Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
KRISTYN FRANK
Statistics Canada
The research reported here was financially supported by the Canadian Sociological Association. We
are also grateful to Statistics Canada for providing us with the data used in this paper. We thank
Amy Swiffen for launching this project. We received excellent comments from Howard Ramos, Simon
Langlois, Edward Grabb, and Jim Conley on an earlier version of this paper.
Neil Guppy, Department of Sociology, University of British Columbia, Vancouver Campus, 6303 NW
Marine Drive, Vancouver, BC, Canada V6T 1Z1. E-mail: neil.guppy@ubc.ca
C 2017 Canadian Sociological Association/La Société canadienne de sociologie
238 CRS/RCS, 54.2 2017
METHODS
Exactly how field of study is defined has ramifications for our results.
In the census and the NHS, Statistics Canada has used two field of study
classifications during the 1991 to 2011 interval. For the 1991 and 2001 Cen-
suses, the “MFS” classification was used and the 2011 NHS uses a field
of study categorization known as CIP, or Classification of Instructional
Programs. Both classifications categorize education courses and learning
experiences into discrete clusters that map onto occupational qualifica-
tions, preparation for advanced degrees, or programs of study in defined
areas (Statistics Canada 2011). Sociology, coded 451101 in the CIP, falls
under the social sciences umbrella and is distinct from rural sociology
(451401), sociology and anthropology (451301), urban studies (451201),
and demography and population studies (450401). Although the coding
scheme changed in 2011, an MFS-CIP concordance table helps to ensure
that the classification of individuals to the “sociology” field of study is
congruent over time. In addition, this study uses the 1991 and 2001 Har-
monized Census Microdata files that were developed with the primary
objective of creating data with historically comparable census variables.
Table 1
Women
1991 74.4 67.3 57.1 64.8 72.4 67.2
2001 60.0 59.0 66.3 73.0 74.0 70.3
2011 63.1 65.5 70.5 73.6 75.8 71.7
Francophone
1991 2.4 3.4 7.6 9.5 8.3 8.4
2001 4.6 6.8 8.7 8.9 4.6 6.9
2011 8.2 9.8 9.0 6.6 5.7 7.4
Visible minority
1991 6.5 8.5 11.0 8.4 13.9 11.2
2001 12.8 13.0 10.5 16.8 16.4 14.6
2011 13.8 12.3 19.0 19.1 21.1 18.1
Sources: 1991 and 2001 Harmonized Census Microdata and 2011 National Household Survey, Statistics
Canada.
The Future Lives of Sociology Graduates 241
that they hold a sociology degree as their main credential. As the right-
most column clearly shows, slightly more than two-thirds of people re-
porting a sociology credential are women, a percentage that has increased
slightly across the three time periods. The same basic pattern holds when
we compare across age groups, with the older cohorts typically composed
of a slightly smaller proportion of women (seen by comparing down the
columns). The pattern is not perfectly linear as the very oldest cohort,
those aged 65 to 74 in 1991 and born just after the First World War, rep-
resent the cohort with the second highest proportion of female sociology
degree holders.
The robustness of the basic pattern of feminization shown in
Table 1 is corroborated by examining the annual share of women who
graduated from Canadian universities with sociology BA degrees between
the early 1970s (when 58 percent of degree recipients were women) and
more recently in the 2010s (75 to 80 percent women; Education in Canada
and special tabulations purchased from Statistics Canada). The percent-
age of women among sociology graduates is now between 75 and 80 percent
at the undergraduate level, while it is about 70 percent at the MA level,
and at about 60 percent among PhD students.
Several explanations for the feminization of sociology as a field of
study seem plausible (Roos 1997). Part of the increase in the absolute
number of women trained as sociologists is a function of the increasing
percentage of women graduating from university generally which between
1976 and 2008 grew from 48 to 61 percent (Davies and Guppy 2014:152).
This helps to explain a rise in the absolute number of women, but it does not
account for the proportionate increase among women pursuing sociology.
One explanation for rising feminization among sociology graduates is that
women select sociology as a field of study because of its personal resonance.
