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Egyptian Burial costumes in the Royal tombs I – III

of Byblos

Karin KOPETZKY

Since their discovery the Egyptian objects found inside the Royal Tombs I-III of Byblos
served not only as proof for contacts between Egypt and Byblos, but were also used to
date these burials. This study wants to demonstrate how much Egyptian kingship, religion
and concept of afterlife influenced the burial traditions of the ruling class of Byblos during
the Middle Bronze Age. Each of the Egyptian and Egyptian style objects is reviewed in its
original find position and then compared with their counter parts and use in its Egyptian
homeland. Thus a picture emerges which paints a society which absorbed Egyptian life
style and religious believes in a period prior to the internationalism of the Late Bronze
Age.

The National Museum of Beirut, the Louvre and
the Austrian Academy of Sciences joined forces in
2010 to re-investigate the Egyptian and Egyptianizing
objects found inside the Royal Tombs I, II and III of
Byblos1. During this study, it became not only clear
that the dating of these tombs is in need of revision2but
also that Egyptian culture and traditions influenced
Byblian rulers more than previously thought.
In the same year that the tomb of Tut-anch-
Amen was discovered, heavy winter rains caused
landslides in the northern part of the tell of Byblos,
close to the Mediterranean coastline. As a result, part
of the local rock collapsed and gave access to the
chamber of Tomb I. It is known that locals entered
this chamber and carried away various goods from
the burial3. When Antiquities Authorities intervened,
they found the lid of the sarcophagus broken; they
later retrieved various vessels from this tomb from a
nearby village. Afterwards, the Orientalist Charles
Virolleaud, then director of all French excavations in
Syria and Lebanon, thoroughly excavated this tomb.
In the following year4, the Egyptologist Pierre Montet
took over and found another eight tombs in this area5.
Amongst those were Tombs II and III that had not
been looted, but suffered severely from the intrusion
of water and mud. Due to the moist climate in the
area, organic materials were not preserved in any of
the tombs. Nevertheless, Tombs I, II, and III contained
abundant burial goods, many of which were imports
from Egypt or, presumably, locally-produced in
Egyptian style. Some of these objects are typical of
Egyptian burials and have comparable material in
several tombs of the Middle Kingdom.
All three tombs consisted of a shaft and a side
chamber. Tombs I and III were orientated North-
South, while Tomb II was slightly rotated towards
the East (North-Northeast-South-Southwest), the
latter probably due to the local geography. Inside
the chambers stood either a sarcophagus (Tomb I)
or a wooden coffin (Tombs II and III), which was
positioned close to the western wall of the chamber
in a North-South orientation6, a pattern that is well-
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Egyptian Burial costumes in the Royal tombs I – III of Byblos
known in Egyptian burials of the 12th and early 13th
dynasties7. R. Schiestl stated very plausibly that a
wooden coffin, most likely of rectangular shape, which
was decorated on its outside with a pair of inlayed
Wedjat-eyes, was once set inside the sarcophagus of
Tomb I8. On Egyptian coffins of the Middle Kingdom
(MK) the Wedjat-eyes are always placed on the east
side of the coffin at the height of the deceased’s head
which is normally at the northern end of the coffin,
allowing him or her to look outside the coffin and thus
communicate with the outside world. In several cases
the mummy was even slightly turned and rested on its
left side9. These inlays were described by Virolleaud as
being of ivory and found outside the sarcophagus10.
In contrast, Montet mentions them as being of faience
of which a large number were found inside the
sarcophagus11. He reports similar inlays made of bone
and faience for Tombs II and III12. On Virolleaud´s
plan (Fig. 1), from the contents of the sarcophagus,
one can see, in the northern part, an inlay above the
sandals of the deceased that resembles one of the
pieces that Schiestl has reconstructed as an eyebrow
of his reconstructed Wedjat-eyes (Fig. 2). Therefore,
Fig. 1- Plan of the content of Tomb I (after: Virolleaud 1922, fig. 4).
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it seems very likely that the rectangular wooden coffin
was placed into the sarcophagus with the Wedjat-eyes
on the east side of the coffin close to its northern end,
where the deceased’s head should have been in an
Egyptian burial. However, during the actual burial, the
body of the deceased was put into the coffin with its
head in the south, which is reversed from the Egyptian
point of view. This might have happened accidentally
or intentionally due to Byblian religious beliefs. It is
possible that the sarcophagus and the coffin were
already inside the tomb when the deceased was laid
to rest, his body13 wrapped in shrouds14. The contents
of the tombs, however, show very clearly that the
Byblites knew the Egyptian manner of burial very
well. It seems that they borrowed that which did not
interfere with their own religious beliefs and adapted
as much as possible.
According to Virolleaud15 and Montet16 the
sarcophagus from Tomb I, though damaged, was
still intact. If this was the case, than the sandals at
the northern end of the coffin were still in situ. Since
the distance between the sandals and the southern
end of the coffin is a maximum of 1.6 m, a burial

