Ageing and Society, , , –.

Copyright #  Cambridge University Press 

Women with Multiple Roles : The

Emotional Impact of Caring for Ageing
Parents
B A R B A R A M U R P H Y*, H I L A R Y S C H O F I E L D*,
J U L I E N A N K E R V IS*, S I D N E Y B L O C H*,
H E L E N H E R R M A N* and B R U C E S I N G HU

ABSTRACT
As part of a wider study of family caregiving, a sample of  women caring
for an ageing parent were identified through a random statewide telephone
survey involving over , households in Victoria, Australia. In addition to
elder care, half these women were in paid employment and a third had
dependent children. Overload was highest for carers with multiple roles,
particularly those of parent or worker. Resentment in the caring role was
highest for those who had fewer roles apart from elder care, particularly those
who had quit work, and those without a partner. Life satisfaction was higher
for partnered and working carers. These findings highlight the need for
structures to support carers to maintain multiple roles, including greater
flexibility in the workplace and encouragement of greater reliance on informal
networks and formal services, both of which require increased societal
acknowledgment of the elder care role.

KEY WORDS – daughter carers ; elder care ; role conflict ; role re-
linquishment ; overload ; resentment.

Introduction

Research in both the UK and the US indicates that caregiving for

ageing parents becomes an increasingly likely role for women as they
move into mid-life (Moen et al.  ; Dwyer and Coward  ; Stone
et al.  ; Evandrou et al.  ; Brody ). Adult daughters’

* Department of Psychiatry, University of Melbourne and St Vincent’s Hospital,

Psychiatric Services,  Victoria Parade, Fitzroy, Victoria, Australia
U Department of Psychiatry, University of Melbourne and Royal Melbourne
Hospital, Victoria, Australia

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  Barbara Murphy et al.

caregiving role has similarly gained attention in Australia (McCallum

and Gelfand  ; Kendig ,  ; Australian Bureau of Statistics
), particularly in light of its ageing population (Graycar  ;
McCallum ). Indeed, in Australia, as elsewhere, daughters are the
predominant group providing care for the very elderly (McCallum
and Gelfand  ; Fine and Thompson  ; Stone et al.  ;
Stoller  ; Brody ).
While women’s caregiving for young children, ageing parents and,
later, husbands has been described as sequential or serial (Chappell
), it is argued that women are adding to their role repertoire rather
than experiencing role shifts in terms of caregiving and work (Brody et
al.  ; Kendig  ; Wolcott ). Increasingly more mid-life
women are in paid work (Kendig  ; Australian Bureau of Statistics
 ; Brody et al.  ; Brody  ; Finch and Groves ), and
these working women are as likely as their non-working counterparts to
become carers for elderly relatives (Moen et al.  ; Matthews et al.
 ; Matthews and Rosner  ; Stoller ).
There is debate as to how women prioritise these roles of worker and
caregiver. Employed carers are often forced to reduce hours or take less
responsible jobs because of caregiving demands ; some eventually resign
to care fulltime (Kinnear and Graycar  ; Brody and Schoonover
 ; Lewis and Meredith  ; Scharlach and Boyd  ; Stone et al.
 ; Chappell ). Thus, for some, the point comes when caregiving
is given precedence. This traditional view has, however, recently been
challenged by Moen et al. () who found that women with both
caring and work roles are more likely to stop caregiving than to leave
their jobs.
Findings regarding the effects of work on caregivers’ emotional
wellbeing have been similarly inconsistent : several studies have
demonstrated the additional strain for employed carers (Kendig  ;
Mui  ; Harper and Lund ), while others have found no
association between work and caregiver wellbeing (Stull et al. ).
Importantly, researchers have recently recognised the inadequacy of a
simple work status analysis, emphasising the need to explore the
differential effects on carers’ emotional health of work role conflict (Brody
et al.  ; Scharlach et al. ). Role conflict refers to conflict that
exists because one occupies two or more positions and the prescriptions
for one position conflict with the prescriptions for another (Garvin
). Indicators of conflicting prescriptions for work and caregiving
might include having repeated interruptions at work, having less
energy for work, having to reduce hours or take unpaid leave, having
to take a less responsible job, or having to quit work entirely. Hence,

