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  • ""Pity" and "Ecstacy". The Problem of Order and Differentiated Difference Across Kula Societies"

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    Bulmaro Iturbide Espinosa
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    Mosko

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    Mosko

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    108 visualizações31 páginas

    ""Pity" and "Ecstacy". The Problem of Order and Differentiated Difference Across Kula Societies"

    Enviado por

    Bulmaro Iturbide Espinosa
    Mosko

    Direitos autorais:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Baixe no formato PDF ou leia online no Scribd
    Sinalizar o conteúdo como inadequado
    de 31
    o & Frederick H. Da 7 eae | er ab re Covi ms its Order of Chaos : Social Anthropology and the Science of Chaos* Edited by Mark S. Mosko & Frederick H. Damon “T have rarely seen such an excellent collection of articles. And it cannot SMe ORO emote mtd arti minds in anthropology today.... This is a truly PCAC Ca in pd i Coeranele CL roo) porrvseibesiacy See TL COMO) ini University of Wisconsin-Madison w Pearce aac) —the perception of order previously hidden in pheno wT ue and disorder—has profoundly Pennant ntly, numerous scholars in the social Seem nl . ase to adapt the key insights of chaos Ta eamSey nae) Ae “extreme sensitivity to initial conditions,” “nonlin€ariy factal holography,” “self-organization,” Bruce nccnty F stities of human cultural and social systems. Maverinea tacit St ng patents have similarly drawn upon particular elements of Shas theory for their inspiration, but as yet, there is no focused and comprehensive treatment of the applicability’of chaos theory to anthropology’s distinctive ethnographic and cross-cultural materials. This volume fills that gap. Bridging the divide between the sciences and the humanities that has fragmented much recent anthropological discussion, the contributors track between chaos theory models and those derived from anthropology’s intensive consideration of the problem of order (and its absence) Pere Snes ee OU ee Meee A Teo es Mi CCLEB IMUSIC collectively transform perspectives previously experienced as divergent, conflicting, ST Peo e OER OMe ese e omeeeie ened cel a cnecierl a) the natural and social sciences involving transitions between order and disorder. Mark S. Mosko is Professor of Anthropology in the Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies at the Australian National University. Frederick H. Damor is Professor of Anthropology at the University of Virginia. Cover design by Kate Damon, kaze design, Washington, DC. Peers oes Reet eae g Ont ee ci 4“ Oh eee betel nee ad TY a: GN 348/057 ae 53550 roveedor: E 19. de Factura, /500F First published in 2005 by fo: 2012 Berghahn Books - |\S¥19E4 www Berghahn Books com © 2005 Mark §. Mosko and Frederick 11. amen All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short paveari~ for the purposes of criticism and review, no part A thie Wo may be reproduced in any form or by any means, dectromic 7 including reconding, OF atv/ information storage and retrieval system now kewrvin of“ invented, without written permission of the publioher editors would like to thank Venguin 5K + use of Figures 1.1~1.6 in the Introduction WIN CONTENTS List of Figures and Tables List of Contributors Preface and Acknowledgements Prologue Marilyn Strathern Introduction: A (Re)Turn to Chaos: Chaos Theory, the Sciences, and Social Anthropological Theory Mark S. Mosko From Lévi-Strauss to Chaos and Complexity Jack Morava . Fractal Figurations: Homologies and _ Hierarchies in Kabre Culture 6 Charles Piot “Pity” and “Ecstasy”: The Problem of Order and Differentiated Difference 4 “PITY” AND “ECSTASY” The Problem of Order and Differentiated Difference Across Kula Societies erro Frederick H. Damon ge’ sounds like something out of a car gear-box manual. At are the greatest human passions, the very nature of being a strange intimacies that giving establishes between things and sig 1993: 92). at Anglo-Saxon writers sometimes misunderstand the writings Strauss for precisely this reason. They say he emphasizes too act and ignores the ‘feelings.’ The truth is that he assumes the algorithms... These algorithms of the heart ... are, however, ina manner totally different from the algorithms of lan- Introduction Island culture does not now participate in = A rial Magicians of Manumanua: Living ne moment of Kula Ring pon dy, Kalay ion peculiarly promuney atl : saawigineide i Figure 4.1). Young is a myths of eminent elders of the oi ‘s paramount form of action, nieve, «i pasis of an indigenous theory 4, foung’s understanding, wivwere | Ola} ence adrift from the moral iy elf intransigent and willful desty,, eans of self destruction” (ibiq,. » Hinstitutionalized in two prin ance, homicide, and sorcery, anq ‘al vation. Although these types of vic tinal orm as Vicarious sacrifice and sel “Be in combination. The mythology a people seem to read their ove int lay of these themes of victimago” Young writes: { Sof 73) arin if ti Kalauna thought could articulate con. (I know of no term for it), but I would claim testably present. | observed, for exam- “for pity” (nuavita), not when they nar- ir tape-recorded narrations for them to ored form of the playback. Such, in ives neon ick,” these are the words that considered Young's account. d experiences in fieldwork ortheast corner of the Kula Ring nvolving one of my best instruc: lew the Muyuw language - what appeared to be an pry “throwing” of a val” le passed down a beach, er skipping in tow. ! wes ly somewhere else. , Gideon, and ho ane!—to the Trobriands: "° give it to Vanol the followed the valuable Aisi was not s° much it of the armshell he this “emotion.” It* Kula, and usually : Kula valuable | ‘a valuable a ac ir a fact reP" of very suocesstul K et throws the valuahi. of the third perso ere (1983b; 2002 —_— ~~ a iption of what Young understar facets being oe or oe miatively isolated community . t am i ent that a larger and different frame of * + complement that approach, because we do not understan, ae aes reasons, nor exactly where they are located in th sl ae that constitute social existence. con. This chapter is an experiment. I suggest that ideas drawn from eth theory and Lévi-Strauss’s canonic formula for the study of myth can jy y lp describe synchronic variation in the zigzagging systems of order that ¢ this instance the cultures of the Kula Ring are xist in regional systems, in Papua New Guinea. Although my data are ve Milne Bay Province, : cific, I do not think the problems I face are. Variation in what otherwic, appear to be orderly data sets can be seen in many of the world’s Eons and in different kinds of phenomena, both social and ecological /physicaj (e.g., Shugart 1998). Anthropologists have customarily done their w bri single locations to transcend the limits of social models bequeathed us . the nineteenth century. Yet at this dawn of a new century it is past ti a reconfigure how to understand the macro-collective orders i c ai social action figures. It is very unlikely that any of our ial i : Mis oo es our fieldwork traditions because their lives are and have Moh a tb a: ac - oe ie yaarae the modern world system Be nic — oe aie : ; a Ing. ae Ee sete 5 ea first I draw on two ideas from andat ; Mester ae , that across different phenomena this . ha Bees appears to repeat itself.° Although Mel: a beginning ae ee (1991), has already been deployed in has not faced: that ig y a a problem that discussion to date ; ¢ patter ae 8 ne tepeat themselves. Modeling e zu on or imitation (e.g., Sornette i in which the ‘0 be « ‘launa ini mown in the chaos conditions”—the essence of no" ap eiyesd to the question of “pha i ppears during the transforma little changes turning into mi" of “strange attractors,” and Lév" of myth, and my second part. I ©perationalizing chaos theory itions of social anthrop0!®® the likeness of a nonline™ Ze, lam doing analyze, what 2 : i ectanced in the future, A ¢ is“whey y be tor’?” And what might this idea add to received ides jerezac ture, and pattern?® al Kk, From Muyuw To The Trobriar Be ofthe Kula Ring (1990) jst rc leick’s discus de of ing its essential ideas (Gleick 1987). 1 attempted to cn across the northern side of the Kula Ring could « " fa synchronic transformation between diametric ’ os “Diametric” and “concentric” are concepts I took abl le “Do Dual Organizations Exist?” (19632), Such Ee ee indigenous spatial constructions that some- para with which I am concerned—consciously in the cases sa “di ic” form encased an ideal : i-Strauss a “diametri jon. For Lévi- ; d in a spatial form. In the ; the social units represented in a sp del hierar- ees virtually all concentric forms mode 4 derstanding, virtually metrical relationship. is implies an asym : ‘or another. This imp cl to talk about relationships among uss these ideas were use: the conventional sense of society, ss ame societies. In the ng contiguous soci ee differential dominance amo ' fNeaicnizesst ee ee houses, villages, and gardens cn clans defined ; e relations located am Pe retceapetl trical exchang: inant in Muyuw, : ips—were clearly ear Drawing on the undercurrent of conce site holds there: dia- ee ed that the opposite h ity, In the Tro- phy, l argu inant concentricity. ees ents to a dominan' ionship between villag a 1s govern the relati hy governs the vas models Jy visible hierarc 8) Ne eee yo chapters and 6). argu: 990: chap' ines of my arg} ons (Damon 1 that the general lines ions Be ataiid main, confiden| ediate concel : imm 0 ree is essay. ist ts sues of ids; Transformations along Sion of chaos frobriand reality, I could not devi, briand or Muyuw cases could be suffice to say that since the two sides TEPteser, u esian language family the cultura ‘ by historical discontinuity historical continuity. Th denying the historicity of this area, Tegiona g produced and reproduced: arguably the, external history. This i regional systems. The question then js not but how do we manipulate our own of ferreting out the nature of the rela. features generates difference? onic formula (Mosko 1991a). Although I find at Ineed to generate variation, Mosko's Kinds of Mekeo data made the formula e analysis of myth. And it promised a contiguous domains. With it I hoped intuitive grasping for relations that i-Strauss’s formulae, Hage and remains a tool of rhetoric, not of ita tool, for me at least. interacting with Dr. Jack id mathematical physics + igart, a forest ecologist at odeling procedures. Both very different data, thet . Yet it seems to me a die organized, and what this is not a matter thinking that by virtue i ides some (usually * xplained something: ate raphic experien® 1 there have very We a Ecstasy” | 95 although our eee is the youngest, I note my interacti ghugatt first. eee ses oe shared seminars I pet eae with eying ' CN SAEUL a skeptical audience of under, Ene anthropology “haa at I could use my versions of eestor aduate ical formula to transform the logical relations of one 88'S canon. ic i ee Place into those jnother. To a particular rendering of Lévi-Strauss’s Herth getie : : ' ation o| anv ns” and “relations,” for example F,(a) in the form i ab) 2 Baal) Shugart ead. the expression was a toe ee ” Although ee ee Snot the easiest thing to find defined int literature, by most definitions Shugart was correct.’ The sense I give to Hie. concept for my present ethnographic concerns should be evident aia for my purposes here, Shugart’s statement means that Lévi-Strauss’s for- mulaisa hypothesis about relationships between strange attractors. The critical encounter with Morava began one afternoon as epitiatls went over Mosko’s article and Lévi-Strauss’s formula. Morava deals in knot theory—a world of twenty-plus dimensions—yet is literate in ethnography. He does not think anthropology needs mathematics to deal with its descriptive problems, and he readily tosses scathing humor at the social sciences that mimic their idea of the more mathematical sciences. Morava then stated that the formula did not make sense from a mathe- matical point of view. Nevertheless, he allowed that it could still be useful. Asa mathematician, Morava continued, he was used to dealing with non- sensical formulas from brilliant people that, eventually, lead to real insight.” So he turned the formula into a proportion, we started plugging in ideas that I thought were useful abstractions from my book, and by the end of the afternoon I thought I had finally figured out how I could pass from the northern to the southern side of the Kula Ring. The “twist’— F,(y)—in the formula’s right-hand side doubles the pattern of differen- tiation the left-hand side juxtaposes. This seemed like a suggestive begin- ning, Formal relationships in nearby cultures that did not seem related to each other now seemed relatable—because the canonic formula trans- formed my limits on ideas about “relation” and “order.” And this is what we need from theory. I. The limits of Self-Similarity he same pattern hen , *actal” characterizes a process that somehow produces the (Gleick 1987: {ough different levels of reality, “on finer and finer scales . two perturbing examples here. shed in Breat case rela Rey eck of exchange spheres. dr 3111). Thete detail elsewhere (Damon 1983b: see especially. ee ate two comy of these, descen ing ontaining change plementary sets § us here, contain What 1, n the one hand, and the one that concer part ofa conscious call Muyuw kinship. These are formal models, > a form effectively part of the