in an extended supine position seems impossible.
Consequently, the deceased must have been buried
in a contracted position. However, if the deceased
was buried in an extended supine position, the tomb
must have been entered shortly after the burial when
the body was only partly macerated. Assuming that
the burial was indeed intact, then the body position
of this high-ranking person reflects a burial tradition
of the Middle Bronze Age culture, something that
may not have been the case for the owner of Tomb
II. There, in the western part of the burial chamber
of Tomb II, four stones were found which were most
likely the supports for a rectangular wooden coffin
Fig. 2- Reconstruction of Wedjat-eyes (after: Schiestl 2007, fig. 3).
Fig. 3- Reconstruction of an anthropomorphic coffin positioning ureaus (648) and gold foils (645, 646). Photo with the courtesy of the National
Museum Beirut (BNM 16247).
Karin Kopetzky
BAAL Hors-Série X
with dimensions of about 2.70 × 1.45 m17. Some of
the finds retrieved from this tomb allow us to suppose
that the deceased was once buried inside this coffin
within either an anthropomorphic coffin and/or with
a burial mask. Because amongst the finds were two
bronze uraei decorated with electrum inlays (647,
648)18. These items would have been inserted at the
forehead of a wooden face (Figs 3 and 4). Since two
examples came from the same tomb it is very likely
that they were inserted into a mask as well as into an
anthropomorphic coffin. Parallels for these objects
are known from various royal tombs of the Middle
Kingdom19. Two gold foil bands (645, 646) with
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Egyptian Burial costumes in the Royal tombs I – III of Byblos
Fig. 4- Reconstruction of a death mask positioning ureaus (647).
Photo with the courtesy of the National Museum Beirut.
dimensions of 22 x 2.5–2.8 cm and a hole on each
end, and decorated in repoussé-technique, came from
the same tomb (Fig. 3). Such bands might have been
part of the decoration of anthropomorphic coffins
imitating linen wrappings but their use as decorations
for furniture is equally possible.
Inside the sarcophagus of Tomb I at its southern
end, where the head of the deceased once rested,
two fragments of a falcon-collar made of gold foil
(621, 622) were found. Similar pieces were retrieved
from Tombs II (620) and III (619/Louvre AO 9093).
In Egypt, these collars were deposited in the area of
the upper chest of the deceased enclosed in or on a
string over the wrappings of the mummy20. Although
all the motifs of the designs on the Byblos examples
are Egyptian, their combination is unknown in Egypt.
Already Montet suggested that one is dealing with a
possible Byblian production for these pieces21. These
collars, which were produced for the burial, combined
motifs that exist in Egypt in their own right. Egyptian
burials have either a falcon collar with several chains
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of pearls connecting the two falcon heads, which
were in many cases made of gold inlaid with semi-
precious stones and/or, separately, a falcon or vulture
pectorals hammered out of gold foil. But in no case
were these two combined on one object as on the
Byblos pieces. Falcon collars are already known from
the Old Kingdom22, but the most beautiful pieces
are preserved from the 12th and 13th dynasties23.
Examples made of gold foil like the ones from the
Royal Tombs of Byblos are known from the tombs
of the foreign wives of Tuthmosis III24, dating into the
first half of the 18th dynasty. It seems as if those were
made individually; in contrast, the Byblos pieces were
most likely hammered over the same model. While the
pieces from Tombs II and III are well preserved, the
example from Tomb I exists only as a drawing25. But
all three pieces brought to scale show that the main
patterns do match in proportions and outlines of the
décor. While the example from Tomb II shows the
more basic version, the one from Tomb III is more
elaborate. The falcon depicted in the middle of the
collar with its widespread wings holding shen-signs in
his fangs can be found in Egypt as separate pieces
of gold foil from the New Kingdom onwards26. Loops
on each of the falcon heads indicate that the gold foil
collars were not fixed on a wooden anthropoid coffin,
but carried on a chain most likely around the neck
of the deceased. However, it seems that the Byblos
pieces are the oldest examples of falcon collars made
of gold foil27. The next known examples are the
aforementioned falcon collars from the foreign wives
of Tuthmosis III.
Plate CXIII in Montet’s publication shows a
3,6 cm long? biconical bead (Fig. 5) below the
silver bowl (751). Unfortunately neither Montet nor
Fig. 5- Swrt-bead (after: Montet 1928, pl. CXIII).

