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Le Chevalier de Saint-Georges, Man of Music and Gentleman-at-Arms: The Life and Times
of an Eighteenth-Century Prodigy
Author(s): Gabriel Banat
Source: Black Music Research Journal, Vol. 10, No. 2 (Autumn, 1990), pp. 177-212
Published by: Center for Black Music Research - Columbia College Chicago and University
of Illinois Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/779385
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LE CHEVALIER DE SAINT-GEORGES,
MAN OF MUSIC AND GENTLEMAN-AT-ARMS:
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF AN EIGHTEENTH-
CENTURY PRODIGY
GABRIEL BANAT
GABRIEL BANAT is a violinist and has been a member of the New York Philharmonic since
1970. He is the editor of Masters of the Violin (New York: Johnson Reprint Corp., 1981-), of
which one volume was devoted to works by Saint-Georges. He is also editor of a facsimile
edition of the Mozart violin concertos (New York: Raven Press, 1986).
177
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178 Black Music Research Journal
world's capital of taste and culture. One of them, the Chevalier de Saint-
Georges, came from the exotic Antilles in the French colonies. Like
George Polgreen Bridgetower and another chevalier, the elusive J.J.O. de
Meude-Monpas, this violinist-composer was a mulatto, that is to say, of
mixed African and European blood.
Most of these names, celebrated in their times, are ignored today, ex-
cept by music historians. Some, like those of Rodolphe Kreutzer and
Pierre Gavinies, are remembered because the technical studies they pro-
duced are still being taught today. Others stand out as pioneers of new
forms. Joseph Casanea de Mondonville, for example, was the first to
produce keyboard sonatas with violin, and Jean-Marie Leclair was a pio-
neer of the violin concerto in France. But to make a name for himself in
Paris, any aspirant to fame had to appear at the Concert Spirituel. This
concert series, established in 1725 by the composer Philidor, was a dras-
tic departure from established practice. Under Louis XIV music was
strictly under the control of the king. Outside the court, private concerts
were organized by the households of princely courts emulating the king
by hiring their own orchestras, conductors, and composers. The courts
of the dukes of Maine, Conti, and Orleans all had such elaborate musi-
cal establishments. One of the best of these private orchestras was or-
ganized by Louis XV's fermier-general, La Poupliniere. These concerts
were, of course, restricted to the private circle of the host. The Concert
Spirituel was the first such series of concerts that was available to bour-
geois audiences as well. Originally motivated by the need for musical
events on religious holidays when theaters and the opera were dark, the
Concert was obliged to offer some vocal music with religious subjects,
such as motets, but very soon orchestral music became dominant in its
concerts as well. The first great symphonic institution in Europe, the
concerts were regularly covered by the press. The repertoire included
symphonies, earlier evolved from the French opera overture, and Ital-
ian-style instrumental concertos. These offered an opportunity for bril-
liant violin virtuosos to charm their highly critical audiences. Performers
frequently played their own compositions, often written especially for
the occasion. Paris was also the capital of music publishers, and for ad-
ditional appeal "as performed at the Concert Spirituel" was often adver-
tised on the title page of a newly published concerto.
The Chevalier de Saint-Georges emerged on the Parisian musical
scene around the same time as a new form, the simphonie concertante,
became popular. His name is closely associated with the success of this
new, essentially French form of concerto. A cross between the baroque
concerto grosso and the instrumental solo concerto, it captured the
imagination of the public by offering not one but two or more soloists
"competing" with each other as well as with the orchestra, in a kind of
contest. With two violin soloists, a comparison with a duel could be
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Le Chevalier de Saint-Georges 179
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180 Black Music Research Journal
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Le Chevalier de Saint-Georges 181
Saint Domingue (who can admittedly hardly play himself), the little boy
is overheard in the garden playing Tartini's difficult "Devil's Trill" so-
nata! This Platon (who later in the novel becomes Saint-Georges's valet
in Paris) is supposed to own a Stradivarius (elsewhere in the book an
Amati) given to him by a M. Exaudet, who actually was a second violin-
ist at the Opera, for whom a cleverly faked eighteenth century-sounding
address "over a pastry shop ... across from the convent in the Rue St.
Honore" was invented. Unfortunately, this Platon was accepted by at
least one important source, La Laurencie, as Saint-Georges's first
teacher, and others followed suit.
De Beauvoir ([1840] 1851, 36) proposes another totally farfetched no-
tion when he suggests that the hero's mother named her child Saint-
Georges after the name of a ship that "brought her people from their
homeland" and was at anchor in Guadeloupe at the time the child was
born. Quite an unlikely act of nostalgia, given the nature of slave ships
and what they must have meant to their victims! The fact is that Saint-
Georges inherited his name and title from his father. Barry Brook (1963,
1251) reports that Antonio Lolli (no relation to Lully) dedicated his Vio-
lin Concerto opus 4, and Carl Stamitz his Quartets opus 1, to "Joseph de
Bologne de Saint-George [sic], [who gave] an invaluable present to the
arts in the person of Monsieur your son." The elder Boulogne would
have been automatically given his title, the lowest degree of knighthood
in France, by the king because of his service as Royal Counsellor at the
Parliament of Metz, then as intendant of his Majesty's finances, and fi-
nally as Controlleur-General and Grand Treasurer of the Order of the
Holy Spirit (La Laurencie 1923, 451).
