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By Naomi Wolf
First Published: January 1, 2009
Naomi Wolf at the 2008 Brooklyn Book Festival.
_______________________________________________________
As the United States prepares to celebrate the inauguration of its first
African‐American president, it showcases again one of the best aspects of
its national identity. Though it took more than 200 years to reach this
point, foreign observers, especially in Europe, marvel at Barack Obama’s
ascendancy. They recognize from their own relative marginalization of
people of color or of immigrants that no French, German, Italian, or
British Obama is on the horizon, and they wonder: how does America do
it?
America certainly has its flaws and its struggles over race and national identity, but it also has much to be
proud of in terms of how it assimilates those with foreign or minority backgrounds. Obama’s example —
and that of his newly formed cabinet, which includes many accomplished leaders from ethnic or racial
“out‐groups” — holds useful lessons for other nations, particularly in Western Europe.
So what is it that America is doing right?
First, America’s national story is different in essence from those of Western European nations. The French
story is that of French‐ness, the British story one of British‐ness; by definition, newcomers are “less than”
or “outside of” this narrative. But the American national drama is the drama of immigration: everyone,
except Native Americans, came from somewhere else. All who are now part of the national elite have
ancestors who came, often bedraggled and harassed, from somewhere else.
Indeed, in America the qualities that lead people to become immigrants — initiative, ambition, risk‐taking
— are lionized. Immigrants are seen as arriving on a journey of continual reinvention, driven to exceed
their opportunities in their countries of origin. By contrast, immigrants in Western Europe were invited to
fill low‐status jobs, creating a built‐in incentive for natives to see them and their children as a servant
class, incapable of entering, let alone leading, the larger society. Moreover, unlike America, Western
Europe must live with the uneasy conscience stirred by immigrants whose very presence serves as a
reminder of a history of colonialism. In this sense, the relationship between native‐born and new
Americans starts out “cleaner.”
Second, Americans don’t demand that immigrants regard their cultural or ethnic background as being in
contrast to or in opposition to their American‐ness. Everyone gets to be hyphenated. By contrast, when
identity is presented as being a stark choice, people often do not choose the identity of the host country
that is being so inflexible.
As a result, Britain, France, and The Netherlands contain deeply entrenched subcultures of alienated,
radicalized Muslim youth. But, while they and other radical Muslims around the world may hate
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More generally, Americans view immigrants as being welcome to combine their culture of origin with
their new American‐ness, while immigrants see no conflict between their ethnicity and religion and their
embrace of America.
And, most significantly when it comes to assessing the ease of integration over time, they fully expect
their kids to be completely, unhesitantly “American” — a promise that, by and large, is readily fulfilled.
How different it is in Western Europe. Three generations after West Indians began immigrating en masse
to the United Kingdom, Caribbean‐descended Britons still doubt that their children or grandchildren will
ever be seen as fully British. Turkish Gastarbeiter are still, two generations later, not seen as fully German.
And the unrest of the children and grandchildren of Algerian, West African, and Moroccan immigrants in
the French banlieues attest to France’s failure to assimilate its immigrant population, despite the
Republic’s official egalitarian rhetoric.
Third, and perhaps most importantly, Americans separate Church and State. As long as there is a Church
of England, if you are Jewish or Muslim or Sikh, there is a subtle level at which you will simply not feel fully
English. But because the US Founders — many of them descended from people fleeing official religious
persecution — guaranteed that there would never be a state‐sanctioned religion, no religious group in
America, no matter how small, is made to feel marginalized.
It is for this reason that Americans are not alarmed by visible symbols of different religions in public
settings. It is assumed that since religion is a private matter for everyone, personal religious symbols are
just that — personal. A Muslim girl who wears a headscarf in a public school is simply wearing a headscarf,
not provocatively challenging a hegemonic social order.
Fourth, America is defined in terms of a set of values that everyone can share, not as a lineage, a specific
history, and a geographical area. Immigrant kids who go to US schools learn that America — ideally — is
about freedom, aspiration, and tolerance. The history that they learn about their new home illustrates
how the US fulfills (or falls short of) those ideals, whereas an immigrant schoolchild in Europe learns less
about ideals and more about a monarchical lineage, a set of historical events, and a roster of “great men.”