Virolleaud mention this find, but since it is depicted
with a piece from Tomb I, which was found inside the
sarcophagus, one may assume that it is from the same
context. Beads of this size and shape are found in
Egyptian funerary contexts beginning in the late First
Intermediate Period28 and are known as swrt – beads.
They were mostly made of carnelian and are often
accompanied by a round green bead on each side.
These beads were very common in Middle Kingdom
burials, where they were fixed on a string and worn
around the neck29 or depicted on anthropomorphic
coffins30 as well as on the insides of rectangular
ones, where they are shown amongst the necklaces
(Fig. 6)31. Hayes thinks that their purpose was to
protect the throat of the deceased32.
A heart-amulet made of a limonite stone (624),
which was covered on its backside with a gold foil,
was also discovered inside the sarcophagus of Tomb
I. Heart-amulets were carried around the neck for
protection and are visible on many male statues of
the Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate
Period33. Heart amulets of female burials of the Middle
Kingdom look different. They were more elaborate
and combined with other hieroglyphs as the examples
from Lisht34 and Dahshur35 show. If Virolleaud36
identification of the stone as limonite is correct, one
is dealing with a very unique stone for the Middle
Kingdom and it was most likely chosen especially for
this reason. Limonite is a natural iron ore and rather
rare and was therefore probably seen as something
very valuable by the people of this period. The only
other example known to the authors where iron was
used for jewellery during that period is a golden ring
combined with an iron one found in an early MB II
burial at Sidon37.
Fig. 6- Coffin of Sebek-o, inside left (after: Steindorff 1901, pl. II).
Karin Kopetzky
BAAL Hors-Série X
Mirrors (615, 616) were found inside the Tombs
I and II. The disks of both examples were made of
silver. In Egypt polished disks of silver appeared
mainly in the elite burials of the late 12th and early 13th
dynasties. The piece from Tomb I was found inside
the sarcophagus. While this example is rather small,
the one from Tomb II is on the other end of the scale.
In ancient Egypt, mirrors were found with male and
female burials. Although they were often stored inside
a mirror-box, which was then put into a larger wooden
box38, it was also quite common to put them near the
body inside the coffins, where they were found mainly
near the head39 or the hands of the deceased40.
Tomb II produced an elongated ovoid gold foil
band in the middle of which was mounted an amethyst
scarab (643, Beirut NMB 16240). The rounded ends
of this braclet were perforated in order to fix the jewel
with a string to the wrist of the deceased. The scarab
was of high quality and dates, like those mentioned
below, to the late 12th and early 13th dynasties. Its base
is covered with a gold foil. The openings of its oblong
drilling are protected on each side by a golden wire,
which is twisted into a ring. It is obvious that this scarab
was once mounted on a finger ring and was made in
Egypt. During a later stage the ring was dismantled
and the scarab melted onto the gold foil. There is
only one comparison known, which is in the Brooklyn
Museum and unfortunately comes from the antiquities
market41. Since no parallels are known from Egypt it is
possible that the alterations to this jewellery were done
by a local craftsman in Byblos.
The famous ointment jar (610/NMB 17308)
made of obsidian and gold and bearing the name of
Amenemhat III was found in the vicinity of the heart
of the deceased. In Egyptian tombs, cosmetic vessels
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Egyptian Burial costumes in the Royal tombs I – III of Byblos
were mostly placed in cosmetic boxes that were either
on the floor inside the burial chambers42 or on top
of the coffins. The Byblos piece could have come
from one of the boxes, which seemed to have be
placed in the southeast and southwest corners of the
coffin in the vicinity of the head or it was deposited
there on its own. For the latter, several parallels are
documented in the burials of Tell el-Dabca from the
late MB I period onwards43. However, the site of Tell
el-Dabca itself is known for a strong Middle Bronze
Age cultural influence. Therefore, it is very likely that
we are dealing in this case not with an Egyptian but a
Near Eastern burial tradition, where an Egyptian piece
was put in position according to the local MB tradition.
Amongst the mud and gravel from Tomb II were a
pectoral (617) and a shell (618), the latter wearing the
name of the tomb owner Ipi-shemu-Abi. Both objects
were made in a technique wherein a solid golden
plate was used as a base and the motifs were laid out
by a gold wire, which was melted on the former and
than inlayed with carnelian, turquoise, faience and
lapis lazuli. Montet already stated that these objects
were not produced in Egypt44. It is the combination
of the motifs that distinguish them from their Egyptian
archetypes as well as the quality of their craftsmanship.
Egyptian pectorals of the Middle Kingdom are of high
quality and were made in an open fretwork design
and never on a solid plate. The framing of the Byblos
piece (Fig. 7) with its alternating strip of 2 small and
1 broad cells contrasts the Egyptian norm of 3 smaller
and 1 broader sections45. This framing is part of a
shrine, which normally is covered with a cavetto46 and
not a winged sun disk, which is crowned with ram
horns. This combination is unknown for the Middle
Kingdom. Seated kings would never wear the white
crown twice. It would always be the red and the white
crown, representing both parts of the country. Another
argument against an Egyptian origin is the chain on
which the pectoral was fixed. This kind of “loop in
loop” chains are very rare in the Middle Kingdom and
were found only on the jewellery of princess Khnumet
at Dahshur47. The style of Khnumet´s jewellery is not
Egyptian and there are different opinions about its
origin. Beside a small chain fragment found inside a pit
of a mastaba in Dahshur48 these chains do not appear
before the New Kingdom49, where they become more
common. Pectorals were found in Egyptian burials
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on the chest of the deceased50 or, in the cases of
the beautiful pieces found in the tombs of the royal
princesses of the 12th dynasty, in jewellery boxes51.
Shell pendants appear in the same positions as
pectorals52. In the case of the shell pendant of Ipi-
shemu-Abi (Fig. 8), a horizontal cartouche is depicted
in its centre. Similar pieces in Egypt always have their
cartouches positioned vertically on the shell. Inside
the Byblos cartouche the hieroglyphs naming Ipi-
shemu-Abi are arranged in an unusual order. No
Egyptian craftsman would ever have done it this way.
Above the cartouche is a scarab from whose upper
wings uraei, wearing the white and the red crowns,
seemed to grow out, a combination again unknown
in Egyptian art. Uraei are often attached to the sun
disk, which the scarab normally pushes in front of it
or they are shown on both side of a pectoral curling
around the sun. In the Byblos example, the sun disks
are set in front of the hood of the cobras. Below the
cartouche, a falcon is depicted with spread wings as
seen on the falcon collars mentioned above. Below the
wings of the falcon are two inlaid locusts. In the Old
Kingdom, locusts are mentioned in the Pyramid texts,
which were of religious importance for the afterlife of
the deceased king53. They are seen as a symbol for
multiplicity, weakness and destruction54, but are also
associated with riches55. Locusts are known in Egyptian
art from Predynastic times onwards56. As amulets they
exist from the Old Kingdom onwards57 and become
more popular at the beginning of the New Kingdom58.
In the latter period, a dagger exists in the treasure of
queen Ahhotep. There, locusts are depicted on one
side of its blade59, inlaid in a technique similar to one
used for the Byblos scimitars. Yet, this dagger itself
is unusual in Egyptian art and is considered to be an
import to Egypt. Although rare, locusts are also known
in Minoan art. Two jewellery pieces in the shape of
locusts are reported to come from the LM I Palace of
Knossos60. The decorative band of rosettes that run
around the edge of the shell also fits within the Minoan
world. This motif has perfect parallels in the decoration
of a gaming board found at Knossos, which dates to
the MM III – LM I period61. Both, pectorals and shells
had a protective character for the ancient Egyptians.
Weapons on or along side the body of the
deceased are known in the Egyptian as well as in
the MB burial traditions. The position of the scimetar

