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Adam Izdebski is Assistant Professor of Byzantine and Environmental History at the Institute
of History, Jagiellonian University. He is the author of A Rural Economy in Transition: Asia
Minor from Late Antiquity into Early Middle Ages ( Warsaw, 2013); co-author, with Karen
Holmgren et al., of “Realising Consilience: How Better Communication between Archae-
ologists, Historians and Natural Scientists Can Transform the Study of Past Climate Change in
the Mediterranean,” Quaternary Science Reviews, CXXXVI (2016), 5–22.
Marcin Jaworski is an alumnus, Department of Bioarchaeology, Institute of Archaeology,
University of Warsaw, and a freelance archaeologist. He is co-author, with Piotr Wroniecki,
of “Magnetic Survey of the Abandoned Medieval Town of Nieszawa,” Archaeologia Polona,
LIII (2015), 85–94; with Agnieszka Tomas, of “Non-Destructive Archeological Investigations
in the River Sárviz Valley (Hungary), 2012,” Światowit, X (2012), 171–175.
Handan Üstündağ is a faculty member, Department of Archaeology, Anadolu University.
She is the author of “Human Remains from Kültepe-Kanesh: Preliminary Results of the Old
Assyrian Burials from the 2005–2008 Excavations,” in Levent Atici et al. (eds.), Current
Research at Kultepe-Kanesh (Atlanta, 2014), 157–167; co-author, with Marcin Jaworski and
Arkadiusz Sołtysiak, of “Continuity and Change in Cereal Grinding Technology at Kültepe,
Turkey,” Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences, IX (2017), 447–454.
Arkadiusz Sołtysiak is Professor of Bioarchaeology, Institute of Archaeology, University of
Warsaw. He is the author of “Cereal Grinding Technology in Ancient Mesopotamia: Evidence
from Dental Microwear,” Journal of Archaeological Science, XXXVIII (2011), 2805–2810; “Ante-
mortem Cranial Trauma in Ancient Mesopotamia,” International Journal of Osteoarchaeology,
XXVII (2017), 119–128.
This article presents research that Adam Izdebski undertook from 2012 to 2015 during his
postdoctoral fellowship at Jagiellonian University, Krakow—funded by the National Science
Centre, Poland (DEC-2012/04/S/ HS3/00226)—combined with dental microwear data
compiled by Marcin Jaworski. The authors thank Abdullah Deveci (Anadolu University),
the director of the excavations in Akarçay Höyük; Zeynep Mercangöz (Ege University),
the director of the excavations in Kadıkalesi; Akın Ersoy (Dokuz Eylül University), the direc-
tor of the excavations in Smyrna Agora; and Oluş Arık (University of Ankara), the former
director of excavations in Alanya Kalesi, for their support of studies examining human remains
from the sites.
© 2017 by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and The Journal of Interdisciplinary
History, Inc., doi:10.1162/JINH_a_01161
336 | I Z D E BSK I, JA W O R S KI , Ü S T ÜN D AĞ , AN D SO ŁT Y S I A K
2 For the role of bread in medieval societies in general, see Hoffmann, Environmental History,
115–116; Remi Esclassan et al., “A Panorama of Tooth Wear During the Medieval Period,”
Anthropologischer Anzeiger, LXXII (2015), 185–199; Clark Spencer Larsen, Bioarchaeology: Inter-
preting Behavior from the Human Skeleton (New York, 2015).