If Western Europe took a leaf from the US, it would be more peaceful within its own borders and better
able to use the talents and leadership of its Turkish, Algerian, Caribbean, and other immigrants. Only then
would we see a British, French, Dutch, or German Obama.
Naomi Wolf, the author of The End of America: Letter of Warning to a Young Patriot and Give Me Liberty:
A Handbook for American Revolutionaries is co‐founder of the American Freedom Campaign, a US
democracy movement. This commentary is published by DAILY NEWS EGYPT in collaboration Project
Syndicate (www.project‐syndicate.org).
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A Conspiracy So Immense
by Naomi Wolf
NEW YORK – Is this the Age of the Conspiracy Theory? Plenty of evidence
suggests that we are in something of a golden age for citizen speculation,
documentation, and inference that takes shape – usually on the Internet – and
spreads virally around the globe. In the process, conspiracy theories are pulled
from the margins of public discourse, where they were generally consigned in the
past, and sometimes into the very heart of politics.
I learned this by accident. Having written a book about the hijacking of executive power in the United
States in the Bush years, I found myself, in researching new developments, stumbling upon conversations
online that embrace narratives of behind‐the‐scenes manipulation.
There are some major themes. A frequent one in the US is that global elites are plotting – via the
Bilderberg Group and the Council on Foreign Relations, among others – to establish a “One World
Government” dominated by themselves rather than national governments. Sometimes, more folkloric
details come into play, broadening the members of this cabal to include the Illuminati, the Freemasons,
Rhodes Scholars, or, as always, the Jews.
The hallmarks of this narrative are familiar to anyone who has studied the transmission of certain story
categories in times of crisis. In literary terms, this conspiracy theory closely resembles The Protocols of the
Elders of Zion , featuring secretive global elite with great power and wicked aims. Historically, there tends
to be the same set of themes: fearsome, uncontrolled transformative change led by educated, urbanized
cosmopolitans.
Students of Weimar Germany know that sudden dislocations and shocks – rapid urbanization, disruption
of traditional family and social ties, loosening of sexual restrictions, and economic collapse – primed many
Germans to become receptive to simplistic theories that seemed to address their confusion and offer a
larger meaning to their suffering.
Similarly, the “9/11 Truth Movement” asserts that al‐Qaeda’s attack on the Twin Towers was an “inside
job.” In the Muslim world, there is a widespread conspiracy theory that the Israelis were behind those
attacks, and that all Jews who worked in the buildings stayed home that day.
Usually, conspiracy theories surface where people are poorly educated and a rigorous independent press
is lacking. So why are such theories gaining adherents in the US and other affluent democracies
nowadays?
Today’s explosion of conspiracy theories has been stoked by the same conditions that drove their
acceptance in the past: rapid social change and profound economic uncertainty. A clearly designated
“enemy” with an unmistakable “plan” is psychologically more comforting than the chaotic evolution of
social norms and the workings – or failures – of unfettered capitalism. And, while conspiracy theories are
often patently irrational, the questions they address are often healthy, even if the answers are frequently
unsourced or just plain wrong.
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In seeking answers, these citizens are reacting rationally to irrational realities. Many citizens believe,
rightly, that their mass media are failing to investigate and document abuses. Newspapers in most
advanced countries are struggling or folding, and investigative reporting is often the first thing they cut.
Concentration of media ownership and control further fuels popular mistrust, setting the stage for citizen
investigation to enter the vacuum.
Likewise, in an age when corporate lobbyists have a free hand in shaping – if not drafting – public policies,
many people believe, again rightly, that their elected officials no longer represent them. Hence their
impulse to believe in unseen forces.
Finally, even rational people have become more receptive to certain conspiracy theories because, in the
last eight years, we actually have seen some sophisticated conspiracies. The Bush administration
conspired to lead Americans and others into an illegal war, using fabricated evidence to do so. Is it any
wonder, then, that so many rational people are trying to make sense of a political reality that really has
become unusually opaque? When even the 9/11 commissioners renounce their own conclusions (because
they were based on evidence derived from torture), is it surprising that many want a second
investigation?
Frequently enough, it is citizens digging at the margins of the discourse – pursuing such theories – who
report on news that the mainstream media ignores. For example, it took a “conspiracy theorist,” Alex
Jones, to turn up documentation of microwave technologies to be used by police forces on US citizens.