It was not altogether unusual that this child of a slave was accepted
as his own by his white father. The father of Alexandre Dumas pere was
sired by Davy de la Pailleterie, a nobleman from Normandy with the
"courtesy" title of marquis who had sought his fortune as a planter on
Saint Domingue. His son, called Thomas-Alexandre, was born in 1762 to
a slave-girl, Cessette Dumas, who kept house for him. According to
Andre Maurois (1957, 14), "It was customary that colons return to France
with their sons of semi-African blood, leaving their daughters in the Is-
lands." Dumas was eighteen when he was brought to Paris in 1780 by
his father. Twenty-five years earlier, in 1755, M. de Boulogne de Saint-
Georges brought his ten-year-old son to Paris, following (or perhaps ini-
tiating) that custom.
De la Pailleterie's property was in fact near Cap Rose in Saint Domin-
gue, whence perhaps de Beauvoir's choice of the fictional locale for
Saint-Georges's early years-a plantation called "La Rose" on the island
of Saint Domingue, today's Haiti. We have no documentary evidence
that Saint-Georges ever spent time on that island. Perhaps through
Dumas, de Beauvoir would have found background material easier to
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182 Black Music Research Journal
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Le Chevalier de Saint-Georges 183
music was particularly near to him: "he became known by happy [sic]
compositions, notably violin concertos, that became highly fashionable.
His sumptuous talent on that instrument often gave him an edge over
the most skillful artists of his times."
The "Notice" continues to elaborate upon Saint-Georges's kindness
and compassion for others ("even old men") and the tactfulness he used
to help others accept his gifts: "He was apt to be good to the point of
weakness." At the same time it was dangerous to push him too far, but
once he got himself under control, he did everything to erase the offense
he might have caused. Adversely, he often allowed himself to be drawn
away from his own interests. "He had been at the point to ensure his
fortune, but indolence and his lightness of character never allowed him
to pursue the same goal for very long" (La B6essiere 1818, vj).
Henry Angelo was an English counterpart of the younger La
Boessiere. Son of a riding-master and a fencing master like his French
colleague, a chapter in his book Angelo's Pic Nic contains mostly first-
hand information (Angelo 1840; see also Angelo 1828-1830): "A narra-
tive of Saint-Georges, sent for purposely [sic] to my friend M. de Saint-
Ville at Paris."4 He too writes of "the skillful horseman, remarkable shot,
musician," but, like his French colleague, emphasizes that
That Henry Angelo was also there is apparent from the London Morn-
ing Herald of April 9, 1787:
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184 Black Music Research Journal
5. Turner, the painter, was there and "made a print of d'Eon's death mask."
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Le Chevalier de Saint-Georges 185
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186 Black Music Research Journal
7'
41, 7; , I ~-
6. Logically, that would make Lolli, who also dedicated works to his father, a candidate
as Saint-Georges's violin teacher. La Laurencie (1923) names Ledair, apparently without
any evidence.
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Le Chevalier de Saint-Georges 187
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and performed them with the orchestra. Now they were published as
his opus 2. Announcing the publication, Mercure de France wrote, "These
concertos had been performed last winter at the Concert des Amateurs by
the author himself and received great applause as much for the merit of
the performance as for that of its composition." His first opus, published
earlier that year by Sieber, was a set of six string quartets, which to-
gether with those of Gossec and Vachon, were among the first in France.
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188 Black Music Research Journal
In 1775 his first two simphonies concertantes were performed at the Con-
cert Spirituel and were also published by Sieber. Bailleux published
opuses 3 and 4 as single violin concertos and then four more concertos
in pairs, as opuses 5 and 7. Various Paris publishers between 1773 and
1785 printed no less than nine and perhaps as many as twelve violin
concertos, as many as eight simphonies concertantes, and two symphonies.
His chamber works number two, possibly three, sets of six string quar-
tets and three sonatas for keyboard and violin. Of six solo violin sonatas
with a second violin he composed in this period, only three were pub-
lished, posthumously in 1800, by Pleyel. A sonata for flute and harp and
a piece for guitar, published in the Journal de la Guitarre in 1791, com-
plete Saint-Georges's known list of instrumental works.7
His opus 1 string quartets are in two movements, an Allegro and a
Rondo, in a departure from his German and Italian models. As another
unusual feature, quartets no. 3, 4, and 5 of this set are in a minor key,
and the second movements of the first and last of these quartets contain
a minore section. Both this set of 1773 and the later Quartetto Concertans
[sic] use all four instruments in more equal fashion than might be ex-
pected, considering the dominance of the violin in other early string
quartets of the period.
The sonatas are also in two movements. They do offer the violin an
independent role, in the manner of the earliest duo sonatas by Joseph
Casanea de Mondonville and Michel Corrette. Written a generation after
these high-baroque or pre-classic models, Saint-Georges's sonatas are
classical in style, in spite of the fact that his contemporaries in France,
Italy, and England continued to produce figured-bass sonatas until the
end of the century. The three sonatas for two violins are really solo so-
natas with a second violin accompaniment. In the third sonata the first
violin part is especially brilliant, with effective passage work in the
highest positions of the instrument. Saint-Georges never wrote any vio-
lin sonatas with figured bass. This clear break with the baroque is per-
haps the strongest argument that he was entirely of the new age.