The discipline continues to place more stress than others do on issues about
which women care deeply, including social justice, children and family,
sexuality, and gender equity (for an economics/sociology comparison, see
Fourcade, Ollion, and Algan 2015). Alternatively, social science degrees, at
least outside of economics, have never led to particularly high-paying jobs,
jobs to which men have traditionally been drawn and from which women
have been restricted (see the comparative income data by field and sex that
we report next).
The middle panel of Table 1 shows trends among Francophones and
Anglophones. A first impression is that the number of Francophones re-
porting sociology as a main undergraduate degree is lower than expected.
Using as a baseline the approximate percentage of Canadians who report
French as their home language (the measure of language used in the ta-
ble), the Francophone proportion has been in the 20 to 22 percent range
for the past few decades. By comparison, the figures in Table 1 show that
among people aged 25 to 34 in 2011, only 5.7 percent of sociology degree
holders are Francophones. This finding was unexpected as we initially
242 CRS/RCS, 54.2 2017
interpreted the Dion and Bégin examples with which we began the paper
as emblematic of a strong pool of sociology graduates among Canadian
Francophones.
Historically, it appears that there was an uptick in the percentage
of Francophones holding sociology degrees among the older cohorts, but
this pattern has reversed more recently. For the three oldest cohorts in
Table 1, greater percentages of Francophones reported holding sociology
degrees in each successive decade from 1991 to 2011. That trend is sharply
different compared to the pattern among 25- to 34-year-olds. In 2011, a
lower percentage of young people (5.7 percent) were reported holding their
highest degrees in sociology as compared to the same-age cohort in 1991
(8.3 percent).
Another way to make these comparisons is to examine the percentage
of Francophones and Anglophones that hold university degrees in fields
other than sociology (not reported in a table). Among the youngest cohort
in 2011 (aged 25 to 34), 17.1 percent of all nonsociology degree holders
were Francophones, but only 5.7 percent of sociology degree holders were
Francophone.
Where this pattern is sharply different is among those who hold grad-
uate degrees in sociology. When we examine the proportion of people with
master’s or doctoral degrees, the percentage of people reporting their home
language as French rises to 25.3 in the 2011 cohort (data not presented in a
table). Francophone speakers appear less likely to hold an undergraduate
degree than one might expect, but a higher percentage than expected hold
graduate degrees (like the degrees possessed by Bégin and Dion).
Part of the story here might be that more Francophones complet-
ing a BA in sociology proceed to other degrees (e.g., in law, planning, or
teaching), than is the case among Anglophones. The theme of personal
resonance, which we suggested explained some of the rise in feminization,
might also be at work here in parsing out the Anglophone-Francophone
contrast. That is, Francophone sociology has traditionally focused on is-
sues of identity and “distinct society” (Rocher 1970; Warren 2009), issues
that were more important among the older cohorts where we saw increases
among Francophones with sociology degrees. However, these issues have
apparently not galvanized younger Francophones in more recent years,
with the result that sociology may have lost some of its appeal as a field of
study.
There is also a very different explanation that is more structural in
nature. Rather than explaining these patterns with respect to personal
choice, it could be that the mix of disciplines in Québec differs significantly
from the rest of Canada. For example, programs of study examining re-
gionalism and nationalism as separate disciplines have long been more
common in Québec than elsewhere. International studies, as well as busi-
ness and administration studies, have begun to eclipse Québec studies in
The Future Lives of Sociology Graduates 243
Table 2
Table 3
Women Men
Median Annual Earnings (Wage and Salary) for BA Degree Holders by Field of Study, Gender,
Ethnicity, and Language Group (2011)
Visible Nonvisible
Field of study Women Men minority minority Francophone Anglophone
The Future Lives of Sociology Graduates
Table 5
Table 6
Coefficient SE Coefficient SE
annual wages and salaries, controlling for age (to account for earnings in-
creasing with years of experience), age squared (the plateauing of earnings
at upper ages), and weeks worked (employment effort). To take into account
the skewed earning distributions, and to stay consistent with Table 6, we
use quantile (median) regression models.
