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(i) Sanskrit Bhawan, 12,15, Sanskrit Nagar, Plot No. 3, Sector-14, Rohini, New Delhi - 110 085 ii) Jalalpur Mafi, Chunar, Dist. Mirzapur, U.P. © Author ISBN 81-7081-342-5 FIRST EDITION : 1996 PRINTED IN INDIA Published by Surendra Pratap for Nag Publishers, 41A/U.A., Jawahar Nagar, Delhi-110007 and printed at G. Print Process, 308/2, Shahzada Bagh, Dayabasti, Delhi-110035. Laser Typesetting By: ‘Compu-Media-The D.T.P. 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Sarl, dors (e 16 BY, Faro 23. 8 (6 1¢8} afrar aera afiet & 23 ai 2 | Oe. fit, far waaR (ay Sta dela, ex waa 3 a) 34, Tes (Hea, Ta, gaa site Hap Her v4 8) 2. -H( 29 aT 8) BR TWIT’ 38 cam ord 9 Gen 29 1 aa aie BE Ack $8. FRC Waa)Introduction? In his Brihat Samhita, Varaha-mihira enumerates the requisite qualifications of an astronomer. According to him, an astronmer should be able to explain the differences in the various Siddhantas, to demonstrate with the help of instruments the moment of the Sun’s turning to the north or to the south, and of his entering the prime vertical and the meridian, and to make calculation agree with observation. Unfortunately, the true science of astronomy has been ousted by the pseudo-science of astrology, whose votaries are to be found in almost every town 1. Tycho Brahe (1546-1601 A.D.), a Dane, born at Knudsthrop, near the Baltic, three years after Copernicus (1473-1543 A.D.) teminated his career. The fame of Tycho has been obscured by his rejection of the Copernican doctrine, and the construction of a system of his own, combining the elements of the Ptolemaic and Copernican theories. He maintained the earth to be the immovable centre of the universe, but supposed the planets to revolve round the Sun, and to be carried with their centre in revolution round the earth. Samanta Chandrasekhar, contrary to Tycho’s university education royal favour, was conserevative and well versed in Hindu - Astronomy by the study of Siddhantas without any royal patronage and was far from modern education even in 19th century i.e. 300 years after Tycho. But strangely enough Chandrasekhar adopts the planets’ orbit as conceived by Tycho, who was usually deemed discreditable in those days for his hypothesis. Despite this late Prof. Jogesh Ch. Roy, an admirer of Chandrasekhar, however finds pleasure in comparing with Tycho.xii fasra eit and village of India at the present day. No doubt, there are men who have committed to memory some stray couplets from Siddhantas, and can perhaps compute an almanac with the aid of tables. But, as Bhaskara has well said, an astronomer without a knowledge of spherics is what food is without clarified butter, a monarchy without its monarch, and an assembly without a speaker. Astronomy as a science is not cultivated by those whose business it should be to do so. They would rather learn to read the thoughts of simple persons and pretend to predict future events, than dive into the mysteries of Kalpas and Yugas, for less observe the heavens. Those that have a desire to study the science have no means of doing it, while those that have the means have no desire to watch the movements of the planets. Our students of the English colleges are busy in cramming the answers to expected questions and our university men are too busy to have leisure to think about the revival of the indigenous sciences and arts of the country. It is not strange therefore that the j mathematical science of astronomy has been j relegated to the halfread, illiterate, fortune-tellers | who are not ashamed to assume the title of | mathematician. For, the name mathematician (TT) has been degarded to mean only an astrologer. In this state of indigenous sciences, itis singular to find a man born and brought up in the recesses of the hills of Orissa, far removed from ail educational activity and the influence of imported western civilization, silently trading his way into such a difficult science as mathematics. It is a unique experience in the department of national development to find a man really striving after|Introduction xiii knowledge for its own sake, under difficulties whose magnitude is no less startling than the boldness of his attempt. This is my apology for bringing before the public, a Sanskrit work written entirely in the way of our ancient Siddhantas and never meant to see the light. It is the life-long labour of Chandrasekhara Simha Samanta of Orissa, written in a language which few men care to study in these days of English education. Modern Europe boasts of discoveries, one of which alone would have been the glory of the past. The science of astronomy has been developed to so great an extent as to shed a lustre on the bright records of original and patient researches in the domain of Physical Science. The telescope, the spectroscope, and last but not the least, the art of photography, have gone hand in hand in the service of dillgent workers. In these days of “scopes” and “meters”, it may be thought useless to put forward the poor work of a Hindu whose education is in no way superior to that of an astronomer of pre-telescopic Europe. And there are men, too, who have thought that much nonsense has already been written about him. Let them but calmly take stock of the present state of Hindu astronomy. Let them find out a couple of mathematicians, brought up wholly in sanskrit studies, who can intelligently attack the intricate calculations of a solar eclipse. Nor is there any noticeable endeavour to revive the science. What with natural apathy, and what with want of encouragement by endowments, no addition to the stock of the world’s knowledge has been made by my countrymen for many a long year. If in thesexiv fear ctr circumstances something, however poor, is laid before us, something, however crude, is evolved from within, we should rejoice over it. Whatever may be thought of the merits of the work, I regard it as a misfortune that the author has not found a man to introduce his work, better qualified than myself, whose daily avocations run in a different groove. For my part, I shall deem my efforts amply rewarded, if my countrymen, to whom original researches are as yet a thing of the future, find in the life and doings of my author a living example of what patient inquiry after truth and diligent struggle after knowledge can achieve. But I caution them again against. high hopes. To apperciate the man, one must compare his work with others produced under similar conditions. It will be unfair to expect anything new in the work which will be useful to those who have studied European Science. Let me therefore briefly recount a few bright names from the annals of our ancient astronomy that the present work may be taken and its true worth, Not to dive into the antiquity of Hindu astronomy, which is as old as the Vedas and regarding which abler men have measured swords, let me begin the story from the point where we tread on the firm ground of history. It begins with Aryabhatta of Kusumapura (Pataliputtra), the Andubarius of the Greeks, the Arjabhara of the Arabs, and the Indian founder of the theory of the earth's daily rotation. He was born in the Saka year 398 (A.D.476) and wrote his famous work at the age of twenty-three. It was he in whose work we find, as far as