Fig. 7- Pectoral of Ipi-shemu-Abi. Photo with the courtesy of the
National Museum Beirut.
Fig. 8- Shell pendant of Ipi-shemu-Abi. Photo with the courtesy of
the National Museum Beirut.
Karin Kopetzky
BAAL Hors-Série X
(652) on the right side, the sword-hand side of the
corpse is thus not surprising. A nearly parallel situation
with the sickle-sword at the right side of the deceased
was found in a burial at Tell el-Dabca62. There the
sword was sheeted in a scabbard, possible of leather
to protect the weapon63. Although not as elaborate as
the Byblos examples, the Tell el-Dabca scimetar was
also more of a decorative weapon than an object of
daily use.
In each of the burials, at least one amethyst scarab
was found mounted on a golden ring (640–643).
The example from Tomb I (640) was found inside
the sarcophagus. These rings are normally found on
the left hand of the deceased64. It is clear from the
typological features of the scarabs that they were made
in the late 12th or early 13th dynasties in Egypt and
are thus older than the Byblos burials65. The way the
scarabs are mounted on the rings is also essential for
dating. C. Lilyquist recognized that the oldest way of
fixing the scarab on a wire is to push the wire through
the drilling and twist both ends with each other in
the middle of the ring66. This technique was used
during the 12th dynasty. For the second technique she
mentions a thickened wire, which was pushed through
the drilling from both ends. Its thinner ends were then
twisted around the ring next to the drilling hole on
each side. For the author, the oldest known example
of this technique is a ring found inside a burial from
the early 13th dynasty at Tell el-Dabca67. There, the
amethyst scarab itself was seen to be of an earlier
date, however the possibility of it being contemporary
is very likely since one has to keep in mind that the
craftsmen who worked for the royal court in Itj-tawy
at the end of the 12th dynasty continued to do so in
the early 13th dynasty as the burials of King Hor and
the royal princesses Nubhotep show. Another way of
fixing a thickened wire to the scarab was by inserting
both ends into the drilling without further fixation, thus
holding it like a clamp. Again no example is found
before the 13th dynasty68. The latest technique shows a
loop on each end of the thickened wire through which
a thin wire, which stuck in the drilling, was pitched
and then twisted around the ring. This way of fixing
the scarab to the ring allows an easier way of twisting
the scarab for sealing and prevents the gold wire from
wearing through. In Palestine this technique is known
from the beginning MB IIB period onwards69, while
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in Egypt this innovation started somewhere in the and from inside an early 18th dynasty coffin in Thebes,
second half of the 13th dynasty. It is possible that due from where three pairs of tweezers were retrieved76.
to chronological reasons this technique was imported Occasionally tweezers were mounted on wooden
from the Near East into Egypt via the sites of Byblos formers, which have a hole at their upper end to fix
and Tell el-Dabca, acting as possible transmitters. it to a string77. Hayes mentiones such a case, where a
At the northern end of the sarcophagus of Tomb I, pair of tweezers were lashed together with a razor and
a pair of sandals (650) was found, while fragments of stuffed into a leather pouch78. It is possible that such
a second pair came from the debris of Tomb II (651). a pouch was carried on a belt. But tweezers are also
The fact that they were made of silver makes their known from northern Syria from the end of the third
local production very likely. Inside the Byblos tombs millennium B.C.79. One of the best comparisons for
were much more silver pieces and silver applications the Byblos piece comes from a burial at Hu in Upper
found than we know from royal and private tombs of Egypt dating to the 12th dynasty80.
the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period Other objects for cosmetic use were unguent
in Egypt. Since Anatolia was one of the main silver spoons, whose heads were elaborately decorated.
sources during this period it is not surprisingly that Such a head (706) and a spoon-bowl (693) were
more of this traded metal stayed in Byblos, which found in Tomb II made of gold and silver (Fig. 10).
is geographically closer to that region then Egypt. In Egypt spoons found in royal burials as well as
Montet mentions that in connection with the sole from in settlements are known from predynastic periods
Tomb II also braided fibres were found70, which allows onwards81. A very close parallel for the Byblos piece
the conclusion that they were attached to the metal
comes from the town of Kahun82. Like the Byblos
sole and fixed it thus to the foot of the deceased. In
piece it was made in a composite style, though of
Egypt, sandals were made of various organic fabrics
wood and ivory. Hardly any archaeological evidences
from prehistory onwards. In the dead cult these were
found on the feet of the mummy and often had a
wooden sole on which either decorative motives or
enemies were depicted. On the latter, the deceased
stepped on and thus destroys them symbolically. So
far, sandals made either of gold or silver do not appear
in Egypt before the 18th dynasty and were restricted to
royalty or members of the royal family. The earliest
examples are made of gold foil and come from the
tomb of the three foreign wives of Tuthmosis III71. The
soles of two of the pairs there show the same recesses
at the height of the ankles as the Byblos pieces. At that
point, vertical posts were attached which allowed their
wearer a substantial instep. Similar design should be
expected for the Byblos pieces.
Amongst the finds from the sarcophagus from
Tomb I was a silver fragment of a pair of tweezers
(708) (Fig. 9)72. In Egypt these were found from
the first dynasty73 onwards and were usually part of
cosmetic sets74. Removal of hairs as hygenic measures
was always essential for any ancient Egyptian. Several
cases are reported where tweezers were discovered
inside a coffin or sarcophagus. So was one found
inside a late 12th dynasty tomb in Tell el-Dabca, where Fig. 9- Tweezers, left: Byblos (after: Montet 1928, pl. CII), right: Hu
it was located next to the left hipbone of a male burial75, (after: Petrie 1901, pl. XXXII/32).

