CEKU

THE MSLS ISSUE

THE
MALAYSIAN
METAMORPHOSIS
 COMMITTEE
[ EDITOR-IN-CHIEF ]
Melissa Kong, University of Oxford

[ ASSISTANT EDITOR-IN-CHIEF ]
Amirah Amir, King’s College London

[ CREATIVE DIRECTOR ]
Stanley Liew, University of Edinburgh

[ OUTREACH DIRECTOR ]
Syahirah Syed Jaafar, University of Reading

[ MARKETING DIRECTOR ]
Levina Lim, Edinburgh Napier University

[ LAYOUT AND DESIGN DIRECTOR ]

Yeong Sue Jan, University of Hertsfordshire

[ EDITORIAL WRITERS ]
Aira Nur Ariana Azhari, University of Liverpool
Nishyodhan Balasundram, University College London
Sara Rijaluddin, Durham University
Vivegavalen Vadi Valu, HELP University College
Yeoh Tze Ni, London School of Economics
CONNECTWORK
[ DIRECTOR ]
Lisa Amani, University of Exeter

[ ADVISOR ]
Salihah Sarah,
London School of Economics

[ EDITORIAL OFFICERS ]
Amirah Amir, King’s College London
Arief Azli, University College London
Azlan Zabidi, Queen Mary University of London
Syahirah Syed Jaafar, University of Reading

[ Broadcasting Of�icers ]
Abdul Aziz bin Azman, University of Manchester
Akmal Khadir, University of Manchester
Amir Al-Hilmi, Ashbourne College
Azeem Abu Bakar, London School of Economics
[ UKEC ] [ UKEC ] [ UKECTV ] [ WWW.CEKU.ORG ] [ WWW.UKECONLINE.COM ]
Razin Rozman, King’s College London
EDITOR’S NOTE Dear Readers,
THE GAME CHANGERS [ MARINA TAN ] The Malaysian Metamorphosis brings to mind many
different issues – How our nation will adapt to the
DEBATING IN MALAYSIA: ITS SHORTCOMINGS myriad of challenges it faces? What will the results
& HOW TO MOVE FORWARD [ FARQUAR HAQQANI ] of 13th General Election mean for Malaysians – will
change (if any) be super�icial or genuine? Will East
DON’T BE DECEIVED! [ SYAZWAN ZAINAL ] Malaysia continue to be ignored, save once every
�ive years? The list is inconclusive and endless, but
ERTI SEBENAR HAK KEBEBASAN BERSUARA [ HARINN HIZHADI ] one thing is for sure – change is imminent. Whether
or not it will prove to be a revolutionary metamor-
phosis for Malaysia is another matter altogether.
CEKU’S DEAR PHOTOGRAPH COMPETITION :
+ REMEMBERING GRANDMA [ CRYSTAL NG ] As we continue to move towards bettering Malaysia,
+ MEMORIES FROM BOARDING SCHOOL [ CHARMAINE TEW ] it is important to remember: in spite of our history
+ OF A BOY [ SHAHIRAH LOQMAN ] and missteps over the course of shaping a young
country, we cannot simply forget these instances.
MALAYSIA’S NEW ELITE [ SHAUN TAN ] There are no erasers for bad memories in real life,
but bad memories make for important stepping
HOPE: A PHOTO ESSAY [ STANLEY LIEW ] stones and lessons in achieving greater things
(and in making more mistakes in the process).
LET’S DITCH THE PARTY, PEOPLE! [ AIRA AZHARI ]
MATURITY & THE MALAYSIAN SOCIETY [ KAMILIA KHAIRUL ANUAR ]
THE MALAYSIAN FEMALE DILEMMA [ LEVINA LIM ]
A CLOSER LOOK AT MERITOCRACY [ NATASHA SU SIVARAJAH ]
Bad memories erasers from the
Museum of Broken Relationships in Zagreb, Croatia
ON THE COVER
Photograph by Azli Jamil.
More of his work can be viewed at
www.wix.com/azlijamil/azlijamilphotography
and www.facebook.com/AzliJamilPhotography.
This issue of CEKU takes this to heart, especially
in the photography competition launched in
conjunction with the Malaysian Student Leaders
Summit. Drawing inspiration from Taylor Jones’s
Dear Photograph blog, CEKU’s photograph competi-
tion this year invited its participants to take a look
at the past through the lens and clarity of the
present day. We received some wonderfully nostalgic
submissions, and the three �inalists – namely Crystal
Ng, Shahirah Loqman and Charmaine Tew – have
their entries featured in this edition of CEKU.
This issue starts off with Marina Tan giving an
eloquent reminder to all young people about the
reality of our role in initiating change. Next,
Farquar Haqqani re�lects on the recent surge in
public debates in the political scene and on the real
reasons why people should debate. The dangers of
being deceived and desensitized by an apparently
moderate government are explained by Syazwan
Zainal, while Harinn Hizhadi expounds upon the
nuances involved in legislating freedom of speech.
In ‘Malaysia’s New Elite’, Shaun Tan gives us his
insight on the elitist culture of rich Malaysians and
its implications on society at large; Stanley Liew
illustrates the idea of hope through his photo essay.
Attending an UndiMsia workshop shed some light
on the idea of non-partisanship for Aira Nur Ariana
Azhari, as she shares her experience and thoughts.
Kamilia Khairul Anuar takes a step back and looks
at maturity (or the lack of it) in Malaysia, as Levina
Lim discusses the current state of affairs for females
in Malaysia. Wrapping things up is former CEKU
editor Natasha Su Sivarajah as she takes a closer
look at the so-called silver bullet of meritocracy.
We hope that you enjoy reading this edition of CEKU.
For more interesting reads, check us out online at
www.ceku.org. To submit your own articles or to
contact us, send us an email ceku@ukeconline.com.
Yours truly,
MELISSA KONG
CEKU Editor 2011/12
melissa@ukeconline.com
THE GAME CHANGERS
BY MARINA TAN

" CHANGE IS A CHALLENGE AND

AN OPPORTUNITY, NOT A THREAT. "
- P R I N C E P H I L I P, T H E D U K E O F E D I N B U RG H .

This is de�initely a well-worn message, but it never gets tired. Change is constant; and today the game changers are
young activists. Throughout the past few years, we’ve seen tremendous change driven by tech-savvy young people, in
different places: Libya, Egypt, Wall Street, and for different causes- democracy, freedom, economic reform. And of
course, Malaysia had the Bersih rally. The increasing involvement of youth in society can only be a good thing, right?
It shows we care. It is the antidote to the poison that is apathy. But like all young people, we’re only now just learning
to �lex our muscle; and as in any game, you have to learn the rules, or it’s game over.

Author Christopher Paolini once wrote that too many problems in this world are caused by
men with noble dispositions and clouded minds. We all make mistakes, but seldom on purpose. Rather, it’s usually an
unlucky combination of a good heart and a less than perfectly functioning head. Lots of people mean well, but to be
blunt, at the end of the day you can’t use good intentions to excuse your actions in the eyes of people who have to live
with the consequences of what you do. It’s all about implementation. So how do we young activists minimize costly
mistakes?

The answer: “Know thyself,” as a wise Greek philosopher put it. Humans are by nature emotional, passionate and
self-righteous. Youths; teenagers, are even more so. We �ight for what we feel to be right; we �ight with our bodies,
our voices, our computers, and yes, our hearts. But do we �ight with our heads? I used the phrase ‘what we feel to be
right’, not what we think to be right, because often enough, we don’t think. We get carried away with �iery rhetoric
and emotional outbursts, we quote inaccurate information, and we do ridiculous things in the name of raising aware-
ness and end up looking at best, ignorant; at worst- a fool; even if the cause we’re �ighting for is both
legitimate and important.

For example: International Women’s Day is a day for us to think about honor killings, sex-selective abortion and
workplace discrimination. Instead, there I was listening to male radio hosts boasting about how they were ‘under-
standing women’s problems’ by putting on high heels and corsets. Seriously? Those hosts lost their standing with me
because they essentially reduced the very real and important cause they’re trying to raise awareness of to a laughable
matter of pure aesthetics. Similarly, many ‘Facebook activists’ need to realize that they will not and can not be taken
seriously so long as they keep trying to convince the rest of us that we can click one button and save the world.

Think, people, think! Never let the strength of your conviction blur your logic, never let your heart rule your head;
because good intentions get lost in translation when we act rashly. If you want to be an activist, chances are you’ve
already got a cause to �ight for, so dial down the drama and focus on �inding a solution. If we don’t take the time to
think and consider our actions from every angle- legality, ethics, practicality, �inancial constraints, deadlines, stake-
holders- we lose our credibility, and with it, a huge chunk of our power to effect change in any game.

Ladies and gentlemen, every young activist has big dreams and their own game to change. ‘Have a heart!’, is a common
exhortation, but when it comes to young activists, I’m not worried about that part. I’m more concerned about us
losing our heads; and hence losing the game.

The very game that we are here to change.

