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Governing solid waste management in

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Article in International Development Planning Review · December 2007

DOI: 10.3828/idpr.29.4.2

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 IDPR, 29 (4) 2007

Dave Faris Yousif and Steffanie Scott

Governing solid waste management in

Mazatenango, Guatemala
Problems and prospects

Many smaller cities in developing countries are only beginning to plan for appropriate solid waste
management systems. The majority of waste management systems in developing countries fail to address
residents’ sanitation needs properly. In this paper, we present the results of fieldwork in Mazatenango,
Guatemala, examining the problems of governing solid waste, as linked to administration, collection,
handling, and disposal. The problems identified include lack of adequate funding; no formal recycling
programmes at the household level; absence of a sanitary landfill; increase of illegal dumping; limited
public awareness of proper waste management practices; and street litter causing a breakdown in the
sewer systems. The results of the study are used to propose strategies for improved governance of solid
waste, addressing the needs and priorities of a range of stakeholders. These strategies highlight the
importance of strengthening relationships among the stakeholders involved in the governmental/adminis-
trative, social, economic, and environmental aspects of solid waste management. The approach may be
effective in other developing country cities that are starting to plan waste management systems.

Guatemala is the prettiest country in the world, but also the dirtiest. The country
has the capacity to attract ten million tourists a year, but first it must cleanse itself.
(Menocal, 2005, 25, authors’ translation)
Internationally, concern over environmental degradation has reached unprecedented
levels. In developing countries, solid waste management problems are accelerating
rapidly, and are posing significant challenges for local authorities. In the past, solid
waste management authorities rarely took extra measures to plan and prepare for the
future. With growing problems associated with poor waste management practices,
local governments are coming to recognise that solid waste management is more
complex than originally thought. More effective environmental governance is required
to reverse the effects of poor waste management planning. Such a strategy includes
government collaboration with key stakeholders and the sharing of responsibilities
and information (Yaffee, 1996; Plummer and FitzGibbon, 2004).
Recently, in developing countries, the structure of household solid waste has
experienced two key changes. First, the volume of waste generated by residential
households has significantly increased; second, the composition of waste generated

Dave Faris Yousif is a graduate student and Steffanie Scott is Assistant Professor in the Department of Geography,
University of Waterloo, Waterloo, Ontario N2L 3G1, Canada; email: davefarisyousif@gmail.com and sdscott@
uwaterloo.ca.

Paper submitted January 2007; revised paper received and accepted November 2007.

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 434 Dave Faris Yousif and Steffanie Scott

has changed from primarily organic waste to a mix of synthetic and organic matter.
The increase in volume and change in composition are attributed to the following
factors: rapid population and economic growth (more people to create waste and
more money to buy products that will eventually become waste); lack of infrastruc-
ture to deal with the growth; limited funding for planning and proper operation; lack
of legal framework and political will for implementation and enforcement; lack of
community participation; and simply the lack of knowledge and skills to deal with or
prevent such problems. These changes and poor waste management practices have
had a direct impact on public health and the natural environment, allowing for the
proliferation of uncontrolled dumpsites and refuse in the urban environment. The
uncontrolled dumping and proliferation of refuse in the streets and waterways creates
a serious health problem of disease-carrying pests, such as rats and flies (Birley and
Lock, 1999).
The impact of poor waste management practices on the natural environment (land,
water, air) is finally being acknowledged and understood. Governance approaches for
developing sustainable waste management, particularly those that integrate social,
economic, and environmental systems, have received increasing attention in recent
years (Slocombe, 1998; Mitchell, 2002; Marcotullio and Boyle, 2003; Faisal and
Parveen, 2005). In a much-cited definition, UNDP (1997, 2–3) explains the concept
of governance as ‘the exercise of economic, political and administrative authority to
manage a country’s affairs at all levels. It comprises the mechanisms, processes and
institutions through which citizens and groups articulate their interests, exercise their
legal rights, meet their obligations and mediate their differences.’ In other words,
governance refers to the interactions and partnerships among a range of actors –
central and local governments, the private sector, NGOs, and community organisa-
tions – for decision-making. The shift from government to governance signals the
move to promote partnerships between government, business and social organisations
for service delivery. Such partnerships can potentially enhance participation of stake-
holders and reduce costs (Post and Baud, 2002). As noted later in this paper, non-state
actors can play key roles in the effective governance of solid waste.
With respect to the role of municipal government, Stren observed that in the now
largely urbanised continent of Latin America, ‘municipal government has become
the arena of an emerging set of major challenges and opportunities. In a continent
whose history is one of centralisation, and whose population until the early 1960s was
predominantly rural, this represents an unprecedented new reality’ (2002, 1). Local-
level government in Latin America is receiving more focus in urban planning discus-
sions for a range of reasons: ‘the explosion of urban social movements, the increasing
impact of informality and the precariousness of large marginal urban populations, a
heavy debt burden at the central government level, and a general movement toward
decentralization’ (Stren, 2002, 1).