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 Women with Multiple Roles 

in this study, a four-group analysis incorporating both working status

and adverse effects of caregiving on work to indicate work role conflict,
similar to that used by Brody et al. (), has been used.
Having dependent children has also been found to be an added stress
for daughter carers (Harper and Lund ), and can be associated
with marital difficulties for partnered carers (Lewis and Meredith
). At the same time though, those with children in the home
experience greater wellbeing than those without (Stull et al. ). The
additional maternal role appears to have both costs and benefits for
carers.
The aims of this study are to examine the emotional costs and benefits
for daughter carers of maintaining multiple roles in the face of
competing demands and, contrariwise, the emotional costs and benefits
of giving precedence to caregiving above other roles. Our attention to
role relinquishment extends previous studies in this area. In addressing
these two aims we present : first, carers’ perceptions of the impacts of
caregiving on their work ; second, an examination of time spent in care
in light of work, marital and maternal status ; and third, an examination
of carer wellbeing in terms of work, marital and maternal status.
Further, unlike much of the past research, our analysis is based on a
representative sample of daughter carers. Previous studies with
daughter carers have been restricted to samples recruited through the
media, workplaces, religious organisations, local council, community
organisations and support groups (for example, Brody and Schoonover
 ; Brody et al.  ; Matthews et al.  ; Stephens et al.  ; Stull
et al.  ; Lewis and Meredith  ; Harper and Lund ), or
carers of those using home care (Cantor ) or day hospital services
(Whittick ). These samples cannot be regarded as representative,
which precludes generalisation of findings and accurate assessments
of the prevalence of multiple roles. Samples obtained through
the workplace inevitably exclude non-working carers (for example,
Scharlach et al. ). Moen’s () sample of American women,
while random, is restricted to wives and mothers, excluding carers not
engaged in these roles. Some studies identify caregivers through the
elderly person : even with a random community survey, this approach
does not ensure that the full spectrum of caregivers is included (for
example, Stone et al.  ; Dwyer and Coward  ; Stoller ).
Three exceptions in terms of representativeness are studies by Jutras
and Veilleux () and Chappell () in Canada, and Green
() in the UK. Our research involves a representative sample of
daughter carers from Victoria, Australia. This sample is part of a larger
representative sample of carers obtained through a statewide random

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  Barbara Murphy et al.

telephone survey conducted in late . A profile of the full sample

has also been reported (Schofield, et al. ).

Method
Procedure
Using the computer-assisted telephone interviewing system of the
Australian Institute of Family Studies and a team of  trained
interviewers, over , households were contacted. A high 
percent of householders agreed to answer the screening question : ‘ Do
you or does anyone in your household take the main responsibility in
caring for someone who is aged or has a long-term illness, disability or
other problem ? ’ Of the identified carers,  percent agreed to be
interviewed. Telephone interviews lasting on average an hour were
conducted with  carers. Of these,  ( percent) were daughters
caring for a parent. The remainder of the sample included spouses (
percent), parents caring for children with disabilities ( percent), sons
caring for ageing parents ( percent), and other relatives and friends
( percent). Daughters were, then, the largest group.

Measures
In addition to demographic information and factual information such
as time spent caring, various measures were used to assess carer
wellbeing. Psychological wellbeing was measured by the twenty-item
Positive and Negative Affect Schedule (Watson et al. ). The life
satisfaction scale, adapted from Headey and Wearing (), com-
prised six items covering health, personal life, emotional life,
independence, financial situation, respect and recognition. Carer
‘ overload ’ was assessed by a three-item scale (Pearlin et al. )
indicating carer stress and exhaustion. A five-item scale to measure
resentment in caring focused on negative attitudes and feelings about
the effects of caring on the carer’s life, time, opportunities and social
relationships.
Regarding the care recipient, in addition to age and sex, a ‘ severity
of disability ’ score was obtained by summing carer ratings (from  for
none to  for severe) on seven dimensions of disability (sensory loss,
intellectual impairment, psychological}emotional difficulties, problems
with communication, physical mobility, co-ordination and longterm
health). The possible score range was from  to . The score does not
account for the nature of the disability.