aforementioned 4 diay ge (1985), the construction is the cultur order, the kinship _ Jn Dumont's usa} ing value. passing of the ranked set of F exchang The prototype and most encom| entails the exchange of women (and men) among four c| a Clar intersection of east-west and north-south garden paths provid p with their formal model of the device. Muyuw people see rf Muy alk into their gardens; I have had people wr a” a a "CIN the time they wi sand for me when I asked what clans are or what “marriage” is, I} 5. The forr shapes ea practice in subtle ways. People say the exchange of pigs at mortuar j : y ceremonie: ~~. In fact, the form of these mortuary Babe iscin et the re be embedded in the shape the garden iat Re : mee 89 and 1990: chapter 4 for details). A pig of a ce el clefines (see people of the “east” clan (Malas) give to Se aaaiaaai (Kubay) must later be returned, size oh Se ce vot specific ts. The! y sex remaining constant, i ae contexts. There are several exchange spheres e n informants say all replicate the ides ts a scaled below this highest sphere. For “this,” “that” must be lefined as fundamental in lower spheres are different. The bottom s| esc sate pepper, and everybody knows exchan; fe a ead betel pigs onthe other are vastly more as, 8 of women on the one hand and a pattern is perceived cae than the exchange of betel nut In Young's terms these ide old through different scales action. They speci ideas constitute an indigen : eviacnal, pecify relations between f genous theory of social 5 y at least, they are the relati ormally prescribed social units one of the functions i > the relations in the relati ‘ ree eae aces onicoform sai coupling which I assimilated to ek ula. It S at- no. a which Shugart said,’ > of Lévi-Strauss’s term/ ene conti question that this model gov that is a strange attractor.” And ite is example, after ems a : ‘ POLES | Fan et Reais deal of Muyuw culture. For wor Muyuw succeeded in mar te 1970s my best informant in of the Kates village fever. child, his son Dibolel, 19 @ or early clan, the woman fro estern Muyuw. Th 1 1990s a from Si ‘ iyuw. The man, Dibolel, is this marri ; braueeuaaee. Some time in the late 1980 * Sinawiy woman from the emselves arranged a return 0° Willie ta they cecal going to the west © * " forced the marriage, although a oda were making a ret" i ives from a very comP lt may begin from what would eo unique marriage ye a determinant struct" . Yet while the rule: the island, every village takes lex case, the perceived redundancy is true only from one point of In eae top two spheres separate genders—of Persons and pigs—so like We es for like. The next lower sphere Preserves gender separation.’ a male items are exchanged for female items, and vice versa. It Y ale objects and receives female eives male values, Rather than vie exch : Hoe said that the “north” clan gives m mig he south clan gives female and rec ones; t rving gender separation, gendered entities take each nge prese 8 & i exchang) lace (and facilitate determined activities). One instance of this psec i sphere serves to define a married couple as actually married, Pe pesacrete level they are not really thought to be exchanged at a ee r, they combine their gender identities and labors (after having allie creed from their opposite-sexed siblings). Neither a brother nor pn ould allow that he exchanged his sister or daughter. Moreover, sy e of persons follows from the lowest exchange sphere, one ea ith betel nut and betel pepper. In this one too the modality of concerned wil hifts: in the top spheres like takes the place of like; in the A ies ender designation) replace each other; in the middle ones uals Eby ee combined (in the mouth). Consequently, lowest sphere Po imilarity is f substantive differences, in . 1 of encased similarity is a set of subs a a A inside the model of nt’s terminology (ibid.). Wit ssed contrary of Dumo _ asense the encompa! inciples—for example, genders separate some degree of coherency, se d—shift as one changes positions in CO oftteesystem ig that principles a f positions. Although one view o! 1 i er-level relationships, SayBLeD Cu? flected throughout a series of lower-le Soa ; tenes rather than self-similarity organiz estal en ‘ 1 i totality. ore encompassing scale, can eS ie ae same phenomenon, Re at ins = are in fact the culture's ifti f ordering principles. from Benedict. shifting to another set o: ‘en for living,” to use a phrase eeudeail a ; most comprehensive “des eee define themselves. _ aie They are the terms by whi descriptions produced in oe P