338 | I Z D E BSK I, JA W O R S KI , Ü S T ÜN D AĞ , AN D SO ŁT Y S I A K
3 Peter S. Ungar, Jessica R. Scott, and Christine M. Steininger, “Dental Microwear Differ-
ences between Eastern and Southern African Fossil Bovids and Hominins,” South African Journal
of Science, CXII (2016), 134–138; Laura Mónica Martínez et al., “Testing Dietary Hypotheses of
East African Hominines Using Buccal Dental Microwear Data,” PLoS ONE, 11(11) (2016),
e0165447; Patrick Mahoney, “Dental Microwear from Natufian Hunter-Gatherers and Early
Neolithic Farmers: Comparisons within and between Samples,” American Journal of Physical
Anthropology, CXXX (2006), 308–319; Sołtysiak, “Cereal Grinding Technology in Ancient
Mesopotamia: Evidence from Dental Microwear,” Journal of Archaeological Science, XXXVIII
(2011), 2805–2810; Rachel M. Scott and Siân E. Halcrow, “Investigating Weaning Using Dental
Microwear Analysis: A Review,” ibid.: Reports, XI (2017), 1–11; Jing Xia et al., “New Model to
Explain Tooth Wear with Implications for Microwear Formation and Diet Reconstruction,”
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, CXII (2015), 10669–10672; Kristin L. Krueger
et al., “Dental Microwear Textures of ‘Phase I’ and ‘Phase II’ Facets,” American Journal of Physical
Anthropology, CXXXVII (2008), 485–490; Jonathan M. Hoffman, Danielle Fraser, and Mark T.
Clementz, “Controlled Feeding Trials with Ungulates: A New Application of in Vivo Dental
Molding to Assess the Abrasive Factors of Microwear,” Journal of Experimental Biology, CCXVIII
(2015), 1538–1547.
BREAD AND CL ASS | 339
in the inland city of Konya, introduced a new Islamic culture to
the region. Despite the conquest of Constantinople by Western
Europeans in 1204, the ultimate disintegration of the Byzantine
Empire, and the major defeat of the Seljuk sultanate by the
Mongols in 1243, the cultural divisions of twelfth-century Anatolia
survived until the early fourteenth century.4
Our investigation of medieval Anatolian and Middle Eastern
foodways unfolds in three stages; (1) a discussion of the stereo-
typical Byzantine and Islamic links between food and social hier-
archy in textual sources; (2) an enamel-microwear analysis of four
populations from different parts of modern Turkey, including
materials, methods, and results; (3) an explanation of the differing
“views” of the two types of evidence about the correlation be-
tween social status and bread quality.
4 Jean Claude Cheynet, “Byzance entre le Turcs et les Croisés,” in idem (ed.), Le monde
byzantin (Paris, 2004), II, 43–65; Jonathan Shepard (ed.), The Cambridge History of the Byzantine
Empire c. 500–1492 (New York, 2008). For the significance of Anatolia in the context of
medieval environmental history, see Haldon et al., “Climate and Environment.”
5 Braudel, Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World, I, 571; Hoffmann, Environmental
History, 115.
340 | I Z D E BSK I, JA W O R S KI , Ü S T ÜN D AĞ , AN D SO ŁT Y S I A K
6 Phaidōn Koukoules, “Onomata kai eide arton kata tous Buzantinous chronous,” Epeteris
Hetaireias Byzantinon Spoudon, V (1928), 36–52; John L. Teall, “The Grain Supply of the
Byzantine Empire, 330–1025,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, XIII (1959), 87–139; Ruth Macrides (ed.),
George Akropolites: The History: Introduction, Translation and Commentary (Oxford, 2007); Gregoras
(trans. Jan Louis van Dieten and F. H. Tinnefeld), Rhomäische Geschichte (Stuttgart, 1973), V.
7 Acropolita (ed. P. Wirth and A. Heisenberg), Opera (Leipzig, 1978), I, 123, 7–9. For the
English translation, see Macrides, George Akropolites, 297.