Marina Tan �inished Form Five last year and is starting pre-university studies in July. She enjoys reading, writing, speaking, listening
and everything in between. She is the �irst Malaysian champion in the ESU International Public Speaking Competition 2012.
The image for this article was provided by Robin Wong. You can �ind more of his photography at http://robinwong.blogspot.co.uk/

BY FARQUAR HAQQANI
I recently watched a documentary
on the great Muslim scholar, Imam
al-Ghazali, and I recommend those
who have 80 minutes to spare to
look for “The Alchemist of Happi-
ness” on Youtube. While generally
retracing the life of al-Ghazali, there
are several themes raised in the
documentary which I feel resonates
even in today’s climate. Among
them was al-Ghazali’s take on
debating. I would like to disclaim
here that I am neither an expert on
Imam al-Ghazali’s life
nor his works, but the snippet from
said documentary can and should
be extrapolated to be discussed in
the context of modern day Malaysia.
The documentary narrates Imam
al-Ghazali’s concern with the nature
and purpose of debating. In particu-
lar, he worries that individuals
debate for personal gain, rather
than for the pursuit of truth. The
nature of personal gain can range
from fame to exerting superiority
over his/her counterpart.
Speci�ically, in his �lagship work
“The Revival of the Religious
Sciences”, he outlines and describes
with great detail 10 qualities that
are innate in debaters, which divert
debaters from seeking and attaining
the truth. These qualities include
envy, arrogance, enmity, fault-
�inding, hypocrisy, self-promotion,
and backbiting, amongst others.
When these qualities are present
in the hearts of men and women
who debate, debates are subse-
quently rendered pointless as
truth is not sought, and will
therefore not be gained. Instead,
the only gain to be made is
towards the size of one’s ego
and sense of self-worth.
What bearing does this have to
Malaysia here and now?
It goes without saying that public
debates have become increasingly
trendy, with high pro�ile debates
aired to a nationwide audience.
Since the turn of 2012, we have
witnessed debates pertaining to
the demands of Bersih 3.0, the
state of higher education and
by extension the feasibility of free
education, and most recently the
compatibility of street demonstra-
tions to Malaysian political
culture.
For a nation as deprived from
debates as we are, and with a
generation as inquisitive as we
are, the advent of such public
debates mark a watershed
moment in Malaysian history.
I would go as far as to claim that
prior to 2012, the best hope for
any Malaysian to witness and
participate in anything remotely
close to a high pro�ile public
debate is to attend UKEC’s Malay-
sian Student Leaders Summit. That
such debates are now accessible to
each and every Malaysian is indeed
a massive progressive step forward
in our nationhood.
However, therein lays the fallibility
of a lack of debating culture. We
are prone to debate destructively
rather than constructively. Time
and time again, we will see a de-
traction from the core issue of the
debate and instead a challenge on
the credibility of the opponent.
The �irst 10 minutes of each of the
public debates thus far attest to
this. While a theme is present,
often the debate becomes about
the credibility of the opponent, if
they are �it to make such claims/
plans/demands/etc. One can
expect that the debate will inevita-
bly be sidetracked to issues beyond
the matter at hand. There is a pro-
blem when one becomes blind to
the truths argued by the opposing
side, all for the sake of “winning”
the debate.
The losers in this approach are
inexorably the viewing audience,
in particular those who leave as
unenlightened as when they arrived.
Why is it that debates follow
such a path? I would argue that
our upbringing fails to recognise
debates as part and parcel of
truth-seeking. We are brought
up with a rigid education system,
one that does not encourage nor
cultivate inquisitiveness and
questioning. I personally have
lost count of the times when the
response to a question in class
is met with, “because that’s the
answer in the marking scheme”.
We are expected to accept what
we are told without question.
At the same time, our only expo-
sure to debates are in the forms
of competition – my own experi-
ences of debating have come
through debating competitions,
as well as Student Union and
UKEC elections. In all my experi-
ences, the purpose of debating is
to ful�il all the qualities al-Ghazali
warned against.
Naturally, there was no point in
debating if I wasn’t going to win,
and any strategy is acceptable as
long as victory ensued. I am more
than certain that the same rings
true for most if not all my contem-
poraries.
Browsing through Facebook
and Twitter reaf�irms the notion
that we have been conditioned
to prefer winning over seeking
the truth. How many times have
there been debates on these
social media sites? How many
times have individuals single-
mindedly stuck to their views,
even in the face of facts contrary
to their assertions? How many
times have these debates ended
inconclusively?
The answer: all the time.
Debates occur on these sites
on a daily basis.
of UKEC. He identi�ies himself to underdogs, which is why he supports Liverpool FC .
The �low of the debates
has become painfully predict-
able; one can expect which
individuals will stick to which
side of the argument. And the
debates will never be concluded,
each side remaining blind to
truths on the other side of the
coin.
As a result, we start labelling
our friends as pro-BN or pro-PR,
when such labels often preclude
an understanding of an issue.
Just because I support BN in
issue A does not make me
pro-BN, nor does my support for
PR in issue B make me pro-PR.
Who I end up voting for in an
election should be immaterial
to my view on particular issues.
While I acknowledge there are
fanatics out there, it is dangerous
to assume and subsequently label
our friends along such partisan
lines. Partisanship engenders
allegiances, and allegiances
mean that issues can never be
looked at on a common plane.
Thus, solutions can never be
brought about by debates.
I risk sounding naïve and idea-
listic by arguing for debates as
a means for seeking the truth.
After all, debates between
politicians have been and always
will be about overpowering their
opponent and garnering more
Economics graduated from the University of Warwick and former Chairman
support from the public than the
other. That is expected, and
arguing for anything else borders
foolish. What I would like to put
forward, however, is the idea of
how debates should be viewed
and approached by the likes of
you and I – laymen Malaysians.
We have nothing to gain or lose
by “not winning” a debate, except
perhaps our pride (which should
be unimportant as we seek for a
higher Truth).
The shakers and movers of the
country are its citizens, and if
the citizens are debating to reach
conclusions, the effects should be
bottom-up, and leaders start
debating the same way as well.
The country can become a better
place and reach greater heights
if its citizens stop identifying
themselves with one side of the
divide, and instead identify
themselves as all Malaysians.
So next time you listen to a debate,
take a step back and try to take
notice if the debaters have a
commitment to solving an issue
or if they just want to outdo their
opponents. Isolate the genuine
arguments from the slanderous
ones. That way, when you decide
to post your thoughts on Facebook
or Twitter, you might just �ind
other like-minded individuals who
are just as committed to the truth
as you are.
Farquar Haqqani is an
DON’T BE
!
But at least the plight is made
known by the international bodies
which try valiantly (however futile
their efforts may be), to change the