cane ing desc ant H Although I am fe a from returns between a Soaetvall lam adding materials a w net. These produc ‘umber of different Let me begin with a Ba d and used inant tion. They extremely complicated creations classed as means of produc! ne hs ways enn to their obvious Lee alt with a acre e cue ieee bodies (female ones Nt ¢t and right sides ar the net, = i, ap “feet/ legs” (kakein). The central half of Lis Navel’(pwason), and “fee respectively): The 4d by the “navel Suished (simugwey and sinoyem ”) area, divided by ee daban (“forehead”) @! distinction to whic formally the whole daba ) of the net, a dis\ rtofa rami ; Sonsidered the “basis” ieee it explicitly ie ded to make thine® net's t feminine ination aon” at is the proper combin’ ine their productive capa roductive order of things folloy hich Muyuw encompass nets e net must be hung up tod er of a house. Stakes are ed up so the weights are at rectly the “basis” of the net ‘did not know this when I pu n of the Muyuw net (Damon 1990: g through my book several eas tation was normative, and—I k ted the ideal order of a vill t villages should be organ is means that the front and uth. People figure this order the kalamatan. Tatan is the o plant. Thus, the word re! d a village’s kalatatan is co because the sun rises first" tical one here “point” ir proper production. Ifvir should be oriented other g, to the ideology: Social Although every village eeaisidered to be™ : ands, or even G fundamental 0rde" description, not ever?” luctive conditions: ao exceptions amore fH e, which is aa luyuw gardens es ‘one east to west re a PLY anit re, lasy” | a9 to south path. The four or m, one ally divided east to west, cr, inter as production and exch which ith brother/sister relations (and the ¢ come it function as exchange units fits Ww akon). PN” age model, mentioned above, deduce oe yest and north/south paths. This Structure is far and away the ¥¢ most complicated ordering of and model for social relations. es descriptions of this order, and some of the variation I do not Comp! amon 1990: chapter 5). For here ore sections cr eating smaller ange divisi eated by these paths units of the garden ions Prototypically con- exchange sphere called ithin the encompassing d from the intersection of - can be found elsewhere (D; deta cote that the eastern end of a garden is referred to as the : ae ” and the western side the matan, or point. Most gardens Ro or more north to south paths, and thus a difference is created pe Mee ections. The eastern-most is called the Pwason, again se are the same terms and relations found in the drying lay- bn end for villages, and people are cognizant of these correspon- pe though some people say that one formally goes to and from i i Biien on a path that ideally corresponds to the garden’s pens i rath this direction is not orienting for the garden. The gar- ne kee ll p arate from the village. : a4 = ea eeetnd the eastern end of the island to be the ia ae end the “point,” an orientation also : i a f the sun. The only social signifi- . Ae Be eaaeee, is that Muyuw New ace of this island-wide orientation I co Cee eae as = should begin in the east and g0 to aac ay Se inoin and easily inferred that the island is lai : aeae: I d village replicate island as a whole are a is villa es, gardens, and the islan identical fashion. pets, B formed in near ; 7 ne oll TES aaiiaaaea his structure may exist, or Fi. ther instance of this struc Beare learned that ano! illage and the island a 4 Bevalot the villas i onounced an‘ ed, between the le reviously pr : : Fest amember of a village I have ae village along the island’s is i estern-most vil Aa eineiot any : fant: This is the w sidered the : mat line. Previously I had not con: eer uaaiee corrected. ; i day my pronu oun mean: but while talking ae Be clansifist for the n 7 in is on is Unmatan. d just is dropped an the noun is “old (boug) (oen), and as is often the ca one for ‘rat Unmatan oe an village.” It follows . aw for a “new ” line. : at the point or Peed a line of ae ve if this name the line. take their place ee settled area tern-mo the Gove \s. Although the eas' uasopa—" o dis usually canner referre airstrip locatio —it d if other —— vat” the “east.” One of the nex; ol Wayavat, which means “to the yy; , along this shoreline take their sen,, Th 2 © firc d of this village implied an organiz.4 , two rows, and so half of a structure | must realize that the southeastern secto, . ion of the whole. It is basically a rectan, fas west sides, uplifted so that the northern «j, about thirty meters