BREAD AND CL ASS | 341
including officers on campaigns, ground their own grain and
baked their own bread, which typically suffered from the same
defects as peasant bread. Gregoras’ disregard for the actual condi-
tions of soldiers’ life shows the strength of the connection between
bread and social status in the literature composed by and for the
Byzantine elite.8
The Christian and Islamic worlds in medieval Anatolia shared
the same truisms about bread and social status. Several Seljuk and
later Islamic Anatolian sources emphasize that pure bread was a
valued commodity, serving as a metaphor for products of fine
quality, much as it had in the Byzantine literature. Nor were these
the only Islamic societies of the medieval Middle East to hold such
notions. For instance, manuals intended for Cairo’s market in-
spectors advised officials to be on the alert for ground peas, broad
beans, and chickpeas that added weight to bread, and they iden-
tified the impurities—insects, straw, hair, or bodily fluids—that
often tainted bread during the dough-kneading process. Even
though Egypt, unlike almost any other region of the Mediterranean,
had easy access to wheat flour, the kind and caliber of the bread
consumed there depended on the presence or absence of non-
wheat or even non-cereal admixtures and impurities. In this respect,
Mamluk Egypt resembled Abbasid Iraq. The most comprehensive
Abbasid cooking manual, written by Ibn Sayyār al-Warrāq, shows
a strong concern for the quality of bread and flour. Interestingly,
although al-Warrāq recommended bread baked at home (rather
than in the market), he preferred flour purchased from millers to
flour that was ground in rotary querns at home, which could add
impurities to the final product.9
Medieval textual sources from the Middle East—Byzantine,
Abbasid, Seljuk, and Mamluk—leave no doubt that the best
bread (made of finely ground wheat flour with no impurities)
8 Gregoras (ed. Ludwig Schopen), Nicephori Gregorae Byzantina historia (Bonn, 1829), I, 379,
6–8 ( VIII 14.5); Haldon, Warfare, State and Society in the Byzantine World, 565–1204 (London,
1999), 168–169. “Pure bread” was already a topos in the works of Greek and Roman writers.
See Koukoules, “Onomata kai eide arton kata tous Buzantinous chronous.”
9 Nicolas Trépanier, Foodways and Daily Life in Medieval Anatolia: A New Social History
(Austin, 2014), 86; Amalia Levanoni, “Food and Cooking during the Mamluk Era: Social and
Political Implications,” Mamluk Studies Review, IX (2005), 201–222; Paulina B. Lewicka, Food
and Foodways of Medieval Cairenes: Aspects of Life in an Islamic Metropolis of the Eastern Mediterranean
(Leiden, 2011), 155–158; David Waines, “Cereals, Bread and Society: An Essay on the Staff of Life
in Medieval Iraq,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, XXX (1987), 255–285.
342 | I Z D E BSK I, JA W O R S KI , Ü S T ÜN D AĞ , AN D SO ŁT Y S I A K
ENAMEL-MICROWEAR ANALYSIS
People and Places How does the vision of food’s role in
medieval society in written sources produced by literate elites
compare with the results of a bioarchaeological study of enamel
microwear on the teeth of individuals from four medieval sites?
Three of these sites were Byzantine towns. The first, Kadıkalesi,
was a fortress located on the Aegean coast that protected the har-
bor of Anaia, and the other two—Kalon Oros (Alanya Kalesi, a
tenth-century cemetery) and Smyrna (Agora, twelfth through
thirteenth centuries)—were relatively important regional centers.
The fourth site, Akarçay Höyük, was a Muslim rural community
at the northernmost outskirts of Syria, between the Seljuk Sultanate
and the Levantine polities, now belonging to Anatolia (see Fig-
ure 1). Üstündağ analyzed the remains of the individuals from
NOTE The dotted frontier line represents the maximum territorial extent of Byzantine power
in twelfth-century Anatolia (under Manuel I) and provides an approximation of cultural divi-
sions in Anatolia during most of our study period (twelfth through thirteenth centuries).