The New Yorker confirmed the story much later – without crediting the original source.
The mainstream media’s tendency to avoid checking out or reporting what is actually newsworthy in
Internet conspiracy theories partly reflects class bias. Conspiracy theories are seen as vulgar and lowbrow.
So even good, critical questions or well‐sourced data unearthed by citizen investigators tend to be
regarded as radioactive to highly educated formal journalists.
The real problem with this frantic conspiracy theorizing is that it leaves citizens emotionally agitated but
without a solid ground of evidence upon which to base their worldview, and without constructive
directions in which to turn their emotions. This is why so many threads of discussion turn from potentially
interesting citizen speculation to hate speech and paranoia. In a fevered environment, without good
editorial validation or tools for sourcing, citizens can be preyed upon and whipped up by demagogues, as
we saw in recent weeks at Sarah Palin’s rallies after Internet theories painted Barack Obama as a terrorist
or in league with terrorists.
We need to change the flow of information in the Internet age. Citizens should be able more easily to leak
information, pitch stories, and send leads to mainstream investigative reporters. They should organize
new online entities in which they pay a fee for direct investigative reporting, unmediated by corporate
pressures. And citizen investigators should be trained in basic journalism: finding good data, confirming
stories with two independent sources, using quotes responsibly, and eschewing anonymity – that is,
standing by their own bylines, as conventional reporters do.
This is how citizens can be taken – and take themselves – seriously as documenters and investigators of
our common situation. In a time of official lies, healthy investigative energy should shed light, not just
generate heat.
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Whatever happened to feminism? Does Islam really turn women into “happy
slaves”? Is America’s traditional commitment to democracy and equality in terminal
decline? Has the West illegitimately monopolized the idea of human rights? Are
there specific female values
As a leading figure of feminism’s “third wave,” Naomi Wolf, author of such acclaimed books as The
Beauty Myth, Fire with Fire, Promiscuities, and Misconceptions, has sought to answer that question. Wolf
advocates “power feminism”: women must assert themselves politically to get what they want. Yet, since
all women do not have the same interests, owing to differences of race, culture, and class, she rejects the
possibility of a universal female agenda.
Indeed, throughout her career, Wolf, who served as an electoral campaign adviser to Bill Clinton and Al
Gore, has sought to transcend a purely feminist sensibility – the hallmark of feminism’s first two waves –
by embedding it within a broader critique of contemporary politics and society. In her most recent book,
The End of America, she seeks to identify the processes and policies by which democratic ideals and
practices may be undermined.
Wolf’s commentaries in The Next Wave, written exclusively for Project Syndicate, challenge conventional
views – often held by feminists – about abortion, pornography, sexual harassment, and much else, while
paying close attention to evidence and nuances that are often overlooked or intentionally ignored. Equally
important, Wolf never loses sight of how public debate about such issues both influences and reflects the
character and quality of our political institutions.
Are there specifically “female” values? Does religious piety really turn women into “happy slaves”? Is
America’s traditional commitment to democracy and equality in terminal decline? Has the West
illegitimately monopolized the idea of human rights?
In the beginning, there was the “first wave,” the nineteenth‐century feminists who fought for women’s
suffrage. Then came the second wave, the feminists of the 1960’s and 1970’s who fought for equality
before the law and equality of opportunity. At least in the West, feminism broke down the legal and
ideological barriers that had precluded women’s full political and economic participation. But has the
battle for emancipation really been won?
Will your readers catch The Next Wave?
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Hillary's Back
by Naomi Wolf
NEW YORK – So, why did he do it? What led Barack Obama to tap his former
adversary, Hillary Clinton, to serve as his Secretary of State, the face and voice of his
foreign policy, his emissary to the world?
There are plenty of plausible explanations. One can imagine that he is applying that
old adage, “Keep your friends close and your enemies closer.” In one stroke, Obama
gets control of the Clinton political machine: the network, the donors, and the
constituency. And he neutralizes the Clintons’ famous skill at corrosive sniping and
flamboyant stage‐hogging – the kind that led Al Gore and Bill Clinton to be on barely speaking terms
during the 2000 Presidential campaign. With this appointment, Obama turns the big guns away from
himself – and directs them outward. Shrewd tactics.