The important simphonies concertantes were written for two violins and
orchestra. In one pair, the opus 10, the solo group consists of two violins
and a viola. Idiomatically, these two works are similar to the violin con-
certos but contain somewhat less demanding passagework. Occasionally
the soloists still rise into the highest regions of the E string, but there is
less complicated arpeggio work with bariolage and other technical de-
vices that abound in the solo concertos. In return, the solo voices are
either engaged in lively competition or join in duets, complementing
one another in a most charming fashion.
By the time Mozart returned to Paris in 1778, simphonies concertantes
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Le Chevalier de Saint-Georges 189
Example 1.
a. Chevalier de Saint-Georges, Violin Concerto in A Major, op. 7, no. 2,
Rondeau, mm. 121-124
8va --------------------------
8. The original of M
Gros. The one now
begun by Mozart on
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190 Black Music Research Journal
certo in G major, op. 2, no. 1,9 and the Simphonie Concertante in C Major,
op. 6, no. 1, are some examples of his superior talent as a composer.'0
The classical style comes full blown to Saint-Georges's violin concer-
tos. The first two of these were written two years before Mozart wrote
his violin concertos in Salzburg." They are in three movements, more
"galant" than "rococo" in style, full of Parisian appeal. The emphasis
here is not on depth of meaning (the harmonic development is too sim-
ple for that), but verve and charm overwhelm the listener. The best of
the concertos are really very good, conveying the splendid bravado of
the composer's personality. The slow movements have an affecting
quality, some of them being enhanced by an occasional augmented sec-
ond in the minor key, evoking an exotic Creole atmosphere. The Ron-
deaus all have a minore section (as in Mozart's third and fifth concertos),
suggesting a similar nostalgic mood, in contrast with the typically gal-
ant style of the movement. Except for the above-mentioned portions in
minor keys, Saint-Georges's musical invention does not stand out
among his colleagues. Harmonically conventional, his sonata forms con-
tain little opportunity for extensive development. In this respect he is
vastly overshadowed by his contemporaries in Austria-Haydn and
Mozart.
Aside from their natural and appealing qualities, the significance of
his concertos and simphonies concertantes is their role as a bridge, con-
necting the violin technique of the violinist-composers of the late ba-
roque (such as Tartini and Locatelli) to the technique of the nineteenth-
century romantics. Saint-Georges's particular virtuoso idiom leads
directly to Beethoven and beyond, by-passing the violinistically more
restrained style of the Mannheim school and the great Austrian masters
of classicism. Followers, such as Kreutzer, Viotti, and Rode, carried on
the virtuosity audiences admired in Saint-Georges to successive genera-
tions. Beethoven's admiration for one of them, the Parisian Rodolphe
Kreutzer, is evident from the dedication to him of the important opus 47
sonata. Beethoven had never met Saint-Georges and heard Kreutzer
only once, in 1798. However, he did have close personal contact with
two pupils of Saint-Georges's friend, Giovanni Mane Giomovichi,l2 who
were representatives of the same Paris school. They were George
Bridgetower and Franz Clement.
Giomovichi, who had a reputation for eccentricity and quarrelsome
9. This work is mistaken for a solo violin concerto in the thematic index in Brook (1962).
10. Strangely enough, La Laurencie, whose work covers Saint-Georges's life and music
most thoroughly, knew only one of the simphonies concertantes. Published by Sieber as no.
13, it is really the second one in the 1775 set, in G major.
11. There is some recent evidence, based on watermarks, ink, and graphology, that
suggests that Mozart's first violin concerto (K. 207) was written in 1773, the same year as
Saint-Georges's first two concertos (see Plath 1978; Tyson 1983; Tyson 1984; Mahling 1983).
12. He was an Italian violinist, who also called himself Jarnoweck.
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Le Chevalier de Saint-Georges 191
13. Later, with Viotti in Paris and Cramer in London, he was not so lucky. After
insulting each of them, Giomovichi left town rather than fight.
14. The last movement was "borrowed" from an earlier sonata. It remained with the
"Kreutzer."
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192 Black Music Research Journal
of this music when writing his violin concerto for Clement. There are in
fact some passages in the concerto (and in Beethoven's Triple Concerto
in C Major) that are too similar to others by Saint-Georges to be mere
coincidence. Especially striking is a difficult passage in bariolage, a tech-
nical device often employed by Saint-Georges but in this case so un-
usual that, when it appears in Beethoven's manuscript of his concerto
(but not used in the published version), it cannot be considered entirely
accidental (see Ex. 2 and Ex. 3).
