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AN ANALYSIS ON PATRONAGE POLITICS

IN ITS RELATION ON THE ISSUE OF THE


CAVITE PROVINCIAL CAPITOL’S EMPLOYMENT RATE
FROM THE YEAR 2001 – 2010

An Undergraduate Thesis Proposal


Presented to
The Faculty of the Social Sciences Department
College of Liberal Arts
De La Salle University – Dasmarinas

In Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements in Political Research
for the Degree Bachelor of Arts in Political Science

Antiojo, Oman Paul G.


Salamatin, Rose Khristine D.

September 2010
ABSTRACT

Name of Institution: De La Salle University Dasmarinas


Address: Dasmarinas City, Cavite
Title: An Analysis on Patronage Politics in its Relation on the Issue of the Cavite
Provincial Capitol’s Employment Rate from the Year 2001 – 2010
Authors: Antiojo, Oman Paul G. and Salamatin, Rose Khristine D.
Funding Source: Parents
Cost: -----
Date started: October 2009
Date completed: September 2010

Statement of the Problem

Generally, this study titled “An Analysis on Patronage Politics in its

Relation on the Issue of the Cavite Provincial Capitol’s Employment Rate

from the Year 2001 - 2010” aims to give justice on whether the issue on the

Cavite Provincial Capitol as the second largest work provider in the province

roots out on the idea of idea patronage politics.

Specifically, aside from a possible broad source of discussion, this

material seeks to answer the following questions:

1. What is patronage politics in relation to local provincial level of

governance in the country?

2. What could have been the legal bases on the declaration that the

Cavite Provincial Capitol is the second largest employer in the

province?

3. In what way does patronage politics exists both in general perspective

and in the Cavite Provincial Government level as well?


4. Are the employees of the Cavite Provincial Capitol qualified when it

comes to their qualification background on their respective jobs?

5. What is the effect of patronage politics on the efficiency of the Cavite

Provincial Capitol as a governmental institution?

Scope and Delimitations

This study would set its limits on the area of the Provincial Government of

Cavite and would not tackle further on the National Government. No other issues

concerning the provincial government shall set into record aside from patronage

politics, civil service qualifications of the employees of the said institution and the

effect of patronage on the performance of the provincial capitol as governmental

institution. On the matter of possible literatures of this study, it ought to consider

both local and foreign ones that are on the same or similar scope of

concentration on the subject matter. Readings available at the school library

would be the best primary resources of this study.

Methodology

This study titled “An Analysis on Patronage Politics in its Relation on

the Issue of the Cavite Provincial Capitol’s Employment Rate from the Year

2001 - 2010” would facilitate the descriptive analysis method of study. Such

method of study is employed in areas of concentration which aims to emphasize

the relevance of the available resources to the subject matter of the study. This

would basically apply strict gathering, analysis, interpretation, and syntheses of

justifiable recommendations of readily – available data considering both the


theoretical and relative resources (Campbell, Ballou and Slade, 1990).

Specifically speaking, descriptive analysis of study is to be used in this study

through gathering and analysis of theoretical and relative facts that deals with

patronage politics and the employment rate of the Cavite Provincial Capitol from

the year 2001 – 2010.

Major Findings

Based on the data gathered, the following facts are established by the

researchers of this study:

1. In the Philippines, as a whole, patronage politics in relation to local

provincial level of governance would speak of the idea of pakikisama,

compadre, utang na loob and kinship system. Furthermore, in the area

of the Cavite Provincial government, patronage politics is the way by

which the provincial capitol in the period of 2001 – 2010 had provided

favors and accommodations which are both political in nature into

certain individuals in terms of the offices created which are termed as

“junior offices with its junior officers”. The salary of these offices are

obtained from the funds of the legal offices in the Provincial Capitol

which are not subject to auditing of authorities. The best example of a

legal office whose fund is not subject to auditing as mentioned by a

credible source is the Intelligence Fund of the Provincial Government.

2. Based on the comparison made between the top ten employers in the

province of Cavite in terms of employment size and the Cavite

Provincial Capitol, the latter has a huge amount of employees based


on its average inventory as of March 31, 2010 if it is to be compared

with the other companies in the province of Cavite. With a total of 4,

716 employees, it has far gone the difference against the number one

company in terms of employment size which is the ROHM Electronics

Philippines Incorporated with the average employee size of 2, 969.

This data allows a room for a conclusion that the Cavite Provincial

Capitol has been the largest employer and not the second largest

employer in the province of Cavite.

3. Having the statement given by the Provincial Human Resource

Management Office, patronage politics actually exists in the Cavite

Provincial Capitol but they do not call it as patronage politics but

political accommodation.

4. Though the Provincial Human Resource Management Office admitted

that indeed, political patronage or political accommodation as they call

it exists, they gave a statement that not all recommendations are

accommodated as their office must follow a protocol on hiring

employees and that is, the consideration of the Civil Service Law as

well as their capacity and knowledge on the possible posts to be

granted to them.

5. Based on the interview conducted to different people residing within

Cavite revealed that Cavite Provincial government had been efficient

in some public services; however, it does not satisfy the people for the

last nine (9) years. For the reason of their belief that there were
anomalies and flaws within the Capitol, which hinders the proper

delivery of services.

Conclusions

1. Patronage politics is the common idea of referral system in the

government offices. In Cavite Provincial Capitol, such system has been

the cause of high employment rate from year 2001- 2009.

2. The legal bases on the declaration that the Cavite Provincial

Capitol is the second largest employer are the records of both the

HRMO of Cavite Provincial Capitol and Department of Labor and

Employment Cavite Field Office. (Table 4.1)

3. Patronage politics rampantly exists in the Cavite Provincial Capitol

in terms of political accommodations. Wherein they hire employees

through recommendations from the superiors.

4. Though most of the employees are qualified when it comes to their

qualification background on their respective jobs in relation to the

provision of the Civil Service law, there are still employees who are not

qualified for their respective posts do not require civil service

qualifications.

5. In a way, Cavite Provincial Capitol is an efficient governmental

agency in terms of the delivery of services to the people, though there

are criticisms based on the issues and controversies particularly on the

employment standards and project implementation, of the said

institution on the year 2001- 2009.


Recommendations
After thorough analysis and synthesis of the data gathered in this study,

the researchers were able to formulate the following recommendations:

• Electorate and the People of Cavite. Based on the findings of this study,

the researchers would recommend for the people to be more vigilant on

the issues that deals with the local provincial government unit. An issue

such as those that deals with the efficiency of the delivery of services of

the provincial government is a subject that must be taken seriously. This

study further recommends that these people, as much as possible, refrain

from the incentives brought about by patronage politics as this a detriment

to the democratic idea of Philippine governance.

• The Present Provincial Administration. As the Human Resources

Management Office said, the provincial capitol assures that all their

employees are qualified to their posts as per mandated by the laws, the

researchers of this study moves that the present provincial administration

continue observing such practice as this would delimit the idea of

patronage politics in the provincial government. Such practice may also

assure the efficient delivery and performance of services in the provincial

government.

• The Civil Service Commission. The proponents of this study

recommends to the Civil Service Commission to counter check on whether

the employees of the provincial capitol are really qualified into their

respective posts as determined by the Civil Service qualifications.


• Future Aspiring Proponents. As there may be individuals who might

have the interest to pursue this study or have a similar framework of the

study, the proponents of this study recommends that they set focus on

other possible factors for the high employment rate of the provincial capitol

aside from patronage politics. It is also hereby recommended that

attention be paid of on other possible effect of high employment rate aside

on the matter of efficiency of the delivery of services of the Cavite

Provincial Capitol.

• Academe and Socio – Political Citizen’s Arm. Upon analyzing the data

gathered from this study, the researchers recommend to the academe and

socio – political arms to set similar studies that might have other local

government units aside from the Cavite Provincial Capitol as the subject of

the study. It is also moved that these institutions be more vigilant of the

issues that deals with the aspect of local governance.

Table of Contents

Cover Page………………………………………………………………………………i

Abstract………………………………………………………………..…………………ii

List of Tables……………………………………………………………………………xii

List of Figures…………………………………………………………………………..xii

CHAPTER I : THE PROBLEM AND ITS BACKGROUND

Introduction………………………………………………………………….…..1
Statement of the Problem………………………………………………….…..4

Assumptions………………………………………………………………….…5

Conceptual Framework……………………………………………………..….8

Significance of the Study……………………………………………………....9

Scope and Delimitations……………………………………………………...10

Definition of Terms…………………………………………………………….11

CHAPTER II : REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

Local Literature………………………………………………………………...14

Foreign Literature……………………………………………………………...19

Local Studies…………………………………………………………………...24

Foreign Studies………………………………………………………………...26

Relevance of the Study……………………………………………………….33

CHAPTER III : METHODOLOGY

Methods of Research………………………………………………………….35

Respondents of the Study…………………………………………………….35

Research Instruments…………………………………………………………36

CHAPTER IV : PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS OF

DATA

Question 1………………………………………………………………………37

Question 2………………………………………………………………………39

Question 3………………………………………………………………………54
Question 4………………………………………………………………………55

Question 5………………………………………………………………………56

CHAPTER V : SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS AND

RECOMMENDATIONS

Findings…………………………………………………………………………59

Conclusions…………………………………………………………………….61

Recommendations…………………………………………………………….62

LIST OF TABLES

Table 4.1. ………………………………………………………………………………40

Table 4.2………………………………………………………………………………..41

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 4.1………………………………………………………………………………42

Figure 4.2………………………………………………………………………………42

Figure 4.3………………………………………………………………………………43
Figure 4.4………………………………………………………………………………44

Figure 4.5………………………………………………………………………………44

Figure 4.6………………………………………………………………………………45

Figure 4.7………………………………………………………………………………45

Figure 4.8………………………………………………………………………………46

Figure 4.9……………………………………………………………………………….46

Figure 4.10……………………………………………………………………………..47

Figure 4.11……………………………………………………………………………..47

Figure 4.12……………………………………………………………………………..48

Figure 4.13…………………………………………………………………………….48

Figure 4.14…………………………………………………………………………….49

Figure 4.15……………………………………………………………………………49

Figure 4.16……………………………………………………………………………50

Figure 4.17……………………………………………………………………………50

Figure 4.18…………………………………………………………………………….51

Figure 4.19……………………………………………………………………………..51

Figure 4.20……………………………………………………………………………..52

Figure 4.21……………………………………………………………………………..52

Figure 4.22…………………………………………………………………………….53
CHAPTER I

THE PROBLEM AND ITS BACKGROUND

Introduction

“I don’t know how the people will respond to a call to action and we shouldn’t

care. What they will do is none of our concern. Our role is to fight for the people.