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 Governing solid waste management in Mazatenango, Guatemala 435

In this paper, we present a case study from the city of Mazatenango, Guatemala,
which examines the solid waste management concerns of city officials and the local
community, and their roles in the governance of the solid waste system. Guatemala was
selected as the setting for the case study because it exemplifies the growing problem of
inappropriate governance of waste in developing countries and the need – and oppor-
tunities – for a significant change. The paper seeks to respond to these problems by
applying the principles of a sustainable solid waste system to the medium-sized city
of Mazatenango. The study had two objectives: to apply a governance framework to
analyse Mazatenango’s residential solid waste programme and, based on this frame-
work, to develop recommendations for improvement, for this case and for cities of
developing countries more broadly.
The study was based on six weeks of fieldwork in late 2005. It involved 24 face-to-
face interviews with solid waste and administrative officials, residents, private business
owners, an ecological group, and formal and informal waste workers. Stakeholders
in the waste management system were selected using purposive sampling, in order
to solicit information on the various relationships that have governed the sub-com-
ponents of the solid waste system. The data were used to formulate a sustainable
waste management strategy for Mazatenango. The interviews were complemented
by on-site observations of aspects of solid waste management at the central park,
on the streets of Mazatenango, and at the transfer station and landfill. Reports were
acquired from the International Labour Organization (Central American division),
the World Bank, World Health Organization, United Nations, and the International
Foundation for Development Alternatives. The information gathered from literature
reviews, key informant interviews, case studies, and on-site observations has been
analysed to develop recommendations on improving the current solid waste system
in Mazatenango.
This paper is organised as follows. The first section introduces Guatemala and the
city of Mazatenango, highlighting the problems the city has suffered as a result of poor
waste management practices. The second section discusses the findings, highlighting
the main causes of the problems in Guatemala and Mazatenango. The third section
outlines the principles of sustainable governance of solid waste, which are then used
to analyse Mazatenango’s waste management systems. The final section applies these
principles in order to develop a proposed strategy for increasing the success rate of
waste-related projects, and to improve the solid waste situation in Mazatenango and
elsewhere.

Local context: Guatemala and Mazatenango city

Of all the countries in Central America (Belize, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala,
Honduras, Nicaragua and Panama), Guatemala possesses the largest economy but

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 436 Dave Faris Yousif and Steffanie Scott

ranks the lowest on the human development index – a combination of income, educa-
tion, and health indicators (UNDP, 2005). More than half of Guatemala’s population
live in rural areas and are indigenous people, most of whom live in poverty (World
Bank, 2005). Roughly 7.1 million Guatemalans, or 68 per cent of the country’s 1.5
million households, burn, bury or dispose of waste ubiquitously, especially in rivers
and streams (Menocal, 2005). This proliferation of illegal dumping and burning causes
serious detriment to the natural environment and threatens public health.
The daily production of refuse by residents and the percentage of non-biode-
gradable solid waste generated per capita are continually increasing. This indicates
an increase in household disposable income in Guatemala. However, this positive
change increases the number of problems associated with solid waste management.
An average family in Guatemala generates approximately 10 pounds of refuse per
day (Garcia and Duque, 2002). According to estimates from Guatemala’s Ministry of
Environment, 50 per cent of the waste that the Guatemalans produce is organic (food
remains, vegetable waste and biodegradable paper); 30 per cent includes recyclable
materials such as paper, cardboard, plastics, textiles, metals, wood and glass; and 20
per cent is non-biodegradable materials (Menocal, 2005). These figures are compa-
rable to other cities in Latin America, but are slightly lower in organic waste and
higher in recyclable materials found in the waste stream (Bezama et al., 2007). This
suggests that non-biodegradable materials are entering the environment in a dispro-
portionate quantity.
In general, the handling of residential solid waste in Guatemala has reached a
critical state. As revealed through fieldwork observations, wastes accumulated on
highways and streets and in lakes and rivers, or were burned in the open. The final
landfilling locations were inadequate and their operations were inefficient. Employees
who worked in municipal solid waste collection and disposal experienced substandard
conditions. This included working without adequate safety equipment – things as
simple as a pair of gloves and boots – and frequently coming into contact with
hazardous materials (sharp items, and medical, chemical, and toxic wastes). Munic-
ipalities had limited funds for the proper management of solid waste. In general,
Guatemala has done a poor job of addressing waste management issues. Only 12 of
the 332 municipalities in Guatemala possess any regulations for the management of
solid waste (Menocal, 2005).
One of the cities in Guatemala that exemplifies the rapid change in the waste
composition and habits of its citizens is Mazatenango. The tenth largest city in the
country, with an urban population of 39,900, Mazatenango is situated in the foothills
of the central highlands in the south-western department of Suchitepequez1 (see Fig.
1). Considered to be more affluent than most cities in Guatemala, Mazatenango is a