DECEIVED
BY SYAZWAN ZAINAL
The most dangerous form of
government, at �irst glance, is
probably a totalitarian one: one
that crushes dissent and does not
hesitate to murder its own citizens.
But I would argue that appearance
can be deceiving: that the most
sinister act that a government can
do is not murder, but deception.
TOTALITARIAN
GOVERNMENTS
Imagine the government of Bashar
al-Assad in Syria. It would appear
that his government has no qualms
about sending in tanks and attack-
ing its own citizens. It would be
almost impossible to understand
the complexities of the Syrian
issue without years of research
by historians and journalists, let
alone trying to comprehend the
motives for the acts or omissions
of Syrian leaders.
We can only speculate what goes
on in their minds. Do they honestly
feel that they have a God given
right to rule their country? Do
they honestly believe that what
they are doing (even though they
might appear to be cruelly and
ruthlessly slaughtering innocents)
is for the bene�it of their nation?
Have they so lost perception of
reality that paranoia has overcome
them, so much so that they see
threats everywhere?
Only an omniscient entity can
truly answer these questions with
certainty. Humans unfortunately
are left to our own fallible devices:
attempting to deduce conclusions
from evidence that has been
uncovered. Alas, the plight of man.
PUBLICITY
BECAUSE
OF MURDERS
But something good can be derived
from the situation of a murderous
government. The situation has
spiraled to a point so dire for the
common man that the world demands
something be done about it. Regard-
less of how the world reacts to these
astonishing acts, world leaders, at the
very least, express condemnation to it.
Suddenly al-Jazeera, BBC and CNN will
produce shows devoted to the acts of
violence of that government. At the
height of violence by the government
against its own people, one would be
hard-pressed not to feel bored by the
same incessant shows repeated by
these news channels, recycling the
same old stories and opinions from
the same old commentators.
world for the better. Lip service is
paid - that international currency
which makes the diplomatic world
go round. Sometimes if the interests
match that of the powers-that-be
(read: America), actions will be
taken.
But at least the plight is known.
They will have a �ighting chance,
given enough publicity from
Hollywood stars and donations
from business titans, as well as
attention from viewers worldwide.
NOT TOO
LIBERAL, NOT
TOO MURDEROUS
But what of citizens of countries
who are somewhere in between?
The government is not so ruthless
as to murder its own citizens out on
the streets, yet it refuses to respect
certain rights of the minorities.
Forgive me for being crass, but
humans revel in the extremities of
the news. It would take a particu-
larly abhorrent and astonishing act
of violence suffered by as many
people as possible to shock us, and
make us take action. We lead a
sterilized and drugged existence.
We have grown accustomed to
acts of violence and oppression.
When the world is (rightfully, I
think) outraged at the violence of a
government killing its own citizens,
the plight of countless other people
who are oppressed systematically
in countless countries fall on deaf
ears because it lacks the dramatic
element needed to be featured in
international news.
So imagine any other country in
the world, except of course Malay-
sia, because Malaysia is perfection
personi�ied. Governments banning
books and silencing dissent
through legal means. A legitimate
exercise in criticism is exaggerated
to the point that it seems to be a
threat to the nation as a whole.
The mere fact that a book does
not conform to a super�icial level
of “acceptability” leads to it being
banned. Even when citizens want to
exercise one of the most fundamen-
tal and basic rights of expressing
their opinions, fear creeps in.
The electoral roll needs to be
cleaned up and the judiciary must
be more sensitive to the needs of
individual citizens rather than that
of the mighty government.
Syazwan Zainal is a reluctant law student at The University of Warwick, writer-wannabe, actor-aspirant,
professional procrastinator who dreams of winning the Academy Award for Best Actor and Nobel Prize for Literature. He is a �ierce
idealist and non-conformist and would love to rid the world of football. The photograph for this article was taken by Yeoh Tze Ni.
Propaganda being injected into the
minds of citizens through the mono-
polistic control of mainstream media
and education is possibly the most
dangerous element in the arsenal
of a government. It need not be as
obvious as �ilms made by Goebbels
but the fact that it exists is a cause
for concern.
This is the more sinister threat
that all reasonable persons must be
vigilant of. The fact that it is couched
in legal terms makes it all the more
frightening.
NO MURDERS,
NO DRAMA
Oppression and injustice is danger-
ous regardless of the form that it
takes. Arguably though, due to its
vague nature, oppression that lacks
the dramatic dimension of genocide
or murder of hundreds of children
becomes more sinister and danger-
ous than the most violent form of
oppression because it is dif�icult to
recognize it. Thus it is hard for it to
capture the imagination of the
public and to cause public outrage.
The number of deaths must be in
the hundreds at least. Women and
children are preferred victims to
invoke further public outrage.
Movies are made about the Holo-
caust and the Rwandan genocide.
But rarely, if ever, is a movie or
documentary made regarding the
small number of activists who are
dumped into the prison with
trumped up charges. Even if it is
made, it rarely captures the imagi-
nation of the public. Such stories
lack romanticism and heroism.
No one died. It was just a couple
of years in the prison or a couple
of thousand dollars (or whatever
currency the country deals in)
in �ines. Nothing big.
DIFFERENT
FORMS OF
OPPRESSION
Such apathy or indifference is
exactly what these governments
desire. Needless to say the atten-
tion that we have afforded to these
horrible acts of murder is right.
However, the danger is that we
become relaxed towards other
forms of oppression in our own
backyard.
It may not be as cruel and as ruth-
less, but it is just as dangerous
possibly even more sinister.
 Persoalan yang ingin ditimbulkan amatlah mudah.
Setelah begitu banyak dokumen penting dari negara
maju dan secara global mengiktiraf hak ini, apakah
alasan untuk sesetengah negara menolak salah satu
intipati penting hak asasi manusia ini? Adakah salah
untuk tidak mengamalkan kebebasan ini? Ataupun
deklarasi ini sekadar ‘jari telunjuk’ negara-negara
maju yang punyai pelbagai agenda tersembunyi?
Isu yang ditimbulkan sangatlah rumit. Hatta perde-
batan berkaitan ini berterusan sehingga berabad
lamanya. Sedangkan terma ‘demokrasi’ juga mungkin
berlainan dan bercanggah bagi beberapa negara.
KEBEBASAN BERSUARA DAN BATASNYA
ERTI SEBENAR HAK
Justeru, wujudlah pengehadan kebebasan
bersuara ekoran daripada percanggahan hak.
Apakah percanggahan hak? Sistem perundangan
negara selalunya mengehadkan kebebasan bersuara
KEBEBASAN BERSUARA
apabila berlakunya kon�lik dengan hak atau nilai
yang lain. Di Malaysia contohnya, kebebasan
bersuara termaktub dalam Perkara 10 Perlembagaan
Persekutuan: Kebebasan bercakap, berhimpun dan
OLEH HARINN HIZHADI berpersatuan. Walaupun secara jelas dan nyata
disebut tiap-tiap warganegara berhak kepada kebe-
basan bersuara dan bercakap, namun semuanya
tertakluk kepada fasal-fasal yang lain.
Peribahasa yang masyhur di atas jelas menunjukkan kepada kita peri
pentingnya penggunaan akal untuk ber�ikir sebelum melontarkan apa Contohnya, kenyataan yang berunsur perkauman
yang tersirat di dalam hati. Hal ini demikian kerana segala percakapan dan hasutan yang boleh mengganggu-gugat
yang sudah terlepas tidak boleh ditarik balik - "People forgive but they keamanan negara tidak dibenarkansama sekali.
will never forget". Dalam isu ini, hak bersuara berkon�lik dengan
“TERLAJAK
hak untuk hidup dalam kedamaian. Malaysia
Dewasa kini, ramai yang menuntut kebebasan bersuara. Tidak keting- tidak keseorangan dalam hal ini. United Kingdom
galan golongan anak muda, mahasiswa khususnya. Mereka mahu juga mengenakan had yang lebih kurang sama
pandangan mereka didengar, diambil kira, dan dihargai. Kebebasan bahkan kebebasan bersuara dan menyuarakan
bersuara sudah termaktub dalam Perkara 19 Pengisytiharan Hak Asasi pendapat merupakan hak negatif rakyat di bawah
Manusia Sejagat yang merupakan satu pengisytiharan makluman yg
PERAHU
“common law”.
diamalkan oleh Perhimpunan Agung Pertubuhan Bangsa-bangsa
Bersatu pada 10 Disember 1948 bertempat di Palais de Chaillot, Paris.
BOLEH Mantan Perdana Menteri Malaysia Tun Dr Mahathir
DIUNDUR,
merupakan antara tokoh yang lantang mempertahan
Hak bersuara juga diiktiraf dalam undang-undang hak asasi manusia pengehadan kebebasan bersuara. Menurut beliau,
antarabangsa dalam Perjanjian Antarabangsa mengenai Hak-hak Sivil
TERLAJAK kebebasan bersuara perlu dihadkan supaya hak ini
KATA BURUK
dan Politikal (ICCPR). Antara dokumen penting lain yang mengiktiraf tidak digunakan oleh sesetengah masyarakat untuk
hak bersuara ialah Konvensyen Eropah mengenai Hak Asasi Manusia mengapi-apikan masyarakat lain [Syarahan Perdana
PADAHNYA
(Perkara 10), Konvensyen Amerika mengenai Hak Asasi Manusia Budaya 2011, 10 November 2011].
(Perkara 13) dan Piagam Afrika mengenai Hak Asasi Manusia dan
“
Rakyat (Perkara 9).
- PEPATAH MELAYU
Malaysia contohnya, mungkin memberi alasan tidak
mahu menggunakan demokrasi ala Barat. Jepun pula
gah dengan sistem demokrasi acuannya sendiri. Negara
China dikatakan semakin menuju ke arah demokrasi
dan bertegas mengakuinya sedangkan umum menyang-
gah fakta tersebut.
Akhirnya, setiap de�inisi demokrasi berlainan untuk
setiap ahli. Frasa ‘demokrasi cara anda’ diterbitkan
seolah-olah demokrasi ini begitu banyak jenisnya dan
bercanggah begitu teruk sekali. Begitulah isunya dengan
kebebasan bersuara dan hak asasi manusia. Mujurlah,
tidak ada negara rasional yang menolak bulat-bulat hak
bersuara rakyatnya, namun hampir semuanya mengakui
tidak boleh ada kebebasan mutlak.
Rumusannya, dalam pada sesetengah masyarakat
ingin mempertahan hak mereka bersuara, mereka
seharusnya tidak mengganggu hak keamanan dan
kedamaian yang dituntut pihak yang lain.
Walaubagaimanapun, wujud bidasan yang memper-
tikaikan kewibawaan autoriti untuk menilai kesesuaian
batasan tersebut. Mereka mendakwa bahawa autoriti
mungkin sengaja membataskan kebebasan bersuara
untuk kepentingan sendiri. Secara logiknya, perdeba-
tan ini mungkin benar, tiada sesiapa pun berhak
menyekat maklumat dan kebebasan bersuara sebelum
mesejnya sampai kepada pendengar. Biarlah apa pun
diluahkan kerana entiti yang berhak menilai kebenaran
mesej tersebut hanyalah pendengar.
Tetapi benarkah kita harus biarkan masyarakat yang
menilai dan menjusti�ikasi sesuatu isu? Mungkinkah
autoriti berpendapat masyarakat masih belum cukup
matang untuk menilai sesuatu maklumat? Jika begitu
sampai bilakah kematangan tersebut boleh dicapai?
Ataupun sebenarnya tragedi lampau mewujudkan
paranoia dalam kalangan autoriti? Persoalan ini
eloklah ditinggalkan untuk cernaan bersama.
“
GUNAKAN HAK BERFIKIR
SEBELUM HAK BERSUARA
“
“ SEBELUM
HAK DAN KEBEBASAN BERFIKIR
Lirik lagu ‘Aku Maa�kan Kamu’ nyanyian Malique
MENGULAS dan Jamal Abdillah sangat ‘makan dalam’. Ayat
LANJUT, TERDAPAT yang paling menarik ialah ‘Gunakan hak ber�ikir
sebelum hak bersuara’. Signi�ikannya ayat ini memang
PELBAGAI PERSOALAN ternyata jika kita menganalisis senario politik tanah
YANG PERLU DIJAWAB air. Sebelum mengulas lanjut, terdapat pelbagai
OLEH PEJUANG persoalan yang perlu dijawab oleh pejuang ke-
KEBEBASAN BERSUARA bebasan bersuara sebelum mereka bersuara.
SEBELUM MEREKA
Pertamanya, mengapa perlu kita mengikut
BERSUARA. Pengisytiharan Hak Asasi Manusia Sejagat sedang-
“
kan pengisytiharan ini cumalah sekadar satu
deklarasi? Menurut Dato Yunus Raiss, bekas
Magistret Mahkamah West London semasa Projek
Amanat Negara 2012 di London, sedangkan negara
barat dan maju juga hanya mengambil sebahagian saja
daripada deklarasi tersebut dan membuang sebahagian
yang lain untuk kepentingan sendiri.
Lebih-lebih lagi, mengapa perlu kita merujuk
kepada deklarasi tersebut sedangkan negara-negara
Islam sudah mempunyai Deklarasi Kaherah?
Apapun jawapan yang bermain di minda, golongan
intelektual seharusnya berani dan jujur menggunakan
hak ber�ikir sebelum mengguna pakai hak bersuara.
Berbalik kepada hak ber�ikir, mungkin ramai
yang masih hijau tentangnya. Jadi eloklah diberikan
sedikit pencerahan. Hak ber�ikir merupakan hak
setiap individu untuk menggunakan akal �ikiran yang
waras untuk membuat pertimbangan dan kajian
sebelum mengambil keputusan. Keputusan tersebut
boleh terjadi dalam bentuk luahan dan tindakan.
Tidak seperti hak bersuara, hak ber�ikir tidak
mempunyai batas dan percanggahan, dan tidak
akan berkon�lik dengan hak yang lain.
Adalah mustahil sama sekali jika pertentangan
pemikiran berlaku melainkan diluah dan diambil
tindakan. Hak ber�ikir mengambil kira pendirian
seseorang termasuk berkaitan agama dan keper-
cayaan. Kebebasan ber�ikir mungkin hampir sama
dengan ‘freedom of expression’ dan ‘freedom
of speech’ tetapi sedikit berbeza dan amat penting
untuk tidak disalah ertikan. Kebebasan ber�ikir
diberikan penakrifan yang lebih mendalam dan
spesi�ik dalam Artikel 9 ‘European Convention of
Human Rights’. Begitu juga dalam Perkara 18
Pengisytiharan Hak Asasi Manusia Sejagat -
Harinn Hizhadi sedang menuntut di University of Southampton dalam bidang kejuruteraan elektrik.
“Everyone has the right to freedom of thought,
conscience and religion; this right includes freedom
to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either
alone or in community with others and in public or
private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching,
practice, worship and observance.”
Walaubagaimanapun, hak ber�ikir yang ingin
dibincangkan lebih menjurus kepada de�inisi awal,
bukannya ‘freedom of thought’ yang sudah terkand-
ung dalam ‘Universal Declaration of Human Rights’.
Pemahaman umum mengenai hak dan kebebasan
ber�ikir ialah keupayaan rasional dalam menggu-
nakan hak ber�ikir terlebih dahulu sebelum melu-
ahkan hak bersuara. Perbincangan ini menjurus
kepada ketelitian dalam membezakan hak ber�ikir
dan hak bersuara. J.B Bury dalam bukunya ‘A
History of Freedom of Thought’ menegaskan
sebenarnya ‘freedom of thought’ dan ‘freedom
of speech’ saling berkait rapat tetapi berbeza.
Hal ini menjadi persoalan kerana majoriti masyar-
akat berpendapat bahawa setiap pandangan mesti-
lah diluah dan dikongsi bersama tanpa sebarang
halangan. Benar, perbuatan ini tidak menjadi
kesalahan tetapi sebenarnya sudah cukup meng-
gambarkan tahap pemikiran seseorang jikalau
pandangan tersebut diluahkan tanpa kaji selidik
yang mendalam, akhirnya akan dilabel pem�itnah.
Adakah gelaran ini menjadi kegilaan ramai? Sudah
tentulah tidak.
Maka kesimpulannya ringkas, tatkala pejuang
murni dan suci di luar sana melaung dan menegak-
kan frasa kebebasan dan hak bersuara, adakah kita
dan mereka sudah cukup memahami dan menda-
lami hak dan kebebasan ber�ikir? Bolehkah sesuatu
hak itu mendahului hak yang lain? Jikalau ya, hak
yang manakah perlu diutamakan?
Kesemua persoalan di atas eloklah dirungkai
bersama secara ikhlas dan saksama, menggunakan
akal yang rasional bukan menilai dengan emosi.
Informasi dan maklumat yang diterima perlulah
dihadam, bukannya ditelan bulat-bulat sebelum
diluahkan sebagai pandangan. Moga-moga rasional
pemikiran kita mencapai ke tahap yang lebih tinggi.
dear photograph of a boy
BY SHAHIRAH LOQMAN
‘Take a picture of a picture from the past in the present’.