Whether they will show gratitude or not – immediately, later, or never – should

not enter into our calculations. That is our fate; to fight for what is right.”

-Sen. Benigno S. Aquino Jr.


Philippine Politics as viewed and believed by many, is so much

incorporated with so many things aside from the fundamental idea of electing an

individual for a certain post through an election. Such things by which it is

associated includes conflicts on political parties and political views, the electoral

process itself, and even the processes and events before and after the election.

Of all the aforementioned things, the last one could have the long lasting effect

and greatest challenge in governance of the state. The manner by which such

matter exists would be by means of rent seeking or patronage politics.

Theoretically speaking, patronage politics has a lot of definition based on

how it is practiced and observed which may be viewed according to benefits,

establishment of stronger allegiance, assurance of winning an election and out of

“utang na loob” or “padrino” system. Such definitions would focus on collective

patronage, pork – barrel patronage, and traditional patronage (Kopecky, Scherlis,

and Spirova, 2007). In reality, all kinds of patronage politics do exist in the

Philippine Political System though some are not that visible to the members of

the society. They exist in such a way that in reality, it happens but then, is not

visible to the naked eye to many of the people.

Again, looking at theoretical aspects of the subject matter of this study,

patronage politics is a contributor on the detriment of democracy in the country

as this matter could be both seen as a cause and an effect of political dynasty –

a more drastic and destructive thing on democracy. Aside from the fact that

political dynasty might as well delimit the assurance of efficient and trusted

government service or even those of private institutions, it may also result into an
abuse of power not only for those who were appointed out of patronage politics

but also those who appointed them. In government agencies, like for example the

municipal governments, there is, every time there is a change on the

administration of the municipal government, also a change on the set of

employees. The clear reason for this, based on studies made could have been

patronage politics as the winning candidates for municipal posts tries to put into

position their supporters and their relatives so as to grant “utang na loob” , a very

nice cultural idea of the Filipinos yet has been abused and given a bad name a

time goes by.

Another proof of existence of patronage politics in the Philippine Political

System to be specific, in the province of Cavite, would have been the debate

which happened sometimes in November 2009 between the aspiring Governors

of the Province of Cavite, former Vice Governor Juan Victor “Johnvic” Remulla

and incumbent Trece Martirez City Mayor Jun Sagun, the former raised the issue

at hand when they wer asked to give their opinion on patronage politics. Remulla,

without any hesitations, made mention of patronage politics as the reason behind

the fact of the Cavite Provincial Government as the second largest work –

provider in the province. As to further clarifications from the administration of

Governor Irineo Maliksi regarding the said issue, there is not yet any given

statement from them. This point raised by Remulla is also the root cause of the

existence of this study.

The Local Government Code of 1991 of the Philippines set forth specific

offices by which a provincial government must operate with. There are at least
thirty three offices mentioned each of which has their respective specialization in

services for the continuous efficiency of the provincial government. Along side

with these offices are the heads of each office and the employees thereof.

Approximately, there are at least three hundred thirty employees including the

respective heads of each department. In the Cavite Provincial Capitol, the most

noticeable factor in the existence of the issue at hand is the dramatic increase of

cooperatives funded for by the provincial government. Therefore, since it is

funded by the provincial government, the employees in these cooperatives are

also considered part of the provincial capitol thus can be accounted for the status

of provincial capitol as the largest employer in the province. Another matter to

consider on the matter of employment in the provincial government is the

existence of specialized departments created for so as to cope up with the

present needs of the whole province not to name those in line with the health,

and economic aspects. The basis of the issue at hand could have been the

comparison of employees in the previous administrations and the present

administration, obviously, there could have been a lot of employees today since

the province’s population and economic status continuously develops and thus

needs to be acted upon with based on its needs. The issue at this point would

have been the validity of the employed personnel in these offices considering

their civil service qualifications as well as their inclination on the nature of work of

these offices.

In 2008, the Provincial Planning and Development Office has indeed,

presented that the Province of Cavite has a favorable employment ambiance as


the province has been a hub to foreign investors due to the certain economic

zones established in the province. In relation to this, there has been

approximately 120, 000 jobs provided for the Cavitenos on the aspect of

production and labor force alone excluding the related posts of professionals.

This fact by which the administration of Governor Maliksi remains silent on

the issue sets this study to aim to clarify the issue raised by Remulla on the issue

of patronage politics. This material would also set grounds for both parties – the

present provincial administration and root of the issue to cite concrete

explanations regarding the matter at hand. This one would also set focus on the

following:

a.) was the issue raised out of politization or out of observable condition in

the said institution?;

b.) if patronage politics really exists in the Cavite Provincial Capitol, what

kind is it based on the mentioned types of patronage politics?;

c.) why does patronage politics?; and

d.) the pros and cons of patronage politics in the present political system

based on the idea of democracy.

Statement of the Problem

Generally, this study titled “An Analysis on Patronage Politics in its

Relationon the Issue of the Cavite Provincial Capitol’s Employment Rate”

aims to give justice on whether the issue on the Cavite Provincial Capitol as the

second largest work provider in the province roots out on the idea of idea

patronage politics.
Specifically, aside from a possible broad source of discussion, this

material seeks to answer the following questions:

6. What is patronage politics in relation to local provincial level of

governance in the country?

7. What could have been the legal bases on the declaration that the

Cavite Provincial Capitol is the second largest employer in the

province?

8. In what way does patronage politics exists both in general perspective

and in the Cavite Provincial Government level as well?

9. Are the employees of the Cavite Provincial Capitol qualified when it

comes to their qualification background on their respective jobs?

10. What is the effect of patronage politics on the efficiency of the Cavite

Provincial Capitol as a governmental institution?

Assumptions

The proponents of this study predicts that yes, in as much as the issue on

the Cavite Provincial Capitol as the second largest work provider in the province

is concerned, patronage politics is one, yet not the absolute root cause of the

issue at hand for there are still a lot more of reasons and factors to consider in

taking the said matter we have in focus.

The researcher of this study also assumes that:

1. Patronage Politics is a mere act of doing a favor for a person or group of

people in return of political support over a specific politician;


2. Sudden increase in employment rate in the provincial capitol could have

been the legal bases on the declaration that the Provincial Capitol is the

second largest work provider in the province;

3. Patronage politics in this case of the issue at hand exists by means of

providing certain favors or projects to certain districts of the province in

return of their support for specific politicians and through the act of

providing positions or job titles to certain persons in lieu of their efforts and

contributions of making certain politicians take a seat in the Provincial

Capitol;

4. Most of the employees does not have enough qualification background on

their respective jobs due to the prevalent patronage politics in the said

institution; and

5. The effect of patronage politics would be an insufficient Cavite Provincial

Capitol in terms of governmental services.

Figure 1.1. Flow of the Study.

Gathering of Literatures That Concerns


Theoretical View of Patronage Politics and the
Actual Employment Rate of the Cavite
Provincial Capitol for the
Administration Year 2001 - 2010

Descriptive Analysis of the Gathered


Literatures
Synthesis, Analysis and Formulation of
Recommendations with Regards to the Effect of
Patronage Politics on the Current Employment
Rate of the Cavite Provincial Capitol

Figure 1.1. shows the possible effect or relationship that Patronage

Politics has over the current employment rate of the Cavite Provincial Capitol.

Conceptual Framework

Figure 1.1 shows the flow of this study – on how it would be conducted

and the possible outcomes in the process. First parts of the process would focus

on gathering possible literatures that would deal with patronage politics (that

would also come from both local and foreign sources) and the employment rate,

standards and status on the Cavite Provincial Capitol. By this, the researchers

would mean not only the present employment but as well as the set trend of

employment, if there is, on a specific period of time.


Gathered data will then be analyzed on the issue of whether or not,

patronage politics really exist on the said institution. In doing so, things to

consider would include the comparative analysis of employment rate for a

specific period of time and its relevance on the issue of compliance with the local

government code. If by chance, analysis leads to a result showing existence of

patronage politics, that’s the time the study would focus on its effect on the

efficiency and performance of the provincial capitol as a governmental institution.

On the other hand, if analyses lead to a fact of non – existence of patronage

politics, focus of the study would lead on identifying the root cause of the issue at

hand. Synthesis, analysis and recommendations regarding the said issue would

be provided for in the long run of this study so as to give possible credible

literatures for studies of same nature or even of similar study in a definite period

of time from the creation this study.

Significance of the Study

This study titled “An Analysis on Patronage Politics in its Relationon

the Issue of the Cavite Provincial Capitol’s Employment Rate” would serve

its importance on the following:

• Electorate and People of Cavite. The electorate and people of Cavite

would be benefited in such a way that this study would provide them with

the whereabouts on the happenings inside the Provincial Capitol. It would


also give them some light on the issue at hand rose by former Vice

Governor Remulla and thus, could provide both sides of the issue.