1 For a discussion of intermediate (or medium-sized) cities and urban development in Latin America, see Bolay
and Rabinovich (2004).

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 Governing solid waste management in Mazatenango, Guatemala 437

Figure 1 Mazatenango, Guatemala

commercial and manufacturing centre (World Bank, 2004). Yet the rapid and disor-
derly growth of Mazatenango, resulting from the migration of thousands of people
from the countryside in search of work, has brought a series of problems that the
municipality has not been able to deal with. In Mazatenango and in many other parts
of Guatemala, people are becoming conscious of the risks that inadequate solid waste
management pose to the environment and to human health.
These risks include health concerns for waste workers. There are also specific
risks in handling waste from hospitals and clinics (Flintoff, 1984). Waste workers of
Mazatenango experienced hardships that create physical, psychological, and societal
problems. A number of formal waste collectors (working for government or private
businesses) and informal waste pickers who were interviewed for this study expressed
concern that as a result of their occupation they have become sick or injured. In
one case, a municipal waste worker was not able to use his hands because they were
diseased, and as a result, he had his son carry out the majority of the work. Informal
waste workers (sometimes called ‘scavengers’) are accustomed to working long hours

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 438 Dave Faris Yousif and Steffanie Scott

and often involve their children in the business. The child waste pickers often lose
interest in and the motivation for a formal education, and their parents are rarely
able to provide support for such an education (Garcia and Duque, 2002). In the case
of Mazatenango, and the majority of other cases involving informal waste workers in
developing country cities, informal waste workers receive little or no support from the
local government (Agarwal et al., 2005).

Case study findings

Over the years, Mazatenango residents demanded that the municipal authorities
improve the handling and management of solid waste. Residents were upset at seeing
refuse everywhere in the streets, and especially in ditches and watercourses. They
petitioned the local government to collaborate with key actors in the waste system:
formal waste collectors and informal waste pickers, private business, residents, and
non-governmental organisations (NGOs). The Voluntary Environmentalist Group
of Suchitepequez (Grupo Voluntario Ecologista de Suchitepequez, GVES) – the
only NGO addressing waste management issues in the city – has rallied on behalf
of the local communities of Mazatenango for the improvement of the environment
through consultation and collaboration between the municipal government and the
public. Solid waste authorities in Mazatenango expressed support for the notion
of public and stakeholder participation, yet they have failed in the past to allow
stakeholders an involvement in the decision-making process; or, if stakeholders do
become involved, authorities are not able to make use of their expertise. In the past,
GVES participated with the municipality in a study to determine the best design and
location for a future landfill. Unfortunately, due to ‘the lack of political will they have
not taken into account our opinions, perhaps because this type of project does not
generate electoral votes or public approval’ (GVES group interview, 24 November
2005).
The municipal government in Mazatenango lacked the efficient mechanisms to
implement a sustainable solid waste management system to meet these new demands.
The majority of neighbourhoods in Mazatenango were developed spontaneously, with
little or no planning, or with no thought of developing wider streets. The conventional
methods of collection in industrialised countries, such as garbage trucks, did not work
due to the relative inaccessibility of residences (Thomas-Hope, 1998). The collection
of household solid waste in urban areas was typically carried out by the municipal
authorities or private companies on contract to the authorities. In Mazatenango, a
private company was responsible for the daily collection and disposal of 25 tonnes of
solid waste from households. For this service residents paid a fee of 30 quetzals (US$4)
a month. Unfortunately, half of the households in Mazatenango could not afford to
pay the fee; this gave rise to inappropriate and illegal dumping and disposal practices