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 Women with Multiple Roles 

Statistical analyses
Analysis of variance was used to test for differences on wellbeing scale
scores between carers grouped on the basis of work role conflict, living
arrangements, parental responsibilities and marital status. Analysis of
variance was also used to test for differences between groups in terms
of severity of disability and hours spent caring. In all analyses of
variance, post-hoc group differences were assessed using the Scheffe!
procedure. T-tests were used to test for broad differences on the basis
of the dichotomous work status variable. The chi-square statistic was
used to explore the relationship between working situation and living
arrangements. Multiple regression analyses were used to explore factors
predicting life satisfaction, overload and carer resentment.

Results
Characteristics of carers and care-recipients
Daughter carers ranged in age from  to  years, but were
predominantly aged from  to  years ( percent). Most were
Australian-born ( percent), with  percent born in a non-English
speaking country. Two thirds lived in a metropolitan area. Similarly,
two thirds owned their own home.
Carers were divided almost equally between those in paid work
( percent) and those not ( percent) :  percent worked full time,
while  percent worked less than  hours per week. Most carers (
percent) were partnered, and about a third had children under 
years of age living with them. Time spent caring ranged from four
hours per week ( percent) to  hours a day, seven days a week (
percent).
The majority were caring for a mother ( percent), the remaining
caring for a father. Most care-recipients were over  ( percent) and
a third were over . A third lived with the carer ( percent), a third
lived alone ( percent), and smaller proportions lived with their
spouse ( percent) or in residential care ( percent). One in three
were described by the carer as ‘ frail elderly ’. Other primary conditions
commonly reported included circulatory problems, rheumatic or
arthritic conditions, dementia, sensory problems, cancer, and res-
piratory problems. Smaller proportions had musculoskeletal problems,
stroke, brain disorders or psychiatric problems. Most had multiple
illnesses or disabilities. The global severity score ranged from  to ,
with a mean score of ±.

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  Barbara Murphy et al.

Effects of caregiving on work and work status

Carers in paid employment (N ¯ ) were asked how their caregiving
responsibilities had affected their work. They predominantly found
their work a source of relief and an opportunity for another interest (
percent). Nonetheless, one third said they had less energy for work due
to caregiving demands, and  percent had repeated interruptions at
work. Further, many had altered work schedules to accommodate
caring :  percent had reduced hours, and  percent had taken
unpaid leave. Smaller proportions had taken a less responsible job (
percent), changed jobs ( percent), or refused promotion ( percent).
In total,  percent of those employed reported that caregiving had
adversely affected their work in at least one of these ways ; they
represent  percent of all daughter carers.
Carers not in paid employment (N ¯ ) were asked whether their
caregiving responsibilities had affected their ability to work or to take
a job. Over a third ( percent) were unable to take a job because
of their caregiving responsibilities ;  percent had given up work
because of caring. With overlap between the two responses, a total of
 percent of this group reported that caregiving prevented them from
working ; they represent  percent of all daughter carers.

Work role conflict

The full sample was divided into four groups on the basis of these
reported effects of caregiving on work and work status. Those reporting
adverse effects on work were considered to be experiencing work role
conflict. Of the total,  percent were maintaining their work role
despite at least one adverse effect on their work such as working fewer
hours or refusing promotion (Conflicted workers),  percent were
working with no reported ill effects (Unconflicted workers),  percent
were unable to work or had resigned because of caregiving (Quit
work), and  percent were not working, but did not attribute this to
caregiving (Traditional non-workers). Importantly, equal proportions
of part-time and full-time workers were ‘ conflicted ’ and ‘ unconflicted ’.
As shown in Table , those who were conflicted or had quit work
(indicating work role conflict) reported higher overload than tra-
ditional non-workers and unconflicted workers. In addition, those who
had quit work reported higher resentment than all other groups, while
conflicted workers reported higher resentment than unconflicted
workers. Unconflicted workers reported higher life satisfaction than
those who had quit work.