One can also imagine that he did it to secure the women’s vote. Not a single Democrat has won the White
House without a substantial gender gap. But the exit polls and the data all show that Obama already has
the support of a disproportionate share of American women. (The real news in his victory was that he got
a chunk of white men, who rarely support a Democrat.)
Indeed, there is plenty of evidence to suggest that Obama – the son of a strong single mother, raised also
by an influential grandmother, man enough to marry an accomplished woman with opinions of her own,
and a devoted father of two girls – understands in a whole new way how to draw and keep women. He
recognizes that women will adore you when you include them as a matter of course.
Obama is surrounding himself with accomplished female advisers without calling condescending attention
to that fact. If you are a woman watching, you feel in your gut that these women won't be window
dressing. They may succeed or fail; but they are really in the game.
But I don’t think any of those reasons, however compelling each one is, provide the strongest explanation
of why Obama chose Hillary. I think he chose her because he understands that, even as President of the
United States, he is truly a citizen of a global community – one to which he is accountable and with which
he is in an interdependent relationship. One of Hillary Clinton’s much‐overlooked strengths is that she
understands that, too – and has demonstrated that she knows what it means.
There is plenty in her experience as First Lady that she has hyped. But one of her undeniable
accomplishments, perhaps more important than anything else she did during that time, was the set of
global journeys that she undertook on behalf of women’s issues.
She surrounded herself with extremely well‐informed advisers who specialized in such important issues as
women’s critical role in the developing world in raising educational levels, managing population growth,
containing environmental degradation, and building up microcredit economies. She journeyed to Africa
and to the Indian subcontinent, and spoke forcefully at the Beijing conference that brought women
leaders together from around the world. The world’s top development experts now agree that resolving
many of today’s cultural, environmental, resource‐driven conflicts requires educating and investing in
women, as she advocated.
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But what distinguishes Hillary Clinton from Madeleine Albright or Condoleezza Rice is where she was
willing to go for her education. She did not stay in the air‐conditioned hotels and the parliamentary
chambers of the nations she visited; she went to tiny impoverished villages, to places where women walk
four miles a day for water, to places where women were basing their families’ prosperity on a $20 loan for
a sewing machine. She sat on mud floors and sandy village commons to hear from these communities
about their issues and priorities, and she took on controversial and culturally sensitive subjects, such as
female genital mutilation and bride burning.
Yet the respect she showed for the various cultures and people whom she was engaging did a great deal
to allow such challenges to move forward without bitterness, and in a spirit of real dialogue. Hillary is
adored by many women in the developing world for those journeys, and I am certain that they taught her
crucial lessons about global policy – lessons that built up a worldview that Obama, a child of international
experiences, also shares.
In that view of the world, America does not stand alone against all others, issuing fiats and focusing
narrowly on corporate profits. Rather, cooperating with other international leaders, America tries to solve
the world’s true problems: environmental degradation, resource shortages, inadequate literacy, and the
appalling poverty in which the “bottom billion” live.
Obama understands, as I believe Hillary Clinton understands, that resolving those crises is the true key to
matters of war and peace – the true marker of the possibility of international alliances. I believe that
Obama knows that Hillary realizes that conflict emerges from these problems, and that using military
intervention without addressing them is merely the equivalent of throwing a blanket into a volcano.
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To her equally frantic detractors on the left – and increasingly in the center – she is a
frightening harbinger of a theocratic America, a mafia‐style executrix of state
business who lies about the connection of the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks to Iraq, mocks Barack
Obama for his opposition to torturing prisoners, and defies subpoenas. Think of her as George W. Bush II,
but in designer pumps.
Both groups are reacting to genuine evidence. Her supporters are responding to a potent set of symbols,
and her detractors to an even more potent set of facts.
Palin’s symbolic appeal to a certain group of female voters is important to understand, and we must
respect the rage and hunger that it reflects. The subtext of that appeal is class.
Working‐class white women in America have had their talents exploited and undervalued for as long as
the nation has functioned. While affluent white women, or women of any background who managed to
get a high‐quality education – America’s Hillary Clintons, Madeline Albrights, and Condoleezza Rices –
broke through the glass ceiling, and even have the women’s movement to lionize them, working‐class
white women have watched their rise with understandable resentment.
