist agitation, that of mass nationalism
and the post-independence era. Belonging as he did to three generations of
political experience it is remarkable that he consistently retained a corpus of
ideas throughout this long period.
It was a body of ideas which was compounded of a quasi-Hegelian philosophy
of history, British Philosophical Idealism and a Burkean reverence for 'the
national inheritance': that historical reality embodies reason; and that this
reality is open to human knowledge; and that the structure of whatever exists is
ultimately rational; that in Akan social and political institutions one may discover
principles on which a modern, secular state can be constructed; and that
individual liberties could be attained if freedom is conceived as consisting in the
right of every individual to make the most of those powers seen to be worth
realizing by the moral judgement of the whole community. The ideas are no
doubt eclectic, but a way towards understanding them is found if we realize that
they acquire some kind of internal coherence from two main threads which run
through them: respect for traditional institutions and an Idealist ethical theory.
21. Akyeampong, pp. 78-9.
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