above sea evel the water (forming a lagoon boundeg historical record and all of my exper of a set of villages along the northeaste, n called Kweyakwoya (cf. Damon 19 it because it was the location of the island’, warriors. By 1995 I had learned, mos duate student (and now Dr.) Simon B was an old village site along this north. jun. This is an area people called Sims. name for the “mountain,” ridgetop -to-west side of this platform. To the nown by many names, Kweyaky that are generic and specific villa . They remain a living pres wth. West of the area north of and no current recognition o! ere because I had conducted ges and within those surve} Bickler surveyed around ané wise found no evidence °! Unmatan referred to? >a southern line, and anothe! rhere I knew there were vik ally the next day | went to igh there was evidenc?™ . Such scattered eviden ast to the region Bicklet pee north of Wabunun I foun’? e known in North Ce ad found another." m, hav" hol ored this por nie ith four sets of Per Pi dp ity” and siral, although this is notas' a structure i le in southeastern and Ure aNy ci lame that the teeter ot pc eke “ villages i v said “ ated the arrangement of houses ages in various said “of course” model gains veracity beca Relive ie pcauise a new s ge. In North island re slong the MeRnem tiplift west of set of communiti Betta Ney ivs 1 in which evidence of old vill es Dikwayas are ea (Lidau) or ie ing, my own, have fe ages is comm ‘ound to b a ; featured only two vi on. All previ e Over ground and Kaulay. Now it is clear el vo villages on ie ‘evious maps, incl : ere were ot e nortl ee pt prould'parallel a patie re others, at least nine ae 0 shoreline. As is the cas 8 of villages that did e west. Those wotiwn to be in the central and ‘ase in the southeast id or do lie along the hectare there was no evi oa western middle Leal sector, nothing A received a different tee any human saaee in one surveyed elders, and their associates vee I brought up ae Seacnd more amazing people I h , in Western Muyuw. O: is model with two 18), Pepeadierigrily to m ave ever met on the isla: at the son of one of the damaislaicrieor at created model ioe Damon 1990: 17- his father and Be pecvhctore tories of the island ie - ee chaos and warfare. When I cee one arrived, — easy nized that it implied, gi gave him my model he imm ere was only quite extraordinary , eek all the observable an ae : population and ities of his lifetime, 2 population over the i and formally ord , —— e island. Thi Seas ered distributi started shoutin| . That so violated oh eae ig, about how it ping nea eee group, people from Mi it could not be true.” The reacti eee . . eaction of th ent from those wadau village, was m +4 aed to the east. I fi ‘ ore measured, yet also di eaueiad al st. I first described Mwad ae as ’ justrated in adau as it had been in 1975 if vi my book. Then I i oe a on Mwadau Island ra hea into my new model ask- ‘Mwadau” I had prod 5 so organized. I was then told Gavaaitent insi produced in my book was | the t insistence that houses be ordered i i SE eae me raneioes ReaNifadau Seis aie oe a line. That, by contrast, . a of Muyuw f een: Na what is found on ie ol : est. There, m' jnforman' h ‘ seattered eae , my info! ts stated, houses tend to be =e . te . or clusters and are not ordered into straight Res tae in fact is taking this “old” appearance now. Only am uses line up in the way | described them from 1975; s are forming in the nearby vicinity: these Mwadau facts 996) [hada person’, 'Smem Ory, peo he comparative abil- : I traveled 4 to ten days each on | Gawa Islands. The organization of houses, villages, a™ , ial [wa an Gawa, is very different arently chaotic and the place” lly per” € (une 1 in detail. The previous January an nside of the Kula Ring pending UP 92 | preverick H DAMON a Toften took compass readings of alignments ; res. ent strus és supposed to be. I discussed the : eal people how ek pats kikun, which can be ate a “pattern” or ‘mo ee ” in the sense of guide. There was no di “follow” OF Pee the house alignments on either Iwa or Ca attern—"kikur including several people who had resided in Mu my EN nd had close Muyuw Kula partners—denied the; some fime as any pattern. They were fully aware of the Muy, s supposed _ insisting that their places were different. ? Qs ane however, these are among a number of little differences When my Mwadau village sources said their model was not like t rest of Muyuw, but rather more like Gawa and Iwa, I inquired if, a houses need not be oriented to the sun. Here they demurred. Alt