• The Present Provincial Administration. As this study aims to determine

on whether patronage politics affects the efficiency of the provincial capitol

as a governmental institution, this would also signify on the side of the

provincial administration, if really, their performance is affected by the

main subject of the study. Thus, upon knowing it, this would possibly lead

them on the prescribed rules of their operation as a governmental

institution.

• The Civil Service Commission. In as much as the study is concerned,

one of the things to be considered is the civil service qualifications of the

employees. If by any chance, there would be findings in which there are

employees that are not qualified on the aspect of civil service yet

continues to perform governmental functions, actions may be made by

proper authorities from the commission as this act isa clear violation of

the laws.

• Future Aspiring Proponents. This material would also provide possible

resources on the future proponents of the studies that are similar to this

study or even its continuation. This could give them useful literatures that

might help them in exploring their studies that would still depend on thhe

outcome of this study.

• Academe and Socio – Political Citizen’s Arm. As this study would

provide enough knowledge for these institutions and yet could be a clearer
ground for vigilance and awareness and strict monitoring of the provincial

government. This might as well, provide room for the academes to

conduct further studies that would tackle the same or relevant issue.

Scope and Delimitations

This study would set its limits on the area of the Provincial Government of

Cavite and would not tackle further on the National Government. No other issues

concerning the provincial government shall set into record aside from patronage

politics, civil service qualifications of the employees of the said institution and the

effect of patronage on the performance of the provincial capitol as governmental

institution. On the matter of possible literatures of this study, it ought to consider

both local and foreign ones that are on the same or similar scope of

concentration on the subject matter. Readings available at the school library

would be the best primary resources of this study and yet, still, if necessary,

would consider those that are not available in the university library.

Definition of Terms

Several terminologies were used in this study that are most likely technical

in nature and thus are listed below for proper definition based on their usage in

this study:

• Academe. Institutions in the society which concerns the further

enhancement of the academic matters of the society either through


traditional education or the contemporary ways of education as it may be

vaguely called.

• Authority. An individual or group of individual who has the dominancy

over another individual or group of individual by means of the former’s

power, money or influence.

• Bureaucracy. An institution usually in line with governmental functions

and services.

• Collective Patronage. Usually observed within political parties wherein

individuals who would campaign for or support a specific political party

would be able to receive favors or even special treatments in case such

political party gains dominancy in an election.

• Civil Service Qualifications. Standards set forth by Philippine laws on

government employees before they formally be considered and employed

on any governmental institution.

• Civil Service Commission. Constitutional Commission of the Philippines

primarily concerned in assuring civil service qualifications of government

employess.

• Compadre. Spanish term for the system of close – tie relationship in the

matter of consideration of giving favor to an individual or groups of

individual.

• Cronyism. Refers to partiality in favor of friends or associates.


• Employment Rate. Economically speaking, this deals with the trend

number of employed or hired personnel over a considerable period of time

and working conditions.

• Favoritism. The way by which special favors are given exclusively to

those who have established a close – tie relationship on authorities.

• Influence. The manner by which an authority has the capacity to

manipulate or affect certain decisions of individuals or group of individuals.

• Kinship. Deals with the matter of relationship that primarily concerns

affinity or marriage, by blood, and compadre connections.

• Local Government Code. Part of Philippine laws which primarily deals

witht the operational and bureaucratic matters of local governments such

as provinces, cities and municipalities.

• Nepotism. Specifically deals with the manner by which favors are given

strictly and usually on family members or relatives in government.

• Patronage Politics. An idea in the political arena by which a powerful

individual uses his authority, power or even wealth in giving back a favor

that was done by a subordinate.

• Pork – Barrel Patronage. A condition in politics in which a politician uses

his pork barrel or Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) to give

favor or please his or her respective electorate to patronize him elections.

• Power. The capacity of an individual to modify the conduct of other

individuals in the manner he desires.


• Provincial Government. A governmental institution liable of assuring

administrative affairs over provinces and is composed of several provinces

as provided for by the laws.

• Reciprocity. An aspect in socialization in which an obligation to repay a

person from whom one has received a favor is done.

• Socio - Political Citizen’s Arm. Those societal institutions usually out of

bound of government jurisdictions intended for protecting the general

welfare of the people as to whatever their needs may be.

• Traditional Patronage. The said traditional patronage would focus on

giving a position on a governmental or private institution to an individual in

exchange of his support into a specific politician who is in office of the said

governmental or private institution.

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

In the previous chapter, the fundamental bases of the idea of this research

study were enumerated together with the relevance on the conduct of the said
study. On this chapter, the study would now focus on different literatures

available that would support the ideologies and principles of the study. Sources

would then focus on both foreign and local readings that had presented

significant or related ideas on the key subject of these studies.

LOCAL LITERATURE

Many authors have said that patronage politics is part of Philippine

political culture. It is manifested during the time of Spanish colonizers, when the

power is only given to the Illustrados or the Principalias. These elite people were

provided the power to monopolize not only economic and material goods but also

opportunities of access to power resources (Panopio and Rolda, 1988). In effect,

elites then were the Padrinos of the commoners, thus, giving incentives to their

allies. Moreover, this political culture had emerged, though sometimes invisible to

the public, through different contributing factors such as follows:

According to Panopio and Rolda (1988), pakikisama is the folk concept of

good human relations and implies giving in or yielding to the wish of the majority

even if it contradicts one’s own ideas. In terms of public behavior, this gives rise

to the institutionalization of the lakad system in many government and private

officers (Jacano, 1966). By which, when one needs for the approval of his

promotion or even to follow up a loan, he approaches someone he knows

influential for the fast and positive results.

A kind of reciprocity commonly observed is utang na loob, whereby, it is

an obligation to repay a person from whom one has received a favor (Panopio

and Rolda,1988). Payment could be in form of token gifts or services. However, if


a person is given a guaranteed job by another, that person has utang na loob to

the latter. Speaking with the officials, employees shall give their full support and

loyalty to them.

Furthermore, kinship also plays a role in patronage politics. The basic

element of Filipino social structure is the kinship group. This is a system of social

relations based on blood, marriage or affinal and ritual or kumpadre connection

(Jocano:1966). In observation, all employees of the government, may not all

related by blood, but allies of the administration. This system serves an invisible

string that connects each and everyone in the institution.

Indeed, power and influence are the key point in this patronage politics.

One must be influential in order to manipulate the system. On Renato

Constantino’s The Filipino Politician, he said that Political leadership in the

Philippines has lost its prestige. Many politician are not respected, they are

looked upon merely as good connections. He also stated that the pervasive

influence of politics in all phases of our national life is the result of the power of

government over many sectors. This situation helps the politician because

reliance on mere government opportunities would not be enough to satisfy all his

protégés. Employment of his followers in the different private business becomes

a part of the politician’s job. And some private enterprises are only too willing to

accommodate certain strategically- placed politicians for favors they received or

may anticipate. Thus, through his letters of recommendation, qualifications are

no longer needed, setting aside the standards on hiring government employees,

and hiring unqualified and undeserving people to the public service in the
government. He further explained that, granting of jobs by the officials is to

preserve his position, adding supporters and stabilizing his administration. One of

the concessions and perhaps rewards that voters receive from winning

candidates is the assurance of a job. In the case of campaign managers and

those who have contributed not only financial support but also moral support, a

key position in the government is the reward (Panopio and Rolda, 1988).

In “The Corrupt Society” of Constantino, he considered government as the

biggest employer resulting to another form of corruption. The pressure on

politician to provide jobs for their men is so great that merit and seniority in the

civil service are set aside. These employees, instead of improving their skills in

providing good public service, they just rely on “padrinos”. Thus, the government

provides poor, slow and inadequate public service. He also stated that with the

destruction of the merit system, we develop the worst type of bureaucrat,

interested only in personal advancement, doing the minimum amount of work,

obsequious and servile to his superiors, and eager to use the resources of

government for his private benefit.

On the other hand, Manuel L. Quezon III, on his “Corruption, Bureaucracy

and Philppines 2000”, established his thought about bureaucracy in the country.

“An old expat once grumbled to me (expats do a lot of grumbling)


that the problem with the Philippines (expats love listing problems) isn't
that our bureaucrats are corrupt; the problem is that there's no method to
their corruption. "You see," he griped, "when a foreigner does business in
another country, he immediately knows how much to set aside for bribes;
everything has a fixed rate. In the Philippines, you never know who -or
when- is suddenly going to pop up, demanding grease-money… I have
never believed that we -us Filipinos- are more corrupt than our neighbors.
They are just as corrupt as we are. They simply have gotten over our
strictly small-time, greedily myopic version of corruption; furthermore they
are far more clever than us in justifying -or dissimulating to evade the
question of - their corruption… Anyway, let us set aside what Tammany
Hall referred to as "honest graft," since our officials may not be particularly
noteworthy in the manner by which they enriched themselves (and their
friends), corruption-wise; our government does compare unfavorably, with
even the most unabashedly crooked of regimes elsewhere, in our slothful
civil service. The descent of our civil service into the realm of the
incompetent and inefficient is one thing not usually attributed to our
colonial masters -particularly the United States.”

In this object, Quezon pointed out the influence of colonizers with what

Philippine bureaucracy turned out. The culture of lakad system and it’s

implication to the flow of government service to public. The prevalent grease-

money for express result of every appointment in the government. He also gave

emphasis to the importance of country’s civil service “...we must make the civil

service the champion and guardian of reform ".