12 400

Fig. 10- Unguent spoons, top: Byblos (after: Montet 1928, pl. CIII), bottom: Kahun (after: Petrie 1890, pl. VIII/17; idem 1927, pl. XXIII/62).
Photos with the courtesy of the National Museum Beirut (BNM 17317) and for the head of the Kahun spoon: Copyright: Petrie Museum of
Egyptian Archaeology, University College London (UC16689).
exist concerning the original deposition of spoons
inside burials. In one case the spoon was deposited
inside a metal cup of a burial found at Thebes83.
Boxes such as the obsidian piece from Tomb II (611)
were used in Egypt for objects, which were precious
to its owner. There is no doubt that the Byblos piece
is an Egyptian import dating to the late 12th dynasty.
As mentioned above in most cases boxes were found
outside or on top of the coffin. The latter might have
been the case for the obsidian box, since Montet
mentions that it was found up-side-down separated
from its lid84. In Egypt as well as in the Levant such
small boxes contained objects for sealings such as
scarabs and cylinder seals as well as jewellery85. We
do however have evidences from contemporary MB-
burials where such small boxes were buried close to
the deceased86.
Amongst the finds of Tomb II were bronze
fragments (677–679, 698, 700–702, 727, 730–735),
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BAAL Hors-Série X
which very likely came from furniture. The objects
(734) and (735) are angles and known in Egypt from
chairs, beds, tables and boxes. While the larger pair
(735) might have once joined the back of a chair or
bed to its respectively seat or reclining area (Figs
11 and 12), the four smaller examples (734) could
have come from a box or a table (Fig. 13). In most
of the preserved examples these angles end on their
small sides in two appendages87. They are fixed on
both sides to the wood with a parallel row of nails or
pegs. According to Montet´s drawing88 the smaller
angles (734) were pierced only on their longer sides.
It is possible that, due to the heavy corrosion, Montet
had not recognized the holes on the small sides of
the angles. But, if his drawing is indeed correct one
might conclude that these smaller sides were fixed to
the wood with metal bands made of bronze (Fig. 13)
like the ones shown in his publication89. Already in the
early dynasties furniture was essential for the comfort
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Egyptian Burial costumes in the Royal tombs I – III of Byblos
Fig. 11- Reconstruction of a chair positioning angles (734), lotus flower (700), gold foil (698) and the studs (677, 678). Photos with the courtesy
of the National Museum Beirut (BNM 16237).
of deceased king in the afterlife90. Although most of
the beds and chairs have animal shapes legs, there are
examples with plain square legs like on a chair in the
British Museum91, while round legs are rather unusual.
It seems that the heavy bronze chalices of lotus flowers
inlayed with electrum (701/NMB 16238 and 702/
NMB 16239) were once part of furniture. A round or
slightly triangular leg of wood has to end in a recessed
rectangular block at its upper end, which fitted through
the square opening at the base of the chalice, where
it locked in place with the frame of the furniture. Such
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decorations are rare in Egypt. However, the throne-
like chairs of Sitamun92 and Tut-ankh-Amen93 show
protoms at the juncture of the front legs with the frame
of the seat as a decorative element. As the examples
of Tomb II are quite heavy, they should come from a
throne or a bed. Inside the same tomb, a similar piece
as the bronze calices but made out of gold foil was
found (700/NMB 16237) (Fig. 11). It most likely had
a similar function and could have been associated with
a piece of gold foil showing the lower part of a papyrus
plant (698), which might have covered the lower part