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 Governing solid waste management in Mazatenango, Guatemala 439

on unoccupied urban land, by roadsides, and in waterways, which undermined the

waste disposal system.
Through interviews and observations, six major problems were identified with
the urban solid waste system. Firstly, limited funding was available for solid waste
management services. This was as a direct result of solid waste management being
low on Mazatenango’s priority list at the administrative level, below housing, business,
and the development of recreational facilities. Moreover, solid waste management is
one of the most costly urban services to provide (Ahmed and Ali, 2004). On average, it
absorbs 20 to 50 per cent of city revenues and up to 1 per cent of GNP for most devel-
oping countries (Cointreau, 1982). As a result of an inadequate solid waste system
(poor collection and disposal operations), citizens were dissatisfied and not willing to
pay for inefficient services.
The second problem is the absence of a large-scale formal recycling programme
at the household level. This is simply a result of poor planning by municipal officials.
It was never foreseen that waste could become a major problem, and people became
accustomed to disposing of their waste in inappropriate ways, as there was no
formal system for sorting and disposal. The informal sector at the grassroots level
in Mazatenango continued to focus solely on recycling prime waste commodities
(aluminium, tin, cardboard and hard plastics), largely ignoring a significant portion
of the waste stream: organics.
Thirdly, the city lacks a sanitary landfill and the current official dump site is located
at a considerable distance from the city. Solid waste management has a large trans-
portation component, so it is important to minimise the travel times and distances of
the collection and transfer vehicles in order to minimise costs. The official landfill of
the city of Mazatenango is 60 km away. Twenty-five tonnes of household waste are
transported there daily, but due to the poor road infrastructure, it takes between one
and a half and two hours to get there from the city centre. Moreover, Mazatenan-
go’s landfill does not really qualify as a landfill. This term is usually reserved for
waste disposal sites that are technically managed with a leachate collection system
and methane gas collection (Burnley, 2001). However, Mazatenango’s dump site fails
to meet these requirements. There is no protective barrier/liner to prevent leachate
from seeping into the land and the surrounding bodies of water, and no methane gas
collection system. Thus, the municipality must periodically burn the waste so as to
prevent spontaneous combustion. This method works in the drier season but is not
practical during the wet season.
The final three main problems are a lack of public awareness of proper waste
management, an increase in illegal dumping, and littering in the street causing break-
downs in the sewer systems. These problems can be directly attributed to the fact that
half of Mazatenango’s population does not utilise the available disposal and collec-
tion services. Either they are not able to afford these services or they are unwilling to

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 440 Dave Faris Yousif and Steffanie Scott

pay for them. As a result, many residents discharge their waste in the most convenient
open area or drain. In Mazatenango, as in many other cities in developing countries,
neighbourhoods housing the highest percentages of the urban poor experience
stagnant water as a result of drains being clogged with municipal refuse, particularly
during the wet seasons (Thomas-Hope, 1998).

The root of these problems

The range of solid waste treatment methods in Mazatenango is limited because in
Guatemala, waste management does not constitute a major priority for policy makers
and planners. The mayor and other governmental authorities gave more importance
to other projects, such as a recreational park that would cost the city 10 million quetzals
(US$1.3 million). Moreover, the only official treatment of waste was the landfill,
which, as noted above, is really a dump without any form of treatment for leachate or
methane gases. One idea that was being considered by the municipality was trying to
shrink the amount of organic waste in the dump. The municipality was in the process
of administering a digestive liquid (an enzyme) to accelerate the decomposition of
organic waste in the dump and thus increase the longevity of the dump. However,
this ameliorative measure depends on continuous funding from the local government,
which has been inconsistent in the past. There were no other development agencies or
groups providing waste-related environmentally based aid in Mazatenango other than
the help that a Japanese aid agency was providing in the development of a material
recycling facility and a Europe Aid-sponsored water purification project just outside
the city limits.
Another major obstacle was the lack of awareness of proper residential waste
management practices among the majority of Mazatenango’s residents. The city of
Mazatenango had no educational campaigns regarding proper disposal. Nor had it
extensively included any of the key stakeholders (formal and informal waste workers,
private businesses, schools, enforcement authorities, and NGOs) in its major waste
management decisions. A case in point is the material recycling facility, discussed
below, that was in the process of development in Mazatenango.
An additional problem is that during any change of government, all municipal
office workers, even those not involved in elections, are replaced. This presents a
serious problem of continuity when trying to implement new projects that require
time and planning. Any progress or work started during the tenure of one office ran
the risk of not be carried over into the subsequent term. Although this problem was
not unique to the management of solid wastes, it was a concern raised by the head
solid waste official in Mazatenango. As a result, within the coming two years they
were planning to rush through a scheme to install a Japanese-built material recycling
facility costing over US$500,000. Without adequate and extensive planning (life-cycle