In connection, civil service is a branch of the government service in which

individuals are employed through professional merit as proven by competitive

examination. While according to Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for

Public Official and Employees of the Republic of the Philippines, once a person is

employed in the government, he must practice professionalism, by which, in the

performance of his duties shall give his highest degree of excellence and skill. It

also discourages the wrong perception of their roles as peddlers of undue

patronage. It is connected in the view of impersonalistic relationship in the

government. Acceptance of gifts by the officials and employees, as a return for

their favors done, is prohibited. Hence, what are prohibited is rampantly

exercised in the country.


Meanwhile, in personalism, major importance is attached to the personal

factor which ensures intimacy, warmth and friendship in getting things done.

Kinship and friendship play a crucial role in the reciprocal relationship between

interacting parties (Panopio and Rolda, 1988). Bonifacio(1975;4) points out that

personalism is rooted in our basic and moral commitment to family and kin which

extends to compadres, neighbors and friends. Much of the relationship of the

Filipino is still personalistic, in spite of the gradual rise of impersonalism in the

urban areas. It has affected Philippine politics. The bases of political support and

fellowship are often loyalty to personality and gratitude to friends. Carino

(1979:232) points out that the demand of personalism is incongruent with the

bureaucratic- legal norms. By which the bureaucracy requires universalistic and

collectivity oriented decisions, which are in contrast to the particularistic and self-

orientation demands of personalism. Santos- Cuyugan (1961) gives a general

picture of personalism thus:

The extent of its “infiltration” is evident in the frequent charges of


nepotism, favoritism, paternalism. Graft and corruption have been
analyzed to be products of kinship reciprocity relations. The secrecy of
their occurrence together with the hue and cry attending their discovery
show the operation here of a double set of values. The Filipino family is
obviously caught in a dilemma between exclusive adherence to “ideal”
legalistic norms, and to the equally inescapable, non-legal is permissible.
Legal codes are imposed from the outside; the common law of kinship is
built into one’s personality, into role in the group or in the society.

FOREIGN LITERATURE

Different writings explain the connection of power, authority and influence

to political patronage. Generally, this political culture is exercised by powerful, in


authority and influential persons to manipulate the system, particularly in the

government.

According to R.H Tawney, he defines power as “the capacity of an

individual, or group of individuals, to modify the conduct of other individuals or

groups in the manner in which he desires”. He also stated that, power in a social

context is not something we can see or touch. But, is a “form of social

relationship between individuals and groups”. While, J. Massie(1964) defines

power as the potential force that others perceive a person to possess that gives

the capacity to influence actions of others. For him, power, then, is a

psychological force that identifies the potential of a person as perceived by

others. Basically, from the definitions, power is a force of a person to influence

others. And power can be acquired from “votes, wealth, prestige and physical

coercion among others”(Hawley and Wirt, 1974). A powerful person therefore is

one who, by virtue of his status, utilizes an institution’s power resources.

Power to be more stable and credible, must be legitimate. Legitimate

power is otherwise known as authority, where the emphasis is on compliance,

because many people believe that obedience is the proper way of behaving. The

most important element of authority is not only recognition but also the

acceptance by others (Panopio and Rolda, 1988). J. Massie (1964) also defined

it as, the right to act as indicated in the organizational hierarchy. From Weber, he

pointed out different types of authority such as, 1.) Charismatic authority, exists

when one’s control of others is based on the individual’s personal characteristics;

2.) Traditional authority- legitimacy of leaders was based on customs; 3.)


Rational- legal authority is considered to be the basis of most of the nation

states. Since this kind of a power is based on the offices they control therefore

specific rules and procedures serve as the basis for determining the rights and

responsibilities of the incumbents. In effect, rational- legal authority is vested on

statuses rather than on individual; thus, power is lost when one loses his status.

Rational- legal authority therefore has set the limit on the power of most

government officials in modern nation- states (Cassirer, 1951). In fact, this kind of

authority also curtails some of the abuses of the officials in a nation- state.

Influence implies a voluntary, and even unconscious, manner affecting the

actions of others through persuasion, suggestion and other methods and also, it

is the effect of one person on the behavior of others (J. Massie, 1964). On the

political scope, influence is considered necessary for the officials in administering

his people. However, it is sometimes abused by many of the politicians.

There are also terms that are closely related in the political culture of

patronage politics, these are favoritism, cronyism and nepotism. From Nadler

and Schulman who discusses the three, favoritism can be demonstrated in hiring,

honoring or awarding contracts which is a related idea to patronage, giving public

service jobs to those who may have helped elect the person who has the power

of appointment. Favoritism has been a complaint of many in government service.

Cronyism, on the other hand is more specific kind of favoritism, referring to

partiality towards friends and associates. Cronyism occurs within a network of

insiders- the “good ‘ol boys”, who confer favors on one another. Nepotism is an

even narrower than favoritism, for it covers favoritism within the family. Both
nepotism and cronyism are often at work and political parties recruit candidates

for public offices. To connect the three in ethics, it all interferes with fairness

because they give undue advantages to someone who does not necessarily

merit this treatment. In public behavior, it also weakens the common good. When

one is hired in the position, he automatically becomes a connection for the clients

in the said office. The practice also undermines transparency in the government,

because it must hide that officials are great and effective patrons. The problem

of the existence of these three in the government is the question of competence.

Because of the prevailing spoil system, the hiring is based on letter of

recommendations rather than on the qualification and civil service requirements

of the applicant. The appearance of favoritism weakens morale in government

service, not to mention public faith in the integrity of government.

Scrutinizing further political patronage as delineated by other countries,

Jay M. Shafrizt, in The Dorsey Dictionary of American Government and Politics,

defines patronage as “the power of elected and appointed officials to make

partisan appointments to office or to confer contracts, honors and other benefits

on their political supporters”.

Further, in “Patronage Ethics Gone: Amok,” J. Christine Altenburger

describes the historical and legal foundations of the practice of patronage as she

exposes the many inherent negative ethical ramification of it. Altenburger

affirmed that politics of patronage subverts any merit system that might form the

basis of a civil service. And such culture in politics spoils the system of

government. She further explains that, Civil Service Commissions, for the most
part, are political appointments. In principle, once appointed, the commissions

are to function independently. A politician, determined to influence hiring,

promotions and disciplinary actions, however, can attempt through appointments,

to have commission members who will be sensitive to political “requests”. Her

summary observations gave emphasis to: 1.) Provide supervision for all

employees, patronage can cast this command into disarray. When an employee

is politically well- connected, with a political patron, a supervisor attempting to

hold such employee to performance standards, or take disciplinary action may

himself be the subject of recrimination; 2.) Maintain high morale. High morale

and productivity go hand in hand. Patronage is often viewed as bringing into the

organization individuals who did not have to prove themselves for their

appointments. Altenburger concluded that such patronage in politics is in need

for reform. Civil Service Commissions must be empowered and be detached

from personalistic system.

Meanwhile, it must also be elucidated how bureaucracy plays a role in the

political patronage. From the well-known Max Weber, who first wrote the

efficiency of bureaucracy as a type of organization, noted the most important

characteristics of such type of organization as follows:1.) An organization

emphasizing division of labor predicated on the principle of specialization; 2.)

The presence of hierarchy of authority; 3.) Activities are based on definite set of

rules and procedures; 4.) Activities are well documented and recorded; 5.)

Statues in the organization particularly those of the managers are full- time jobs;

6.) Impersonal relationship characterizes the interpersonal relationship in a


bureaucratic organization. He highly recommends the avoidance of personalism

into an organization. Personalism, as viewed, causes the inefficiency of

government works especially in government transactions. The employees tend to

do first the requests of their relatives, friends and patrons rather than

accomplishing things that must be done first. As of James Scott ‘s Corruption: A

General View, he incorporated loyalty as one of the reason why a politician must

secure his people (supporters), according to him, “loyalty to the nation- state is

still tenuous, the individual feels little compunction to avoid acts that promote his

personal or small- group interests at the expense of the state. A crucial question,

then, is which institutions or groups command the effective loyalty of a citizen or

public servant. It is not rare to find, for example, a civil servant who is at the

same time an official of his tribe association. As a civil servant he may take

unwarranted liberties with state funds and place his incompetent friends in

office”. Ergo, Weber’s characterization of bureaucracy falls into the “ideal- type”

method. It emphasizes the pure type, and since real life is “seldom as pure as the

theoretical description (Gerth and Mills, 1958:136), some of the characteristics

cited may not be present in all organizations (Panopio and Rolda, 1988).

Another issue that is present in patronage politics is the competence of

Civil Service Commission in employment. The civil service of a political unit

includes the persons employed to administer the civil (nonmilitary) programs of a

legal unit of government, except for those elected or appointed to political-

executive offices. A more popular but restricted use of the term applies it only to

those persons who have been appointed to civil- government positions after
some nonpolitical test of fitness. This is sometimes also called the merit system

and is widely employed on federal, state and local levels of governmental

employment (John Gaus, Collier’s Encyclopedia). Taking such definition, the

question of its competency arises due to the prevailing appointments of the

officials outside its parameter, ergo, overlooking the standards and qualifications

in hiring employees.

LOCAL STUDIES

To warrant better glimpse on various local studies conducted relative to

the patronage politics in its relation on the issue of employment, this part is

hereby discuss different studies consist of Rocamora et al (2005), Caballero-

Anthony (2004) and Civil Service Study (2004).

Rocamora et. Al. (2005) on their study entitled: “Strong Demands and

Weak Institutions: Addressing the Democratic Deficit in the Philippines” tackled

various styles of political leadership from the end of Marcos regime up to the

Arroyo Administration. On the study, it focused on the differences of each

administration and how each dealt with the different Philippine culture, such

politics of personalities and patronage and their centrality to Philippine politics.