This photograph of my second cousin on my house swing

brings back old memories. This photo was taken in 2009
during Hari Raya Aidil�itri.

He was so excited to get up on the big swing all by himself.

You can see the triumph in his eyes. Little did both of us
know, it would be the last time we would meet because our
families drifted apart throughout the years.

Looking back at this photo, I realised how much I miss his

adorable smile and infectious giggle. I wish we will meet
again in the future. There is no doubt that I’ll be surprised by
how much he has grown.
That’s the idea behind Dear Photograph (www.dearphotograph.com), a photo blog that invites readers to submit such
Shahirah Loqman is in her �irst year studying
pictures and write about them.
Chemical Engineering at Universiti Teknologi Petronas.

The CEKU team borrowed inspiration from the blog in the photo essay competition we launched in conjunction with the
6th Malaysian Student Leaders Summit. In line with the theme of the summit, “The Malaysian Metamorphosis”, we invited
our readers to go through their photographs to rediscover their memories and stories, and to share with us their thoughts memories from
and re�lections on the photograph and its subject – how things have or have not changed, and how they as individuals
have changed over time since the original photograph was taken. In the following pages are the three �inalists for the boarding school
competition. We hope you enjoy their photographs and stories as much as we did. BY CHARMAINE TEW

When you’re in a boarding school with seven houses vying for a coveted title, “kiasu” (a Malaysian Hokkien jargon
meaning “fear of losing”) is no longer a negative portrayal of one’s character. Instead, it becomes the foundation for team

remembering
spirit.

grandma
BY CRYSTAL NG
The best thing about a picture is that it
never changes, even when the people in it do.
My grandmother was the one of the greatest
people I have known in my life. From the day
I was conceived, she showered me with her
unconditional love and brought me up to be
the person I am today.
The house singing contest is a major event held at my college annually. This is the time when students from each house
crack their heads in trying to come up with the best performance. From song choices and choreography to costumes and
props, we spent countless nights churning out ideas, one after another. We sang our hearts out in public during practice
– which made heads turn – in order to overcome stage fright. It’s certainly not about winning or losing, nor is it about
the pride of beating other houses. It’s the rewarding process that has touched our hearts and brought the 75 of us closer
together as a team.
As of today, I’m one month away from graduation. Soon, we’ll all part ways as we pursue our respective dreams. The
energy we exuded since house singing last year seems to have toned down, as exams lurk around the corner. However,
the memories of us living together as one big family shall always remain.
Charmaine is a student at Kolej Tuanku Ja’afar.

To my dearest Grandma in heaven, though

Mummy and I have not been able to celebrate
Mother’s Day with you for the past 13 years,
I just want to let you know that you are always
on our minds every day. My mum always lets
me know about the legacy that you have left
in us, the lessons you gave us, your strength,
your never-give-up attitude, your unconditional
and sel�less love, your courage, your intelligence
and most of all, your beauty.

We love you so much Grandma. May

you have a good celebration with the Lord.

Crystal is a student photographer.