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 Governing solid waste management in Mazatenango, Guatemala 441

analysis, recyclable market analysis, and public consultation), this project and plant
would have trouble surviving (Hampton, 1999).
Numerous cases have been documented in which sophisticated and expensive
technological recycling and composting plants in developing countries have failed.
Reasons for a breakdown include a failure to adequately and extensively consult the
public and relevant stakeholders, adoption of inappropriate technology character-
ised by imported mechanical and electrical parts which are too expensive to replace
or too difficult to maintain, a failure to conduct economic and financial appraisals,
limited development of a market for recyclables, financial constraints, and absence
of technical personnel to manage these systems (Oluwande, 1984; Zurbrügg et al.,
2005; Hoornweg et al., 1999). Mazatenango’s project could end up in failure for
exactly these reasons if rushed into without adequate planning and contingency
measures.

Approaches to sustainable governance of solid waste

The problems of appropriate solid waste management are issues of governance rather
than technical problems. Addressing waste problems calls for going beyond exclusive
reliance on the waste management hierarchy (in order of preference: prevention,
reduction, reuse, recycling, energy recovery, and landfilling) and on technical factors
alone (Johannessen and Boyer, 1999). Effective governance of solid waste requires
integration of four components: environmental, economic, social and governmental/
administrative dimensions (see Fig. 2). This implies utilising several differing approaches
to curb the generation of and improve the management of solid waste based on a
city’s present situation (van de Klundert and Anschutz, 2001).
The current solid waste system is one that is human-made. Over the years this
system has progressed from a naturally occurring nutrient recycling process and
become more and more complex as a result of the constant evolution of society. New
and different types of wastes are being introduced into the solid waste stream every
day. This includes inorganic and synthetic wastes that are toxic to the environment
and human health, affecting not only the residents of a city but also those responsible
for the collection, handling and disposal of wastes. In order to protect the environ-
ment and society, solid waste management requires multifaceted methods of handling
and disposal, tailored to each community’s need. For example, a community in need
of a landfill site might concentrate on minimising waste rather than disposal. Alter-
natively, a community with a long life-span landfill has the advantage of planning for
the long term but must be aware of complacency. Moreover, municipalities often rely
on the private sector to manage the solid waste system effectively. This may be larger
companies or small and medium-sized private sector actors (Zurbrügg et al., 2004).
Best practices in waste management in developing countries also include small-scale

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 442 Dave Faris Yousif and Steffanie Scott

Figure 2 Sustainable solid waste system

composting projects facilitated by community-based organisations in Bangladesh

(Zurbrügg et al., 2005).
The scope of planning in Mazatenango was typical of developing countries in that
the public sector is reliant on the private sector for assistance in management of public
services (Ahmed and Ali, 2004; Massoud and El-Fadel, 2002). The private sector has
been largely responsible for the growth of Mazatenango’s solid waste enterprises.
With more effective institutional governance the private sector could probably provide
further developments in the solid waste system.
We wish to put forward the principles of participation and community education
as essential features in the governance of solid waste systems. Through an integra-
tion of behavioural changes and technical solutions, system management principles
are able to alleviate physical stresses on the natural and human-made environment
caused by poor solid waste management practices (MacKenzie, 1996; Maclaren,
2005). As outlined in the framework in Figure 2, four main aspects – environmental,
economic, social and governmental/administrative dimensions – are necessary to
achieve a sustainable solid waste system and thus to protect the integrity of social and

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 Governing solid waste management in Mazatenango, Guatemala 443

ecological structures. By interacting in a holistic manner, these components contribute

to a vision of sustainable living. Implementing sustainable waste management in
developing country cities requires further modification of values and greater commit-
ment to environmentalism on the part of the public and planners. A parameter of
the sustainable solid waste system is that without governmental and administrative
support, social, economic, and environmental values are neglected.