Also, the and the corresponding weakness of political institutions, most

importantly political parties, which remain weak, ill defined, and poorly

institutionalized. The weakness of political institutions has two notable

disadvantages for Philippine democracy. Rocamora and his co- author concluded

that there’s a need for political reforms that would strengthen policies at the
expense of personalities and promote programmatic politics over patronage

politics, in particular reforms that are specifically aimed at creating stronger and

more programmatic parties.

Caballero - Anthony (2004) on her study entitled: “Where on the road of

Democracy is the Philippine?” tackled about the how democracy is being

practiced in the country. Examining what democratic consolidation entails, the

study highlighted two points: 1.) instilling respect for political institution, discusses

the need for these institution to command respect and trust, and not merely just

creating and establishing such institution (executive, legislative and judiciary). It

must be considered the importance of these departments to facilitate regulatory

framework that would best seek the interest of the polity; 2.) ensuring that the

institutions are credible, discusses the importance of good governance including

transparency in political decisions, accountability, participation, observance of the

rule of law, equity and inclusiveness, and last but not least, effectiveness and

efficiency. Ergo, the study concluded that democracy can be exercised in a give-

and-take process by the people and its government. In which, the government

shall ensure the welfare of its people, offering good governmental services while

the people shall render their trust to the authority. In both cases, democracy is

directly exercised, important components in a country both participate in the

society. Moreover, the study also suggested the need for the elimination of

patron- client relationship to make the institution credible for its people.
Civil Service Study (2004) tackled about the relevant efforts of civil service

in the Philippines in promoting efficient civil servants. It reported that 50% of

government expenditures were wasted due to corruption. The empirical literature

suggests that economic development cannot proceed unless we have a rational,

merit based, effective and efficient bureaucracy. Because of the crucial role that

bureaucracy plays in the day to day running of the government, any campaign to

transform society must, indeed, involve the effective governance of the

bureaucracy.

Scrutinizing the studies conducted above, it shows how this politics of

patronage affects the system. From Rocamora et al (2005) focused on the need

for political reforms and eliminating patron- client relationship. While Caballero-

Antnony (2004) gave emphasis on the need for the government to well examine

the exercise of democracy in the country. And to make sure of establishing

credible institutions for the people that can render good civil services. Finally,

Civil Service Study (2004) reported on how they were being challenge to

strengthen civil servants and rejecting mere recommendations in hiring

employees to secure professionalism and impersonalism in the system.

FOREIGN STUDIES

It is also important to view foreign studies that are relative to this study on

patronage politics and its role to job employment. It consists of Kopecky et al

(2007), Golden (2000) and Un (2005). Pert Kopecky et al (2007) associated the

study of patronage politics with the study of particularistic exchanges in political


setting. Generally, the literature on political particularism draws a distinction

between a traditional and a modern variety of patron- client relationships. Thus, a

particular individual (local notable) offers protection or access to certain goods

and services that he controls to other individuals or groups in exchange for their

collective political allegiance. At this time, the role or the patron in the relationship

is performed by the political party, which acts as a ‘collective patron’ through the

distribution of public resources. The study also suggested the following

definitions which allow for a clearer distinction between the different types of

political patronage. 1.) Party clientelism refers to exchanges between a political

party and individuals in which the former releases a benefit that the latter desires

in order to secure their political support. 2.) Pork barrel politics implies tactical

allocation of government funds, usually in the form of public works projects, to

favor specific constituencies. Comparing it with the previous, clientelism

necessitates a benefit for particular individuals while pork barrel implies that a

whole constituency is favored by a public policy. 3.) Party patronage as the

power of a party or parties to appoint people to positions in public and semi-

public life. The main feature of this definition is that it limits patronage to its most

widespread form: appointments. The study also gave theories regarding

Patronage in Contemporary Setting such as follows : 1.) It is clear that the classic

literature on patronage often assumes that parties use appointments as the

means to reward their loyal members, however, that party patronage in

contemporary democracies, both old and new, is, to a larger extent, motivated by

the need of parties to control the policy- making process and to ensure the flow
of communication within the fragmented governance structures that characterize

the contemporary state. Kopecky et al believes that there may be elements of

both reward and control at one and at the same time, and that political systems

will differ in terms of a dominant motivation for patronage appointments. 2.) Party

patronage will be a supply driven, instead of demand driven. To take the

‘opportunity’ to be the area where party political appointments can happen, as

outlined by and embodied in the formal rules of the state. This also allows

everyone to view patronage partially as part of “normal politics”, ergo, as

something relatively easy to reckon. 3.) The semi- public sector is likely to be

more politicized through party appointments than the traditional state

bureaucracy. As the study defines party patronage, it expands the area where

the patronage appointments are carried out to include not only the core of civil

service- as commonly done, but also institutions that are not part of the civil

service, but are under some form of state control. Therefore, if parties are to

retain their grip on policy- making, even implicitly, then it is likely that they will

need to induce influence on the form and composition of these bodies through

their appointments policies. 4.) Patronage will predominantly be the activity of the

party in the public office. Rather than being a means by which networks of

support are sustained or rewarded, patronage will be a mode of governing, a

process by which the party acquires a voice in the various policy- making

institution of the modern multi- level governance systems. On the other hand, the

study also viewed some implications of understanding patronage by different

countries in different situation. Using different approaches, the study found out
that speaking of patronage in other states is only bounded in employment. The

basis of existence of such patronage is the ability of the people in authority to

recommend and appoint employees. Also, such appointments were prevalently

done in the government. Hence, Kopecky et al concluded that, with those

approaches presented to measuring and explaining party patronage allows

everybody to carry out comparative analysis into the opportunity, practice,

motivations and mechanisms of party patronage. Through the approaches,

broadens scope of patronage by including ministries, agencies and executing

institutions alike as potential arenas of patronage appointments. Further, by

using in- depth expert interviews by country specialists we provide first hand

insights, ergo, rather than positing certain assumptions into the motivations and

uses of patronage contemporary democracy, it can be investigated by getting

into the heart of the matter in each setting.

Miriam Golden (2000) used the setting of Postwar Italy in studying

patronage politics and how did it play a great role in employment especially in

government institution, as well as its implications to Italy. Golden illustrated a

model of a bad government and the bad government in Italy. She mentioned two

mechanisms on how could the politicians, once elected, actually provide specific

services to their districts and how could they get credit from voters for having

done so. First, the pork barrel legislation, in which, legislators could take

advantage of the Italian parliament’s unusually strong committee system to

elaborate district- specific allocative legislation. Second, the patronage politics,

this is considered as principal mechanism used by the politicians. Thus,


patronage politics was developed over the post war period to provide specific

services to their districts, through prevalent appointments in public

administration. Further, the study made mentioned that patronage appointment

and jobs as constituency service, the provision of job in an economy in which

employment opportunities were inadequate was a direct service to their

constituents and their (extended) family. Then, Golden also tackled civil service

regulations guide the appointment process for positions in public administration.

However, in contrary, she also exposed specific ways by which civil service laws

were routinely violated in Italy: 1.) limiting the scope of merit, by use of a spoil

system, civil service were not required and appointments were directly made by

the government; 2.) appointing the “right guys”, by effectively appointing people

to nominally elected positions, for instance in the local or national administrative

councils responsible for overseeing public agencies; 3.) manipulating the

selection process, within the ordinary ministerial departments by fixing

examination results; 4.) manipulating the movement and promotion of personnel,

within the ordinary ministerial departments by promoting persons on the basis of

political, not professional, merits. By then, Golden also stated that patronage

politics and political corruption is distinct interactions. The widespread corruption

also involves business, which pays the bribes and kickbacks and that exchange

receive the contracts for public works. Ergo, Golden concluded that Italian

political patronage has long been interpreted as a scum of backwardness and

underdevelopment, or as part of the process of modernization. She also argued

that there were typically Italian characteristics that promoted the construction of
patronage politics, rather than the more neutral kinds of constituency services

used to allure voters. Some of these characteristics were undoubtedly historically

derived. The South of the country was vulnerable to the construction of

patronage machines precisely because of a history of government that had

prevented the appearance of the Catholic and Communist political subcultures

seen in the center and northeast of the country. In that sense, history contributed

the existence of patronage politics in postwar Italy. Furthermore, the underlying

inducement was the promotion of the widespread adoption of patronage politics

and partisan use of the public administration as to retain one’s seat.

Kheang Un (2005) conducted that study of patronage politics in

Cambodia, under the administration of Hun Sen and CPP as popular party in the

country. In Cambodia, popular participation is limited given the hierarchical

linkages between voters and politicians in which elites attempt to attract the

masses into “elite dominated trajectories” that inhibit grassroots representation

and participation. On the other hand, CPP has used patronage and surveillance

to keep rural people under their protection. Further, Hun Sen was said to be

power hungry, but then, his defense is that the people gave it to him. Power was

generated through development projects and other material inducements whose

sources of funding were patronage politics backed by corruption that involved the

party and government officials, business people and rural voters. Meanwhile, to

sustain the politics of patronage, government bureaucracies are required to

contribute to the party assets for election campaign, which is allegedly known as

“black box”. It was suspected that the need for the officials to contribute in the
said black box has increased corruption, ergo, the officials have to divide his

earnings into three: for themselves, for their superiors and for the black box. K.

Un concluded that, Cambodian political elites and other foreign observers have

positively stated that Cambodia is in a transitional stage. After a traumatic past,

the country has to jump up from that experience, giving the way to hybrid

democracy, as the springboard. However, it was not noted that such hybrid

democratization has its flaws in the government system. The continuing

domination of CPP offers coercive mechanisms in preventing formation of bonds

within the opposing parties. Moreover, CPP and Hun Sen use their domination to

the state machinery to nurture patronage politics, though transformed to fit with

democratic rhetoric. Instead of competing for votes through a policy agenda, the

CPP as a party and Hun Sen as an individual patron use material inducements to

attract voters, a practice that prevents genuine popular participation. Also,

patronage politics not only links the government to the voters, as well as

government officials to business tycoons, a web that breeds corruption and

breeches the rule of law.