In Model 1, we simultaneously introduce sex, ethnicity, and home lan-
guage. The findings show that earnings increase by about $4,300 for every
The Future Lives of Sociology Graduates 249
year of age, although the rate of that increase declines with age (see the
negative coefficient for age squared). For every extra week worked, people
received about $1,000 more. The basic earnings patterns of Table 4 are
repeated in this first model. Net of other factors men with a sociology de-
gree earn about $10,200 more than do women, nonvisible minority mem-
bers earn about $6,800 more than do members of visible minorities, and
Anglophones earn about $7,000 more than do Francophones. The latter
wage gap may also partially account for the lower attraction to sociology
among Francophones (see Table 2). In Model 2, where we introduce the
possession (or lack) of a graduate degree, we can determine more precisely
whether gaining a postgraduate credential pays off economically. The an-
swer is yes, with a reservation. Net of other factors, a graduate degree
is worth about $3,600 more each year. The reservation is that “economic
payoff” depends on how you calculate opportunity costs. Over the course of
a career, the $3,600 annual increment would not likely cover the foregone
earnings for someone who took eight years to complete a PhD (post BA).
The cell sizes are not sufficiently large to allow us to adjudicate on the
difference between the MA and PhD degrees.
Finally, we turn to self-report data from the 2013 NGS to examine
how satisfied recent sociology graduates are with their degree choice, occu-
pation, and employment income. As shown in Table 7, among graduates in
the six fields of study considered, sociology graduates are the least likely
to say that they are “satisfied” or “very satisfied” with their degree choice
(44 percent). In addition, although about two-thirds (68 percent) indicate
that they are satisfied or very satisfied with their income, this figure is
the lowest of all the fields of study that are compared. On the other hand,
sociology graduates are relatively happy with their occupations, ranking
near the top in this regard, with 94 percent saying that they are satisfied
or very satisfied. The contrasts with graduates from other fields of study
Table 7
Anthropology (N = 69) 54 74 74
Economics (N = 144) 50 84 74
Political Science (N = 215) 57 90 74
Criminology (N = 75) 73 96 94
Engineering (N = 1,487) 86 93 86
Sociology (N = 193) 44 94 68
Source: National Graduates Survey, 2013.
250 CRS/RCS, 54.2 2017
in the social sciences are typically not large although sociologists tend to
be among the least satisfied about their field of study.
Although the sociology discipline has been the butt of sniping in the pop-
ular press regarding the value of the degree, these critiques are generally
not supported by the evidence. In particular, the findings reported here
regarding labor force participation show that those with sociology degrees
clearly hold their own in terms of both employment rates and earnings.
Where the critiques have merit, at least to some degree, is in some of the
evidence concerning recent self-assessments of sociology graduates regard-
ing their degree. Social commentary in the media may exaggerate the woes
of sociology graduates, but this popular discourse is not entirely out of step
with some of the self-reports of our most recent graduates. How much this
media commentary influences the attitudes of sociology degree holders is
open to conjecture, but the self-report data about satisfaction levels is less
sanguine about the discipline than the behavioral evidence on employment
rates and earnings might lead one to expect.
In light of the rather sharp declines in the last decade among the
percentage of students choosing to graduate with degrees in sociology, at
a time when university degrees are in increasing demand, this is not a
positive story for the discipline. Our data on earnings, occupations, and
employment rates all show that sociology graduates do reasonably well
in the market place. The more positive message that should emerge from
these behavioral indicators may be eroding, however, because some media
pundits and some of our own graduates currently see the discipline in
comparatively negative terms. Certainly in the last decade, students are
voting with their feet by seeking other degrees in which to major.
As for historical sweep, we have shown clearly that the discipline
was attractive to ever greater proportions of students up until the turn of
the twenty-first century. Especially for women, sociology was a degree of
choice. A growing proportion of visible minority group members were also
choosing sociology, even if in relative terms sociology was not as attractive
to them as the STEM fields. Among Francophone students, sociology has
not been as enticing as it has been for Anglophones. We suspect that some of
the patterns we have found, especially for Francophones and Anglophones,
are attributable to differing structural alignments in higher education,
especially in how fields of study are organized in Québec compared to the
rest of Canada. The recent rise across Canada of new fields of study, in
such areas as women’s studies and globalization, for example, has likely
attracted some students who would in previous generations have chosen
sociology.