our present knowledge goes the first successful attempt to solve indeterminate equationsIntroduction x of the first degree. He enjoyed a wide reputation which can only be explained by supposing that he was an original observe and made improvements upon older astronomy. Hindu astronomy was then passing through the state of childhood, and a few years later, we find Varaha-mihira of Avanti (Ujjayini), adoring the court of Vikramaditya the Great, about whom many a tale of adventure and narrow escape from death has been recounted. Varaha’s encyclopaedic knowledge made him famous. But he is remembered more as a compiler than as an original worker. His astronomical compilation, named Panchasiddha- ntika was written about the Saka year 427 (505 A.D.) Next, the name of Brahmagupta, son of Jishnu, introduces an important chapter in the history of Sanskrit astronomy. He wrote his work, Brahmasphuta-siddhanta in Saka 550 (628 A.D.) at the age of thirty, somewhere near Rewa. He was a practical astronomer, and made several corrections in the older astronomy. Indeed, the form in which we find Hindu astronomy at the present day, dates from him. He was a consummate algebraist, from whom the Arabs got their knowledge of the science. An indeterminate equation of the second degree, of which he gives solution, was a prize problem in Europe as late as the 17th century. But the fame of Bhaskar born in the Saka year 1036 (1114 A.D.), near the. Sahyadri (Western Ghats), threw all his predecessors into the shade. He is a glory to us, a wonder among Europeans. His great work Siddhanta-Siromani, is one of the standard treaties of the present day. He appears to have made use of the Differential Calculus.xvi fram ator With the death of Bhaskara, the living breath of mathematical science parted from India. Repeated invasions by a barbarous nation potired forth an abundance of calamities and in the troubled times the sacred muse of learning fled and hid herself among a herd of commentators in the Deccan. In the dark ages that followed, amidst the petty dissensions of a host of semi-indepndent States, we find intellectual effort at a stand-still; men were content to chew the cud of what their predecessors had thought and done. At last, one name of this period is worth mentioning. This is Ganesa of Nandigrama who wrote his Graha-laghava in Saka 1442 (1520 A.D.), a work which has been employed as an easy hand-book of astronomy in some parts of the country. Arab influence and, latterly, the contact with Europeans did not benefit the science much; it was during the reign of Jayasimha of Jayapura so late as the 17th century, that the Arabic Almagest and Euclid were translated into Sanskrit, and it was he at whose instance five observatories were built at various places in Northern India. The long chain of astronomers was snapped. asunder for a period of at least four hundred years. No doubt, there were astronomers, as there are now, and some of them may have for a time enjoyed a reputation, however local in character. But they have hardly left any permanent mark on the progress of the science. Will it be estimating this work too highly if we regard Chandrasekhara as forming a link in the long chain ? Be that as it may, it is a most gratifying thing that Chandrasekhara has not laboured in vain, His work has already exercised an influence upon Hindu astronomy, and hence upon Hindu society.Introduction xv 1 say upon Hindu society, to which a correct knowledge of the ever-changing positions of the heavenly bodies is neither a matter for the inquisitive, nor one which may be safely let alone. For, Hindu life is nothing if not a routine of religious practices, due observance of which necessitates a knowledge of the positions of the planets and the stars. Indeed, a correct almanac is an indispensable equipment of every Hindu household. All religious observances and rites are regulated by the almanac, and some of these require very accurate determinations. For instance, a Hindu must know the exact moment when a particular position ends and another begins. It has, however, been observed that no two current almanacs agree in their computations. A . fierce controversy is going on between the conservatives and the liberals in Hindu India about the correction of almanacs, and therefore about the data of the Siddhantas. The orthodox of the Hindu community refuse to believe in the existence of errors that have crept into the figures of the old Siddhantas in course of time. To use the foreign Nautical Almanac to regulate the religious observances is out of the question. Any correction, if necessary, must come from within, from a Hindu uninfluenced by foreign education. It is not for Europe, with all her brilliant scientific discoveries and wonderful inventions of labour-saving machinery, to take the place of the old Rishis, whose hallowed names are associated with every department of useful knowledge. Europe may be our guide in matters temporal, but must not dictate a work in matters spiritual. Materially, a Hindu isxviii frara ain hardly of old days, though spiritually, I believe, he is still the same. The value of the Siddhanta-darpana, the work of an orthodox Hindu, showing errors in our current almanacs, cannot thus be over-rated. Here is a man who has practically tested the elements hitherto followed, and found reasons for correction. ‘And he has authority for doing so from the honoured Rishis, who have given their sanction to the adoption of such corrections as may be necessary for the purpose of making calculation agree with observation. The influence which Chandrasekhar’s work has already exerted upon society is not inconsiderable. Some twenty-three years ago a meeting of learned Panditas and Hindu astronomers was called at Puri to select an almanac according to which the numerous daily rites of worship were to be conducted in the temple. The meeting decided in favour of the almanac computed after this work. One of the Chandrasekhar’s pupils has been computing an almanac every year, which is used not only at Puri but throughout the greater part of Orissa. Another pupil of his publishes a Bengali almanac which has a by no means insignificant sale. Thus Chandrasekhara has already gained a foot-hold in Hindu society and has inaugurated silently but effecually an advance upon the current almanacs. At any rate, he has silenced all opponents, and has made the question of correction possible in the near future. To fully apperciate him, it is necessary to say a few words on his early life and education. Some four years ago, I first made his acquaintance, and from conversation with him on astronomicalIntroduction. xix subjects, I was surprised to find in him a man of genius and extraordinary merit. Since then I have looked into his work, Siddhanta-darpana, written on palm leaves in Oriya character, the result of his life-long, labour i in the field of astronomical research. Two years ago’ he was honoured by Government with the title of Mahamahopadhyaya, a title hitherto enjoyed only by Brahman versed in Sanskrit lore. Chandrasekhara however, is not a Brahman but a Kshattriya by caste. He was born in the Saka-year 1757 (1835 A.D.)