To analyze the aforementioned studies, it brought to the conclusion that

politics of patronage is interconnected with inducements by the officials to their

supporters, and the best form of it is job employment; also the underlying basis of

it – corruption. Scrutinizing Golden (2000) and Un (2005) studies, in order for the

official to attract voters they have to lay down their incentives through job

assurance. Further, patronage politics is also intertwined with corruption.

Government offices and hiring are the best resources that the official could give
to his constituents, unfortunately, disregarding the merit system and

professionalism. Meanwhile, Kopecky et al (2007) gave different definitions of

patronage politics, based on how it was exercised and practiced by the involved

people.

Relevance of the Study

The given readings and discussion had been helpful for the development

of the thesis and to bring substantial information to the readers and to be able to

well analyze and compare the articles that was taken from local and foreign

literatures.

Wherein it was pointed out that patronage politics is included in country’s

political culture. It was traced that this culture already existed in the Philippines

way back on Spanish era. Furthermore, pakikisama, reciprocity, kinship,

nepotism, power, authority and influence, are associated to the said political

culture.

Also, many authors related patronage politics on the issue of bureaucracy,

which they believed also played a role in the existence of such culture. Merit

system was closely eliminated thus hiring unqualified employees in the

government. Likewise, corruptions, inefficiency in government service and alike

were believed to be the results.

On the other hand, the related studies gave benefits in the research,

especially those studies which conferred patronage politics and its relation to the

government as it provides job employment. It was relevant to discuss that this


culture also exists in other countries, and how they cope up to the culture.

American Political Science Association had studied the topic and gave pertinent

definitions of patronage politics and how politicians deal with it. Moreover, it is

also essential to view the study of civil service and to find out how these

institutions cope up with the issue of ineffective civil servants.

CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY
This chapter would present the different processes used in conducting the

study. Included in this chapter are the methods of research, respondents of the

study and research tools or instruments that were relevant to the study.

Methods of Research.

This study titled “An Analysis on Patronage Politics in its Relation on

the Issue of the Cavite Provincial Capitol’s Employment Rate” would

facilitate the descriptive analysis method of study. Such method of study is

employed in areas of concentration which aims to emphasize the relevance of

the available resources to the subject matter of the study. This would basically

apply strict gathering, nalysis, interpretation, and syntheses of justifiable

recommendations of readily – available data considering both the theoretical and

relative resources (Campbell, Ballou and Slade, 1990). Specifically speaking,

descriptive analysis of study is to be used in this study through gathering and

analysis of theoretical and relative facts that deals with patronage politics and the

employment rate of the Cavite Provincial Capitol from the year 2001 – 2010.

Respondents of the Study.

The main respondent of this study would be the Provincial Capitol’s

Human Resource Management Office which documents the employment rate

and status of the employees from the specific span of time set by this study.

Aside from the mentioned respondent, the study might as well consider the

Department of Labor and Employment for the determination of the largest work

providers in the province of Cavite. Also, the study would consider a number of
Cavitenos from the different sectors of the society as respondents in order to

gather relevant sources from their personal capacity and knowledge.

Research Instruments

To fulfill the goals of this study, the following research instruments are to

be facilitated:

Documents. The specific type of document used in this study are the

employment records and the civil service records of the employees of the

provincial capitol from the year 2001 – 2010.

Interviews. A dialogue between the specific concerned personalities

would be conducted for the verification and documentation of resources that

might as well be gathered.

CHAPTER IV

PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA


This piece of the research study would focus on how the researchers

would present, analyze and interpret the data gathered to answer the specific

questions posed on this study.

1. What is patronage politics in relation to local provincial level of

governance in the country?

Generally speaking, and as affirmed by Shafrizt, patronage politics would

mean the power of appointed officials to make partisan appointments to office or

to confer contracts, honors, and other benefits on their political supporters. It may

also mean or talk about the direct or indirect ways on how an authority uses his

position to give advantage on certain individuals or group of individuals in return

of their patronage to that certain individual. In a bird’s eye view, patronage

politics is a detriment on the governance system as it does not only confer

favoritism as well as abuse of power of the authorities exercising such.

In the Philippines, most specifically in the provincial level of governance,

the idea of patronage politics exist due to the prevalent Filipino culture of

pakikisama, compadre, utang na loob, and kinship system (Panopio and Rolda,

1988). Such existence of patronage politics can also be accounted for the idea of

local autonomy of these provincial governments as they are not being monitored

directly by the national government or agencies of the national government

concerned in assuring the prohibitions of the existence of such idea in politics

thus allowing the act of the authorities in the higher positions in the provincial

level to pay back the favors of their allies done in fulfillment of their political

aspirations and success. In relation to this, Renato Constantino in his work The
Filipino Politician, he said that the authority that are supposed to be exercised

and sustained by the individuals who are in the higher posts of the provincial

government loses its prestige and purpose as the individuals hired by the

provincial government leads to the disrespectful act towards the higher

individuals as they seem to see these individuals as mere connections and not

the people in authority.

In addition to this, the best implication of patronage politics in the

provincial level of government would be the insufficient means on how the civil

service must be brought directly by the provincial government (Civil Service

Study, 2004). The reason behind would be, appointments or acceptance of the

employees out of the idea of recommendation and not merely on the basis that

the provincial government must operate and accept its employees. Furthermore,

such existence of patronage politics in the provincial government implicitly

violates the Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and

Employees, which prohibits political accommodations especially in hiring

employees who are intended to, render government service to the public.

Focusing our way on the specific area of what is patronage politics in

terms of provincial level of governance in Cavite, it is the way by which the

provincial capitol in the period of 2001 – 2010 had provided favors and

accommodations which are both political in nature into certain individuals in

terms of the offices created which are termed as “junior offices with its junior

officers”. The salary of these offices is obtained from the funds of the legal offices

in the Provincial Capitol which are not subject to auditing of authorities. The best
example of a legal office whose fund is not subject to auditing as mentioned by a

credible source is the Intelligence Fund of the Provincial Government.

2. What could have been the legal bases on the declaration that the

Cavite Provincial Capitol is the second largest employer in the

province?

The legality of the declaration that the Cavite Provincial Capitol is the

second largest employer in the province could have been based on the data

provided for by the Department of Labor and Employment Cavite Field Office, the

following are the top ten companies in the province of Cavite in terms of the
Graphical Representation of the Average
average employment
Employment Ratesize from
of the the
Top Tenyear 2008 up
Companies in to the year 2010. The data
Terms of Employee Size from the Year 2008 - 2009
provided Including theonly
herein are Personnel
basedinventory of the
on the list Cavite
of companies who submits themselves
Provincial Capitol as of March 31, 2010

on self – assessment of their employee size on annual basis from the year 2008
5000
up4500
to the year 2010.
4716

4000
It can be drawn from Table 4.1. that indeed, the Cavite Provincial Capitol
3500
3000
has a huge amount of employees based on its average inventory as of March 31,
2969

2500
2010
2000if it is to be compared with the other companies in the province of Cavite.
1556
1604

1500
1405
1313

With a total of 4, 716 employees, it has far gone the difference against the
1129
1059
1026

1000
988
778

500
number one company in terms of employment size which is the ROHM
0
Electronics Philippines Incorporated with the average employee size of 2, 969.
ROHM Electronics Phils. Inc. Scad Services (s) Pte. Ltd.
Faremo Int'l Inc. NT Phils. Inc.
This data allows a
Cypress Mfg. Ltd.
room for a conclusion that the Cavite Provincial Capitol has
Dae Young Apparel
Euro-Med Lab Phil. Inc. House Tech. Industries Pte. Ltd.
been HRD(s)
the largest
Pte. Ltd. employer and not the second
Yumex largest
Philippines employer in the province of
Corporation
Cavite Provincial Capitol
Cavite.
The figure above shows the top ten employers in the province of Cavite in
terms of average employee size for the year 2008 up to 2010 including
the inventory of the employees of the Cavite Provincial Capitol as of
March 31, 2010.

In addition to the data provided by the Department of Labor and

Employment Cavite Field Office, the Provincial Planning and Development Office

had provided data that could help the researchers in interpreting the reason

behind the Provincial Capitol’s employment rate. If data are to be considered in


terms of the employment generated by the economic zones in the province as a

whole with respect to each economic zone, the provincial government would

nevertheless, be ranked second to the last. As the data shows below in Table 4.1

and Figure 4.1., the provincial capitol even over ranked the Daichi Special

Economic Zone in Silang, Cavite in terms of the total number individuals

employed. This could have been one of the basis to conclude that nevertheless,

the Provincial Capitol has issues on its employment rate. Considering the fact

that this data in this part speaks off the collective employment rate of the

economic zones in Cavite, it can still be drawn that the Provincial Capitol has

indeed a large number of employees.

Employer Employment Rate

people's technology complex 5343


golden mile business park 1757
first cavite industrial estate 14982
gateway business park 15553
emi special economic zone 6249
cavite economic zone (phase 1) 68954
daiichi special economic zone 1004
cavite provincial capitol 4716
people's technology complex 5343
Table 4.1.. List of Economic Zones in the Province of Cavite Including the
Provicncial Capitol with their Respective Employment Rate.
Figure 4.1. Rate of Employment of Respective
Economic Zones in the Province of Cavite Including
the Provincial Capitol of Cavite

68954, 58%

1004, 1%
4716, 4%
6249, 5%
15553, 13% 5343, 5%
1757, 1%
14982, 13%

people's technology complex golden mile business park


first cavite industrial estate gateway business park
emi special economic zone cavite economic zone (phase 1)
daiichi special economic zone cavite provincial capitol

Figure 4.2. Personnel Inventory of the Provincial


Government of Cavite as of March 31, 2010

23, 0%

85, 2%
945, 20%
30, 1%

1539, 33%

12, 0% 2082, 44%

Another possible basis on the issue of the Provincial Capitol’s employment rate
permanent temporary co-terminus
contractual casual job order
could have been the actual breakdown of personnel inventory of the provincial
elected
capitol of which the researchers were able to furnish such inventory as of March

31, 2010.