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 Women with Multiple Roles 

T     . Caring and work : differences in mean scale scores for overload,

resentment, life satisfaction, and severity of disability, and in
mean hours spent caring
Conflicted Unconflicted Quit Traditional
workers workers work nonworkers F p
Overload ± ±* ± ±* ± ±
Resentment in caring ±* ±* ± ±* ± ±
Life satisfaction ± ± ±* ± ± ±
Severity score ± ±* ± ± ± ±
Hours caring ±* ±* ± ±* ± ±
N    

For overload, resentment and life satisfaction, higher scale scores indicate higher levels of each
emotional impact. Higher severity scores indicate more severe disability. Higher hours scores
indicate higher mean hours per week spent caring.
Bolded figures are significantly higher than asterisked figures.

Predictably, work role conflict also varied in terms of severity of

recipient disability, hours spent caring and living arrangements. Those
who had quit work spent more hours caring than all other groups and
their parents were more severely disabled than the recipients of
unconflicted workers (Table ). This group were more likely to have
their parent living with them, in contrast to unconflicted workers who
were more likely to care for a parent living with his}her spouse
elsewhere (Table ). Looking simply at work status, those not employed
provided more hours of care than those in paid employment (Table ).

Family roles
Carers with live-in dependents under  years ( percent) reported
higher overload than those without (F ¯ ±, p ! ±). At the same
time, however, they also reported more positive affect (F ¯ ±, p !
±). There were no differences between the two groups in terms of
living arrangements or hours of care.
Partnered carers ( percent) were more satisfied with their lives (F
¯ ±, p ! ±), had less negative affect (F ¯ ±, p ! ±), and
felt less resentful (F ¯ ±, p ! ±) than those without a partner.
Importantly, unpartnered carers provided more hours of care than
partnered carers (F ¯ ±, p ! ±), and were more likely to have
their parent living with them (F ¯ ±, p ! ±).
We combined these two dimensions of family life – having dependent
children and}or a partner living at home – and explored differences in
wellbeing for daughters in various family situations. Overall, 
percent lived with both a partner and one or more children,  percent

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  Barbara Murphy et al.

T     . Living arrangements and work : differences in percentage

distribution
Care-recipient resides

with with Residential

Total carer alone other care
Quit work     
Conflicted     
Traditional     
Unconflicted     
N (¯  %)    

X# ¯ ±, p ! ±
Bold indicates standard residuals " ±

T     . Caring and family responsibilities : differences in mean scale

scores for overload, resentment and life satisfaction
Partner Partner No partner No partner
and no with or
dependents dependents dependents dependents F p
Overload ± ±* ± ±* ± ±
Resentment in caring ±* ±* ± ± ± ±
Life satisfaction ± ± ±* ± ± ±
N    

Bolded figures are significantly higher than asterisked figures

Higher scale scores indicate higher levels of each emotional impact.

lived with a partner but had no children under  living with them,
a small  percent had one or more dependent children but no partner,
while  percent had neither children nor a partner living with them.
The combined demands in parenting and rewards in being partnered
were clearly demonstrated (Table ). Regardless of whether they had
dependent children, partnered carers reported greater life satisfaction
and less resentment in caring than unpartnered carers with dependents.
Regardless of whether they had a partner, carers without dependents
reported less overload than unpartnered carers with dependents. This
latter group of carers who were also single parents apparently
experienced the demands of caring for children without the benefits of
being partnered.

Living arrangements, intensity of care and wellbeing

Care-recipients living in residential care had more severe disability
than all others ; those living with their daughter had more severe

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 Women with Multiple Roles 

T     . Living arrangements : differences in mean scales scores for

overload, resentment, life satisfaction, and severity of disability,
and in mean hours spent caring
Care-recipient resides with with Residential

carer alone other care F p

Overload ± ±* ± ± ± ±
Resentment in caring ± ±* ±* ± ± ±
Life satisfaction ±* ± ± ± ± ±
Severity score ±* ±* ±* ± ± ±
Hours caring ± ±* ±* ±* ± ±
N    

For overload, resentment and life satisfaction, higher scale scores indicate higher levels of each
emotional impact. Higher severity scores indicate more severe disability. Higher hours scores
indicate higher mean hours per week spent caring.
Bolded figures significantly higher than asterisked figures.

disability than those living alone. With coresident carers engaged in

more hours of care than all other groups, the intensity of caring was
highest for this group. Not surprisingly then, co-resident carers reported
more overload, more resentment in their caring role, and less life
satisfaction than those whose parent lived alone. They also reported
more resentment than those whose parent lived with another relative
(Table ).