Their more affluent peers hire women like them to do the dirty work, or else they have had to deal with
stagnant minimum‐wage pay in the US labor market’s “pink‐collar” or service‐industry ghetto. Their
ceiling is made of concrete, and it is pitched far lower over
their talents and their mobility. Above all, they have been
excluded, practically and symbolically, from the country’s
political discourse, and are treated regularly with
condescension by politicians.
Race, too, is a factor. While reports are surfacing that Palin told
a group of African‐Americans that she did not have to hire
black people, working‐class white women often understand
their own experience in terms of racial hostility. They perceive
an underclass that they believe receives benefits denied to
them and a thriving economy in the developing world that siphons off well‐paying blue‐collar jobs.
So, when Sarah Palin is escorted into the media limelight, she becomes the symbolic revenge fantasy of
many of those silenced, exhausted factory workers and secretaries. To see a working‐class white woman
be picked to serve a heartbeat away from the US president resonates powerfully with them. Think of the
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appeal of films like Thelma and Louise or Working Girl, in which the leading character is a gutsy, exploited
secretary who, trampled by a snooty female Ivy League boss, nonetheless manages to end up with the
dream job, the dream guy, and the corner office.
Just about any woman who was not born into privilege, has small children at home, and is not a cannibal
or a Satanist would elicit initial roars of approval from women in general, and surely from a group that has
been silenced and trivialized for so long. When you’ve been making the coffee forever, it’s nice to imagine
leading the free world.
That said, Palin’s sinking approval ratings show that, while such women thrill to symbolic validation, they
are not fools. They have begun to notice how Palin is trotted out like a model at an auto show to be
introduced to heads of state as if they are local car dealers, and how the media are allowed to take
pictures but not ask questions (“That’s me with Henry Kissinger!”). They also notice that the economy is
imploding, while Iraq is calming down only because the US is paying insurgents and al‐Qaeda sympathizers
the equivalent of a monthly car payment per person not to kill its soldiers.
Moreover, as Palin’s political persona takes shape, it looks increasingly alarming. The problem is not just
that the McCain campaign has surrounded her with veterans of the Bush‐Cheney cabal (Karl Rove’s
acolytes and operatives now write her speeches and manage her every move). It’s also that she believes
that God set her legislative agenda in Alaska, and that she has failed to venture much beyond the
Discovery Channel when it comes to foreign travel.
Meanwhile, the elephant in the room is the fact that dermatologists are confirming that the form of
cancer for which McCain has been treated has an actuarial survival rate of two to four years for a person
his age. So, as the disturbing prospect of a long Palin presidency starts to set in, she doesn’t look so great
to working‐class white women anymore.
So, what should this brief Palin bubble teach us?
In becoming the poster girl for a re‐branded continuation of the Bush administration, Palin is showing
herself to have much in common with glossy faux‐populists like Eva Peron or Denmark’s anti‐immigrant
leader Pia Kjærsgaard. What we should learn – for next time and for every time to come – is that great
leaders and great dreams are being overlooked in the women who prepare our food, process our Internet
orders, and wipe up the spills in our hospitals.
It is these women’s voices that deserve support – not that of a scary stalking‐horse for eight more years
(or more) of rule by the thugs who looted America’s treasury, wrecked its economy, and sent 4,000 brave
young men and women to die in a war based on lies.
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Veiled Sexuality
by Naomi Wolf
NEW YORK –A woman swathed in black to her ankles, wearing a headscarf or a
full chador , walks down a European or North American street, surrounded by
other women in halter tops, miniskirts and short shorts. She passes under
immense billboards on which other women swoon in sexual ecstasy, cavort in
lingerie or simply stretch out languorously, almost fully naked. Could this image
be any more iconic of the discomfort the West has with the social mores of Islam,
and vice versa?
Ideological battles are often waged with women’s bodies as their emblems, and Western Islamophobia is
no exception. When France banned headscarves in schools, it used the hijab as a proxy for Western values
in general, including the appropriate status of women. When Americans were being prepared for the
invasion of Afghanistan, the Taliban were demonized for denying cosmetics and hair color to women;
when the Taliban were overthrown, Western writers often noted that women had taken off their scarves.