Fig. 12- Reconstruction of a bed positioning angles (735) and lotus flowers (701, 702). Photos with the courtesy of the National Museum Beirut
(BNM 16238 & 16239).
Fig. 13- Reconstruction of a chest/box positioning angles (734).
of a furniture leg. In Montet´s publication three round
gold buttons are depicted (677-679), which have
exactly the same diameters as the lower part of the
above mentioned gold foil. The latter has at its lower
end a small cavetto to fix such buttons. Together they
would form furniture, which was covered with these
gold foil decorations to objects, that was specifically
commissioned for burials.
Ivory fragments in the shape of lotus flowers (727)
were found in Tomb II. These fragments were polished
only on one side, which leads to the conclusion that
Karin Kopetzky
BAAL Hors-Série X
they were fixed to some other material – most likely
wood. Although the reconstruction of the pattern is
rather insecure (Fig. 14), it seems that it is a bunch of
three or five flowers that once decorated the sides of
armrests of a chair or the headboard of a bed. A very
similar motif was found at the sides of the armrests
of the chair of queen Hetepheres dating to the 4th
dynasty94. We know from reliefs and wall paintings
inside Egyptian tombs and the finds from the tomb of
Tut-ankh-Amen that furniture was an essential part of
the tomb endowment and was thus deposited inside
403 15
Egyptian Burial costumes in the Royal tombs I – III of Byblos
the tombs, again to secure the comfort of the deceased
in the afterlife.
Several Egyptian stone jars were found inside the
two older tombs. Leaning against the southern wall
of the chamber of Tomb I were two calcite/alabaster
vessels, one with a globular and the other with a
piriform body shape. In Egypt, these vessels were used
for all kinds of liquids from oil over wine to water and
milk. The globular jar (613) with its straight neck and
round lip has a good parallel in a jar found in Mastaba
24 from Dahshur North95 (Fig. 15) that dates to the
second half of the 12th dynasty. A smaller version of
this jar type comes from a tomb at Tell el-Dabca from
Phase d/2, which dates to the very end of the 12th
dynasty96.
Fig. 14- Reconstruction of pattern of inlays (727).
16 404
BAAL Hors-Série X
Amongst the objects in Tomb II was a bulky diorite
jar with its lid (614). On the latter is the royal name
Amenemhet incised in a cartouche, naming a king of
the 12th dynasty. The shape of this jar is unique for
the Middle Kingdom, but has good comparisons in the
Old Kingdom97. Similar examples of the 12th and early
13th dynasty are all more slender and elongated98.
Even today it is unclear to which king Amenemhet this
vessel once referred. A possible solution to this problem
might be a cosmetic box, which was discovered inside
a burial of the 13th dynasty in Thebes and belonged
to a cupbearer named Kemeni, who lived during the
reign of Amenemhet IV99. On the lid of this wooden
box is the name of this king inlayed in ivory and its
hieroglyphs show the same palaeographic features

Fig. 15- Globular stone jars, left: Byblos (after: Virroleaud 1922, pl.
LXII/1), right: Dahshur (after: de Morgan 1894, fig. 78).
Fig. 16- Top: Detail from the box of Kemeni. Eduard S. Harkness Gift, 1926 (26.7.1438). Photo with the courtesy of the Metropolitain Museum
of Arts. Bottom: Detail from the Lid of Jar (614). Photos with the courtesy of the National Museum Beirut (BNM 76900).
Karin Kopetzky
BAAL Hors-Série X
as those on the lid from Byblos (Fig. 16). Thus, as
the closest parallel for the inscription on the lid, the
author is inclined to date the inscription in the reign of
Amenemhet IV. Below the cartouche were originally
three hs-signs, which somebody tried to erase at some
point in time, very likely before the vessel was shipped
to Byblos.
Three other stone vessels (612, 785, 785bis)
were found inside the tomb I. A medium-size calcite/
alabaster jar (612) was deposited next to the above
mentioned globular jar (613). Its proportions look
more to be a Middle Kingdom jar dating to the later
12th dynasty100 but its rim is rounded, in contrast to the
known Egyptian examples101. This could be a sign of a
local production, but one cannot exclude a revision of
the rim at a later date. The second example looks like
the well-known stone versions of jars with corrugated
necks and comes from Tomb II. These jars are very
common in tombs of the 12th and 13th dynasties102.
405 17
Egyptian Burial costumes in the Royal tombs I – III of Byblos
BAAL Hors-Série X

According to R. Sparks it is not uncommon in Egypt Kingdom cemeteries in the Memphite region, their
to manufacture the neck and the body of a vessel presence inside the tombs was essential for the Byblian
separate103. perception of a correct religious burial. Accessories,
A hes-vase without its lid (811) and fragments of such as the Egyptianizing cosmetic tools and furniture
one or two others made of faience (812) come from serve to underscore their wealth and important status
the Tombs II and III. Although hes-vases are not very amongst the rulers of the Levant.
often found inside tombs104, it was common to depict The research leading to these results has received
them amongst the burial goods, which were painted funding from the European Union Seventh Framework
on the insides of Middle Kingdom coffins105. They Programme (FP7/2007-2013) under grant agreement
were essential for purification and libation and for rites n° [253671].
that very likely took place during the actual burial.
Two tall stands made of bronze (783, 784) were
discovered in Tomb II. In Egypt such stands were
made of stone, pottery or bronze and are well-known
as offering supports, where various kind of cultic
vessels either for libation or incense burning were
deposited. They exist from the early periods onwards
and appeared mainly in cultic contexts106 and tombs107
and were often found in pairs108 as was the case in
Tomb II.

Summary
The Egyptian and Egyptianizing objects themselves,
as well as their find spots and positions inside Royal
Tombs I, II and III of Byblos illustrate clearly the strong
influences that Egyptian kingship with its associated
religious beliefs, had on the rulers of Middle Bronze
Age Byblos. Not only do they attest to a close
relationship between Byblos and Egypt, but also show
the stages in the adaptation of Egyptian royal burial
pomp and belief in the after-life by the Byblian ruling
family. While the owner of Tomb I, though buried in
an Egyptian-style coffin, was still laid to rest in the MB
tradition wrapped in shrouds with contracted legs,
his presumably successor, Ipi-shmu-abi the owner of
tomb II, was buried in an extended position inside an
anthropomorphic coffin and very likely with a burial
mask over his head in Egyptian manners. The use
of various powerful Egyptian amulets and jewellery
was intended to protect the deceased in the after-life
and emphasize his wealth and importance. Whether
the imported objects reached the Byblian rulers
via diplomatic exchanges or as the author suspects,
as looted pieces originally coming from the Middle
18 406