Figure 4.2. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial government

of Cavite with respect to their status of appointment. It could be clearly drawn

from the illustration that the combined numbers of the contractual, casual, co –

terminus and the job - order employees constitute a great percentage of the total

number of employees in the provincial capitol. As mentioned earlier, such posts

mentioned needs not consider their civil service requirement. As assumed and

put into practiced, such political accommodation or patronage politics might

happen within these posts as the law may not be so strict with these posts and

thus, has the least possibility of being questioned on the employment of such

individual.

The following figures (Figures 4.3 – 4.22) would further show the specific

breakdown of inventory of employees on each office in the Provincial Capitol with

respect to the status of employment of all the employees in the respective

offices.
Figure 4.3. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial
Accounting Office with Respect to the Status of
Employment as of March 31, 2010

15, 39% permanent


casual
23, 61%

Figure 4.3. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial accounting

office with respect to their status of appointment in which 61% of the employees

are classified as permanent while 39% are under the casual category.

Figure 4.4. Personnel Inventory on the


Provincial Administrator Office with
Respect to the Status of Employment as of
March 31, 2010

permanent
11,50% 11,50%
casual

Figure 4.4. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial

administrator’s office with


Figure 4.5 respect
. Personnel Invento
torytheir
on thestatus of appointment wherein 50% of
Provincial Agriculturist Office with Respect

the employeesto the Status of Employment as of March


are deemed as permanent
31, 2010
while the remaining 50% is set as

casual employees.
20,20%

permanent
casual
80,80%
Figure 4.5. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial agriculturist

office with respect to their status of appointment in which 80 out of 100 of its

employees are under the permanent category while the remaining 20 are under

the casual level.

Figure 4.6. Personnel Inventory on the


Provincial Budget Office with Respect to
the Status of their Employment as of
March 31, 2010

3, 17%

15, 83% permanent


casual

Figure 4.7. Personnel Inventory on the


Figure 4.6.Provincial
illustrates the personnel
Genral Services Office with inventory of the provincial budget
Respect to the Status of their Employment as
office with respect to theirofstatus
March 31,of appointment
2010 which shows that 83% of the

total employees are under the permanent


1, 1%posts while 17% are under the casual
permanent
positions. temporary
casual
29, 26%
81, 73%
Figure 4.7. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial general

services office with respect to their status of appointment wherein 73% of all the

employees are under the permanent positions, 26% are under the casual

positions and 1% belongs to the temporary position.

Figure 4.8. Personnel Inventory of the


Provincial Legal Office with Respect to their
Staus of Employment as of March 31, 2010

3, 21%

per manent
co-terminus
1, 7%
casual
10, 72%

Figure 4.8. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial legal office

with respect to their status of appointment in which 72% belongs to the


Figure 4.9. Personnel Inventory of the Provincial
Cooperatives Office with Respect to their Status
permanent level, 21% to the casual level and 7% to the co – terminus level.
of Emplyment as of March 31, 2010

9, 41%
permanent
1, 5%
temporary
co-terminus
1, 5% casual
11, 49%
Figure 4.9. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial

cooperatives office with respect to their status of appointment wherein 49% of the

total employees belong to the permanent posts, 41% to the casual positions, and

both 5% for the temporary and co – terminus positions.

Figure 4.10. Personnel Inventory of the Provincial


Engineer's Office with Respect to their Staus of
Emplyment as of March 31, 2010

36, 11%

permanent
casual

305, 89%

Figure 4.10. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial engineer’s

office with respect to their status of appointment where 89% of all the employees
Figure 4.11. Personnel Inventory on the
are categorized as ia
Provincpermanent employees
l Governor's Office with Respectwhile
to the remaining 11% are under the
the Status of Employment Status as of March
31, 2010
casual level.
379, 66%
142, 24%
permanent
temporary
co-terminus

37, 6% 25, 4% casual


Figure 4.11. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial governor’s

office with respect to their status of appointment in which 66% of the total

employees belong to the casual positions, 24% belongs to the permanent

positions, 6% belongs to the co – terminus posts and 4% under the temporary

posts.
Figure 4.12. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial
Environment and Natural Resources Office w ith
Respect to the Status of Employment as of March 31,
2010

permanent

14, 100%

Figure 4.12. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial

environment and natural resources office with respect to their status of


Figure 4.13. Personnel Inventory on the
appointment wherein 100% ofOffice
Provincial Information its with
employees
Respect to are deemed under the permanent
the Status of Employment as of March 31, 201
post.

permanent
18, 67% 2, 7%
1, 4% temporary
co-terminus
6, 22%
casual
Figure 4.13. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial information office

with respect to their status of appointment in which 67% of the total employees

are under the permanent category, 22% under the casual posts, 7% under the
Figure 4.14. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial
temporary level and 4%
Population Ounder
ffice withthe coto–theterminus
Respect Status of positions.
Emplyment as of March 31, 2010
Figure 4.14. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial
Population Office with Respect to the Status of
Emplyment as of March 31, 2010

permanent

20, 100%
permanent

20, 100%

Figure 4.14. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial population

office with respect to their status of appointment in which all of its employee are
Figure 4.15. Personnel Inventory on the
under the Provincial
permanent level.Social Welfare and Development
Office with Respect to the Status of
Employment as of March 31, 2010

18, 43% permanent


24, 57% casual
Figure 4.15. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial social

welfare and development office with respect to their status of appointment

wherein 57% of its employees are under the casual posts while 43% are under

the permanent level of occupancy.

Figure 4.16. Personnel Inventory on the


Provincial Veterinarian Office with Respect to
the Status of Employment as of March 31, 2010

11, 32%
permanent
casual
23, 68%

Figure 4.16. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial

veterinarian office with respect to their status of appointment in which 68% of all
Figure 4.17. Personnel Inventory on the
Provincial Vice Governonr's Office with
the employees belong to the permanent classification
Respect to the Status of Emplyment as of
while 32% is under the
March 31, 2010
casual posts.
1, 14% 1, 14%
temporary
co-terminus
elected
5, 72%
Figure 4.17. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial vice

governor’s office with respect to their status of appointment wherein 72% of its

employees are under the co – terminus post, and 14% for both the temporary

and elected position.

Figure 4.18. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial


Sanggunian with Respect to the Staus of
Employment as of March 31, 2010

11, 14%
28, 35% permanent
co-terminus
elected
40, 51%

Figure 4.18. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial

sanggunian office with respect to their status of appointment in which 51%


Figure 4.19. Personnel inventory on the Provincial
Planning and Development Office with Respect to
belongs to the co – terminus posts, 35% to the permanent posts and 14% to the
the Status of Employment as of March 31, 2010

elected posts.
4, 12%

permanent
casual

29, 88%
Figure 4.19. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial planning

and development office with respect to their status of appointment wherein 88%

belongs to the permanent positions and 12% to the casual position.

Figure 4.20. Personnel Inventory on the


Provincial Treasurer Office with Respect to
the Status of Employment as of March 31,
2010

12, 22%
permanent
casual
43, 78%

Figure 4.20. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial treasurer’s

office with respect to their status of appointment in which 78% of the employees

are classified as permanent ones while the remaining 22% are under the casual
Figure4.21. Personnel Inventoryonthe
Provincial Assessor OfficewithR espect to
posts. theStatusof E mployment asof March31,
2010

11, 19%

permanent
casual
47, 81%
Figure 4.21. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial assessor’s

office with respect to their status of appointment wherein 81% are under the

permanent posts while the remaining 19% are classified under the casual posts.

Figure 4.22. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial


Health Office Including the District, Provincial and
Mental Hospital with Respect to the Status of
Employment as of March 31, 2010

356, 38%
permanent
contractual
casual
23, 2% 547, 60%

Figure 4.22. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial health

office including the district, provincial, and mental hospital with respect to their

status of appointment in which 60% of the total employees are classified as

permanent, 28% as casual and 2% as contractual.

Looking at the presented data regarding the status of employment in

various offices in the Cavite Provincial Capitol, it can be seen that still, the casual

and contractual including the job orders in which, by special reasons seems to be
“under a special office” aside from the mentioned offices above, employees has

prevalent numbers among other employees though some offices exhibited high

percentage of employees with permanent positions. Thus, it is really a

presumable fact that in each office, existence of non – civil service required

employees is evident and as mentioned earlier, could be accounted for the idea

that political accommodation is practiced in each office. Unless otherwise that

other offices had greater number of permanent employees then it can be

presumed that those offices actually has lesser number of political

accommodations since such posts require strict civil service qualification on the

said employment status.

3. In what way does patronage politics exists both in general

perspective and in the Cavite Provincial Government level as well?

Patronage Politics is exercised in a usual practice by means of giving

favor to certain individuals or group of individuals in exchange of the political

support that they have rendered to a politician during the election period

(Shafrizt). Such favor may be given in terms of granting positions into offices in

the local government units or by means of granting projects that could help these

individuals based on their basic needs. Patronage politics may also be exercised

by giving special treatments to individuals in transacting or performing certain

public transactions with the respective local government units.