Check her work at www.�lickr.com/photos/theroyalrebel.
 MALAYSIA’S NEW ELITE
BY SHAUN TAN
ANY CITY, HOWEVER SMALL, IS IN FACT DIVIDED
INTO TWO; ONE THE CITY OF THE POOR, THE OTHER OF
THE RICH; THESE ARE AT WAR WITH ONE ANOTHER.
It can be said that the walls around gated communities
mark the borders of a foreign country. Of course, not all
exclusive neighborhoods are surrounded by walls –
many are not – but the effect is largely the same. Within
these neighborhoods live many of the countries’ elite,
ensconced within their own bubbles with their own sets
of rules.
This contrast is all the more apparent with the rise of
Asia, and the emergence of the nouveau riche. This has
produced vast disparities in wealth and power, with a
new elite reaping great rewards amidst vast swathes of
people still struggling to eke out a living. This prosper-
ity, and the uneasiness that comes with it, leads to the
seclusion of these elites. “The rich in these cities seek to
gate as much of their lives as possible,” wrote Arjun
Appadurai, “travelling from guarded homes to darkened
cars to air-conditioned of�ices, moving always in an
envelope of privilege through the heat of public
poverty.”
Indeed, these exclusive neighborhoods often encourage
a siege-mentality; its residents build heavy gates and
commission neighborhood police to keep out “unwanted
elements.” They hire security guards and install inter-
com systems as intermediaries to the outside world.
I once tried Trick or Treating in my neighborhood
of Kenny Hills in Kuala Lumpur during Halloween.
Note:
The following was written as
the �inal paper for a class at
Yale.This article has been
abridged. Read the full
version, “Asia’s New Elite,
(with references) online at:
http://www.ukeconline.com/
CEKU/asias-new-elite/
- PLATO, THE REPUBLIC
It was not a fruitful experience. Out of the 20 or so houses
my friends and I visited, we only got candy from one. We
were dismissed from the rest of them by security guards
or by the residents via intercom at the gates.
When lower classes come into these neighborhoods, it is
usually as guards or domestic servants. They are paid for
their “indispensability and invisibility.” Often, they live in
their own rooms in the houses and apartments of the elite,
but are not treated as members of the family. “One wants
the poor near at hand as servants” it seems, “but far away
as humans.”
As Thom Kerstiens observes, the elite class “is looked up
to and imitated, because it is credited with important gifts
and desirable attributes.” But often the aloofness of the
elites also earns them great envy and resentment. And it is
upon their offspring that a lot of this animosity settles –
the spoilt brats who never earned any of their wealth, but
who wear their privilege with the hauteur of those born to
it. These are the princelings one sees chauffeured to and
from their private schools, and who spend their leisure
time in malls or shopping districts and at parties at hotels
or nightclubs. These are the Asian aristocrats of the 21st
century; kids who, because the sun has shone on them all
their life, have come to believe it’s put there for that sole
purpose. In this article I will tell you about these brats and
the world they’re making. I can tell you, because I’m one
of them.
***
THE PRIVATE SCHOOL
The �irst port of call for these brats is the private school.
Because of the perceived low standard of education in
public schools, many parents who can afford it send
their kids to a private school. This is especially true in
Malaysia.
I went to a private school in Kuala Lumpur called Garden
International School (GIS). It’s located in the neighbor-
hood of Sri Hartamas, which is near my house. It’s an
“international” school, but only a minority of the
students there are foreign (in my year it was about
10%), the rest are the children of upper and upper-
middle class Malaysians, mostly from the Chinese ethnic
group – Malaysia’s market-dominant minority.
Its students and former students include the children of
Syed Mokhtar Al-Bukhary (the head of one of Malaysia’s Entrance to Tijani 2, a gated community in Kuala Lumpur
biggest conglomerates), the children of Dato’ Ruby
Khong (a prominent socialite and philanthropist), the
The rest of its curriculum is also different. Probably
children of Francis Yeoh (managing director of YTL
one of the best things about going to an international
Corporation and one of the richest men in Southeast
school was that I was spared having to study for the
Asia), and the grandchildren of former Prime Minister
Pendidikan Moral (Moral Studies) exam, which is
Mahathir Mohamad. The children of Malaysia’s Home
basically a mixture of cheesy boy-scout scenarios and
Minister, Hishammuddin Hussein, and its current Prime
government propaganda on loyalty to the government
Minister, Najib Razak, are also former students. The fact
and its policies. I was also spared the local history
that both these politicians used to hold the post of
syllabus with its myopic focus on Islam and Malaysia
Education Minister but still sent their kids to private
to the exclusion of everything else, and its emphasis
schools caused a considerable amount of cynicism.
on the rote-memorization of facts and key words.
Instead, I studied Tudor Britain and ancient Rome,
GIS is an environment rather different from
The New Deal, Appeasement, the Cold War, and the
Malaysia’s government schools. It follows the British
history and myths of ancient Greece. The regrettable
education system, and during high school we studied
trade-off, though, was that I know little about the
for the O-level exams, rather than the local SPM exams.
history of my own country, since we only learned a bit
All its classes (except obviously language classes) are
of it in primary school.
taught in English, and the standard of its Malay (the
national language) is abysmal. I received an “A” grade
Another big difference is in the use of punishment. I
for my O-level Malay exam (assessed by the Cambridge
was aghast at stories of how my peers in government
board in England), and the standard of my Malay at t
schools (or Chinese vernacular schools) were made to
he time was probably equivalent to that of an
stand on their chairs for a whole lesson for forgetting
8-year-old child in a government school.
their homework. I was shocked to hear how those
students could be caned by their teachers, or in more
serious cases, caned by the Headmaster in front of the
rest of the school during assemblies. I was even more
shocked to hear how some of them seemed grateful
for such punishment after, saying stuff like, “the shame
taught me an important lesson” or that “it helped to
build my character.”
In an international school, no teacher is allowed to hit a
student for any reason, and if it ever happened the teacher
could be �ired. The only punishments, in increasing order of
severity, are detention during lunch break, detention after
school, contacting your parents, suspension, and expulsion. As
a result, international school kids have a reputation for being
undisciplined, insolent, and wild. They are also viewed as
spoilt and pampered, as more interested in partying than
studying, and yet entitled to bright futures because of their THESE BRATS,
privilege. “Oh, you go to an international school,” one of my DERESIEWICZ WRITES,
cousins (who went to a government school) used to say rather FEEL RIGHT AT HOME
sourly whenever we were compared. The implication was that SURROUNDED BY
we had everything handed to us.
(MOSTLY) OTHER
BRATS OF THE SAME
International school students are also sometimes a rather
cliquey bunch. When they hang out with kids from other SOCIAL CLASS. THESE
schools, it’s almost always with those from other interna- EXPERIENCES ACCENTU-
tional schools, in our case it was with students from Mont
ATE THEIR SENSE OF
Kiara International School, ELC International School, Interna-
tional School Kuala Lumpur, and Alice Smith School. Conse- ELITISM, FURTHER
quently, many international school students are viewed as DISTANCING THEM FROM
aloof and out of touch with the rest of their countrymen. THE LOWER CLASSES.
***
THE WESTERN UNIVERSITY
Because the standard of universities in most Asian countries has not
reached that of universities in the West, the next status symbol, and
one of considerably more importance than the private school, is the
Western university degree. Where these students go varies with their
inclinations and the different traditions and curriculums of their
schools. For example, GIS follows the British education system, and
thus the majority of my cohorts went to the UK (mostly London) or
The wanderer above the Australia (mostly Melbourne). In Malaysia, most people who can
sea of fog (Source: Wikimedia) afford it send their children to the West to study. Western schools are
premier destinations for these brats, and many schools have come to
increasingly depend on Asian students for their money.
What happens to these Asian brats when they arrive at these schools?
In his article, The Disadvantages of an Elite Education, William
Deresiewicz, a former English professor at Yale, relates “the heart-
warming spectacle of white businesspeople and professionals [on elite
campuses] studying and playing alongside the children of black, Asian,
and Latino businessmen and professionals.” These brats, Deresiewicz
writes, feel right at home surrounded by (mostly) other brats of the
same social class. These experiences accentuate their sense of elitism,
further distancing them from the lower classes. Deresiewicz calls this
phenomenon “Ivy retardation,” recounting his inability to make
conversation with an American plumber who came to �ix his pipes. “I
could carry on conversations with people from other countries, in
other languages,” he wrote, “but I couldn’t talk to the man who was
standing in my own house.”
A Malaysian elite can therefore come to have more in common
with an elite from another Asian country than with someone from
a lower class in his own country. When I was an undergraduate at King’s
College London, I attended a party organized by Oxford Malaysian
students at an upscale nightclub in London. When I was in London I
always preferred going to events organized by Asian groups because
they’re held in nice places and people actually dress up. This event was
no exception. The theme was a decadent masquerade ball and the drinks
THESE
and the entry fee cost well above what a typical British student would be EXPERIENCES
willing to pay. ACCENTUATE
THEIR SENSE
The event was well attended; not just by Malaysian students, but also by OF ELITISM,
a large number of students from Singapore and Hong Kong, and we all got FURTHER
along exceptionally well. My attention was diverted by other things that
DISTANCING
night, but I heard that one of the things that happened was a competition
between a “Malaysian table” and a “Hong Kong table” over who could
THEM FROM THE
LOWER CLASSES.
spend the most. Apparently the winners’ tab came up to $4,500.
***
GREEN IS ENVY
Malaysia is a country of large wealth disparities, with a few families
enjoying stupefying wealth whilst many still face crippling poverty.
The 2004 United Nations Human Development Report cited Malaysia
as having the worst income disparity in Southeast Asia. The frustra-
tion born of this disparity prompts many of the poor in Malaysia to
view the rich with animosity. Sensing this, many rich Malaysians
have hedged their bets by buying property overseas and getting
foreign passports or permanent residency permits in Western coun-
tries. These investments serve as “back doors,” a way out if trouble
ever arises.
The fact that Malaysia has a market-dominant minority (the Chinese
ethnic group) makes the tension between the rich and the poor even
more serious. This dynamic is also seen in several other Southeast
Asian countries. In the Philippines, for example, the ethnic Chinese
make up 2% of the population, but all of the top billionaires, control-
ling “all of the largest and most lucrative department store chains,
major supermarkets, and fast-food restaurants.” Before the
Indonesian racial riots in 1998, the Chinese in Indonesia made up
3% of the population, but controlled 70% of the private economy. In
Malaysia too, the Chinese minority control a disproportionately large
share of the wealth, despite making up only 25% of the population.
This racial dimension exacerbates the class divide. The cliquey and
aloof nature of many of these elites further adds to it. As a Chinese-
Indonesian economist presciently worried in 1997: “I see the
shopping malls, the posh restaurants, the hotels and lavish weddings,
full of young Chinese who don’t seem to have any interest in national
problems. These people don’t know they’re living on a time bomb.
They don’t mix with native Indonesians, so they don’t know how
much they’re envied and resented.”
The lifestyle and trappings of Malaysia’s new elite seem to increase
their disconnect from the rest of their countrymen. It’s therefore no
surprise that they are often viewed by the latter as decadent and
hedonistic.
 ***
THE PRODIGAL SON
But what happens to these pro�ligate brats, so out of “One impact of the rise of the new rich in China,
touch with their own people, when they return? The Taiwan and parts of Southeast Asia” observed
story of a local politician provides a striking illustration. Richard Robison and David S. G. Goodman in The ***
New Rich in Asia, “has been the rapid increase in
Once there was a boy named Khairy Jamaluddin. the demand for such products as tiger penis and
He was born in Kuwait in 1976, the son of a prominent rhinoceros horn.” “Wealth, in these instances, has THE PEASANT
diplomat who later became the Malaysian Commissioner simply enabled peasant dreams to be ful�illed and WRIT LARGE
to the United Kingdom, one of the ethnic Malay elite. brought the endangered species of the world closer
Khairy (or KJ as he is often called) spent much of his to extinction.”
childhood in Malaysia. According to insiders, even at a
the mistakes of their elders until the cycle is
young age he expressed ambitions of becoming Prime This article has talked a lot about the resentment
YB Khairy Jamaluddin
broken. Until it is, though, these peasants writ
Minister of Malaysia. of Malaysia’s poor towards their elites. But what if
large interested only in the path of least resist-
that resentment is not because the elite are so
In World On Fire, Amy Chua wrote about how Chinese ance, these uninspired social chameleons utterly
The boy grew. He discovered a talent for speaking. different from their poor counterparts, but because
tycoons like Bob Hasan and Liem Sioe Liong helped �inance lacking in noblesse oblige, will continue to make
When he came of age he went to the United World they’re so similar? What if it’s because, for all the
the despotic Suharto regime in Indonesia in exchange for up the bulk of Malaysia’s elite.
College in Singapore for high school. From there he great opportunities given to them, all their cosmo-
special favors and government contracts. The kleptocratic
gained a place at Oxford to study Politics, Philosophy, politanism, all their expensive suits, all their fancy
Marcos regime in the Philippines was also propped up by Perhaps Malaysia’s new generations will learn to
and Economics. Whilst he was at Oxford, so the story degrees and fancy teachers in their fancy schools,
Chinese elites. In some cases, these symbiotic relationships challenge their culture, to mould it, rede�ine it,
goes, Mahathir Mohamad, Malaysia’s former Prime Malaysia’s elite remain so incredibly, so exasperat-
extend to direct complicity in repression. For example, The make it their own. Perhaps they’ll learn to
Minister, gave a speech during a visit to the UK. ingly, similar? Beneath the sheen of privilege, many
Sun, one of Malaysia’s largest news-papers, was once incorporate the good aspects of the cultures they
of them are just peasants writ large. Ultimately, the
relatively vocal and objective compared to other Malaysian encounter, and to jettison the bad, to overcome
Mahathir had been warned about KJ, who elite and the lowly, the rich and the poor, are all
papers. However, when it was bought over by Berjaya (a local prejudices instead of pandering to them.
apparently then had quite a reputation as a young slaves to their culture, bound to repeat
corporation owned by Chinese tycoon Vincent Tan), The Maybe some will be arrogant enough to bend
liberal �irebrand. Sure enough, at the talk KJ peppered
Sun became much more subdued and biased towards the world around them, instead of bending
Mahathir with annoying questions about democracy
the ruling party – a party that, incidentally, persecutes themselves to it. Maybe some will be bold
and human rights in Malaysia, and generally made
Malaysia’s Chinese ethnic minority. Many of these Asian enough to step out of their elders’ shadows, to
himself a nuisance to the old despot.
tycoons �inance their repressive regimes believing that slay overbearing authority, to throw caution to
those local strongmen will keep them secure. In 1998, the the winds and laugh as it blows past. Perhaps
After university however, KJ returned to Malaysia and
Chinese Indonesians found out just how mistaken this then our country will �inally get the elite it
stepped up his efforts to become Prime Minister. He
belief was. needs, and the elite it deserves.
began to advocate the special privileges of the Malays at
the expense of other ethnic groups. He became an
Indonesians found out just how mistaken this belief was.
apologist for the corruption and abuses of the authori-
We see this phenomenon with successive generations of Shaun Tan is a Malaysian student.
tarian ruling party. He became a prominent politician
Malaysian elites. We see that culture ends up being Contact him at shaunzhiming.tan@yale.edu.
and the chairman of the ruling party’s youth wing. When
stronger than class and education. When they return, many
Western leaders criticized repression in Malaysia, he led
of these elites revert to local values. Rebellion and dissent
angry demonstrators to their embassies and told them to
may be cool when they’re young, but as they start to think
“mind their own business.” Instead of bringing positive
about their futures too many of these elites end up taking
change, he hitched himself to the lowest common
the path of least resistance and habituating themselves to
denominators of racism and brutality to garner support.
inequitable status quos. For all their education and urbane-
Eventually however, he lost an internal power struggle
ness, culture wins out, and they end up deferring to their
and was relegated to the political wilderness, where he
elders who tell them not to rock the boat.
remains to this day.
As Richard Robison and David S. G. Goodman observe, “The
While KJ’s story illustrates the cultural problems
new rich in Asia appear just as likely to embrace authori-
regarding ethnic Malay elites, the ethnic Chinese
tarian rule, xenophobic nationalism, [and] religious
elites in Asia do little better.There’s a Chinese saying
fundamentalism… as to support democracy, international-
that “nothing is a problem if money can solve it.”
ism, secularism and free markets.” Evidently despite their
Unfortunately, many Chinese elites take this to an
special upbringing, most of Malaysia’s elite end up revert-
extreme. Their �irst instinct when faced with a problem
ing to bad local habits, and making the same mistakes their
is to throw money at it until it goes away. Some Chinese
elders did. Ultimately, they seem little better than the petty
elites have very cozy relationships with corrupt local
of�icials they suck up to, or the ignorant mobs whose favor
of�icials, and even those without close ties are usually
they court. Indeed, if an uneducated and bigoted local [ left ]
not above the occasional bribe to ease things along.
ignoramus was transposed into some of their positions, is Indonesian pribumi rioters
it a stretch to imagine that he would behave in the exact burn a portrait of Liem Sioe Liong and
his wife pillaged from his house during
same way?
HOPE
BY STANLEY LIEW