Public participation
The management of residential solid wastes is the responsibility of all city residents –
not only government or private industry – and accordingly it is vital that the former
are included in the consultation and collaboration process (UN, 1992; Yaffee, 1996;
Hampton, 1999; Chung and Lo, 2004). Public participation refers to the involvement
of the public in the analysis and decision-making process of a project or an undertaking
(Langton, 1978; Bartoli, 2000; Wang, 2001). Inadequate involvement of the public can
have a dramatic impact on programme effectiveness (Wondolleck and Yaffee, 2000;
Plummer and FitzGibbon, 2004). Adequate public participation involves the stake-
holders from the beginning and provides a creative forum for the public to discuss
the issues, identify key actors, generate possible solutions and alternatives, implement
part of the selected solutions and participate in the monitoring and evaluation of
the solutions (Hendee et al., 1973; Higgs, 2006). This process of public participation
ideally involves all the key groups outside of government who are affected by the
management of solid waste. Given their significant numbers in developing country
cities, informal waste pickers have a key role to play in such processes (Yhdego, 1991;
Huysman, 1994; Medina, 2000).
Recent studies have highlighted the complicated and controversial nature of
partnerships and public participation for environmental governance (Daniels et al.,
1996; Forsyth, 2005). Webler and Tuler (2002, 179) point out that “few applications of
public participation include power sharing” and Daniels et al. (1996, 15) find that there
has been a ‘generally unimpressive application of public participation principles and
low levels of public satisfaction’. Local governments may seek to avoid entering into a
complicated process with unpredictable outcomes. But for stakeholder involvement to
be realised, it is important for local authorities to empower and enhance the capacity
of those involved to manage local matters and network more successfully with the
authorities and other associates (Schubeler, 1996).

Community education
Enhancing knowledge, understanding, and participation among community
members regarding the components and problems of solid waste management is a

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 444 Dave Faris Yousif and Steffanie Scott

key to promoting changes in everyday practices.2 Before beginning any campaign of

community education it is important for the city’s stakeholders to establish their goals.
These can include creating the vision of a clean community, educating the public on
proper solid waste management (for example, the importance of recycling, re-using,
reducing, and how waste materials do not break down easily once discharged into the
environment), eliminating the discharge of waste in public areas, promoting recycling
and composting at the individual, household, and community level, promoting profit-
able opportunities for informal sector and small and medium-sized private sector
actors in solid waste management, developing a plan for municipal action for the
integral management of solid waste, and establishing a fair and equitable payment
system for residential solid waste services. These goals can be enacted through an effec-
tive educational campaign. Different strategies can be developed based on the target
group (e.g., residents, business owners, young children), according to their educational
level, local culture and customs, and the type of information to be communicated.

Applying the framework to waste management in

­Mazatenango
Assessing the overall waste management framework in Mazatenango involved looking
at the effectiveness of the various stages involved in the waste management system.
Solid waste management refers to the consideration of technical and social dimen-
sions to achieve clear objectives and goals in the handling of solid wastes for a commu-
nity. This implies that it is first necessary to define a sustainable vision that considers
the solid waste characteristics of the community to assure maximum benefits. The
next step is to implement a management programme to achieve this vision using the
framework outlined in Figure 2. An optimal programme should, as far as possible,
integrate the features summarised in Table 1.
In order for these features to be realised in practice, two characteristics are funda-
mental: participation of the appropriate actors and the development of a mutually
agreed upon decision-making process (MacKenzie, 1996, Maclaren 2005). Utilising
a governance approach to solid waste planning in Mazatenango would entail the
development and implementation of an action/masterplan and policies/by-laws with
the participation of the community and key actors from different sectors and political
parties. The city of Mazatenango had no by-laws or policies relating to solid waste.
Also needed is the encouragement of greater participation from the private sector and
community-based organisationsto increase efficiency, enhance the quality of services,
and expand access to all stakeholders. The organisation and training of cooperative

2 For other case studies of solid waste-related public education, see Simmons and Widmar (1990); Gamba and
Oskamp (1994); and Chung and Lo (2004).