This writer has noted elsewhere (Banat 1981, vol. 3, xiii-xiv) that by
this time a radical change in the design of the violin bow was influen-
cing French violin-playing. Most apparent in Saint-Georges's work, this
change was mainly responsible for his advanced style in violin tech-
nique. About 1750, in England and France, some bowmakers, notably
Thomas Dodd the elder and Francois Tourte l'amne (Francais, n.d.), re-
versed the usual camber (or curve) of the stick, that is, the wooden part
of the bow. Since the baroque, the bow's arch had been flattening. Now
it became concave. The greater resistance produced enabled the player
to "glue" his rapid strokes to the strings more firmly a la corde, produc-
ing a stronger, more aggressive tone in the center and upper part of his
bow.15 This change coincided with the advent of the fortepiano and was
perhaps motivated by the need to match the stronger tone and percus-
sive quality of that instrument. The new bow's ability to cross strings
with great precision and speed enabled Saint-Georges to produce
passagework in his rapier-like style, streaking up to the highest regions
of the fingerboard. The new design for the bow, however, did not
spread all at once over the map of Europe. Well established in France
and England by the third quarter of the eighteenth century (Franqais,
n.d.), its eventual acceptance in Vienna, beginning about 1800, can be
attributed to violinists such as Bridgetower and Clement. The new bow
was probably in use there by the time Beethoven produced his early
chamber works. His first violin sonatas (op. 12) were probably written
for the new "Tourte l'alne"-type bow. As for his "Kreutzer" Sonata and
the violin concerto, they could not be played properly without it.
Admittedly, aside from the particular technical language of the violin
or, shall we say, the bow, Saint-Georges's concertos are not to be consid-
ered in a class with Beethoven's great opus 61, but there is justification
to compare them favorably with those of Viotti, Spohr, or Rode, com-
posers who are better known than Saint-Georges but whose work he
predated and certainly influenced. In spite of this, he suffered neglect
and was forgotten, at least temporarily, by successive generations. Saint-
15. Unfortunately, at the same time, much of the freedom to "float" the bow, producing
a spontaneous articulation, was lost due to the increased tension resulting from a harder
rebound. Now the player must work much harder to approximate Mozart's and Haydn's
authentic style.
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Le Chevalier de Saint-Georges 193
Example 2.
a. Chevalier de Saint-Georges, Violin Concerto in D Major, op. 2, no. 2,
Rondeau, mm. 193-194
Example 3.
a. Chevalier de Saint-Georges, Violin Concerto in D Major, op. 2, no. 2,
Allegro, mm. 256-257
=^^T^^p<e. _
7f /f'~7e kp t
16. Thompson (1985, 1865) characterizes him as "eccentric," obviously mistaking him
for Giornovichi, who was that; and Riemann (1961, vol. 7, 368) finds him "extravagant,"
perhaps making the same mistake.
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194 Black Music Research Journal
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Le Chevalier de Saint-Georges 195
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196 Black Music Research Journal
Soon after his unsuccessful bid for the Opera (now the Academie
Royale), Saint-Georges, like so many of his colleagues, found it expedient
to enter into the service of a princely household. Producing his operas
must have been a strain on his finances, always burdened by his pen-
chant for largesse toward his friends and charity to all who asked for it.
The advent of public concert series, like the Concert Spirituel and the
Concert des Amateurs, did not end the custom of aristocrats supporting
their own theaters, complete with orchestras. Nobles of the highest rank,
royalty included, continued to appear as actors and singers in their own
productions; but this could still take place only in their own private en-
vironment.
17. Because she was not of royal blood, King Louis XV forbade a more formal union but
consented to one similar to Louis XIV's alliance with Mme de Maintenon.
18. Beaumarchais's play The Barber of Seville and Pergolesi's La Serva padrona were given
in her theater in 1777 with Mme de Montesson on stage.
19. In perhaps the most absurd scene in the de Beauvoir novel ([1840] 1951), Saint-
Georges tops Jarnoweck in a contest on the violin at Mme de Montesson's by "executing
an Air of Correlli, using his bejewelled riding-crop instead of a bow"! De Beauvoir casts
him as Mme de Montesson's lover.
20. At least one grand lady, Mme de Montalembert, for whom Saint-Georges also
worked as a conductor, was mentioned in the gossipy pages of both de Bachaumont'
M6moires (1837) and de Beauvray's Journal (1902) as having a scandalous affair with "
mulatre, Saint-Georges."
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Le Chevalier de Saint-Georges 197
busy man. He was conducting and writing for at least two orchestras
and composing operas. One of these orchestras, the famous Concert des
Amateurs, was now threatened with extinction because of lack of funds.
In fact, the Journal de Paris of January 28, 1781, announced its cessation
due to the bankruptcy of one of its sponsors. Actually, Saint-Georges
and his orchestra continued to function almost without interruption
under a new sponsor as the orchestra of the "Loge Olympique," an ex-
clusive Masonic lodge in Paris. When the Concert des Amateurs found
itself homeless, its music library was kept by Baron d'Ogny (later a
Count), one of the principal sponsors of the orchestra, who was a lead-
ing member of the "Loge Olympique." Almost immediately a new or-
chestra was started as Le Concert de la Loge Olympique with Saint-Georges
in charge. The library, and one would think the personnel, remained the
same as it had been with the former Concerts des Amateurs at the Hotel
Soubise. Their new location was at the Palais Royal, whose landlord was
the Duke of Orleans. The new Concert began by "borrowing at the Palais
Royal, the home, name, and organization of a masonic affiliation,"
writes Marie Bobillier ([1900] 1970, 364), and, "the society in question
was purified by having to pass a Scrutin [test] and admitted to the Great
Lodge in a solemn ceremony."