A PHOTO ESSAY

[ Above ]
“Hope is patience with
the lamp lit.” - Tertullian

Strange, isn’t it, how hope is both so frail and so powerful?

It can be so easily crushed with our own hands and
cynicism. But at the same time, it can also drive us to
achieve our goals and dreams, however impossible they
may seem. In the following photographs, I tried to illustrate
different interpretations of hope – of its importance, of the
other qualities it brings out, of its strength and weakness.

On my �irst year abroad, I found myself homesick, as all

students feel at some point. I grew to realize how much
Malaysia really meant to me as my homeland. In spite of its
shortcomings, I continue to have hope for the country I call
home, in the same way I believe all my fellow Malaysians
do.

[ Left ]
Hope against all odds.
 [ Below ]
“I �ind hope in the darkest of
days, and focus in the brightest.”
– Dalai Lama

“Man can live about forty days without food, about three
days without water, about eight minutes without air, but
only for one second without hope.” – Hal Lindsey
Partisanship. As with a lot of other words in the You could tell that this was what the whole session was building up to. Edmund
English dictionary, we tend to throw the word and Hasbee showed us that the real problem faced by us Malaysians was not
around, use it liberally, without knowing what it that we were ruled by the wrong party – it was the existing system that failed
truly means. Plenty of us also attach our own us. Through simple diagrams and explanations, we discovered that our current
meaning to it, de�ining the word according to electoral system, where we are allowed one vote every �ive years, did not truly
whatever has in�luenced our own political represent the will of the people.
I HAVE SEEN
beliefs.
MORE THAN The system merely perpetuates the electing of the minority elite into power –
I myself had my own perceptions of what the ENOUGH PEOPLE which then gives them an enormous, often unchecked, amount of power over
the not-as-fortunate majority. Most importantly, they made us realise that no
word meant. I remember my �irst exposure to WHO CLAIM TO BE
the concept; it was during Barack Obama’s 2008 matter who controls the federal government – BN or Pakatan Rakyat – the
presidential campaign, where he strongly NON-PARTISAN, YET system will remain the same. It is those who rule that stand to gain – and those
advocated against ‘petty partisanship’ that HOLD OPINIONS SO under their power who lose.
poisoned Washington politics. STRONGLY SIMILAR
With the dawning of this disturbing reality, Edmund pointed out something else.
TO CERTAIN POLI- Not once, since the beginning of the session, did any of us mention political
In all honesty, I don’t believe that there is such a thing as true non-partisanship. I TICAL PARTIES THAT parties whilst analysing the nation’s problems. It was always about the people -
have seen more than enough people who claim to be non-partisan, yet hold opinions IT IS DIFFICULT TO whatever credit was due, whatever �law that was pointed out, it was never “this
so strongly similar to certain political parties that it is dif�icult to envision them being is BN’s fault”, or “as if Pakatan can do better.” It was as if the session broadened
neutral about anything. ENVISION THEM our horizons and made us look beyond all that. It is us who holds the reins to
BEING NEUTRAL our destinies. Yes, we need politicians to govern the country, but it is far more
It wasn’t until UndiMsia came to Manchester in April that I changed my mind. Having ABOUT ANYTHING. important for the people to realise how much power they possess.
heard of the movement before, I assumed all they did was advocate the importance of
voting to youths. Little did I know that it was in that session I saw what being non- It was wonderful to participate in a nation-building activity that stripped away
partisan really was about. the often super�icial elements of parties, personalities and promises. Nation
building stripped bare emphasises the inherent awareness of the people regard-
Facilitated by Edmund Bon and Hasbee Abu Bakar, the session was conducted as a ing the state they are in – and the willingness to do something to change it.
workshop, with full participation from the students. UndiMsia appealed to me imme- Some might label UndiMsia as being “radical’ or “liberal”, but I suppose it’s
diately when Hasbee declared that this was a ‘safe space’ where we were allowed to easier to point �ingers and hide behind what politicians say, instead of having
express our opinions openly without fear of retribution from anyone. This proved your own ideals for the nation.
useful as we were then asked to take sides on various issues ranging from homo-
sexual rights to public demonstrations. Some were for, some were against, and some For now, my scepticism on non-partisanship has been put to rest a little. I still
chose to remain neutral. No exchange of insults took place. In fact, I have never seen believe that in our hearts of hearts, we cannot help but be swayed by the politi-
people be so open about their views regarding such controversial and delicate cal noise that constantly (and often forcefully) feeds our surroundings day by
matters. I liked where this was going. day. But let that not cloud our judgement and silence our conscience – remem-
ber that our problems have roots deeper than “which politician can come up
It was the last module of the session that was the real eye-opener. Edmund warned with the more self-righteous statement.” After all, if all else fails, we only have
that this might be a depressing one, and I half-expected to hear that they were going ourselves, our own strengths, to rely upon.
to point out how the UMNO/BN government was ruining the country, and that if we
knew any better, it was obvious who to vote for in the upcoming elections. I suppose now would be the appropriate moment to insert one of those over-
used quotes by John F. Kennedy, Mahatma Gandhi or Abraham Lincoln. But do
Instead, Hasbee brought us all home with his simple, yet effective drawing that not be quick to sneer at those men’s words, for they are true. We have too much
showed the current state of affairs in our nation. He �irst listed out the institutions of power in our hands – to bicker about which is the better political party would
government, the mechanisms of our electoral system, and the reality started to sink be a dreadful waste. There’s too much at stake, so let’s empower ourselves and
in. I sat there, lost in my thoughts, as the room went strangely silent. ditch the party, people!

LET’S DITCH
THE PARTY,
BY AIRA NUR ARIANA AZHARI
PEOPLE!
Aira is thankful she completed her �irst year of Law School, and is spending the summer interning at a women's rights NGO. She secretly longs to live during Regency England, where gentlemen existed and instead of texting, people wrote letters to each other. The photographs for this article were provided by Low Wen Zhen.