? in the small village of Khandapara, some 50 or 60 miles West of Katak, amidst the hills and jungles for which Western Orissa is famous. It is the chief town of the Raja of Khandapara - one of the tributary chiefs of Orissa, Chandrasekhara belongs to the Raj family, the present Raja, Natabara Mardaraj, Bhramaravara Ray being a son of Chandrasekhara’s eldest cousin. The full name of the author is Chandrasekhara Simha Samanta Harichandana Mahapatra. Harichandana and Mahapatara are mere titles bestowed by the Raja of Puri, whose influence upon the destinies of the Rajas of Orissa is still as unbounded as was that of the Pope of Rome on the vassals of medieval Europe. He is styled Samanta as befits a member of the Raj family. In Orissa, however he is best 1. The sanad conferring the Mahamahopadhyaya to Samanta Chandrasekhar bears the date 3rd June, 1893. Hence this portion was written by late Prof. Jogesh Ch. Ray in the year 1895 and the article was complete and printed finally in the year 1899. 2. Prof. Jogesh Ch. Roy has simply added 78 to the Saka era 1757 to get the A.D. But actually the date of birth when calculated comes to be 11th January, 1836 A.D.x fart aio known by the familar name of Pathani Saanta (corrupted from Pathan and Samanta), a nickname given him by his parents on account of their first two children having died in infancy. At an early age Chandrasekhara received instruction in Sanskrit, For sometime he studied Sanskrit Grammar, Smritis and Puranas, logic and medicine, and read all the important Kavyas in the original. His education has thus been varied and many sided. But it has stood him in much better stead than the modern elaborately arranged curriculum of the English schools, through which he would have been thrust, had he lived nearer a town. At the age of ten, one of his uncles’ taught him a title, of astrology. He shewed the young Chandrasekhar some of the stars a satisfy his curiosity so natural in young children and thus gradually initiated him into the mysteries of astrology. At this age, his extraordinary desire to test for himself the position of the stars as they changed night after night was predominant. The determination of lagnas is a very frequent necessity in horoscopy; and the varying position of the planets among the stars, without a knowledge of which astrological predictions could not be made, led him to watch their movements. This idle curiosity exhibited in star-gazing developed into the habit, of a really fruitful study of astronomy. There was, however, no teacher who could instruct him in the science, and he was quite ignorant of any language save Sanskrit and his mother-tongue 1. It was his father but not uncle according to the biographer Pt. Chandrasekhar Mishra of Khandapara:Introduction xi Oriya. He found, however, a few Sanskrit Siddhantas in the family library, and applied himself diligently to master them with the help of commentaries. At the age of fifteen, when he came to learn the meaning of lagna and the rules for calculating ephemerides of planets, he was surprised to find that neither did the stars apear on the horizon at the right moment, nor could the planets be seen in their right places. Again and again, he measured with a graduated rod the relative distances of the heavenly bodies in the vain hope of finding an agreement between calculation and observation, and, again and agian his hopes were dashed to the ground. Was it possible that the rules and the figures of the famous Siddhantas were not’ accurate enough, or was it possible that he had made errors in his daily observations? Correct observation was the only test to settle the question. There were no mathematical instrument-makers to supply him with the requisite instruments. The old Siddhantas give brief instructions for constructing them, and he had no other alternative than to make for himself, a few primitive instruments for measuring time and angular distance. Some of my readers may be desirous of knowing something of his observatory. It was the clear, blue vault of the heavens that was his observatory; and its equipment consisted of an armillary sphere and a vertical wheel as substitutes for modern transit and alta-azimuth, and the time-honoured clepsydra took the place of the sidereal clock. Of course, the all-useful gnomon found a place in the observatory, and I am informed, he had also a self-revolving instrumentxo ferara ado made of the pericarps of the Bottle-Gourd (Lagenaria Vulgaris) with water and mercury. But it was more of the nature of a curiosity than of much practical use. The instrument, of which he made constant use, was one devised by himself. This, which he is fond of calling his Manayantra (measuring instrument), may be properly called a tangent-staff, it consists of a thin rod of wocd, twenty-four digits long, at one end of which is fixed another rod at right angles in the form of a T. The cross-piece is notched and also pierced with holes at distance equal to the tangents of the angles formed at the free extremity of the other rod. Of course, such a rude instrument did not admit of being so divided as to enable him to measure a degree with any accuracy. But it is a real pleasure to see him handling his Manayantra with a precision marvellous to behold. Constant practice has given him such facility with it, that he would not care to have recourse to his other instruments although better suited for measurement of vertical angles. Indeed, in most cases, mere inspection is often sufficient to enable him to hit the angle to the nearest degree. One instance of the perfection he has attained by practice came before us when I saw him for the first time. Some of my friends doubted his pretensions to practical astronomy, and were desirous of testing his knowledge. One evening when Mars and Venus were about 6° apart in the western sky, he was requested to show, if he could, with the help of any improvised instrument the actual distance between the planets. After a moment's pause, he made his manyantra out of a stick 42 digits long, attaching a crosspiece of 4-1/2Introduction vodii digits to one end. The trigonometrical functions of sines and cosines were all committed to his memory. The necessary calculations were mentally made, and his instrument was ready in a few minutes. On this occasion, he saw a telescope for the first time. He had heard of its wonderful powers, but had no idea of its performances. He requested me to show him the planets through one. Unfortunately, I had with me then a telescope no bigger than a refractor of 3-1/2” diameter. This was adjusted for him with a power of 80. The keen delight with which he looked at the varied and picturesque appearance of the moon, absorbing him for sometime can better be imagined than described. When the novelty of the aspect had abated a-little, he wanted to know the magnifying power. He was told to find it out for himself, if he could. The question is itself puzzing, and I did not expect any answer. But he startled me by saying that the instrument magnified about one hundred diameters. He had measured the enlarged image of the moon as seen through the telescope and had compared it with the appearant to diameter well-known to him. The planet jupiter was next shown through the telescope. I should rather say that he directed the instrument to the planet and saw it himself. The apparent motion of the planet quickened by about a hundred times through