There is a recurring relationship between Freemasonry and music in
the eighteenth century. Salomon, Haydn's impresario in London, gave
the first of his concerts with his famous orchestra in Freemason's Hall
there. Haydn was a Freemason. But the most famous example of such a
relationship was Mozart. His membership in the Viennese Lodge "B
neficence" (after 1785, the "New Crowned Hope") resulted in The Magi
Flute, full of Masonic symbolism; his Masonic Funeral music (K. 477
and other lesser works. Hutchins (1976, 98) describes Mozart as "a crea
ture sensitive to the snubs of society, and most happy in the company o
people who forgot rank [and who] was naturally drawn to the Masonic
ideals of brotherhood and philanthropy." This description also suit
Saint-Georges to perfection. Saint-Georges's affiliation with Freemasonr
was more than just musical. In France, Jacobin ideas found ferti
ground in these clubs where, under the aegis of fraternity and equality
were brought together intellectuals from the nobility, the bourgeoisie
and the artistic community as well. The participation of members of th
European aristocracy in such radical ideas of enlightenment affected in-
tellectual thought on two continents.
Count Nicholas Eszterhazy, Haydn's employer, was also a Freemason.
He was a member of the Viennese lodge "The Crowned Hope," whic
Haydn joined in 1785. That same year Count Ogny employed Saint
Georges as an intermediary with Haydn to commission six symphonies
from the Viennese master.21 They were duly delivered (Haydn mu
21. The former baron, now count, was one of the two main sponsors of the Amateur
The other was Fermier-General de la Haye, who held the tobacco monopolies in France.
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198 Black Music Research Journal
22. Philippe played an especially prominent role in that movement, which was m
politicized in France than in Austria at the time.
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Le Chevalier de Saint-Georges 199
hour recitals at regular intervals in arcade 166 every day from 11:00 A.M.
to 2:00 P.M. for two weeks. There were also grand events in the Cirque,
an amphitheater. "La Prise de la Bastille," a Hierodrame by Desangiers,
was staged there on November 8, 1789, not long after the real thing
(Bobillier [1900] 1970, 383).
The Palais Royal was the center of intense political activity as the
movement towards a constitutional monarchy turned into a revolution
and eventually a Jacobin republic. Crowds had political as well as artis-
tic freedom in these spacious grounds in the very heart of the city, out
of bounds to the police by orders of Philippe. It is evident that Philippe
and Saint-Georges developed a relationship which started in the house-
hold of Philippe's father and stepmother, Mme de Montesson, but inten-
sified in the heady atmosphere of the Palais Royal. While Saint-
Georges's station, and especially his talent and personality, gave him
entry to the highest circles of society, his roots and his temperament
made him a revolutionary.
After the death of the elder Orleans in 1785, Saint-Georges's steady
employment ended, and it was then that he became more involved in
the busy political life of the new duke, Philippe Egalite. It seems that at
least the second, if not both, of Saint-Georges's trips to London was un-
dertaken in the company of Orleans. Throughout his novel, de Beauvoir
(besides some nineteenth-century racial prejudice) shows strong royalist
political views, totally in contrast to the radical republican views of his
nineteenth-century confreres Victor Hugo and Alexandre Dumas pere,
both of whom were exiled for their ideals, suffering political sanctions
under both the restoration and the second empire of Napoleon III. In an
obvious effort to empathize with his hero, the nineteenth-century royal-
ist de Beauvoir ([1840] 1851) tried to endow his protagonist, the fictional
Saint-Georges, with his own loyalties. Attempting to "exonerate" his
hero, he portrays Philippe Egalite as forcing Saint-Georges to embrace
Philippe's revolutionary politics against his own beliefs.
We know that the queen, Marie Antoinette, came to the concerts at
the Loge Olympique. According to de Bachaumont (1873, vol. 2, 323),
Saint-Georges "was admitted to make music with the Queen."23 In spite
of the growing agitation against her since 1780, she had gained the sym-
pathy of those republicans who came into personal contact with her,
especially between the king's execution and her own, nine months later.
Saint-Georges must have been no exception. No doubt personal feelings
toward her caused him conflict and anguish also felt by other republi-
cans, such as Lafayette, Dumouriez, and even Danton. Yet, as we shall
see, these feelings did not have sufficient impact on him to change his
political orientation.
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200 Black Music Research Journal
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Le Chevalier de Saint-Georges 201
This piece began with the bird singing a brilliant song, full of l
embellishments, expressing its delight in the return of spring
sounds. But soon after came the second part where he murmu
This was a soulful and seductive song. One would fairly see th
skipping from one branch to another, pursuing the cruel one
ready chosen another, and then flying away in a flutter of it
third subject was the death of the poor bird, its plaintive song,
its memories, with here and there a remembered note from th
by-gone happiness. Then the voice of the bird weakened gr
ended by dying out. Falling from his lonely branch, his life ex
few vibrant sounds. This was the last song of the bird, his las
1841, 143-145).
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202 Black Music Research Journal
24. The loss of Saint Domingue in 1804 was principally responsible for the sale of the
Louisiana Territories by Napoleon Bonaparte to Thomas Jefferson, then President of the
United States. Bonaparte felt that Saint Domingue was essential to supplying and
protecting the New Orleans colony. He also hoped to apply pressure on England by
enhancing the power of the United States.