houses need not be organized in east to west rows, they should be se so that the fronts and backs of the houses pointed north or south. Because there is an appearance—to an outsider—of a random order and no series of straight paths connecting the various hamlets that now compose Mwadau village area, it was not obvious to me how its many houses in fact preserved this order. However, different people easily specified whict way was east, which way west, and how their houses (and yam houses) fit the paradigmatic model. And as Thad previously noted, yam houses were to be behind their houses, more or less in the “village” setting rather than in the garden. So Mwadau did indeed look more like Gawa and Iwa than, say, Wabunun or Kaulay, and this is an intentional look. Yet it also diverged from the former while taking on the form of the latter in ways ee people from both areas could specify: Iwa and Gawa people denied Pak hie and yam house orientations were guided to the external es that are the Muyuw order. Tt would deeds fal i that my two Western Muyuw informants 7 i . of the model I was finding back to the east because a isslightly different, the one Ee aapient ind an image ceived to be y as a replacement, the other drawing on what he pe these on a ‘order the relatively unordered Gawa. Yet onic aheaen pe fractally,” reproduced through a number _ Variation is fixed in th ee activities inside the elation we of different collective represen ortheastern Ki ions that compose thi ‘sland cultures: i . ula Ring peop pose this set of islan' different kind of wood that know that different regions identify witha hidsbittti'g be Newly married Precedence in their respective sets of 2!" carry itt prothere, Sisters, anti should carry this wood ! 4 8 eigen ite Stelatives rt hal and fathers. Husbands shot! ual. All of these the latter put on a significant mo" : trees are considered e 8) hey the social s that excellent firewood, but th he using them, Thwdase tnderstood to match attrib!" : constitutes ritual firewood: Unlik® Jan totems that jus : eee. just mark diffe: «fies the locational properties of a Pattie this totemic-like ers. 50, much of eastern Muyuw consider: rcs differentiates it frors sa oth- i Lf in early fallow gardens, a special class of ee ee customarily this area aS, in the Muyuw spelling, digada: ‘own thi u , digadag. Th rough pce Bei Grewood is found in these ae anne of these a grows along the shore and that is extremely ey awa's tree is one that ediculty ore people Sghibee lives"are-tied to a and heavy. It marks the who live some 150 meters above the re sea—by canoe produc- I only after climbing up two steep cliffs: ‘a on a disc-like platform diffs with the heavy loads of wood balanced ectune Bae here, empirical properties of trees are being used t recat PoupsiThe tee ‘0 represent differentiated relations among types fe R Ea B formally mark differ ‘units faction as models that effectively prescribe hice ag ‘These kinds of differences accompany on 1 ae these islands. Mwadau Island houses Fomid feu sa la ig , . e ordered in relati sun as elsewhere in Muyuw. But Mwadau gard ae ay peat Bases gardens vary by exactly 90°. D goes 0 west elsewhere on the island has to go north on Mwadau. The orientation is not to the s' bi oe te a un, but rather to the eator, who took a north/south detour up and down Island during his travels (see Damon 1990: 144). However, the . in these gardens, for a morning sun and afternoon sun are bounce off the cheeks of the piles of rocks used to mark the ection 1 asa It is to be noted that what is becoming impor- - sun’s movement, but a time change with respect to the s are not the models for social relations in Gawa that they are in Mun (1986) does not provide the kind of data about Gawa ire required for Muyuw. Yet she notes that it is held that v [the Creator, as in Muyuw] established the Gawan garden lay- ientati stones and garden plot dividers (or paths) so them diagonally rather than coinciding with ly fixed orientation, the garden will die garden paths (plot dividers) its “eye” will communication with Munn, led me to a 45° angle off from the people iat an Western Muyuw, where I d 90° shift. However, Gay, ans int Nee correspond to the directio, tM . Gawans call takulumwala The Uny ee southeast to northwest lde ite in/dabwen distinction along \| The impression Gawans gave me is tha gg rocks scattered about the isla. nes called vadayi. At least three of th. of the island, are megalithic TUINS on the , lwa, Kitava, and the Trobri. ands Eeanbe found in many places, [n an yeaa! number of garden orientations, and the he order of 40° - 220° and 130° - 310°, thus e expressed Gawan order. | did not leary jpposed to be related to houses or yi there is no necessary order to village me their houses used to be more spread and so they would be more intermixed an spaces, villages and gardens, are antial productive use.’ | do not tween village and garden land Muyuw villages and gardens are a, and Iwa, is all mixed up. lent from one place to another in of steps, evidence of “Phase ienificant transformation. The 131; Waldrop 1992: 229), refers to Ous processes when one tion” refers to such a radi- es effectively a new a deal ture, pressure, etc: his apparent random F Mosko and Taylor make in experience of rede these transformations sd regional settint oe through theh ie in Gawa and Iwa® ang Nich is the o ch n of a phase © mae if yan the jul y northerst i pula and ada —— lt i tst~*S _gwhich the island and its i ‘ atong which its inhabitant areas called “Obomatu” and " Picea fivide vila,’ we j could be unambiguously translated Pity” LY" AN “Pegtgg 1 Way" \ yy themselyg “In Muyuw a 8 iNnto a” [li M4 as “north” Gay ke BE ca too, ac at-seanc ait, ay and the latter hah jn fact 0, aS ever > This latter o ern in y yone notes that there * as T expression down from Obomatu to Wayovila. However, 1 grad . : : er, hard as | tr Bradual slope sense that anything like a simple set of north 18 I tried, I failed Price tions are pertinent for Iwa people. They never uy south, east/west distin iy the analogues MaiWestem cardinal direct . with direc tions to spec : eee tise different names and dire ree and for most people | ak ; ecHons, neve! by right angles.” Bomatu is a place on the Iwan is ie ver easily graphed external to it. Now although houses are « iGarered d a Ee nota direction eeeyee found haphazardly related to thi Wate tee two poles, ine that the Beebe breanization along the c ae People again told ment inspired, and that they w ce” y were now getting away f i again as I was shown this and that garden we Nitecon pie $ ‘ would come across a staked tree { marking an old dibedeb (see Munn ibid., s.v. dabad i center. Drawn from an extremely hard and rob TeMistantE é - te so i to last, and they give evidence of villages eosigiats ener all over this tiny landscape. And as there is plenty of evidence of sc pie old house clusters having been out in the area that looks naively like garden there are plenty of small fenced gardens in amongst contemporary Ss. This appearance is hard to describe, but when I first saw it having been socialized in Muyuw’s near absolute separation villages and gardens, I was stunned, and not so much by an ‘of chaos as by a manicured order very different from the one s seem to be organized in the same way: Although I could order to Iwa gardens—they have varying shapes, and com- zs [would take in one place would rarely conform to any other say they are laid out, as in Gawa, to follow takulumwala, eglects these the crops will not grow. However, unlike in muwala are not conceived to be of any fixed direction. | iI to be along a 40° bearing, one at 330°, and another still id they crisscross the to north/south. Several old men sai dom pattern. Once I scribbled an ovoid ae vt : then randomly drew lines, some going the 18 ands some crisscrossing the others. 1 asked if this was _In cleared gar" e of rocks, takulumwala, went ry, a triangular shaped tip toa yay, with its longer sides east to y Yet it jy. ‘There was nothing conceived \,, \,, fact it was the owner's priz,. ¥ its shape would have der,,,, rat strated y distinguish different garden a ‘on Iwa long enough to plot «; ‘w emerge. However, I did not recy; aie were rigidly followed. | was told that i ded to put a particular garden gy, fe ask the person who claimed ow hip it. Clearly this is not a hard and (,,, y kway, stood to derive from an order, | reckoning. the Trobriands. There are single refer inowski’s two-volume set Coral Gar _case nothing indicated other y for the subdivision of a eko that form specific gardens ethnographic inquiry. | had no casually shown to me when! 5. Yet it is clear in retrospect thing important. When in L the term was critical, ! er what the term con ishing one group's land e followed, and that the arfare ended,” As is the “* st times andi the ancesto™ to radiate out from ¥"" tered in Iwa was very inus Digim’Rina and ee sroduced the map she” village. Note the line” ' it. “Pity” ana “g icstasy” | gy ao Jessa —* 2h wa a eo.

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