BREAD AND CL ASS | 343
all four sites using standard protocols for sex and age-at-death
assessments.10
The Hellenistic-Byzantine citadel of Kalon Oros, today’s
Alanya, provides the oldest tooth samples, dating back to the times
of the Byzantine re-conquest of Anatolia. During recent archaeo-
logical excavations, a tenth-century cemetery with eight burials
containing twenty-seven individuals was discovered in the north-
ern nave of a collapsed late antique basilica. The deceased were
buried on an west–east axis, facing east (as was the custom for
Christians), with their arms on their abdomens or with one hand
on their chest and the other on their abdomen. The pit graves
were covered by bricks, and one of the graves had a pearl cross
on it. It is impossible, however, to determine the social status of
these individuals solely from their graves or the goods found in
them. But judging from the relatively high prevalence of caries
on their teeth, which suggests the carbohydrate diet typical of
an urban population relying largely on plant-related food, they
seem to represent the middle range of Alanya’s tenth-century
urban population. During this period, Kalon Oros was an impor-
tant supply base for the Byzantine maritime theme (military and
administration unit) of Kibyrraiotes. The Book of Ceremonies, an
important Byzantine text attributed to Emperor Constantine
Porphyrogenites, attests to Kalon Oros’ role in the preparation of
naval expeditions during this period. Hence, the cemetery appears
to have been a burial site for an important military and urban
base.11
The town of Smyrna now falls within the modern metro-
polis of İzmir. Archaeological work was possible only in the ancient
agora, which after the Seljuk invasion served as a cemetery for
Byzantine city dwellers (as it has continuously into Ottoman times).
10 Jane A. Buikstra and Douglas H. Ubelaker (eds.), Standards for Data Collection from Human
Skeletal Remains (Fayetteville, 1994).
11 M. Oluş-Arık, “Alanya Kalesi 2004 Yılı Çalişmalari,” 27. Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısi, 2. Cilt
(2006), 213–228; Haldon, “Theory and Practice in Tenth-Century Military Administration:
Chapters II, 44 and 45 of the Book of Ceremonies, Text and Translation,” Travaux et Mémoires,
XIII (2000), 201–352; Hansgerd Hellenkemper and Friedrich Hild, Lykien und Pamphylien
( Wien, 2004), 50; Üstündağ and F. Arzu-Demirel, “Alanya Kalesi Kazılarında Bulunan İnsan
İskelet Kalıntılarının Osteolojik Analizi,” Türk Arkeoloji ve Etnoğrafya Dergisi, VIII (2008), 79–90;
idem, “Alanya Kalesi İskelet Topluluğunda Ağız ve Diş Sağlığı,” Hacettepe Üniversitesi Edebiyat
Fakültesi Dergisi, XXVI (2009), 219–234. For the correlation between low protein diet and
dental caries, see Larsen, Bioarchaeology.
344 | I Z D E BSK I, JA W O R S KI , Ü S T ÜN D AĞ , AN D SO ŁT Y S I A K
12 Akın Ersoy, “2007 Yılı Smyrna Antik Kenti Kazısı,” 30. Kazi Sonuçlari Toplantisi, 2. Cilt
(2009), 33–46; Markus Kohl and idem, “Agora d’Izmir, travaux 2007,” Anatolia Antiqua, XVI
(2008), 345–353; Ersoy, Gülten Çelik, and Seçil Yılmaz, “2010 Yılı Smyrna Antik Kenti
Kazısı Raporu,” 33. Kazi Sonuçlari Toplantisi, 2. Cılt (2012), 179–204. For the history of
Smyrna during this period, see Hélène Ahrweiler, “L’Histoire et la Géographie de la région
de Smyrne entre les deux occupations turques (1081–1317),” Travaux et Mémoires, 1 (1965),
1–204; for the link between malnutrition and porotic hyperostosis, Philip L. Walker et al.,
“The Causes of Porotic Hyperostosis and Cribra Orbitalia: A Reappraisal of the Iron-
Deficiency-Anemia Hypothesis,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology, CXXXIX (2009),
109–125; for the indicators of stress on bones, Alan H. Goodman et al., “Biocultural Perspectives
on Stress in Prehistoric, Historical, and Contemporary Population Research,” ibid., XXI (1988),
169–202.