25. Other, forgotten hymns were written by Pleyel, Gossec, Mehul, and Gretry.
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Le Chevalier de Saint-Georges 203
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204 Black Music Research Journal
26. Grandfather Dumas was supposed to have raised a horse off the ground while
hanging on a beam by his arms. He also could supposedly lift two rifles on each hand by
his fingers stuck in the barrels. Saint-Georges was supposedly jealous of these feats
(Dumas 1881, 24).
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Le Chevalier de Saint-Georges 205
rank, since there were only fifty of his own men in that column" (La
Laurencie 1923, 475).
As a matter of fact, while in Lille, the regiment underwent changes
that must have been extremely painful to Saint-Georges. Soon after their
arrival, "the men of color were removed from the squads. On March 17
[all of the men except for the first company of the regiment] were or-
dered to Brest to embark for the colonies" (Descaves 1891, 6), presum-
ably Saint Domingue, where a mutiny of the slaves had erupted. The
first company was diverted to the distasteful and bloody task of putting
down the counterrevolution in the Vendee, eventually to be dispersed
among other units. This left Saint-Georges and his fellow officers "of
color" deprived of the special bond they shared with their enlisted men.
The Legion, whose cavalry was called "Les Hussards Americains et du
Midi" and as a regiment "Legion Nationale des Americains et du Midi"
but more often the "Legion Saint-Georges," was renamed the "13e
Regiment de Chasseurs a Cheval," that is, light cavalry.
In January 1793 Louis XVI was executed. In the National Convention
Philippe Egalite was one of those who voted for his death.27 On March
10, 1793, the Revolutionary Tribunal was established in Paris. Soon it
was to become the feared instrument of Robespierre during the Great
Terror. On April 6 of that year, the Committee for Public Safety was
created; Robespierre joined it on July 26. On July 27 General Dumouriez,
former confidant of Louis XV, minister of Louis XVI, and lately com-
mander of the Revolutionary Armies of the North, learned that he, to-
gether with most of his staff, was to be arrested by the Committee. After
trying unsuccessfully to persuade his army to turn against the Commit-
tee and march on Paris, Dumouriez deserted to the Austrians with some
troops and a few officers of his staff, including Philippe Egalite's nine-
teen-year-old son (later to become King Louis Philippe of France). In
Paris the Tribunal and the Committee assumed unlimited powers under
a new law (of 22 Prairial28) citing "crimes against the Republic," which
covered any accusation from lack of enthusiasm for the revolution to
high treason. This law could, and often did, land the accused citizen
under the swift blade of the guillotine. Police spies became common-
place; they were everywhere, listening and reporting to the Committee.
In May of that year, 1793, Saint-Georges was denounced on vague
suspicions and hearsay. He was described as "a man to be watched"
(Commissionaire Dufrenne, quoted in La Laurencie 1923, 477). Accused
of misappropriating regimental funds meant for horses, he was sum-
moned to Paris on May 11 to face the Revolutionary Tribunal. In short
27. Egalite was portrayed as a monster by the royalist press of that time. La Marle
(1989) views him as working for the revolution because of personal dynastic ambition and
using Freemasonry as his tool.
28. Ninth month of the revolutionary calendar.
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206 Black Music Research Journal
order, he was not only cleared of those charges but, after returning to
the regiment, he was also confirmed in his temporary rank as "chef de
brigade." On September 25, however, he was suspended, along with
eight other officers of his command. This time he was incarcerated in
Houdainville military prison near Clermont-sur-Oise and kept there
without specific charges for eighteen months. That this arrest had noth-
ing to do with the previous charges against him is obvious both from a
letter in which he demands to be told of the accusations against him
(quoted in La Laurencie 1923, 480) and from the minister's polite but
evasive reply, simply disregarding his question. This time Saint-Georges
was probably the victim of the new Law of Suspects enacted on 17
Prairial a few days before his arrest, concerning people harboring
"counterrevolutionary designs."
Outwardly at least, Saint-Georges never wavered in his solidly repub-
lican sentiments. If anything, when addressing officials, he was some-
what too glib in his use of revolutionary jargon to be entirely sincere.
But his actions also point to steadfast loyalty to the republican cause. A
document from Egalite-sur-Mame (republican name for Chateau
Thierry) certifies him "a good and courageous republican" (La Lauren-
cie 1923, 481), while an earlier one from Lille supports his claim that he
kept that important city from danger at the hands of Dumouriez and
Prince Cobourg of Austria by reporting to the authorities there General
Dumouriez's treason as soon as it happened.
Given the perspective of history, it is easy to recognize that which
remained a mystery to the ci-devant Chevalier-the reason for his arrest
and imprisonment. J. B. Bouchette, the war minister, who was responsi-
ble for Saint-Georges's arrest and to whom he addressed his letter, was
a strong supporter of Hebert, leader of the most dangerous elements in
the Convention. At the time Saint-Georges was arrested, the Committee
for Public Safety was ready for a purge of its more moderate elements.
The assassination of Marat and the losses on the battlefields gave further
impetus to extremists like Robespierre and Saint-Just. The purge was on.
On June 2, thirty-one Girondist deputies were arrested; and in October,
a month after Saint-Georges's incarceration, they were sent to the guillo-
tine by the Revolutionary Tribunal. Among them was Brissot, the de-
fender of the blacks on whose inspiration Saint-Georges's regiment was
formed.