We also posited, consistent with the research literature, that beyond
structural change some of the ebb and flow of sociology student numbers
The Future Lives of Sociology Graduates 251
References
Davies, S. and N. Guppy. 2014. The Schooled Society. 3d ed. Toronto: Oxford University Press.
Davies, S., C. Mosher and B. O’Grady. 1992. “Canadian Sociology and Anthropology Graduates
in the 1980’s Labour Market, Part I: 1986 Graduates in 1988.” Society/Societe 16(1):
1–6.
Davies, S. and D. Walters. 2008. “The Value of a Sociology Degree.” Pp. 10–18 in Society in
Question, 5th ed., edited by R.J. Brym. Toronto: Thomson Nelson.
Dickson, L. 2010. “Race and Gender Differences in College Major Choice.” The Annals of the
American Academy of Political and Social Sciences 627:108–24.
Finnie, R., D. Afshar, E. Bozkurt, M. Miyariri and D. Pavlic. 2016. Barista or Better? New Evi-
dence on the Earnings of Post-secondary Education Graduates: A Tax Linkage Approach.
Ottawa: University of Ottawa, Education Policy Research Initiative.
Fletcher, T. 2012. “Swapping Sociology for Socket Sets.” Surrey Leader. Retrieved February 8,
2016 (http://www.surreyleader.com/opinion/171040241.html).
252 CRS/RCS, 54.2 2017
Fourcade, M., E. Ollion and Y. Algan. 2015. “The Superiority of Economics.” Journal of Economic
Perspectives 29(1):89–114.
Frank, K., M. Frenette and R. Morissette. 2015. “Labour Market Outcomes of Young Postsec-
ondary Graduates, 2005 to 2012.” Economic Insights, No. 50. Statistics Canada Catalogue
no. 11-626-X. Ottawa: Statistics Canada.
Leong, F.T.L. and S.P. Tata. 1990. “Sex and Acculturation Differences in Occupational Values
among Chinese-American Children.” Journal of Counselling Psychology 37(2):208–12.
Liu, R.W. 1998. “Educational and Career Expectations of Chinese-American College Students.”
Journal of College Student Development 39(6):577–88.
Rocher, G. 1970. “L’Avenir de la sociologie au Canada.” Pp. 14–29 in The Future of Sociology in
Canada, edited by J. Loubser. Montreal: Canadian Sociology and Anthropology Associa-
tion.
Roos, P. 1997. “Occupational Feminization, Occupational Decline? Sociology’s Changing Sex
Composition.” The American Sociologist 28(1):75–88.
Senter, M., R. Spalter-Roth and N. Van Vooren. 2015. Jobs, Careers and Sociological Skills: The
Employment Experiences of 2012 Sociology Majors. Washington, DC: American Sociologi-
cal Association.
Statistics Canada. 2011. “Classification of Instructional Programs (CIP) Canada.” Catalogue
No. 12-590-X. Ottawa: Ministry of Industry.
Statistics Canada. various years. “Education in Canada.” Catalogue No. 81-229-XIB. Re-
trieved April 2, 2017 (http://publications.gc.ca/Collection-R/Statcan/81-229-XIB/81-229-
XIB-e.html).
Warren, J.-P. 2009. “The Three Axes of Sociological Practice: The Case of French Quebec.” The
Canadian Journal of Sociology/Cahiers Canadiens de Sociologie 34(3):803–29.
Wente, M. 2012a. “Educated for Unemployment.” The Globe and Mail, September
12. Retrieved February 2, 2016 (http://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/educated-for-
unemployment/article4179127/).
Wente, M. 2012b. “Québec’s University Students Are in for a Shock.” The Globe and Mail,
May 1. Retrieved February 2, 2016 (http://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/Québecs-
university-students-are-in-for-a-shock/article4104304/).
Xie, Y. and K. Goyette. 2003. “Social Mobility and the Educational Choices of Asian Americans.”
Social Science Research 32:467–98.
Zarifa, D. 2012. “Choosing Fields in an Expansionary Era: Comparing Canada and the United
States.” Research in Social Stratification and Mobility 30(3):328–51.
Copyright of Canadian Review of Sociology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its
content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the
copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email
articles for individual use.