AND THE MALAYSIAN SOCIETY
BY KAMILIA KHAIRUL ANUAR
An integral part of a country that seeks
to call itself developed is that its
society is intellectually and morally
mature. Indeed, this is among the
challenges of Vision 2020. With 8 years
left before that targeted golden year,
many Malaysians are still in a lot of
doubt over whether or not we are �it to
be called a mature society.
What exactly constitutes a mature
society? The world is economically,
biologically, historically, and culturally
diverse, and so is our own country,
really. I’m not going to waste time
praising what a great melting-pot of
cultures we have here, because we
already know it, and some of us still
can’t appreciate it.
The word “immature” tends to conno-
tate child-like behaviour, crying and
making noise and protestations at
every little disagreement. Conversely,
the word “mature” is to learn to dispel,
or even not have these urges. To be
frank, many of us are simply incapable
of doing this. Not while we still have
History teachers that delete their
students who support Bersih from
their friend lists. Not while we still
have army veterans doing butt exer-
cises in front of people’s homes to
protest. Not while we still think the
supposed opinion of the majority
should be accorded the special status
of being unchallengeable.
HOW WE CONDITION IGNORANCE
A signi�icant issue that Malaysians the
tendency to over-simplify and con�ine
their views to only one perspective,
and we have been instilled with the
unfortunate attitude of “don’t ask,
don’t question.” This is something
that we tend to teach our children
even in schools, where the Malaysian
style of education is mostly exam-
based and hence tends to be centered
around following instructions and
swallowing textbooks rather than
being an individualistic exploration of
the subjects.
Though the latter statement depends
on the teacher’s own style of educat-
ing their students, few teachers in our
primary and secondary schools are
like the science teacher I had in form
3 who had us cut up cow hearts in
class, and not all subjects are like
English literature, where discussion is
inherently encouraged because you
need to develop your own interpreta-
tions and back them up with textual
evidence. The average teacher is more
likely to walk their students through
the syllabus, not bothering to spend
time on anything beyond that; instead
focusing on marching their students
through past-year and practice
papers to prepare them for the big
�inal exam.
It’s not like our mainstream media,
politicians and even History text-
books help either. All have a stubborn
habit of purporting that what they say
or report is the only acceptable truth,
neglecting the possibility of alterna-
tive views or leaving room open for
dissent. In�luential public �igures
point �ingers at each other and cry
foul and “unpatriotic” at anything and
any one whose opinion happens to
differ from what they deem to be
appropriate.
Those who are reading this article are
likely to scoff at those who are
swayed by Big Brother’s befuddling
words and shameless money pack-
ages. But as someone in a discussion
held on the ReCom forums pointed
out, we who are able to sit in front of
our laptops pondering long and hard
over political matters do not make up
the majority of Malaysia, and sadly
the loyalty of many really can be
bought with cash vouchers and prom-
ised development projects, because
they are struggling to make ends
meet on a daily basis.
WE HAVE
INTERNALIZED
IGNORANCE, WE
HAVE BECOME FERAL
CREATURES THAT ATTACK
EVERY TIME WE FEEL OUR
TERRITORY IS BEING
THREATENED.
With all of this in mind, we arrive at
the condition of the majority of
Malaysian society now – we have
internalized ignorance, we have
become feral creatures that attack
every time we feel our territory is
being threatened. We refuse to even
consider others’ views, sweeping
them away like dust under a rug.
For our society’s intellectual growth,
this is a highly dangerous situation.
Knowledge and maturity cannot grow
lest we insist on being “katak di
bawah tempurung”.
HOW WE MIGHT REVERSE THE EFFECTS
Where we can really start is with our current education system, especially since the average child spends many of their
hours in school. "Melentur buluh biarlah dari rebungnya" - the best chance we have of ensuring a society that matures
and develops healthily is to start educating it properly early on.
ONE
The rigid arts/science stream divide.
The lack of a middle ground means
students tend to be shoehorned into
either one, and usually it will be
science stream because the Malay-
sian society stigmatizes the arts
stream in schools. It is infamously
crowned the dumping ground of all
those who obtained unsatisfactory
PMR results. We should strive for a
more �lexible system to allow
students the best options and widest
exposure to subjects.
This would simultaneously help
dissolve the stigma associated with
being in arts stream, which doesn't
improve society's appreciation for
diversity of knowledge and talents.
Too often do we have Malaysian
parents denying their children the
chance to pursue "frivolous" ambi-
tions like singing, writing or draw-
ing, instead insisting on careers in
�ields like medicine, law and engi-
neering. The irony in this is that you
are no longer even guaranteed a
well-paid job if you did study these
things for your degree - the job
market for careers like these have
become so saturated that graduates
now have to �ight tooth and nail for a
place.
TWO
The moral/Islamic studies divide –
the time when the birth status of
students separates them into differ-
ent classrooms. An ideal replace-
ment would be a general Religious
Studies subject, in which students
would learn about each of the major
religions in Malaysia. Instead of the
religious paranoia that permeates
our society today, we might begin to
foster a respectful understanding of
our cultures and beliefs. Opening the
�loor to discussion would allow us to
be honest and frank with each other
and simultaneously teach us to be
polite and accepting of one another’s
opinions.
My college has an Interfaith Dialogue
annually, and my experience of it this
year was, to say the least, interest-
ing. We understood the differences
in our beliefs, but at the same time
there was a camaraderie of sorts that
formed from the common ground of
believing in a higher power, regard-
less of what form it took. Also I'm
quite certain the Muslims that
attended the Dialogue still remained
Muslims afterwards. (Just saying!)
THREE
The learning approach. Being
inquisitive is an ideal trait for a
student. They should be taught not
to take everything at face value and
to always ask questions. One thing
will lead to another. They will form
opinions, look beyond the printed
word on textbook pages and maybe
even stumble on new pieces of
enlightenment. Knowledge isn't
always about what is readily avail-
able. Discoveries and breakthroughs
happen because people dare to tread
uncharted waters and be curious.
However, there is also a need for
skepticism and critical thinking.
Being inquisitive may not necessar-
ily be a strength if gullibility accom-
panies it. Individuals should be
endowed with the capacity to be
wise in their observations, especially
since anyone can post information
and purport it to be the truth these
days.
Beyond the walls of school, the most
important thing we need tackle is the
state of our local media and censor-
ship. The media should facilitate and
not smear discourse. Like the Inter-
net, the media also needs to be a
breeding ground for debates and
intellectual discussions, where those
who tune in can be exposed to a
variety of opinions rather than just
one or two that are considered
(within the context of Malaysian
politics) to be politically correct. We
should be able to air our views freely
and without fear, because every
member of society has a voice.
So when it comes to having a mature
society, oftentimes it is necessary to
be able to celebrate diversity, rather
than stamp it out. Sometimes the
only reason why people think
so-and-so can only be this way is
simply because they have never been
told that other ways can and do exist.
The Malaysian mind is in many ways
still caged, and our nation, both in
age and maturity, is still infantile to
an extent. Certain portions of society
may still, like an overprotective
parent, believe that we are not yet
ready to go out into the world and
explore it on our own. But eventually,
also like overprotective parents with
their children, we must set our
society free in order to let it grow.
Kamilia Khairul Anuar is an
A-level student at Methodist College Kuala
Lumpur. She has also written articles for
Loyar Burok and ReMag. When asked why
she writes, her answer remains the same:
because she believes people can change.

During the 9th Projek Amanat Negara
(PAN) in London organized by UKEC,
attendees may recall the Q&A session
where an audacious query into the
moral character of the few female
Malaysian leaders in the Cabinet had
been raised: Both of the two Malay-
sian female leaders (then) appointed
to the Cabinet were connected with
corruption. By extension, the partici-
pant inferred that all Malaysian
women, or women in general, were
not worthy of the public trust
required for national leadership.
Disregarding the logical fallacy that
underlies this enquiry, it does bring to
“ MANY OF US ARE UNAWARE
OF HOW DEEPLY THE ROOTS
OF PATRIARCHY FROM CENTURIES
OF CULTURE AND RELIGION HAVE
SHAPED OUR BELIEFS TODAY. ”
BY LEVINA LIM
THE MALAYSIAN
FEMALE DILEMMA
light the gross lack of female repre-
sentation in leadership positions in
Malaysian politics. As of today, there
is only one female cabinet minister
left in the Of�ice of the Prime Minis-
ter. The minister of Women, Family
and Community Development, is
ironically, being temporarily held by
the Prime Minister himself.
In the corporate sector, women in
leadership positions such as the
present governor of Bank Negara
Malaysia, Tan Sri Dr. Zeti Akhtar
Aziz, Malaysian Indians are equally
as rich. is an oft-used example to
support the argument that women in
Malaysia do have suf�icient opportu-
nities to shine. Certainly, she is a
highly capable woman. But one
cannot point to one Ananda Krishnan
and declare that ALL Malaysian
Indians are equally as rich.
The lack of diverse representation in
politics (whether in terms of gender,
race or economic background) is a
vital issue because if we do not stand
up for our own rights, who will? Even
the most optimistic and idealistic of
us must recognize that those in
power and position of advantage are
unlikely to readily concede it. Malay-
sian Indians are equally as rich.
THE STRUGGLE FOR EQUALITY
The female gender has histori-
cally been discriminated
against, and viewed to be
inferior to men, in both physical
and intellectual development.
A little over a century ago, the
following comment was once
accepted as authoritative: “We
must not forget that women
are, on the average, a little less
intelligent than men, a differ-
ence which we should not
exaggerate but which is,
nonetheless, real.
We are therefore permitted to
suppose that the relatively small
size of the female brain depends
in part on her physical inferior-
ity and in part upon her intellec-
tual inferiority.”
Psychologist Gustav LeBon,
declared that females “represent
the most inferior forms of human
evolution and that they are
closer to children and savages
than to an adult, civilized man”.
We laugh at such examples, but
if words like these were to be
spoken to us, seriously and with
conviction, what would our
response be?
Women’s �ight for equality in
the West has since taken leaps
forward and continues to do so,
as knowledge and awareness of
women rights spread. Many
Malaysian female youths do not
yet recognize that their apathy
and refusal in playing a part in
the affairs of their country and
society negates the efforts of
their female predecessors, who
have courageously and persis-
tently resisted against oppres-
sion in a patriarchal society –
where women and children’s
submission and supposedly
inherent inferiority to adult
men were an accepted norm,
and where authority over
women was considered the
natural privilege of men.
WOMEN’S RIGHTS IN MALAYSIA
Despite the milestones achieved
in the women rights scene in the
West, still we live in an insidi-
ously patriarchal environment.
Many of us are unaware of how
deeply the roots of patriarchy
from centuries of culture and
religion have shaped our beliefs
today. It affects men and women
alike: in the gender roles that we
play, in forced conceptions of
masculinity and femininity and
the ridicule that one would
receive at crossing these bound-
aries. Men must not cry or show
emotions other than anger - to
do so is weak and unbecoming.
Women must not be too asser-
tive or capable - men need to be
Natalie Shobana Ambrose, summed
up the present situation for women
in Malaysia, in these words: “Women
in Malaysia: Somewhat empowered”,
highlighting the role of crime,
violence and rape in disempowering
women through fear and danger to
their lives.
"The fate of women in this country
is far better as they no longer have
to �ight for gender equality (like in
certain countries),” said PM Najib
Razak. This statement is true to an
extent, but Malaysia still has far to
go in order to achieve equality. In
order to make a point with regards
to discrimination often manifests
itself in public statements, the Joint
Action Group for Gender Equality
(JAG), comprising of eight Malaysian
women’s rights groups, organized
Malaysia’s �irst ever “Aiyoh… Wat
Lah?!” Awards 2012.
They conferred awards to the
most outstanding sexist, misogynic,
homophobic and transphobic
comments made by Malaysian
leaders and representative
organisations. There were seven
award categories in all, including
Insulting Intelligence, Cannot
Ignore, and Ad Nauseum, with MP
Ibrahim Ali, Penang Gerakan Chief
Datuk Dr Teng Hock Nam, and the
Obedient Wives Club bagging an
award each, for their harmful and
ignorant statements.
Though we have made inroads in
the �ight of equality, we must
remain mindful of how entrenched
the global society is in the institu-
tion of patriarchy, and of how great
a role women stand to play in any
and every situation.
We are the hands that rock the
cradle. We are the hands that rock
the world.
Levina is an idealistic realist,
hunter and lover of justice.