On November 7 Saint-Georges's former patron and political mentor,
Philippe Egalite, was sent to the guillotine. (On the scaffold he declared
his regret at having spilled innocent blood, presumably that of his
cousin the king.) Choderlos de Laclos, the artillery captain who in 1777
wrote the story for Saint-Georges's first opera, Ernestine, had entered po-
litical life in the service of Philippe Egalite in 1788. Laclos was impris-
oned twice during the Reign of Terror. Saint-Georges, as we recall, was
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Le Chevalier de Saint-Georges 207
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208 Black Music Research Journal
ful friend Lamothe, the French horn virtuoso who played Sancho Panza
to Saint-Georges's Don Quixote in that adventure.
It seems almost inevitable that, being at loose ends, Saint-Georges
should be attracted to the scene of this new conflict. Strangely enough,
his mother's people were fighting a war against republican France, but
they were fighting under the same flag, the tricolor, that was flying over
the troops sent against them by the national government. Because the
repercussions of this insurrection had serious consequences on metro-
politan France-including the formation of the Society of the Friends of
Blacks by Brissot, Mirabeau, Lafayette, and others and the establishment
of the "Saint-Georges regiment"-everyone in Paris was aware of the
events in Saint Domingue. In spite of that, upon his arrival there Saint-
Georges must have been thoroughly bewildered by the constantly shift-
ing roles of the protagonists in this chaotic conflict. Blacks, mulattoes,
freedmen, and slaves constantly changed sides with the French, English,
or Spaniards. At one point, for example, in August 1798 after joining
Spain, Toussaint L'Ouverture, the future leader of the insurgents, be-
came an ally of Great Britain. During Saint-Georges's stay, in March
1796, there was armed conflict between blacks and mulattoes on the is-
land under the mulatto General Villatte.
Saint-Georges's part in these events remains a mystery to us. We
gather from Louise Fusil that Saint-Georges and Lamothe were more
like victims than heroes in this particular adventure. She knew that they
had left for Saint Domingue, then in full revolt. Rumors in Paris were
that they had "died, hanged in some mutiny." One day, while sitting in
the gardens of the Palais Royal reading a magazine with a friend, she
was suddenly confronted by two men, one of whom was Saint-Georges
singing a self-mocking limerick:
Thus we learn that Saint-Georges and Lamothe had been away for two
years. Assuming that they left in 1795 after Saint-Georges's last petition
to the army was ignored, it would have been 1797 when they returned.29
In Paris, Saint-Georges once again faithfully returned to his real pro-
fession, music. He was, after all, an amateur in the noble eighteenth-
century sense of the word, a lover of the art. He now led the orchestra
of the Cercle de l'Harmonie. The Cercle, an exclusive club located in the
Palais Royal, offered entertainments such as chess, dining, and billiards,
29. Louise Fusil, after seeing them several times, left Paris on long tours and eventually
accompanied Napoleon to Russia. She returned to France in 1813 after witnessing the
battle of Beresina, the subject of the last part of her memoirs.
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Le Chevalier de Saint-Georges 209
as well as concerts of a very high order. The concerts, under the direc-
tion of the "famous Saint-Georges, left nothing to be desired for the
choice of pieces and superiority of execution" (Mercure de France April 6,
1797). The Mercure de France reports that aspirants could only be admit-
ted to the Cercle after "submitting to a purifying test [un scrutin
epuratoire]." This was, of course, a Freemason's initiation ceremony sim-
ilar to that of the "Loge Olympique," the second home of Saint-
Georges's old orchestra. This, and the fact that in 1784 Saint-Georges
had been entrusted to commission Haydn's "Paris" symphonies for the
Lodge, should be sufficient to confirm that, like Mozart and Haydn,
Saint-Georges was a Freemason.
Saint-Georges certainly identified with the triple slogan of the age of
enlightenment and its revolutions-Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity. Of
these three, the eighteenth-century Freemasons practiced fraternity best.
According to all who knew him, including his few enemies, that was
also true of Saint-Georges. This was a truly gentle man who, endowed
with extraordinary physical and artistic skills tempered by modesty, car-
ried love and consideration for his fellow men to extremes. His generos-
ity often conflicted with his own interests, and his help to others was
always offered with tact in order not to offend the recipient. La
B6essiere's "Notice" (1818, xvij) emphasizes that "in spite of his great
skill, he never hurt anybody in a fencing contest." We can add that he
went to great lengths to prevent fighting duels foisted on him by others,
which only his reputation as a superior swordsman allowed him to do
without being branded a coward.
Saint-Georges died on June 9 or 10, 1799. He was suffering from a
kidney condition, which eighteenth-century medicine diagnosed as the
cause of an ulcer on his leg. With characteristic stoicism he concealed
the seriousness of his wound. Eventually gangrene set in, causing his
death. The report of his death, held in the Archives of the Seine in Paris,
is as confusing for his biographers as was the date of his birth. To a
different degree, both the place where he died and his age at the time of
his death should be re-examined.
La Laurencie (1923, 487) quotes the report: "Saint-Georges Bologne
[sic], Joseph, aged 60, rue Boucherat No. 13, bachelor, 22 Prairial, year
VII [date of death]. Nicholas Duhamel, ex-officer, same house [witness].