Notes
1- I thank Dr. Sophie Cluzan, Curator of the Department of
Near Eastern Antiquities and her team of the Louvre for their
unrestricted help and support of this project and Ms Carole
Attalah curator of the National Museum of Beirut. We are
also indebted to E.S. Marcus for correcting the English of
this manuscript.
2- K.Kopetzky, Tell el-Dabca XX, 167f.
3- P. Montet, Byblos et l’Égypte, 17.
4- C. Virolleaud, Syria 3, 273–290.
5- P. Montet, Byblos et l’Égypte, BAH 11, 1928.
6- P. Montet, Byblos et l’Égypte, pls. LXXIV and LXXVI.
7- See i.e. J. De Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour 1894–1985,
figs. 105, 151; idem, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars–Juin 1984,
fig. 128.
8- R. Schiestl, Ä&L 17, 265–271.
9- J. De Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars – Juin 1894,
fig. 264.
10- C. Virolleaud, Syria 3, 281.
11- P. Montet, Byblos et l’Égypte, 187, no. 726.
12- P. Montet, Byblos et l’Égypte, 209.
13- Montet mentioned that the bones found inside the coffin
were of an adult male; see P. Montet, Byblos et l´Égypte,
147.
14- C. Virolleaud, Syria 3, 281.
15- C. Virolleaud, Syria 3, 275f.
16- P. Montet, Byblos et l’Égypte, 146.
17- P. Montet, Byblos et l’Égypte, 146f.
18- The numbers are refering to P. Montet, Byblos et
l´Égypte.
19- J. De Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars – Juin 1894,
fig. 235, pl. XXXVIII/F.
20- J.E. Quibell, ASAE 9, 13.
21- P. Montet, L´Art Phénicien au XVIIIe Sècle avant J.-C.
Monument et Mémoires 27 (1924), 15–19.
Karin Kopetzky
BAAL Hors-Série X
22- Reliefs inside the tomb of Mereruka show the production
of such falcon collars.
23- For the 12th dynasty see: Ita – J. de Morgan, Fouilles a
Dahchour 1894-1895, Fig. 105.
Khnumet – J. de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour 1894-1895,
58, pl. V.
Senebtisi – A.C. Mace and H.E. Winlock, The Tomb of
Senebtisi at Lisht pl. XXV.
Neferupthah, – N. Farag and Z. Iskander, The Discovery of
Neferwptah, pl. XL.
For the 13th dynasty see: King Hor – J. de Morgan, Fouilles
a Dahchour Mars-Juin 1894, 99, Fig. 230.
Nubhotep – J. de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars-Juin
1894, 112f.
24- C. Lilyquist, The tomb of the three foreign wives of
Tuthmosis III, 199.
25- C. Virolleaud, Syria 3, pl. LXV/5.
26- Several pieces have been found on the mummy of
Tutankhamun.
27- It should be stated that neither the collar from
Hapiankhtifi (MMA 12.183.16) nor from Senebtis (MMA
08.200.41) which were both covered with gold leaves, show
falcon heads at their ends.
28- U. Dubiel, OBO 229, 173.
29- W.C. Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt I, 308.
30- A.C. Mace and H.E. Winlock, The Tomb of Senebtisi at
Lisht, 62f., pl. xx.
31- i.e.: G. Steindorff, Der Sarg des Sebek-o, pl. II.
32- W.C. Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt I, 308.
33- See for i.e.: H.G. Evers, Staat aus dem Stein, pls. 83,
102, 143.
34- G. Brunton, Lahun I, pl. II.
35- J. De Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour Mars – Juin 1894,
pls. XV/4, XIX/4,30.
36- C. Virolleaud, Syria 3, 286.
37- D. Griffiths and J. Merkel, AHL 34–35, 53–59.
38- G. Brunton, Lahun I, pl. 12 bottom.
39- H. Carter and E. of Carnarvon, Five Years´Explortations
at Thebes, 84.
407 19
Egyptian Burial costumes in the Royal tombs I – III of Byblos
40-
J.E. Quibell, ASAE 9, 14.
41- Brooklyn Museum 65.46.
42- J. de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour 1894-1895, fig. 105,
between the 3rd and 4th pillar from the left was a cosmetic
box which contained 8 similar ointment jars made of calcite.
Also see: G. Brunton, Lahun I, pl. 12, area E.
43- M. Bietak, Tell el-Dabca V, 33, fig. 8, late MBI; 294, fig.
273, late MB II. I. Forstner-Müller, Tell el-Dabca XVI, 139,
fig. 77, late MB I; 275, fig. 199, MB II.
44- P. Montet, Monument et Mémoires 27, 15.
45- J. de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour 1894, pl. XX/2.
46- J. de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour 1894, pl. XIX/1.
47- J. de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour 1894–1895, pl. XII.
48- MMA 24.1.31. The find situation of this piece is not
published.
49- See the chain of the famous 3 flies from queen Ahhotep
CG 52671 as well as a chain with a scarab from the same
context CG 52670.
50- R. Engelbach, Riqqeh and Memphis VI, 15.
51- G. Brunton, Lahun I, pl. XII.
52- C. Firth and B. Gunn, Excavations at Saqqara, 59,
Fig.68.
53- M.L. Keimer, ASAE 33, 108.
54- M.L. Keimer, ASAE 33, 103.
55- C. Andrews, Amulets in Ancient Egypt, 66.
56- UC 15214 – Naqada II.
57- British Museum EA 3288, see in: C. Andrews, Amulets
of Ancient Egypt, 11, Fig. 5g.
58- In the Fitzwilliam Museum, there is a sealing in the
shape of a locust with the cartouche of Amenophis I on its
base: E.GA.1337.1943.
59- CG 52658-9.
60- M. Rosenberg, Geschichte der Goldschmiedekunst,
Figs. 15, 17.
61- A. Evans, Palace of Minos I, pl. 5
62- I. Forstner-Müller, Tell el-Dabca XVI, 179, fig. 101b.
20 408
BAAL Hors-Série X
63- R. Seeber, A&L 11, 221.
64- See Katalog in: I. Forstner-Müller, Tell el-Dabca XVI.
Also z.B.: H. Carter and E. of Carnarvon, Five Years´
Explorations at Thebes, 71, 85,
65- After checking many well stratified and undisturbed
contexts, the authors came to the conclusion that hard stone
scarabs of the second half of the 13th dynasty and the SIP
show very stylised and rough carvings of the head, legs and
backs. See for i.e: M. Bietak, Tell el-Dabca V, 173f., Figs.
134/2-4; 176, Fig. 137/6; H. Loffet, AHL 34-35, 121, Figs.
19, 20; 126, Fig. 26.
66- C. Lilyquist, BASOR 290/291, p. 43.
67- R. Schiestl, Tell el-Dabca XVIII, 379, fig. 335/3.
68- British Museum Scarab E 65316 shows a scarab, which
should be dated into the late 13th dynasty with this kind of
ring mounting. Parallels for the scarab can be found in a
tomb in Tell el-Dabca: I. Forstner-Müller, Tell el-Dabca XVI,
181, F103a/4 – Phase F and in a tomb in Thebes: A.-M.
Loyrette et al., Memnonia IV–V, 119, Fig. 2 – second half of
13th dynasty. Also MMfA 15.3.135a.
69- Several examples were found in the tombs of Jericho
from Group II onwards. Further examples are known in Beit
Shemesh and Farah South.
70- P. Montet, Byblos et l’Égypte, p. 173.
71- C. Lilyquist, The tomb of the three foreign wives, 210,
Figs. 117–119.
72- C. Virolleaud, Syria 3, 285, Fig. 5/left below no. 13.
73- W.M.F. Petrie, The Royal Tombs of the Earliest
Dynasties II, pl. LXIII/14.
74- W.C. Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt II, 64, Fig. 33.
75- R. Schiestl, Tell el-Dabca XVIII, 282, Fig. 210.
76- See: CC41, Tomb R 2, Burial C 3: MMA 16.10.248­­
–250.
77- W.C. Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt II, 64.
78- W.C. Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt II, 64.
79- G. Philip, Tell el-Dabca XV, 162.
80- W.M.F. Petrie, Diospolis Parva, pl. XXXII/32.
81- i.e.: UC15481.
 Karin Kopetzky
BAAL Hors-Série X