the instrument, was followed by him for sometime till he could see the belts and the satellites to his heart’s content. It was at this moment that he gave vent to his bitter regret that he had not the advantage of such instruments in his younger days. Next morning we had a talk about tithis. I saidxxiv frara cia that the almanac-makers of Bengal would not be believe in any variation in accepted duration of the tithis. Hearing this, he was silent for a minute or two, as if he doubted the fact. Being pressed for his opinion, he quoted a line from his work, meaning that arguments can never defeat the results of direct observation. He had read in a vernacular text book that the sun sometimes exhibited dark spots on his radiant orb, and was anxious to see if it was really so. I asked him to accept the fact as true; but he said he would not believe it unless he saw spots with his own eyes. To this I retorted by asking if he had ever believed in the existence of the. seven atmospehrs of the Siddhantas. His reply was that the statement was to be taken at what it was worth, and he had no opinion of his own to give. The minimum sun-spot period had been passing; but a few that he saw made him reflect upon them a long while. None can read his life without gaining a fresh insight into the marvellous thoroughness with which our ancestors devoted themselves to their studies, our universitymen being only surface-deep in subjects more than one. The living breath of science has departed from India with the departure of men whom Chandrasekhara had made his ideal. He is an adherent of truth obtained by direct observation, and with all his respect for the ancients, would not hesitate to denounce a Sastric authority, if a proof to the contrary were obtained. Were he placed in a well-equipped observatory of modern days, I doubt not he would enrich science with his assiduous labour and valuable obser- vations.Introduction. . a Unaided and surrounded, as he was by practical difficulties, what patient labour he must have undergone in his early days to observe and workout practically the astronimical elements of the planets. What numberless observations must he have made to test every figure used in the Siddhantas, in order to see if it remained true or not. Night after night passed away in the all-absorbing business of star-measurement. An eclipse of the sun or of the moon was an event in his life never to be forgotten. Thus it was that his early days passed. To the uninitiated, his was frivolous work fit for children in want of better employment. Those who cared to understand his business failed to appreciate it. What if the planets moved out of their path ? Besides, was it not the work of professional astrologers ? And was it not unbecoming one in his position ? He began to be called by the people Raj-Jyotishi as a sort of nickname. The Raja of the State considered himseif degrated by the profession of his uncle, and could never countenance his pursuits. Thus his relations with the Raja have become far from cordial, and the later has been unable to appreciate the utility of his work. At the age of twenty-three, Chandrasekhar began to note down systematically the results of his observations and three years later the idea of embodying them in a work flashed into his mind. By this time, his mastery over Sanskrit had become so complete that he could compose elegant verses in it impromptu. Indeed, the composition of his work had begun in his mind long before it was written on palm-leaf. In this way, between observation and measurement and composition his days were divided. He was increasantly engagedrovi far ain with his work for the full period of six years, and the first copy was not ready before he was thirty. This constant strain upon his body which had never been strong began to undermine his system, He contracted a disease which has been his constant companion. Besides, the privations he had to bear, consequent upon his scrupulous adherence to the Sastric injunctions of strict vegetarianism, proved too much for his naturally weak system. Dyspepsia with its attendant colic has impaired his health. At times it becomes so painful that he is compelled to break off conversation and roll down on the ground till the attack is over. Full meals, frugal as they are, he has not enjoyed for the last thirty years, and has seldom permitted himself the indulgence of even half meals twice a day. The study of astronomy has been a passion with him, and any medicine you may prescribe for him, must neither contain any forbidden ingredient, nor, what is more important, interfere with his daily work. Even in his present invalid stale he would willingly sit up a whole night if it were for anything connected with his favourite subject. When he came here to receive the title of honour conferred upon him, he could not be persuaded to stay a single day after the Durbar, as an eclipse of the Sun was to occur a few days later. And how could he stay away from his observatory, and allow such a momentous event to pass by unnoticed ? His naive simplicity and unassuming manners have rather been a drawback than an advantage to him. The common people, who do not understand the difference between astrology and astronomy, pester him so much with questions on their destiny, that it is only his amiable disposition that makesIntroduction soi him endure the constant infliction. Even those who might be expected to know better will not scruple to ply him with absurd questions and waste the few moments left to him between the beginning of one series of daily devotions and the end of another, If he is a practical mathematician, no one is so unpractical in worldly matters as he is. Simple as a child, he depends upon his servants for his guidance. Neither is he well off, in the sense of possessing a competency in life; and, related as he is to a Raja, he is unable to make both ends meet. A retinue of attendant hereditarily maintained in his family has to be supported in the usual manner. The small income of Rs.500 a year from a few small villages, and a quantity of food grains from his tenants, are hardly sufficient in these days of high prices. Poverty has pinched him in his old age and has compelled him to incur a large debt. The general public does not care to know his incomings and outgoings, his privations and star-gazings. ‘What has he done after all ?” - asks the impatient critic. To him, I would say, is it not enough to find in this man a true lover of science who regardless of other peoples unfavourable opinion of his work their taunts and dissusions, has devoted his whole life to the one pursuit of knowledge; who has shown the way to original research amidst difficulties serious enough to dishearten men in better circumstances who has employed his time usefully, instead of frittering it away like the usual run of men of his rank, on a work which guides the daily routine of millions of his countrymen ? I do not pretend to express any opinion on the literary merits of his work but it appears to me thatthe metrical composition alone, apart from its value as a contribution to Hindu astronomy is such as to entitle him to a high place among the writers of Sanskrit verse of the present day. It contains, as he tells us at the end of the work,’ 2,500 slokas of