Subject was living rue de Chartres, removed by Chagneaud." As La
Laurencie points out, Saint-Georges died in rue Boucherat, but was liv-
ing in the rue Chartres. We can speculate that, given his condition, this
could not have been a sudden death while visiting a friend. More likely,
Saint-Georges was received into the home of a former comrade, the ex-
officer Duhamel, when he became seriously ill, possibly helpless and
probably alone. Beauvoir's novel has "rue Boucherat au Marais" as the
scene of Saint-Georges's last home, and it is almost with regret that we
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210 Black Music Research Journal
also have to dismiss the last scene in his novel as mere romantic fic-
tion-the dying Saint-Georges lies in an alcove papered with love lette
by the great ladies of Paris; a draft makes them rustle and he exclaim
"Be quiet, faithless ones! You all deceived me!" The real Saint-Geor
would probably have preferred to be remembered in the words of hi
contemporary, Jean Benjamin de Laborde (1780, vol. 3, 484): "to all h
talents, he added the uncommon merit of great modesty and the gre
est tenderness." The note in the Archives of the Seine states that Saint-
Georges was sixty when he died. That round number was only an esti-
mate. He was actually fifty-four. But, whether he was sixty or fifty-four
at the time of his death, it is obvious now that this remarkable figure of
an athlete, musician, soldier, and human being was destined to be re-
membered.
Adagio for piano in F minor. Edited by Dominique-Rene de Lerma. New York: Southern
Music, 1981.
Concerto for violin in G major, op. 2, no. 1. Edited by Dominique-Rene de Lerma. New
York: Southern, 1975.
. In Masters of the violin, edited by Gabriel Banat. New York: Johnson Reprint Corp.,
1981.
Concerto for violin in D major, op. 2, no. 2. In Masters of the violin, edited by Gabriel Banat.
New York: Johnson Reprint Corp., 1981.
Concerto for violin in C major, op. 5, no. 1. In Masters of the violin, edited by Gabriel Banat.
New York: Johnson Reprint Corp., 1981.
Concerto for violin in A major, op. 5, no. 2. In Masters of the violin, edited by Gabriel Banat.
New York: Johnson Reprint Corp., 1981.
Concerto for violin in A major, op. 7, no. 1. In Masters of the violin, edited by Gabriel Banat.
New York: Johnson Reprint Corp., 1981.
Concerto for violin in B-flat major, op. 7, no. 2. In Masters of the violin, edited by Gabriel
Banat. New York: Johnson Reprint Corp., 1981.
Sonata for two violins, no. 37, op. posthumous. In Les Mattres classiques du violon, Delphin
Alard. Mainz: Schott, 1863-1880.
String quartet, op. 1, no. 1. Edited by Dominique-Rene de Lerma. New York: Southern
Music, 1978.
Symphonie concertante, op. 6, no. 1, C major. Edited by Melanie Brown. In The symphonie
concertante: An interim report, edited by Barry S. Brook. Musical Quarterly 47:493-516.
Symphonies concertantes, op. 10. In The symphony, 1720-1840, edited by Barry S. Brook, se-
ries D, vol. 4, scores 7-8. New York: Garland, 1983.
Symphonie concertante, op. 10, no. 2. Edited by Melanie Brown. In The symphonie con-
certante: An interim report, edited by Barry S. Brook. Musical Quarterly 47:493-516.
Symphonie concertante, E-flat major. In Masters of the Violin, edited by Gabriel Banat. New
York: Johnson Reprint Corp., 1981.
Symphonie concertante, G major. Paris: Edition Constallat, 1966.
In Masters of the Violin, edited by Gabriel Banat. New York: Johnson Reprint Corp.,
1981.
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Le Chevalier de Saint-Georges 211
DISCOGRAPHY
Concerto for violin in A major, op. 5, no. 2. Jean-Jacques Kantorow, violin; Bernard
Thomas, conductor. Musical Heritage Society 3199.
Concerto for violin in G major, op. 8, no. 9. Jean-Jacques Kantorow, violin; Bernard
Thomas, conductor. Musical Heritage Society 3199.
Concerto for violin, no. 11, op. 7, no. 12 [sic]. Ann-Claude Villars, violin; Chamber Orches-
tra of Versailles, Bernard Wahl, conductor. Musical Heritage Society 4788.
Scena from Ernestine. Faye Robinson, soprano; London Symphony Orchestra, Paul Free-
man, conductor. CBS Records' Black Composers Series, vol. 1. Columbia P 19425.
Symphony no. 1 in G major, op. 11, no. 1. London Symphony Orchestra, Paul Freeman,
conductor. CBS Records' Black Composers Series, vol. 1. Columbia P 19425.
.Chamber Orchestra of Versailles, Bernard Wahl, conductor. Musical Heritage Soci-
ety 4788.
Symphony no. 2 in D major, op. 11, no. 2. Chamber Orchestra of Versailles, Bernard Wahl,
conductor. Musical Heritage Society 4788.
Symphony concertante, op. 13 [sic], G major (two violins and orchestra). Miriam Fried and
Jaime Laredo, violinsts; London Symphony Orchestra, Paul Freeman, conductor. CBS
Records' Black Composers Series, vol. 1. Columbia P 19425.
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