But are we in the West radically misinterpreting Muslim sexual mores, particularly the meaning to many
Muslim women of being veiled or wearing the chador ? And are we blind to our own markers of the
oppression and control of women?
The West interprets veiling as repression of women and suppression of their sexuality. But when I traveled
in Muslim countries and was invited to join a discussion in women‐only settings within Muslim homes, I
learned that Muslim attitudes toward women’s appearance and sexuality are not rooted in repression,
but in a strong sense of public versus private, of what is due to God and what is due to one’s husband. It is
not that Islam suppresses sexuality, but that it embodies a strongly developed sense of its appropriate
channeling – toward marriage, the bonds that sustain family life, and the attachment that secures a home.
Outside the walls of the typical Muslim households that I visited in Morocco, Jordan, and Egypt, all was
demureness and propriety. But inside, women were as interested in allure, seduction, and pleasure as
women anywhere in the world.
At home, in the context of marital intimacy, Victoria’s Secret, elegant fashion, and skin care lotions
abounded. The bridal videos that I was shown, with the sensuous dancing that the bride learns as part of
what makes her a wonderful wife, and which she proudly displays for her bridegroom, suggested that
sensuality was not alien to Muslim women. Rather, pleasure and sexuality, both male and female, should
not be displayed promiscuously – and possibly destructively – for all to see.
Indeed, many Muslim women I spoke with did not feel at all subjugated by the chador or the headscarf.
On the contrary, they felt liberated from what they experienced as the intrusive, commodifying, basely
sexualizing Western gaze. Many women said something like this: “When I wear Western clothes, men
stare at me, objectify me, or I am always measuring myself against the standards of models in magazines,
which are hard to live up to – and even harder as you get older, not to mention how tiring it can be to be
on display all the time. When I wear my headscarf or chador , people relate to me as an individual, not an
object; I feel respected.” This may not be expressed in a traditional Western feminist set of images, but it
is a recognizably Western feminist set of feelings.
I experienced it myself. I put on a shalwar kameez and a headscarf in Morocco for a trip to the bazaar. Yes,
some of the warmth I encountered was probably from the novelty of seeing a Westerner so clothed; but,
as I moved about the market – the curve of my breasts covered, the shape of my legs obscured, my long
hair not flying about me – I felt a novel sense of calm and serenity. I felt, yes, in certain ways, free.
Nor are Muslim women alone. The Western Christian tradition portrays all sexuality, even married
sexuality, as sinful. Islam and Judaism never had that same kind of mind‐body split. So, in both cultures,
sexuality channeled into marriage and family life is seen as a source of great blessing, sanctioned by God.
This may explain why both Muslim and orthodox Jewish women not only describe a sense of being
liberated by their modest clothing and covered hair, but also express much higher levels of sensual joy in
their married lives than is common in the West. When sexuality is kept private and directed in ways seen
as sacred – and when one’s husband isn’t seeing his wife (or other women) half‐naked all day long – one
can feel great power and intensity when the headscarf or the chador comes off in the sanctity of the
home.
Among healthy young men in the West, who grow up on pornography and sexual imagery on every street
corner, reduced libido is a growing epidemic, so it is easy to imagine the power that sexuality can still
carry in a more modest culture. And it is worth understanding the positive experiences that women – and
men – can have in cultures where sexuality is more conservatively directed.
I do not mean to dismiss the many women leaders in the Muslim world who regard veiling as a means of
controlling women. Choice is everything. But Westerners should recognize that when a woman in France
or Britain chooses a veil, it is not necessarily a sign of her repression. And, more importantly, when you
choose your own miniskirt and halter top – in a Western culture in which women are not so free to age, to
be respected as mothers, workers or spiritual beings, and to disregard Madison Avenue – it’s worth
thinking in a more nuanced way about what female freedom really means.
Three months ago, the Bush administration still clung to its devil’s sound bite, “We
don’t torture.” Now, Physicians for Human Rights has issued its report documenting
American‐held detainees’ traumas, and even lie detector tests confirm they have been tortured. The Red
Cross report has leaked: torture and war crimes. Jane Mayer’s impeccably researched exposé The Dark
Side just hit the stores: torture, crafted and directed from the top. The Washington Post gave readers
actual video footage of the abusive interrogation of a Canadian minor, Omar Khadr, who was seen
showing his still‐bleeding abdominal wounds, weeping and pleading with his captors.