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 Governing solid waste management in Mazatenango, Guatemala 445

Table 1 Features in an optimal waste management programme

Features Summary

Organisational The city’s administration and the administration of the service should be simple and
dynamic
Social The programme should promote positive practices and attitudes toward solid waste within
the general population and discourage poor practices; the programme should also
promote community participation and organisation
Economic The implementation cost, operation, maintenance and administration should be efficient,
within reach of the population’s resources and economically sustainable, with revenues
that cover the cost of the service
Environmental The programme should avoid negative environmental impacts to land, water, air and
iving resources
Technical The technology should be easy to implement, operate and maintain; it should use local
human resources and materials for all the phases, from the collection until the final
disposal
Health and safety The programme should prevent infectious and contagious illnesses among waste workers
and other actors who handle waste

micro-enterprises, and waste picker cooperatives to improve the working conditions

of informal waste workers and their standard of living, will contribute to breaking
the cycle of children ending up doing the same scavenging work as their parents
(see Medina, 2000). ARMENAS, a waste pickers’ association in Mazatenango, was
involved in providing access to health care and other social services to some but not
all waste workers.
Implementation of an effective waste management system requires the entire
population of Mazatenango to pay for solid waste services. Doing this without a great
backlash would require making improvements and convincing residents of the govern-
ment’s commitment to good quality service. Residents contended that they would be
willing to pay for waste collection but only at the right price. The city’s argument,
in turn, was that they are unable to make the system more efficient without suffi-
cient economic resources (from residents paying for the service). The most common
method, certainly in wealthier countries, is through property taxation (UNEP, 2005).
While this form of taxation is becoming more common in developing countries, the
‘user pays’ system is still the main form of payment providing some financial basis to
the local government (Medina, 2003). Basic improvement of the existing system, at
an appropriate scale (Zurbrügg et al., 2004), includes the handling of solid waste, the
quality and range of collection services, the controlled operation of the final landfilling
location, the institutional and structural revitalisation, and the financial enhancement
of the fee system. The improvement of the solid waste management should begin with
the action/masterplan, which should set out improvements to the existing system and

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 446 Dave Faris Yousif and Steffanie Scott

should plan with a vision for the future. The goals and objectives of this vision should
be defined prior to the creation of the action/masterplan, and should be based on the
stakeholder consultation and collaboration stages.

Conclusion
This paper has provided an analysis of the waste management system in Mazatenango,
Guatemala. Although more affluent than most, with strong service and manufac-
turing sectors, Mazatenango was similar to many smaller developing country cities
in suffering from waste collection, handling and disposal problems. Through a case
study of Mazatenango city, the paper provided an analysis of the solid waste systems
that govern developing country cities. Having experienced an inadequate solid waste
management system (with poor collection and disposal operations), citizens were not
willing to pay for inefficient services. The improvement of solid waste services was
hindered by a number of financial and political issues, including high city debts, a
turbulent city administration, and little access to loans and credit to be able to finance
necessary investments for a positive change.
On the basis of an analysis of the problems, a framework for more effective
solid waste governance was developed for the case of Mazatenango. The approach,
which also offers lessons for cities elsewhere, included the implementation of a more
structured official plan to manage waste and involve the key stakeholders. The plan
involved considering waste as a resource, reducing the levels of solid waste genera-
tion, and improving the efficiency of collection and disposal services. A weak finan-
cial base played an important part in defining the strategy to address the solid waste
problems in Mazatenango. Possible solutions to the funding problem include effective
enforcement; integrating payments into the tax system based on household income;
and facilitating community-based organisations’ own management of solid waste in
parts of the city. With these strategies, local residents would be more likely to become
involved in the programme, yielding greater prospects for success. As Mazatenango
continues to grow, decision-makers have the opportunity to position the city among
larger urban centres and rural areas vying for greater access to markets and a share
of resources (Bolay and Rabinovich, 2004). The nature of planning for medium-sized
cities in developing countries is that planners and decision-makers often fail to pay
enough attention to solid waste management in their attempts at rapid development
and growth. In Mazatenango, inadequate planning and unprecedented growth has
resulted in an intensification of solid waste-related problems, leaving the city and its
citizens in a mess, literally.

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 Governing solid waste management in Mazatenango, Guatemala 447

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Acknowledgements
Thanks to Bernardo Cotton for research assistance and interpretation, and to Barry Levely
for cartographic assistance.

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