82- W.M.F. Petrie, Kahun, Gurob and Hawara, pl. VIII/17.
A Photo in: idem, Objects of Daily Use, pl. XXIII/62.
83- W.C. Hayes, The Scepter of Egypt II, 64.
84- P. Montet, Byblos et l´Égypte, 147.
103- R. Sparks, Stone Vessels in the Levant, 28.
104- See i.e.: J.E. Quibell, ASAE 9, pl. XXXIX/1, 4.
105- See for example: L.M. Berman, The Coffin and
Canopic Chests of Tomb 10A, 120f., Fig. 74.

85- See: H. Carter and E. of Carnarvon, Five Years´
Explorations at Thebes, pl. XLV.
86- In Tell el-Dabca see: K. Kopetzky, Die Datierung der
Gräber der Grabungsfläche F/I anhand der Keramik, Figs.
64/5,6 and 65/7. For Sidon: C. Doumet-Serhal personal
communication burial 100.
106- M. Bietak, Tell el-Dabca V, 108–116, Figs. 62, 67, 68.
107- R. Schiestl, Tell el-Dabca XVIII, 339, Fig. 300/7,8.
108- H.G. Fischer, Metropolitan Museum Journal 7, 125,
Fig. 6.

87- For chairs see: MMA 12.182.28, MMA 68.58 and BS

2480, for beds see: W.M.F. Petrie, Labyrith, Gerzeh and
Mazghuneh, pl. XXX/top; beds from Tut-ankh-amen and
from the architect Kha, all parallels come from the New
Kingdom.

88- P. Montet, Byblos et l´Égypte, 188, Fig. 83.

89- P. Montet, Byblos et l´Égypte, 188, Fig. 83/731, 733.

90- Mainly the animal-shaped legs were preserved from

these burials. See: W.M.F. Perie, The Royal Tombs of the
Earliest Dynasties, pl. LXIII/1, 4.

91- BS 2479

92- CG 51113

93- JE 62028

94- G.A. Reisner and W.S. Smith, The tomb of Hetep-

heres, pl. 26.

95- J. de Morgan, Fouilles a Dahchour 1894, 37, Fig. 78.

96- R. Schiestl, Tell el-Dabca XVIII, 242, Fig. 150/2.

97- Very similar shapes are known from the period of Pepi
II. See: M.G. Jéquier, ASAE 34, 100, Fig. 9.

98- See: A. Ahrens, Ä&L 20, 16, Fig. 2. J. Garstang, El-

Arabah, pl. X, tomb E236. N. Farag and Z. Iskander, The
Discovery of Neferwptah, 31, Fig. 27, pl. XXIX/b.

99- H. Carter and E. of Carnarvon, Five Years´ Explorations

at Thebes, pl. 49/2.

100- See above FN 99.

101- Their rims had angular lips.

102- B. Bader, Vessels in Ceramics and Stone, 148–157.

409 21
Egyptian Burial costumes in the Royal tombs I – III of Byblos
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