BREAD AND CL ASS | 345
living conditions of those buried in Kadıkalesi were better than
those in the two other Byzantine sites.13
Akarçay Höyük, our only Islamic site, is located on the eastern
bank of the contemporary Carchemish Dam Reservoir. People
lived there from the Bronze Age to the Hellenistic-Roman period;
it became a cemetery from the thirteenth to the fourteenth century
after several centuries of abandonment. During this period, it came
under the political control of European Crusaders, Seljuks, Mongols,
and, most importantly, Egyptian Ayyubids and Mamluks. Age-at-
death and sex distribution suggests that Akarçay Höyük was a
regular attritional cemetery for the local Muslim rural population
(either agriculturalists or Turkic herders). The burials follow the
common Islamic custom: simple pit inhumations marked by oval
rings consisting of a single row of stones; graves in an east–west
orientation, with heads toward the east and faces/bodies turned
southward; and both hands placed on the abdomen. According
to the pathological indicators, this rural Muslim population was
significantly healthier than the Byzantine urban groups, with low
percentages of dental caries (8 percent) and porotic hyperostosis
(6 percent).14
Forty individuals with lower second molars were selected as
suitable for the present analysis—ten from Kadıkalesi, ten from
Smyrna Agora, eleven from Akarçay Höyük, and nine from Alanya
Kalesi (see Table 1 for details). As shown in Figure 2, Akarçay and
Kadıkalesi had a similar health profile, different from those identified
at both Alanya and Smyrna. The low frequency of porotic hyper-
ostosis and periosteal reactions in Akarçay and Kadıkalesi suggests
that these communities enjoyed better living conditions than the
other two locales. The low dental-caries rate in Akarçay is probably
13 Zeynep Mercangöz, “Ostentatious Life in a Byzantine Province: Some Selected Pieces
from the Finds of the Excavation in Kuşadası, Kadıkalesi/Anaia (Prov. Aydin, TR),” in Falco
Daim and Jörg Drauschke (eds.), Byzanz - das Römerreich im Mittelalter, 2 (Mainz, 2010), 181–
198; Işıl Talu, “Classification and Visual Analysis of Weathering Forms of Stone in Kadıkalesi,
Kuşadası,” unpub. M.A. thesis (İzmir Institute of Technology, 2005); Üstündağ, “Kuşadası
Kadıkalesi/Anaia kazısında bulunan insan iskelet kalıntılar,” 24. Arkeometri Sonuçları Toplantısı (2009),
209–228.
14 Abdullah Deveci, “2001 Excavations at Akaraçay Höyük,” in Numan Tuna, Jean
Greenhalgh, and Jale Velibeyoğlu (eds.), Salvage Project of the Archaeological Heritage of the Ilısu
and Carchemish Dam Reservoirs, Activities in 2001 (Ankara, 2004), 279–291; idem and H. Kübra
Ensert, “The 2002 Excavations at Akarçay Höyük,” in Tuna and Owen Doonan (eds.), Salvage
Project of the Archaeological Heritage of the Ilısu and Carchemish Dam Reservoirs Activities in 2002 (Ankara,
2011), 204–214.
346 | I Z D E BSK I, JA W O R S KI , Ü S T ÜN D AĞ , AN D SO ŁT Y S I A K
SOURCES Üstündağ and F. A. Demirel, “Alanya Kalesi Kazılarında Bulunan İnsan İskelet
Kalıntılarının Osteolojik Analizi,” Türk Arkeoloji ve Etnoğrafya Dergisi, VIII (2008), 79–90; idem,
“Alanya Kalesi İskelet Topluluğunda Ağız ve Diş Sağlığı,” Hacettepe Üniversitesi Edebiyat
Fakültesi Dergisi, XXVI (2009), 219–234; Üstündağ, “Kuşadası Kadıkalesi/Anaia kazısında
bulunan insan iskelet kalıntılar,” 24. Arkeometri Sonuçları Toplantısı (2009), 209–228.
15 Eugenie C. Scott, “Dental Wear Scoring Technique,” American Journal of Physical Anthro-
pology, LI (1979), 213–218.
16 See Krueger et al., “Dental Microwear Textures of ‘Phase I’ and ‘Phase II’ Facets.”
348 | I Z D E BSK I, JA W O R S KI , Ü S T ÜN D AĞ , AN D SO ŁT Y S I A K
17 Peter S. Ungar, Microware Software, Version 4.02: A Semi-Automated Image Analysis System
for the Quantification of Dental Microwear (Fayetteville, 2002).