BY NATASHA SU SIVARAJAH
So now that what was once the epitome of every
progressive view we had ever espoused – America
and the American dream – has faltered, blaming its
outcome of extreme economic inequality on a
systemic failure, what does that leave us with? Bear
in mind that these were the same economic woes
experienced by the violent protestors of the Arab
Spring, driven by unemployment and high food
prices. While the former was the product of free
market economics; capitalism and meritocracy, the
latter resulted from the ideological shackles of
autocratic regimes.ckles of autocratic regimes.
What then do we make of ideas like meritocracy that
in principle seem so dif�icult to dispute? Perhaps the
blame really lies with the systems that enforce these
noble ideologies. Perhaps the systems themselves
were abused. The list could go on – but here is an
intriguing example of how opposing forces in the
system can clash: where we are taught that the key
to success in the free market is securing and sustain-
ing competitive positions and competitive advan-
tages (i.e. recipes for a monopoly), the monopoly
itself is seen as a ‘market failure’ which free market
economists rush to get rid of to optimise the work-
ings of the economy. It is really anomalies of ironies
like these that make one wonder if there is, at all, a
way to get the system right.
***
¹ The theory of marginal productivity states that ‘a business �irm would be willing to pay a productive agent only
what he adds to the �irm’s well-being or utility; that it is clearly unpro�itable to buy, for example, a man-hour of labour
if it adds less to its buyer’s income than what it costs.’ – Encyclopaedia Britannica, Marginal Productivity Theory
Whatever the outcome, it must be
emphasised that the seemingly righteous
intent of meritocracy, of equal opportunities to
the extent that a person’s life’s prospects should
not be decided by factors outside their control, Abraham Maslow’s hierarchy of needs
seems to be met with the harsher reality of it
being just another way to ‘caste’-gorise society; Thus we can see that the sense of ambition and
yet another way of assigning rewards to the yearning for self-advancement and actualisation
‘lottery of life’. is the obvious upshot of being raised by wealthier
It is often easy to paint a rosy picture of the outcome parents. It follows directly from Abraham Maslow’s
Some of us are often too quick to suggest hierarchy of needs, with physiological needs
of meritocracy: complete and total social mobility,
meritocracy as a catchall remedy to what some (breathing, food, water, some may say the internet)
everyone does what they do best, productivity is
may perceive as Malaysia’s ‘stuck-in-the-middle’ and safety needs (employment, health) at the base
maximised, the nation’s wealth is maximised, and
position in South East Asia. But do we really of the pyramid, and self-actualisation, also de�ined
everyone gets a nice fat slice of it, some fatter than
possess the prerequisites for a strong and as ‘the motive to realise one’s full potential’, at the
others for their so-called ‘contribution to the pro-
sustainable meritocracy? And will meritocracy top (each level is only attainable when the level
duction wheel’ according to the theory of marginal
really be a game changer for us? below has already been achieve d); it is evident
productivity. ¹ It is surely a happy place to be if
you are at the top – and of course if there are people that those from more privileged backgrounds are
The mechanisms that enable social mobility more likely to concern themselves with the upper
yearning for a ‘better’ meritocracy, they probably
(not social mobility itself, but the mechanisms levels of the self ful�ilment pyramid, with others
believe they deserve to be at a better position than
that enable it – assuming that social mobility itself still �loundering at the bottom. Certainly a mecha-
where they are now. But the truth is that for every
will be a product of meritocracy) are as important nism of social mobility would involve mitigating
person less optimistic than they are, the prospects
to a meritocracy as an educated electorate is to the effects of inconsistent levels of ambition and
of it is pretty much synonymous to the anachronistic
a democracy. Prime Minister Najib Razak recently self perpetuation. Other mechanisms include the
social battles once fought to escape feudalistic and
announced that we have in fact achieved social equalisation of the disparate quality of education
aristocratic caste systems.
mobility through subsidised education provided to which children from households of varying
by the government. Under the iTR1M programme, income have access.
Meritocracy implies that our place in society is almost
free tuition is provided to UPSR, PMR and SPM
predetermined at birth, with the intelligent on top
students from poor families in Selangor. While I A meritocracy without the abovementioned
and the not-so-intelligent at the bottom. While it is
am con�ident that the bright minds behind the prerequisites, and more, is bound to yield
nice that some have the opportunity to rise to the top
National Transformation Programme are doing undesired results. However, the dynamic
– and stay there – in a meritocracy, for others it means
their very best towards this cause, there are relationship between even an established and
the opposite. We can only speculate about what
certain non-economic and less tangible factors veritable meritocracy and its members must be
happens to those at the bottom in a meritocracy. In
that are even more dif�icult to tackle. taken into account, in our considerations of just
his 1958 book ‘The Rise of Meritocracy’, Michael
Young, the British sociologist who coined the term what it may precipitate. We can see, from how the
In her book ‘Unequal Childhoods: Class, Race, de�inition of a democracy has morphed through
‘meritocracy’, predicts far-fetched outcomes from a
and Family Life’, University of Pennsylvania time from ‘1 person 1 vote’ to ‘1 Ringgit 1 vote’,
forecasted vantage point of 2034. He writes of baby
professor of sociology Annette Lareau discusses that rent-seeking – the act of manipulating the
traf�icking – in a time when the IQ of a person can be
the contrasting effects of different methods of environment in which economic activities occur
determined from when a child is in his mother’s womb
child upbringing which are a direct result of for personal gain, without creating economic
– where children with high IQs are sold at exorbitant
households of diverse income strata. wealth – will eventually �ind its way into the
prices in the black market.
While middle-class families rear their children meritocracy as well.
through concerted cultivation in which they learn
to reason with their parents and adults, conse-
quently developing a sense of entitlement,
children of poor or working-class families hardly
achieve this via their natural growth.
 Every system is susceptible to a plutocracy,
and it is not entirely impalpable that they build
glass ceilings to cripple the mechanisms of social
mobility we had constructed in the �irst place
(remember, we have assumed here that our prereq-
uisites were satis�ied). Here, we have the intelligent
rich staying rich, and the intelligent poor staying
poor. It is worth mentioning that even the UK,
so-called ‘progressive socialistic’ in their policies,
has been shamefully ensnared by this predicament:
recent �igures have shown that Britain has some of
the lowest social mobility in the developed world,
where one’s earnings in the UK are more likely to
re�lect their father’s than any other country. Moreo-
ver, 24% of British vice-chancellors, 32% of MPs,
51% of top medics, 54% of FTSE-100 chief execs,
54% of top journalists, and 70% of High Court
judges went to private school, though only 7% of
the British population do. ²
But will the system itself be a game changer for
Malaysia? A meritocracy optimises productivity
insofar as each job is allocated to the one who
performs it the best, based on available resources.
However, it leaves many questions unanswered as
to the very challenge of determining Malaysia’s
niche in the world and the strategic decisions that
will be crucial in getting us ahead especially in times
of crisis. Some may argue that if we had meritocracy
in the �irst place, we would certainly have more than
competent leaders in place today to helm the coun-
try in its transformation and advancement into a
nation of high income status.
But we must consider whether or not the
incentive system that accompanies meritocracy
really works to bene�it the nation. Take the classic
example of monetary incentives inherent in
the Singaporean meritocracy. Coupled with the
complementary function of a democracy in
ensuring accountability, it seems as though we
have excellent means to ensure the ‘best person
for the job’, gets the job as political leader.
***
² Economic Policy Reforms: Going for Growth – OECD 2010 ³ A term coined by renowned
philosopher Noam Chomsky in his book ‘Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media’
⁴ Congressional Budget Of�ice: Trends in the Distribution of Household Income between 1979 and 2007
But here is the irony associated with this: while
the political leader secured his position through
his monetarily incentivised actions in promoting
his own interests, he is entrusted with a job to
promote our best interests. Indeed, we often hear
of politicians using their own intellect, not to ad-
vocate the needs of the people they represent, but
to manipulate the democratic system that is viewed
as an impediment to their personal needs; concepts
like ‘manufacturing consent’ , ³ political focus on the
swinging vote, and the restriction of the opposition
***
are so common that we are taught to accept them
as the natural workings of a democracy.
Moreover, productivity growth depends almost SOME OF US ARE OFTEN TOO
entirely on the rate of continuous innovation and
invention, which brings us back to the American
QUICK TO SUGGEST MERITOCRACY
quandary of stagnant and declining productivity in
the midst of increasing inequality during the period
AS A CATCHALL REMEDY TO WHAT
of the Great Divergence (post 1970); in other words,
in this period, meritocracy’s less desired side-effects
SOME MAY PERCEIVE AS MALAYSIA’S
of inequality were not countered, let alone overcome, ‘STUCK-IN-THE-MIDDLE’ POSITION
IN SOUTH EAST ASIA. BUT DO WE
by its expected direct consequence of increased
productivity: while the top earning 1% of households
REALLY POSSESS THE PREREQUISITES
gained about 275%, the lower earning 80% saw their
share of total income in America reduced to less than
half. ⁴ As Joseph Stiglitz, the 2001 Economics Nobel
Prize winner says: there has never been any evidence FOR A STRONG AND SUSTAINABLE
of ‘trickle down’ economics. Trickle up, maybe?
MERITOCRACY? AND WILL
I hope that I have not left you with the impression
that I am against meritocracy. I wrote this article
MERITOCRACY REALLY BE A
with the intention of sharing my reservations on GAME CHANGER FOR US?
this, fuelled by the mind-boggling ironies of all that
has been uncovered in recent events, which have
forced the re-evaluation of our stance on meritocracy
***
as well as a much closer look at it. We must under-
stand the implications of meritocracy before we
impose it on ourselves. Let us focus on targeted
remedies rather than sweeping policies dictated
by misleading ideologies.
***
Natasha graduated from the London School of Economics in
July 2011 and is currently an Actuarial Analyst working in London.