various poetical metres. Of these 2,284 verses have been composed by him and the remaining 216 quoted from the old Siddhantas. Of the latter, the Surya-Siddhanta and the Siddhanta-Siromani have been very largely drawn upon. Indeed, as Bhaskara has Brahmagupta for his guide, when writing his Siromani, Chandrasekhara has, in the main, followed in the footsteps of Bhaskara. But Chandrasekhara has not been a blind follower of his master. The elements of the planets, given by Bhaskara, have not been accepted by his disciple, and for the simple reason, that they are not correct for the present day. Bhaskara’s elements are not accurate, though there is no reason for doubting the accuracy of his observations. This fact is, he had to depend upon his predecessors - probably Brahmagupta was his main guide - for the Positions of the planets and was thus led to erroneous results. Chandrasekhara had the advantage of Bhaskara’s observations. The latter has, of course, nowhere recorded his observations. But given his date and his elements, it is easy to find the positions of the planets as he must have observed them. For the elements if employed to calculate the positions of the planets after a long interval, may lead us to wrong results; but, it employed for places nearer his time, will be in accordance with his observations. Thus, furnished with one set of position at a given date, Chandrasekhara himself supplied the otherIntroduction xox set required, and the result obtained is what Chandrasekhara has given us in the present work. For easy reference, the sidereal periods as he ascertained them, are given below side by side with those of European astronomy, the Surya-Siddhanta and the Siddhanta-Siromani. It is not my object to criticise how far the constant employed in these two Siddhantas were true when they were observed, though it will be clear from the comparison that they are certainly erroneous for the present time. It is easy to follow when someone has led the way; but it needed the art of a rural Pandit, guiltless of western “fire” to prove their incorrectness and to pave the way for further progress in this department. (See table 1) It will be seen from the above that Chandra- sekhara has practically assumed the sidereal periods of the Sun and the Moon, as given in the Surya-Siddhanta, but has materially advanced upon it as regards the periods of the other planets. Having regard to the comparatively slow motion of Jupiter and of Saturn, and the nature of the instruments used, it would have been a surprise if closer approximation to their true periods were made. Let us now compare the mean inclinations of the orbits of the planets to the ecliptic.(See Table 2) On account of the difference in the planetary theories and in the method of calculation between modern astronomy and our Siddhantas, the eccentricities of the planetary orbits cannot be compared with advantage. But as they made no difference in the case of the Sun and the Moon, their greatest equations are given Here for comparison. 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WOReUTUT ay ondipy ayy OE &% o 0 ¥% gz & jo Ambyqo 6 ¢ og oF oe oF g 8 Gg woo, 6e 7 OF z O zc OF 62 Z@ UANYeS SL 1 1 1 0 L i st iL sendn{ 1s 1 os I oe L z@ ow tL sae & € 9 ¢€ % % se eo € «STUD, z ol SSD SS oS 180 of sAnd10, —redng TuELORIg “9 eking Sy Sug ZATAVLrod : frara cit It will be needless to compare the rates of motion of the nodes and apsides. It is possible for modern European astronomy, with instruments enabling it with ease to measure the three thousand and six hundredth part of a degree and with its engines of higher methematics to handle intricate problems, unheard of before, to deduce the elements of orbits from a very few observations made at no distant dates. But it requires the lapse of years - nay centuries - to do the same with primitive instruments and equally primitive mathematics, The motions of the nodes and apsides are so slow that Bhaskara despaired of ever measuring them, Chandrashekhara was equally in despair in these cases. But as the positions of the Moon’s nodes and perigee are often required, and their motions comparatively rapid, I quote their side-real period in mean solar days. Eng. Ast. Surya S. Siromani Darpana Node 6798.279 6794.395 6792.254 6792.64 Perigee — 3232.575 3232.094 3232.734 3232.657 The reader will notice that Chandrasekhara has devised a correction to be applied to the Mandochcha of the planets, Mercury, Mars and Saturn, He has called it Parochcha and the greatest amounts are 11’ 20’, 7° 30’ and 5° for the three planets respectively (Siddhanta Darpan V.76). It is, however, in computing the Moon’s place that Chandrasekhara has discovered some original correction, - original in the sense of their having been unknown to the ancient astronomers of our country. It is curious to note that they failed to discover the perturbation, known as Evection which is said to have been detected by Hipparchus aboutIntroduction rood 150 years B.C. It is an irregularity which may put the Moon forward or backward over a degree. Pandit Sudhakar Dwivedi informs us in his excellent manual, called Ganaka-Tarangini, that Munjala (A.D.933) had something like “‘evecation’ in his karana named Laghumanasa. He appears to have been the oldest Hindu astronomer who detected the irregularity, through curiously enough, his successors including Bhaskara left it unnoticed. The next large irregularity of the Moon, called “variation,” has a period of one month, and a maximum of 39'31”, This inequality does not affect the time of an eclipse, and the fact sufficiently explains its absence in Sanskrit Siddhantas.’ It is said to have been detected by an Arbian astronomer, Aboul Wefa about the year 975 A.D., -and re- discovered by Tycho Brahe in the 16th century. The last large inequality of the Moon’s place is called “annual equation,” and has the maximum amount of 11’9”. This was also discovered by Tycho Brahe. It is singular that Chandrasekhara is the only Indian astronomer who has detected all the three important irregularities of the Moon. As has been said before, he did not know English and had not means of knowing of the existence of the irregularities from any foreign source; and the methods of applying the corrections together with discrepancies between his values and those of Europe leave no doubt in our mind that he must be credited with their discovery. He has named the 1. From Dwivedi’s Ganaka-tarangini, it appears that Nityananda in 1639 A.D. used a correction called Pakshika. But it is not clear from the name alone, if it had any connection with “variation”.roxiv frera ator inequalities, Tungantara, Pakshika and Digamsa, with the maximum amounts of 2°40’, 38’12”, and 12’ respectively (S.D.VI.7). For those who may be inclined to compare his corrections, his method of applying them is briefly described here. After the equation of centre (maximum amount 5° 1’ 10”) has been applied to the mean Moon, call the result Ist Moon Mi Then add to, or subtract from it, according as the anomaly happens to be within the first six or the second six signs. 