BREAD AND CL ASS | 349
Results From the initial sample of forty teeth, ten were not
suitable for further analysis due to postmortem erosion. For thirteen
of the teeth, we could take only one micrograph since the available
area of the facet x was too small. The data are presented in Table 2.
In the case of teeth with two micrographs, both microwear patterns
were usually similar; only once was the difference significant at the
0.05 level, and twice 0.1>p>0.05.
For further statistical analysis, micrographs of all teeth were
divided into two subsets (A and B). If two micrographs of one facet
were available, one was assigned to the subset A and the other to
the subset B. If only one micrograph was taken, it was assigned to
both subsets. The analyses were then performed for both subsets,
thereby providing insight into repeatability of the results.
Among four defined features, the differences in LS were sig-
nificant (Kruskall-Wallis test, p<0.05) in both subsets: Teeth from
Kadıkalesi and Akarçay Höyük clearly exhibited a higher number
of small linear features than teeth from two other samples (see
Table 3). Additionally, large nonlinear features were more com-
mon in teeth from Alanya Kalesi, and this difference is significant
in the subset B. On the other hand, there are no clear differences in
the frequency of large linear and small non-linear features between
teeth from four sites. Orientation and average length of linear fea-
tures exhibit considerable differences between subsets.
The overall pattern of differences was checked using CA for all
micrographs (total χ2=502.9, p<0.001). The results are presented
as two bi-plots, separately for the subsets A and B (Figure 4a and b),
after exclusion of two outliers with an abnormally high frequency
of nonlinear features (A7 and S6). The first dimension (c. 45 per-
cent of inertia) distinguishes between LS and all other categories of
features; the second dimension (c. 31 percent of inertia) discrimi-
nates between all categories, especially between NL and LL.
The relatively varied mineral content that individuals from
these four populations consumed allows for a few interesting obser-
vations. First, people in the Byzantine regional centers of Alanya/
Kalon Oros and Smyrna generally ate bread with coarser grit, as
indicated by their greater frequency of significant microwear fea-
tures. As explained above, both samples represent typical urban
populations, who were generally neither high on the social scale
nor possessed of particularly good health. It is hardly surprising that
their bread (which must have formed a crucial element of their diet,
Table 2 Frequency of Enamel Microwear Features in Studied Sites
A1a 116 53.2 50 22.9 38 17.4 14 6.4 218 20.13 130.21 0.553 0.907