Having the statement given by the Provincial Human Resource

Management Office, patronage politics actually exists in the Cavite Provincial

Capitol but they do not call it as patronage politics but political accommodation.
They further added that such practice cannot be prevented most especially when

there is a change of administration in the provincial seat. As a new administration

comes in, it is expected that there would also be new employees to be

considered in certain posts and at times, a reshuffling among the employees who

are already posted in specific positions. In addition to this, the Human Resource

Management Office further reiterated that such political accommodations

happens by mere suggestion of list of possible employees of certain elective

officials in the provincial government.

4. Are the employees of the Cavite Provincial Capitol qualified when it

comes to their qualification background on their respective jobs?

Though the Provincial Human Resource Management Office admitted that

indeed, political patronage or political accommodation as they call it exists, they

gave a statement that not all recommendations are accommodated as their office

must follow a protocol on hiring employees and that is, the consideration of the

Civil Service Law as well as they capacity and knowledge on the possible posts

to be granted to them. From this statement, it can be assumed that the Provincial

Capitol has the employees that are really qualified when it comes to their

qualification background on their respective jobs. Yet, as stated in the

Employment Handbook of Tagaytay City authored by Ms. Ester D. Salamatin,

she made mention of the fact that in the mode of employment of these

individuals, there are certain posts that need not to have Civil Service Eligibility

like in the case of the Casual, Contractual, Co – Terminus or Emergency. Thus,

from this fact, we can say that not all employees of the Cavite Provincial
Government are Civil Service Requirement qualified as by nature, there are

posts that need not to have civil service eligibility. Likewise, as a governmental

institution, it is expected that employees to be admitted in the said posts must be

qualified in terms not only of law requirements but as well as their skills and

knowledge as basic idea since they are to perform certain governmental

functions that would concern the welfare of the majority of the people under their

respective local government units (Altenburger).

5. What is the effect of Patronage Politics on the efficiency of the

Cavite Provincial Capitol as a government institution?

Upon conducting an informal interview to different people within Cavite,

reveals different point of view on how efficient Cavite Provincial Government in

rendering services in different sect especially for the last nine (9) years.

Some says that, in a way the Provincial Government is efficient in providing good

infrastructures. Most of them made mentioned the improvement in Capitol

compound brought by the previous administration. The Provincial Gymnasium

was provided by an air condition, buildings were renovated and better

sidewalks. An interviewee, who’s a former SK Chairman and a nurse at present,

stated that during her incumbency, Provincial Government had been

supportive in their projects and programs. The roads and bridges on their place

was reconstructed and replaced to concrete ones. The administration also

gave assistance for the farmers in their place, since the municipality is an

agricultural. On the other hand, drivers were still looking for some improvements

on the road infrastructures; they revealed that there were still roads that are in
need to undergo widening for better flow of transportation. As far as

education is concerned, the Provincial government had been good in providing

assistance to the public schools. Through scholarship grants and the famous

Maliksi- type building of public schools funded by the Province. On health

services being provided, some stated that it is fairly carry out to the people but

not satisfying. It was revealed that, mostly on the month of January, Provincial

Hospital lacks equipments and facilities due to insufficient fund, causing

implications in the execution of appropriate health services.

However, still, the interview revealed that the Provincial Government lack

its efficiency and effectiveness for the last nine(9) years. Most of the interviewees

still believed that the services are not enough and worst, that the government

had been interpreting the problems for the people and providing services that are

not parallel to address the needs of the people. For them, it is hard to rate the

effectiveness of the previous administration, provided that they did not even felt

the improvement thoroughly. Furthermore, they were also aware of the

anomalies inside the government, which they think is affecting the proper

implementation of the government’s goals and objectives. Like the loads of debt

left by the previous administration, the rice scam issue and the ghost employees

in Capitol. From then, the people believed that the Provincial Government for the

last nine (9) years brought improvement to the province, however, not satisfying.

As far as the evident sustainable growth and development exhibited by the

Cavite Provincial Capitol is concerned (Socio – Economic Profile of the Province

of Cavite, 2008), it can be drawn that the Cavite Government as a government


institution has been effective despite the existence of the idea of patronage

politics. This just only proves that patronage politics do not have any detrimental

effect on the performance of the provincial capitol as a governmental institution

despite its evident existence. In addition to this, laying out the projects that the

provincial government has over the years 2001 – 2010 like for example the

compensation given to the Barangay Health Workers, cooperative and livelihood

assistance given to the small and medium Caviteno entrepreneurs, upgraded

public development programs, agricultural and aquatic livelihood assistance,

scholarship assistance and stable economic status of the province, it can also be

a proof that indeed, it has been an efficient institution.


CHAPTER V

SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Now that the gathered data has been interpreted and presented, this part

of this study would focus on summarizing the ideas raised as well as the

conclusion of the facts and paradigms that deals with the main focus of this study

which is patronage politics and the employment rate of the Cavite Provincial

Capitol from the year 2001 – 2010. Furthermore, this point of this study would

also lay down certain suggestions regarding on whatever findings this research

study had.

Findings

Based on the data gathered, the following facts are established by the

researchers of this study:

6. In the Philippines, as a whole, patronage politics in relation to local

provincial level of governance would speak of the idea of pakikisama,

compadre, utang na loob and kinship system. Furthermore, in the area

of the Cavite Provincial government, patronage politics is the way by

which the provincial capitol in the period of 2001 – 2010 had provided
favors and accommodations which are both political in nature into

certain individuals in terms of the offices created which are termed as

“junior offices with its junior officers”. The salary of these offices are

obtained from the funds of the legal offices in the Provincial Capitol

which are not subject to auditing of authorities. The best example of a

legal office whose fund is not subject to auditing as mentioned by a

credible source is the Intelligence Fund of the Provincial Government.

7. Based on the comparison made between the top ten employers in the

province of Cavite in terms of employment size and the Cavite

Provincial Capitol, the latter has a huge amount of employees based

on its average inventory as of March 31, 2010 if it is to be compared

with the other companies in the province of Cavite. With a total of 4,

716 employees, it has far gone the difference against the number one

company in terms of employment size which is the ROHM Electronics

Philippines Incorporated with the average employee size of 2, 969.

This data allows a room for a conclusion that the Cavite Provincial

Capitol has been the largest employer and not the second largest

employer in the province of Cavite.

8. Having the statement given by the Provincial Human Resource

Management Office, patronage politics actually exists in the Cavite

Provincial Capitol but they do not call it as patronage politics but

political accommodation.
9. Though the Provincial Human Resource Management Office admitted

that indeed, political patronage or political accommodation as they call

it exists, they gave a statement that not all recommendations are

accommodated as their office must follow a protocol on hiring

employees and that is, the consideration of the Civil Service Law as

well as their capacity and knowledge on the possible posts to be

granted to them.

10. Based on the interview conducted to different people residing within

Cavite revealed that Cavite Provincial government had been efficient

in some public services; however, it does not satisfy the people for the

last nine (9) years. For the reason of their belief that there were

anomalies and flaws within the Capitol, which hinders the proper

delivery of services.

Conclusions

6. Patronage politics is the common idea of referral system in the

government offices. In Cavite Provincial Capitol, such system has been

the cause of high employment rate from year 2001- 2009.

7. The legal bases on the declaration that the Cavite Provincial Capitol is the

second largest employer are the records of both the HRMO of Cavite

Provincial Capitol and Department of Labor and Employment Cavite Field

Office. (Table 4.1)


8. Patronage politics rampantly exists in the Cavite Provincial Capitol in

terms of political accommodations. Wherein they hire employees through

recommendations from the superiors.

9. Though most of the employees are qualified when it comes to their

qualification background on their respective jobs in relation to the

provision of the Civil Service law, there are still employees who are not

qualified for their respective posts do not require civil service

qualifications.

10. In a way, Cavite Provincial Capitol is an efficient governmental agency in

terms of the delivery of services to the people, though there are criticisms

based on the issues and controversies particularly on the employment

standards and project implementation, of the said institution on the year

2001- 2009.

Recommendations

After thorough analysis and synthesis of the data gathered in this study,

the researchers were able to formulate the following recommendations:

• Electorate and the People of Cavite. Based on the findings of this study,

the researchers would recommend for the people to be more vigilant on

the issues that deals with the local provincial government unit. An issue

such as those that deals with the efficiency of the delivery of services of

the provincial government is a subject that must be taken seriously. This

study further recommends that these people, as much as possible, refrain


from the incentives brought about by patronage politics as this a detriment

to the democratic idea of Philippine governance.

• The Present Provincial Administration. As the Human Resources

Management Office said, the provincial capitol assures that all their

employees are qualified to their posts as per mandated by the laws, the

researchers of this study moves that the present provincial administration

continue observing such practice as this would delimit the idea of

patronage politics in the provincial government. Such practice may also

assure the efficient delivery and performance of services in the provincial

government.

• The Civil Service Commission. The proponents of this study

recommends to the Civil Service Commission to counter check on whether

the employees of the provincial capitol are really qualified into their

respective posts as determined by the Civil Service qualifications.

• Future Aspiring Proponents. As there may be individuals who might

have the interest to pursue this study or have a similar framework of the

study, the proponents of this study recommends that they set focus on

other possible factors for the high employment rate of the provincial capitol

aside from patronage politics. It is also hereby recommended that

attention be paid of on other possible effect of high employment rate aside

on the matter of efficiency of the delivery of services of the Cavite

Provincial Capitol.
• Academe and Socio – Political Citizen’s Arm. Upon analyzing the data

gathered from this study, the researchers recommend to the academe and

socio – political arms to set similar studies that might have other local

government units aside from the Cavite Provincial Capitol as the subject of

the study. It is also moved that these institutions be more vigilant of the

issues that deals with the aspect of local governance.