Predicting life satisfaction, overload and resentment

Separate multiple regression analyses were used to explore factors
predicting life satisfaction, overload and resentment in caring (Table
). In each case, factors entered into the equation were : having
dependents, being partnered, work status, work role conflict, co-
residency, hours spent caring, and severity of the parent’s disability.
In predicting life satisfaction, having a partner, mild parent
disability, and not being co-resident emerged in order of importance in
the statistically significant equation. These significant factors are
indicative of partnership and low intensity caring. The remaining variables
did not make a significant contribution to the equation.
In predicting overload, work role conflict, high severity of parent’s
disability, and having dependent children emerged in the equation.
These factors are indicative of having conflicting multiple roles of worker,
mother and carer.
In predicting resentment, work role conflict, not being in paid
employment, being unpartnered, high severity of parent’s disability,

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  Barbara Murphy et al.

T     . Significant predictors of life satisfaction, overload and resentment

in caring
multiple
Beta t p R F p
Life satisfaction
Having a partner ± ± ±
Mild disability ± ± ± ± ± ±
Not co-resident ± ± ±
Overload
Workrole conflict ± ± ±
High disability ± ± ± ± ± ±
Having dependent children ± ± ±
Resentment
Workrole conflict ± ± ±
Not in paid employment ± ± ±
Not having a partner ± ± ± ± ± ±
High disability ± ± ±
High hours of care ± ± ±

and high hours of care contributed to the statistically significant

equation. These significant factors tend to be indicative of high intensity
caring and relinquishment of other roles.

Discussion

With a representative sample of daughter carers, our findings illustrate

the interaction of the roles of wife, mother, worker and caregiver, both
in terms of time allocation and emotional impacts. Maintaining
multiple roles in the face of competing demands or, contrariwise,
relinquishing roles or giving precedence to caregiving, both carry
inherent difficulties.
Almost half the women in our sample were in paid employment, a
proportion similar to that reported by Stone et al. (). However,
contrary to several other studies (e.g. Cantor  ; Stoller  ; Jutras
and Veilleux ), they provided fewer hours of care than their non-
employed counterparts. Importantly though, many of those who were
not employed had quit work because of caregiving and, consistent with
Brody et al. (), were providing the most hours of care. This
supports suggestions that women limit their work rather than
caregiving commitments (Stone et al. ). Indeed, many women
reported adverse effects on their work due to caregiving, particularly
where the parent lived with them, the parent’s disability was severe
and, in turn, a greater intensity of care was provided. It might be that,

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 Women with Multiple Roles 

as the parent’s condition deteriorates, so women experience a tandem

process of progressively increasing their care responsibilities and
decreasing their work commitments. Longitudinal analysis using one-
year follow-up data, currently being collected, will enable further
examination of this.
While the marital role was associated with reduced time spent in
providing care, the maternal role apparently was not. Partnered carers
provided fewer hours of care than unpartnered carers, a finding
consistent with much past research (Kendig  ; Stoller  ; Brody
et al. ), but contrary to that of Jutras and Veilleux (). Carers
with dependent children, however, spent the same amount of time in
caring for parents as did carers without children, confirming previous
findings (Stoller  ; Jutras and Veilleux ).
Having other roles in addition to caring, specifically those of worker
and mother, was clearly associated with feelings of overload. Conflicted
workers – those maintaining their work role in the face of adverse
effects due to caregiving – were particularly stressed and overloaded,
confirming the findings of Brody et al. (). Carers with dependent
children also reported relatively high overload, confirming the strain
associated with combining childcare and eldercare (Kendig  ;
Harper and Lund ). Both work role conflict and having dependent
children predicted overload.
However, alongside this role conflict there appears to be inherent
fulfilment and satisfaction in maintaining or resuming roles other than
that of carer. Partnered carers, those with children, and those in paid
jobs were generally happier with their lives. Indeed, having a partner
was the major predictor of life satisfaction. Working women commonly
found their work a source of relief and respite, and an opportunity for
another interest. Previous studies have also found that those with
children in the home also experience greater wellbeing than those
without (e.g. Stull et al. ), and that partnered carers experience less
emotional and financial strain in caring for ageing parents than do
their unpartnered counterparts (Brody et al. ). The coinciding
rewards and demands inherent in caregiving, mothering and marriage,
and the impact of these multiple roles in both enhancing and reducing
wellbeing have also been demonstrated by Stephens et al. ().
In contrast, carers in our sample who were not engaged in or had
relinquished other roles felt more resentful about caregiving. Those
forced to resign or unable to work due to caregiving, and those without
a partner, were the most resentful. Moreover, not being in paid
employment, work role conflict and being unpartnered all predicted
resentment, as did high intensity caring in terms of hours of care and