A1b 112 52.1 48 22.3 43 20.0 12 5.6 215 25.55 150.41
A2a 57 39.0 51 34.9 28 19.2 10 6.8 146 55.58 117.95 7.845 0.097
A2b 72 51.1 44 31.2 13 9.2 12 8.5 141 50.36 104.67
A3a 43 47.8 18 20.0 22 24.4 7 7.8 90 22.01 106.25 1.165 0.761
A3b 38 41.3 23 25.0 25 27.2 6 6.5 92 33.69 118.65
A4 27 32.1 37 44.0 10 11.9 10 11.9 84 30.24 120.18
A5 18 33.3 19 35.2 8 14.8 9 16.7 54 15.65 133.93
A6 21 35.0 34 56.7 5 8.3 0 0.0 60 34.38 128.19
A7 22 40.0 2 3.7 22 40.0 9 16.4 55 31.35 84.93
K1a 63 59.4 27 25.5 7 6.6 9 8.5 106 36.63 101.62 7.614 0.055
K1b 45 59.2 26 34.2 5 6.6 0 0.0 76 23.22 111.99
K2a 114 63.0 45 24.9 20 11.0 2 1.1 181 27.48 92.09 5.286 0.152
K2b 95 70.9 32 23.9 7 5.2 0 0.0 134 31.13 120.06
K3a 76 58.5 33 25.4 16 12.3 5 3.8 130 22.05 135.1 3.851 0.278
K3b 59 51.8 25 21.9 22 19.3 8 7.0 114 21.53 136.25
K4a 45 40.9 33 30.0 30 27.3 2 1.8 110 27.97 176.16 3.400 0.334
K4b 35 42.7 30 36.6 14 17.1 3 3.7 82 19.37 169.98
K5 61 71.8 18 21.2 3 3.5 3 3.5 85 32.08 128.32
K6 88 47.1 67 35.8 19 10.2 4 2.1 187 17.96 126.40
K7 64 39.5 53 32.7 32 19.8 13 8.0 162 37.23 97.63
S1a 25 48.1 17 32.7 5 9.6 5 9.6 52 22.15 166.69 3.636 0.304
S1b 35 44.9 25 32.1 15 19.2 3 3.8 78 48.86 149.87
S2a 45 43.3 26 25.0 31 29.8 2 1.9 104 21.12 112.44 2.412 0.491
S2b 40 41.2 33 34.0 22 22.7 2 2.1 97 23.39 111.42
S3a 32 35.2 34 37.4 24 26.4 1 1.1 91 22.92 208.86 3.323 0.344
S3b 36 32.7 52 47.3 22 20.0 0 0.0 110 41.27 146.91
S4a 47 43.5 36 33.3 20 18.5 5 4.6 108 32.59 193.99 4.632 0.201
S4b 54 55.7 26 26.8 16 16.5 1 1.0 97 44.23 144.76
S5a 57 46.3 47 38.2 18 14.6 1 0.8 123 35.23 136.02 10.638 0.031
S5b 42 29.4 67 46.9 27 18.9 7 4.9 143 38.92 122.84
S6a 41 34.7 20 16.9 50 42.4 7 5.9 118 37.38 110.43 2.212 0.697
S6b 55 39.6 15 10.8 61 43.9 8 5.7 139 28.98 109.16
S7 21 24.7 47 55.3 17 20.0 0 0.0 85 40.86 176.13
S8 46 34.6 55 41.3 25 18.8 7 5.3 133 53.71 128.04
S9 56 43.1 65 50.0 9 6.9 0 0.0 130 34.52 159.60
H1a 75 55.6 30 22.2 22 16.3 8 5.9 135 28.49 120.60 2.469 0.48
H1b 48 48.5 24 24.2 23 23.2 4 4.0 99 42.06 118.64
H2a 63 65.6 18 18.8 15 15.6 0 0.0 96 43.12 88.88 2.227 0.328
H2b 47 57.3 15 18.3 20 24.4 0 0.0 82 38.33 104.98
H3a 56 64.4 21 24.1 10 11.5 0 0.0 87 34.64 85.16 2.657 0.265
H3b 54 58.1 20 21.5 19 20.4 0 0.0 93 32.53 116.87
H4a 44 55.7 23 29.1 10 12.7 2 2.5 79 28.08 71.10 2.252 0.522
H4b 38 53.5 17 23.9 15 21.1 1 1.4 71 39.21 141.13
H5 58 55.2 31 29.5 10 9.5 6 5.7 105 27.26 113.31
H6 36 47.4 18 23.7 18 23.7 4 5.3 76 40.87 90.65
H7 31 63.3 16 32.7 2 4.1 0 0.0 49 35.91 131.79
NOTES LS=small linear features; LL=large linear features (>5 μm in breadth); NS=small nonlinear features; NL=large nonlinear features (>20 μm in diameter);
orient=standard deviation of linear-feature orientation; length=mean length of linear features.