160° x Sin[A - (0+3) Sin(Mi1-0) R * R Ist Moon motion mean motion where A stands for the Moon’s apogee, and 0 for the true Sun. The two signs (+) are to be taken in the case of the light and dark halves of each lunar month respectively. The result obtained is called the 2nd Moon, M2. To apply the Pakshika correction, take M2 -0 a 4b (say). Subtract b from 3 (Signs) 3 7" 3 3 and take the less of two quantities, a and (3- FS) and say, it is y. Then a is the corection required. It should be noted that the denominator (90) is not constant, but can be obtained. The correction is to be added to, or substracted from the 2nd Moon, as the latter lies within the first or the second quadrature. Call the Moon thus corrected, the third Moon, M3-Introduction rox Now, take 1/10 of the Sun’s equation and mutiply by the first Moon’s motion, dividing by its mean motion. Add the result to the 3rd Moon, when the Sun’s equation is subtractive, and subtract from it when the Sun’s equation is additive. After this, the other corrections (such as Bhujantara), common to all the planets, are to be applied before the Moon’s place becomes apparent. On a cursory view, the amount of Tungantara inequality appears double of that of evection. But if we take the Moon’s greatest equation of centre into account, the apparent discrepancy vanishes. For, the amount of the greatest equation of the Moon is 6° 18’, and the maximum evection 1° 20’ making the total of 7°38’. Chandrasekhara has 5°1’ as the greatest equation and 2° 40’ as the greatest Tungantara, making the total of 7° 41’. The other inequalities discovered by Chandrasekhara are about the same as those in use in English astronomy. The astronomical constants adopted by our India astronomers open up a large field for enquiry. It is not my purpose to discuss their bearings upon the antiquity of Indian astronomy. But I cannot but remark that it is often reiterated in season and out of season than substantiated, that the Indian astronomers borrowed largely from Greek astronomy. As far as I am aware, this assertion is based upon (1) the identity of certain Sanskrit and Greek astronomical terms, (2) the fact of Garga Praising the Yavanas for their proficiency in 1. It should be noted here that the last-named inequality (Digamsa) is also applied to the Moon's riode in the above-mentioned manner (S.D, VIII,33).20vi frara edo astronomy, and (3) the presence in Sanskrit of certain astronomical treatises words admittedly of foreign origin. This is not the place to discuss the subject throughly. But as far as my knowledge goes, these arguments, when weighed against others, are not at all convincing. The presence of Greek terms in Sanskrit is certainly a strong presumption in favour of the theory. But when the uses of the terms are taken into consideration, it is found that with the possible exception to the word “Kendra’’ meaning “anomaly”, all the rest properly belong to astrology. Of course, when once the terms had been introduced into Sanskrit, our astronomers did not hesitate to use them freely in astronomy, side by side with pure Sanskrit terms. The passage where Garga extolled the Yavanas does not occur in an astronomical work, but in a Samhita which was rather a work on astrology than astronomy. Nor can we logically infer from the passage that the Yavanas were proficient in astronomy rather than in astrology, or that the Hindus borrowed the knowledge from them. The name Yavanacharya occurs only in connection with Samhita. Next the presence of Romaka’ and Paulisa Siddhantas among others of purely Indian origin proves nothing beyond the bare fact of their presence and I do not see how it can be taken to imply that the Hindus had not obtained the constants of their Siddhantas 1. See, however Bhaskara’s derivation of the word in his Siromani. 2. The Romaka-Siddhanta of Varaha-mihita is in no way superior to his Saura-Siddhanta, as was remarked by himself.Introduction wow by independent observation. On the contrary, the fact of their retaining the foreign name (at least the name Romaka), shows that the foreign Siddhantas were distinct from what were Indian, and there is no proof that the Romaka or any other foreign Siddhanta was ever in use in this country, superseding the purely Indian productions. To give an analogy, a Sanskrit translation of the British Pharmacopoeia will no more prove the absence of Charaka than an English translation of the later will prove the absence of the former. All that we can logically infer is that there was intimate intercourse between the Hindus and the Yavanas, a fact otherwise known from political history. The Hindus may have been indirectly influenced by the teachings of the Yavanas. But it must be admitted that the Yavanas may have been also influenced by their presence among the Hindus. We can safely go so far, omitting all sorts of possibilities and vague conjectures. Having regard to our ignorance of the state of astronomy and its gradual development in India anterior to Aryabhatta, and our equal ignorance of the source of the knowledge credited to Hiparchus, it is hazardous to speak of the indebtedness of the one nation to the other. If the Hindus learnt the science of astronomy from the Yavanas, how is it that the constants of sanskrit astronomy are so different from those of Ptolemy ? How is it that the early Hindu writers were unacquainted with such uscful as well as remarkable facts as the precesion of the equinoxes, or the evection-inequality of the Moon ? On the contrary, the constants ought to have been identical, not only becaus they are believed to have a common origin, but also because they representroOwviii frara ator facts, as true for India as for Egypt or Greece. When one learns a science from another, it is natural to expect to find him copying not only the theory but also the practice, write or wrong. Dr. Thibaut repeats the suggestion made by Biot, that the early Hindus learnt their astronomical theories probably from Greek astrologers, and, the Doctor adds, also from almanac-makers, whose knowledge was as limited as that of there Proto-types in the present day. This is certainly an ingenious hypothesis; but as has been already remarked having regard to our ignorance Tespecting the growth and development of the science in India as well as in Egypt, we cannot but regard the hypothesis as not Proven. I am inclined to believe that our knowledge of the source of Hindu astronomy has not advanced beyond the point where Colebrooke found it. All that can be safely asserted is what the illustrious oriental scholar said, that “the Hindus have certainly received and welcomed communications from other rations on topics of astrology and we add, that their indebtedness to Greece for the knowledge of scientific astronomy is still an open question,? But this a digression. We have said that Chandrasekhara had made a real advance upon existing Hindu astronomy. But the best test of a theory lies in facts. For the reason given below, it is not easy, however, to satisfy oneself whether his 1. See, Introduction to Pancha-Siddhantika by Dr. Thibaut and Mm. Suddhakara Dwivedi. 