So the truth is out and freely available. And America is still napping, worrying about its weight, and
hanging out at the mall.
I had thought that after so much exposure, thousands of Americans would be holding vigils on Capitol Hill,
that religious leaders would be asking God’s forgiveness, and that a popular groundswell of revulsion,
similar to the nineteenth‐century anti‐slavery movement, would emerge. To paraphrase Abraham Lincoln,
if torture is not wrong, nothing is wrong.
And yet no such thing has occurred. There is no crisis in America’s churches and synagogues, no Christian
and Jewish leaders crying out for justice in the name of Jesus, a tortured political prisoner, or of Yahweh,
who demands righteousness. I asked a contact in the interfaith world why. He replied, “The mainstream
churches don’t care, because they are Republican. And the synagogues don’t care, because the prisoners
are Arabs.”
It was then that I realized that I could not be in love with my country right now. How can I care about the
fate of people like that? If this is what Americans are feeling, if that is who we are, we don’t deserve our
Constitution and Bill of Rights.
Even America’s vaunted judicial system has failed to constrain obvious abuses. A Federal court has ruled
that the military tribunals system – Star Chambers where evidence derived from torture is used against
the accused – can proceed. Another recently ruled that the president may call anyone anywhere an
“enemy combatant” and detain him or her indefinitely.
So Americans are colluding with a criminal regime. We have become an outlaw nation – a clear and
present danger to international law and global stability – among civilized countries that have been our
allies. We are – rightly – on Canada’s list of rogue nations that torture.
Europe is still high from Barack Obama’s recent visit. Many Americans, too, hope that an Obama victory in
November will roll back this nightmare. But this is no time to yield to delusions. Even if Obama wins, he
may well be a radically weakened president. The Bush administration has created a transnational
apparatus of lawlessness that he alone, without global intervention, can neither roll back nor control.
Private security firms – for example, Blackwater – will still be operating, accountable neither to him nor to
Congress, and not bound, they have argued, by international treaties. Weapons manufacturers and the
telecommunications industry, with billions at stake in maintaining a hyped “war on terror” and their new
global surveillance market, will deploy a lavishly financed army of lobbyists to defend their interests.
Moreover, if elected, Obama will be constrained by his own Democratic Party. America’s political parties
bear little resemblance to the disciplined organizations familiar in parliamentary democracies in Europe
and elsewhere. And Democrats in Congress will be even more divided after November if, as many expect,
conservative members defeat Republican incumbents damaged by their association with Bush.
To be sure, some Democrats have recently launched Congressional hearings into the Bush
administration’s abuses of power. Unfortunately, with virtually no media coverage, there is little pressure
to broaden official investigations and ensure genuine accountability.
But, while grassroots pressure has not worked, money still talks. We need targeted government‐led
sanctions against the US by civilized countries, including international divestment of capital. Many studies
have shown that tying investment to democracy and human rights reform is effective in the developing
world. There is no reason why it can’t be effective against the world’s superpower.
We also need an internationally coordinated strategy for prosecuting war criminals at the top and further
down the chain of command – individual countries pressing charges, as Italy and France have done.
Although the United States is not a signatory to the statute that established the International Criminal
Court, violations of Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions are war crimes for which anyone –
potentially even the US president – may be tried in any of the other 193 countries that are parties to the
conventions. The whole world can hunt these criminals down.
An outlaw America is a global problem that threatens the rest of the international community. If this
regime gets away with flouting international law, what is to prevent the next administration – or this
administration, continuing under its secret succession plan in the event of an emergency – from going
further and targeting its political opponents at home and abroad?
We Americans are either too incapable, or too dysfunctional, to help ourselves right now. Like drug
addicts or the mentally ill who refuse treatment, we need our friends to intervene. So remember us as we
were in our better moments, and take action to save us – and the world – from ourselves.
Maybe then I can fall in love with my country again.
I had a sense of déjà vu when I saw the photos that emerged in 2004 from Abu
Ghraib prison. Even as the Bush administration was spinning the notion that the
torture of prisoners was the work of “a few bad apples” low in the military hierarchy, I knew that we were
seeing evidence of a systemic policy set at the top. It’s not that I am a genius. It’s simply that, having
worked at a rape crisis center and been trained in the basics of sex crime, I have learned that all sex
predators go about things in certain recognizable ways.