352 | I Z D E BSK I, JA W O R S KI , Ü S T ÜN D AĞ , AN D SO ŁT Y S I A K
LS% 40.1 7.8 54.3 12.1 39.3 7.5 58.2 6.6 14.90 0.002
LL% 31.1 17.3 27.9 5.2 36.7 11.7 25.7 4.9 5.39 0.145
NS% 19.4 10.4 13.0 8.1 20.8 10.9 13.3 6.1 3.93 0.269
NL% 9.4 6.0 4.1 3.0 3.3 3.3 2.8 2.8 7.26 0.064
All 101.0 60.7 137.3 39.8 104.9 25.8 89.6 26.7 5.81 0.121
Orientation 29.9 13.2 28.8 7.2 33.4 10.5 34.1 6.4 2.76 0.430
Length 117.4 17.0 122.5 29.1 154.7 35.2 100.2 21.9 9.44 0.024
LS% 40.7 8.1 54.7 13.0 38.4 9.3 54.8 5.6 12.83 0.005
LL% 31.2 16.9 29.5 6.8 38.3 13.9 24.8 4.8 5.95 0.114
NS% 18.8 11.4 11.7 6.9 20.8 9.7 18.1 8.0 5.00 0.172
NL% 9.4 6.0 3.5 3.1 2.5 2.4 2.3 2.6 7.98 0.046
All 100.1 59.1 120.0 43.0 112.4 24.5 82.1 19.1 6.00 0.165
Orientation 31.6 10.5 26.1 7.4 39.4 9.4 36.6 5.2 9.64 0.022
Length 120.1 21.0 127.2 22.6 138.7 22.5 116.8 16.6 3.87 0.276
18 Waines, “Cereals, Bread and Society”; Naomi F. Miller, “The Crusader Period Fortress:
Some Archaeobotanical Samples from Medieval Gritille,” Anatolica, XVIII (1992), 87–99;
John Moore, Tille Höyük 1: The Medieval Period (London, 1993), 19–54; Miller, “Patterns of
Agriculture and Land Use at Medieval Gritille,” in Scott Redford (ed.), Archaeology of the
Frontier in the Medieval Near East: Excavations at Gritille, Turkey (Philadelphia, 1998), 211–252; Noor
Mulder-Heymans, “Archaeology, Experimental Archaeology and Ethnoarchaeology on Bread
Ovens in Syria,” Civilisations: Revue internationale d’anthropologie et de sciences humaines, XLIX (2002),
197–221; John M. Marston, “Agricultural Strategies and Political Economy in Ancient Anatolia,”
American Journal of Archaeology, CXVI (2012), 377–403.
354 | I Z D E BSK I, JA W O R S KI , Ü S T ÜN D AĞ , AN D SO ŁT Y S I A K
NOTE With some minor differences, this bi-plot shows the same pattern as the bi-plot for
subset A, indicating that observed differences between sites are not accidental. Despite the
differences, both bi-plots show roughly the same pattern. Teeth from Kadıkalesi and Akarçay
Höyük cluster around LS, though the distribution for Akarçay Höyük is clearly narrower. The
lesser homogeneity of the teeth microwear pattern in Kadıkalesi is due to the burial sites that
provided the samples: The two teeth with enamel-microwear patterns most visibly displaying
a diet with bread of poorer quality belonged to people of lower social rank buried outside the
stronghold walls (2007 S23 M21 and 2007 P23 M8 in Table 1); those who ranked higher in
the town community’s hierarchy were buried close to the church. In contrast, teeth from
Alanya Kalesi and Smyrna Agora cluster around LL AND NS, suggesting a diet based on low
quality bread. Higher frequency of large nonlinear features (NL) at Alanya Kalesi indicates
an even poorer quality of bread. However, only the difference between the two pairs of sites
(Kadıkalesi and Akarçay Höyük vs. Alanya Kalesi and Smyrna) in the first CA dimension is
clear, based on the significant difference in LS as tested using Kruskall-Wallis ANOVA. This
pattern holds for both subsets.
the same grain several times, thereby ensuring the quality of the
final product.19
Hand mills (more specifically, rotary hand querns) were the
dominant milling technology in Byzantine cities, especially for
19 Hoffmann, Environmental History, 227–237; Britta Padberg, Die Oase aus Stein: humanökologische
Aspekte des Lebens im mittelalterlichen Städten (Berlin, 1996), 59–80.
356 | I Z D E BSK I, JA W O R S KI , Ü S T ÜN D AĞ , AN D SO ŁT Y S I A K