2. It is much to be desired that some competent scholar would collect the arguments for and against the theory of indebtedness, and let us know how far, and in what-direction, Greek influence on Hindu astronomy extended,Introduction roxix, ephemeris is correct, and how much confidence may be placed in it. For rough comparison, the places of the planets computed by him are shown below, toegther with their places, first according to the British Nautical almanac, and next according to a widely circulated Bengali almanac said to have been computed after the Surya-Sidhanta. The correction for precession in the places given in the Bengali almanac has been made by adding 20°54’ to them in accordance with the almanac. Besides these, I append ephemeris for two other days from the Nautical almanac and the Siddhanta-Darpana. For various reasons, neither Chandrasekhara’s, nor for that matter - any other Hindu almanac can coincide with the Nautical almanac. Neglecting minor corrections unknown in our almanacs, there is the determination of the exact amount of Precession, without which no comparison is possible with European almanacs. To avoid it, the relative distance of the planets may be taken. It will be seen that while the Bengali almanac may be in error by as much as 4°, the error in the ephemeris by the Siddhanta-Darpana is limited to half-a-degree. The reader will, however, remember that a Hindu astromoner depends upon unaided vision, and is satisfied if the longitudes are correct to a half degree. Accepting this as our standard, the ephemerides by the Siddhanta-Darpana compare favourably with those of the N.A., while the greater discrepancies in the Bengali almanac conclusively prove how urgent has been the question of the revision of our existing almanacs in the light of observations now made. (See Table )Fret qa UOLIGA - «19,12 «22 884 “Mou erpuy Jo-1A0N Aq paydaroe se esueueAy SEPT OTM 87 oe 5em euedseC] BIUEUPPIG s emEWPjasespUeY.) oF SuIpsoose Ap JeIp WO wsureueAY yeYp Atay pauonUeUI aq ARUIA] 5 9g Il 9 €l It 9 a9 - 29 uInyes st st OL 8% St OL w Cl OL Ot FL OT snus, I t% 0 ow tH O ve @ 0 8S ZO soydn{ 6€ 7 IL FL oc it 4% Il HS UW Amory zu t € @ tt des T § 9 L sae ba £2 F % 120 OF IO uOOW AT oll ol E “OL ofl ofl 6 és oll 8 of uns ‘as VN VN Curd 9 Se9ey)) £681 Use 5] Curd op) best Arenaqay woz so € Ss wb z@ 8 a9 wl w@% G € €1 9 8€ 02 S eh 219 “™ wUmeS S$ t @ S$ L @ OF 816 o% 42 8 Zl 6l 6 SF 97 8B EL 616 snuea N 0s 9 N vw 9 0 810 9 @ If 8 61 0 & 9 IL £2 610 ~ s2Hdnf S 12 S Gh IZ OLE OF OL Tl 6 S80 OL &B 6 £0 OL ~ Amy S$ ZZ S$ tl 6 46020 & & I WwoiLood &wo™ sae N stb? N 1 ft SoZ & Lo @ € hep b OL CLE be F ™ YLOOW SSL oll SFL ofl FEAL OL OF ofl 06 9G oll OL TE 61 6 FG oll OI” ung 9) @ € © D ‘as VN xourn! samy = xouynby peuo, sony paxty fq 200 fq’ yeu wor, pax wory —_ WoL wo1g euemy jexnneN, SeteuiVTesuaq = buedreq-ejueyppig” (urd 9 SIV.LYD £681 AUVANVI LST€ HL AO SLUINV1d JO SAGN.LIDNOTIntroduction xii But before any reformation is attempted, an exact determination of the amount of precession becomes a question of paramount importance. The reader is a awre that in the Hindu system, the longitudes of celestial bodies are measured from a fixed point - say a star - in the ecliptic, instead of from the movable vernal equinox as is the practice in Europe. The question has therefore the same bearing upon our calculations, as the position of the so called First Point of Aries upon those of the Nautical almanac. Unfortunately, all attempts to solve the’ question have been practically fruitless. The reader will hence understand the chaos into which our almanacs have sunk. The gravity of the situation, and the difficulty of escaping from it, demand a fuller discussion than our space would permit. But then this alone can give us an opportunity of ascertaining Chandrasekhara’s success in this direction. Promising, then, that we measure longitudes of planets from a fixed point in the ecliptic, the question resolves itself into a determination of the point. In other words, what is that point, or what is its longitude from the vernal equinoctical point ? Whatever and wherever that point may be, it is the starting point of our zodiac, and its longitude is known as ayanamsa, which literally means amount of solstices. For, we do not speak of the precession of the equinoxes as often as we do of the precession of the solstices. Hence, the ayana-chalanam of Sanskrit astronomy is equivalent to the precession of the equinoxes. To avoid ambiguity we shall use the term ayanamsa rather than the amount of Precession.xlii ferera ator The exact amount of the ayanamsa may be apparently determined in different ways. 1. The Siddhantas furnish a rule for computing it, which is in principle the same as the method of finding the longitude of a star at any given date by applying the amount of precession to its longitude at some other date. 2. Defining the initial with the help of other data, such as the recorded longitudes of stars, its present longitude from the equinoctial point may be ascertained. 3. Knowing the exact year when the initial point was fixed, its present longitude , (ayanamsa) may be calculated from the known rate of precession. But it so happens that the results. obtained by these three methods do not agree. To begin with the first method, it will be seen that the different Siddhantas do not agree, either in the nature of precessional movement, or in its annual rate. According to some, the equinoxes have an oscillatory motion, turning to the right and to the left of the initial point within certain limits, and extending over a large interval of time; while others maintain their continuous motion backwards. Colebrooke compared the views of the libration and revolution theorists, and gave the rate of precession accordign to each. They are as follows:- , Liberation Theory Annual Rate Surya-Siddhanta 54” Soma’ Siddhanta 54” Sakalya Siddhanta 54a” Laghu-Vasishtha Siddhanta 54” Parasara-Siddhanta 527.35 1. Ranganatha, in his commentary to the Surya-Siddhanta, quotes Soma-Siddhanta in support of the reading.Introduction xiii Liberation Theory Annual Rate Aryashta Satika (quoted by Munisvara) 46”.25 Manjula (quoted by Bhaskara)! _ 59”.9 Bhasvati 60” Grahalaghava 60” The derangement of the equinox from the intial point is 27° on either side according to the Surya-Siddhanta, and this limit was probably accepted by other libration _ theorists. Aryashta-Satika, however, gives the limit of 24° instead of 27’ (Colebrooke). We are not concerned here with the theories or the limits of libration. Surya-Siddhanta and the works based upon it, are now almost universally adopted throughout India for computing an almanac, though in some places Grahalaghava occupies the field. Now from the first, we find the ayanamsa for the first day of Saka 1816” (13th April 1894) was 20° 55’,.and from the second, 22°50’ for the same day. These amounts represent. the minimum and maximum ayanamsa obtained from Siddhanta rules. Both the Surya-Siddhanta and Siddhanta- 1, Bhaskara did not believe in the liberation theory. For, as has been shown by Chandrasekhara (VI.100), he has directed us always to add the ayanamsa and never to subtract it. . 