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  Barbara Murphy et al.

severity of disability. Indeed, caring is a major focus in the lives of

unpartnered carers and of those who have quit work : both groups are
more likely than others to have their parent living with them and to
provide high hours of care.
Co-residency itself reflects a greater intensity or ‘ centrality ’ in the
caregiving relationship (Cantor ). Harper and Lund () found
that daughters caring for a co-resident parent with dementia were
more burdened than spouses caring for a dementing partner, whereas
the same pattern was not evident for non co-resident daughter carers.
Our bivariate analyses confirm the increased intensity of caregiving for
co-resident carers : this group expressed both more overload and more
resentment than others. Co-residency was also predictive of lower life
satisfaction.
On the one hand, there are those women who are overloaded with
competing demands from work, parenting and caregiving. While the
multiple roles bring satisfaction and fulfilment, these women none-
theless feel stressed and exhausted. On the other there are those with
fewer roles but who feel more resentment in providing care to their
parents.
These findings have direct implications regarding workplace policies
and practices : women with both work and caring commitments clearly
require flexibility in work schedules. Indeed, several researchers have
concluded that flexibility at work buffers against role strain, and have
called on policy makers to consider the concomitant effects of
combining caregiving and paid work (International Labour Office
 ; Moen et al.  ; Scharlach  ; Scharlach et al.  ;
Scharlach and Boyd  ; Cantor ). The Living Standards Study
of the Australian Institute of Family Studies has identified flexible work
practices which may be available to employed parents, including
flexible work hours, hourly leave for personal reasons, telephone access
for personal calls, parental leave, accruing time in lieu, and working
from home (Wolcott and Glezer ). Part-time or job-sharing
arrangements can also obviate the need to give up work completely.
Importantly, the personal, social and financial benefits inherent in
work itself underscore the importance of enabling women to maintain
this role where possible.
In addition, greater support from partners, older children, siblings or
other extended family members, as well as help from community
services, can ease the intensity of care provided by the main carer, thus
reducing overload for those with competing roles and providing respite
for those whose lives are focused largely on the caregiving role. Indeed,
such support can enable fulltime carers to resume or take up other

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 Women with Multiple Roles 

fulfilling life roles. Elder care, however, is rarely considered a ‘ shared

responsibility ’, nor is service access seen ‘ as an accepted right for all
with caregiving responsibilities ’ (Braithwaite  : ).
Negotiating assistance from family members, and seeking informal or
formal supports, therefore, require a recognition at both personal and
societal levels of the value of the elder care role. Shifts in attitude that
are already evident can be advanced through broad community
education to further encourage the sharing of responsibilities inherent
in elder care, parenting, marriage, and homemaking. With an
appreciation of the potential stress of role conflict and the possible
resentment of role relinquishment, service providers, health pro-
fessionals and counsellors can help carers acknowledge and discuss their
dilemmas, and implement considered decisions regarding their caring
role.

Acknowledgements
We wish to thank Anna Howe, PhD, for her valuable comments on early
drafts of this paper. This research is funded by the Victorian Health
Promotion Foundation.

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Article accepted ƒ July ‰‰†

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