We now know that the torture of prisoners was the result of a policy set in the White House by former
Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, Vice President Dick Cheney, and Rice – who actually chaired the
torture meetings. The Pentagon has also acknowledged that it had authorized sexualized abuse of
detainees as part of interrogation practices to be performed by female operatives. And documents
obtained by the American Civil Liberties Union have Rumsfeld, in his own words, “checking in” on the
sexualized humiliation of prisoners.
The sexualization of torture from the top basically turned Abu Ghraib and Guantánamo Bay into an
organized sex‐crime ring in which the trafficked sex slaves were US‐held prisoners. Looking at the classic S
and M nature of some of this torture, it is hard not to speculate that someone setting policy was aroused
by all of this.
The nonsexual torture that was committed ranged from beatings and suffocation, electrodes attached to
genitals, and forced sleep deprivation, to prisoners being hung by the wrists from the ceiling and placed in
solitary confinement until psychosis was induced. These abuses violate both US and international law.
Three former military attorneys, recognizing this blunt truth, refused to participate in the “military
tribunals” – rather, “show trials” – aimed at condemning men whose confessions were elicited through
torture.
Though we can now debate what the penalty for water‐boarding should be, America as a nation,
maintaining an odd silence, still cannot seem to discuss the sexual crimes involved.
Why? It’s not as if the sex crimes that US leaders either authorized or tolerated are not staring Americans
in the face: the images of male prisoners with their heads hooded with women’s underwear; the
documented reports of female US soldiers deployed to smear menstrual blood on the faces of male
prisoners, and of military interrogators or contractors forcing prisoners to simulate sex with each other, to
penetrate themselves with objects, or to submit to being penetrated by objects. Indeed, the Military
Commissions Act of 2006 was written deliberately with loopholes that gave immunity to perpetrators of
many kinds of sexual humiliation and abuse.
There is also the testimony by female soldiers such as Lynndie England about compelling male prisoners to
masturbate, as well as an FBI memo objecting to a policy of “highly aggressive interrogation techniques.”
The memo cites a female interrogator rubbing lotion on a shackled detainee and whispering in his ear –
during Ramadan when sexual contact with a strange woman would be most offensive – then suddenly
bending back his thumbs until he grimaced in pain, and violently grabbing his genitals. Sexual abuse in US‐
operated prisons got worse and worse over time, ultimately including, according to doctors who
examined detainees, anal sodomy.
All this may sound bizarre if you are a normal person, but it is standard operating procedure for sex
offenders. Those who work in the field know that once sex abusers control a powerless victim, they will
invariably push the boundaries with ever more extreme behavior. Abusers start by undressing their
victims, but once that line has been breached, you are likely to hear from the victim about oral and anal
penetration, greater and greater pain and fear being inflicted, and more and more carelessness about
exposing the crimes as the perpetrator’s inhibitions fall away.
The perpetrator is also likely to engage in ever‐escalating rationalizations, often arguing that the offenses
serve a greater good. Finally, the victim is blamed for the abuse: in the case of the detainees, if they would
only “behave,” and confess, they wouldn’t bring all this on themselves.
Silence, and even collusion, is also typical of sex crimes within a family. Americans are behaving like a
dysfunctional family by shielding sex criminals in their midst through silence.
Just as sex criminals – and the leaders who directed the use of rape and sexual abuse as a military strategy
– were tried and sentenced after the wars in Bosnia and Sierra Leone, so Americans must hold
accountable those who committed, or authorized, sex crimes in US‐operated prisons. Throughout the
world, this perverse and graphic criminality has added fuel to anxiety about US cultural and military
power. These acts need to be called by their true names – war crimes and sex crimes – and people in
America need to demand justice for the perpetrators and their victims. As in a family, only when people
start to speak out and tell the truth about rape and sexual assault can the healing begin.
Naomi Wolf, the author of The End of America: Letter of Warning to a Young Patriot and Give Me
Liberty: A Handbook for American Revolutionaries, is co‐founder of the American Freedom Campaign, a
US democracy movement.
Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2008. www.project‐syndicate.org