2. In common parlanac, we speak of the year being Saka 1816, though in reality we ought to say the first day of Saka 1817. The facts herein discussed were collected Sometime ago, and as it immaterial which year ig taken for illustration, they are not altered to suit the current year.xliv frara ot Siromani, the standard Siddhantas at present in use, give a rule to test the amount of ayanamsa by observation. It consists in subtracting from 12 signs the longitude of the Sun computed after the Siddhantas for the moment when the Sun crosses the vernal equinoctial point. Thus, on the 13th April 1894, the Sun’s longitude for Greenwich mean noon was 23°32'7", while an almanac gives us 1°21’25” as the Sun’s longitude for the samé instant, making the ayanamsa 22°10'37”. It will be seen therefore that not withstanding the higher precessional rate of the Surya-Siddhanta, the calculated amount becomes less than the actual by nearly 1°16’, while the Grahalaghava makes it greater by about 39”. To come to the second method, viz. to find the true longitude of the initial point as defined by stars. All the modern Siddhantas agree in the statement that the longitudes of all heavenly bodies are to be measured from the Star Revati situated on the ecliptic. The star has been identified with Picicum. Now, this is a star of the fifth magnitude and is barely visible to the naked eye. The question is, why was this particular star out of the many situated on the ecliptic, - some of which are larger, - chosen for marking the beginning of the zodiac? The answer has been - and there is no doubt about the accuracy of the answer - that the vernal equinox happened. near the star when the present system of astronomical measurement came into vogue. So far it is plant sailing. For, we can easily find the longitude of the star from the vernal equinoctial point and at once get the required ayanamsa. From the Right Ascension and Declination of the star, § Piscium, on the 13th April, 1894, we get 18°23’49”Introduction xiv as its longitude.* This is however, less than the amount obtained above. It is clear therefore that either the star Revati is not § Piscium, or it did not mark the initial point. No doubt exists about the identity of the star, neither can we suppose all the Siddhantas false in their assertion. The latitudes and longitudes of thirty-four others stars are given in the Surya-Siddhanta. They were not measured in the usual way. But from the express instructions as to the method of measurement adopted, we understand that the so-called long tudes, Dhurvas, are the longitude of the Right Ascensions of the stars supposing them to be on the ecliptic, and that the latitudes (Vikshepas) are the distances, north or south, of the stars from the ecliptic, measured along the declination circles passing through the stars. Now, taking only the 27 stars of the zodiac, and comparing their reduced Dhruvas with their present longitude, we find ourselves confronted with a curious result.’ The difference between the recorded and the present longitudes is not the same for every star. Indeed, it varies from about 18° to 24°. Omitting Visakha, of which I am not certain, the mean difference of the longitudes of the stars of the first half of the zodiac, i.e. from Asvini to Chitra is 21°, while that of the stars of the second half amounts to 19° only. So, while the mean —___ 1. The modern Surya-Siddhanta’ gives 359°50’ as the longitude of the star Revati. This would make the present ayanamsa greater by 10’ only. 2. I understand that Prof. Whitney has discussed the point, and regret that I have no access to his edition of. the Surya-Siddhanta at present.xvi farara ator precession for all is about 20°, that for Asvini (@ Arietes) and Uttara-bhadrapada (4Andromeda), the two stars on either side of Revati, is about 24’ each. The question becomes more perplexing when remember that Bhaskara, who certainly made a few corrections, has given in most cases the same longitudes as we have in the current Surya- Siddhanta. ‘ Our identfication of some of the stars may be doubtful.’ But taking all the star-longitudes into consideration, we are forced to admit that somehow or other there were errors of observation. Possibly, these errors were partly due to the rude means of observation, increasing the errors with the increase of the zenith distance of the, stars, and partly to azimuth errors. One or all of the explanations must be accepted as true, as we cannot suppose that any one having the slightest pretension to practical astronomy, however rough the instrument might be, could make such gross errors in the simple measurements required. To take the.mean of the star-longitudes for a solution of our problem is, therefore, a wrong procedure, in as much as, we are entirely in the dark as to the weight to be attached to the determinations. We shall however, make use of them in another way later on. We now proceed to consider the third method, which consists in analysing the dates in which there was no ayanamsa. For this purpose, we require not only the dates but also the rates of precession 1. Thus, if Asvini be identified with § Arietes and Uttarabhadrapada with y Pegasi, the amount of percession deducted from them becomes nearly equal and agrees with that obtained from Magha.Introduction. xvii assigned by the astronomers. We have already seen the various rates assigned by them. As the Surya-Siddhanta’s rate of 54 seconds per year is a close approximation to the rate known at present, let us take this first for consdieration. Apparently, the rate of 54 seconds is hihger by nearly 4 seconds than the actual. I say apparently for the rate makes the ayanamsa less, instead of increasing it in the proporiton of about 50 to 54. It must be therefore really lower than the true rate. To explain the anomaly we have to consider the Siddhanta year. The length of the sidereal year - the year used by us instead of the tropical year in use in Europe - is 365.25875 mean solar days according to the Surya-Siddhanta, and is thus greater than the true length by 0.00238 days. Now, taking the Sun’s daily motion at 59’8”, we find that during the excess the Sun moves to the East through a distance of 8”.44 nearly. But the equinoctial point moves to the West. It is therefore clear that the precessional rate assigned by the Surya-Siddhanta is practically 54”-8°.44, or 45”.56 per year. It is for this reason that the ayanamsa, calculated from the Siddhanta, apparently higher rate, becomes less than the amount observed. Hence if we accept the Siddhanta’s length of the year, we should make the annual precessional rate 50” 24+8” 44 or 58”.68. It is remarkable that the rate of 45’.56 per year is almost equal to the precessional rate in Right Asscension, Whether the Siddhanta writer meant the rate to be what we find, I cannot say, though there are certain reason favourable to our conjecture. The point may be illustrated by. taking other Siddhantas. Bhaskara’s year corfsists of 365.25843 days, and is therefore longer by 0.00206xIvili frera ctor days. Hence, accepting Bhaskara’s year, we should have 50° 24+7”.31 or 57”,55 as the precessional rate. Bhaskara does not state in his Siromani any rate deduced by him, but evidently supports Munjala’s rate of 59”.9. Moreover, his adoption of the rate of 60” a year in his Karana-kutuhala leaves no doubt in our mind as to the rate he used. Similarly, Ganesa, author of Grahalaghava, makes the year of 365.25856 mean solar days, which is thus longer by 0.00219 days. He ought to have therefore made the precessional rate 50”.24+7”.86 or 58”.10 instead of 60” as he has done. Chandrasekhara accepts the length of the year of the Surya-Siddhanta, and gives 57”.615 as the precessional rate (S.D.VI.75). This is just less than the rate we have assumed above by 58”.68-57”. 62 or 1”06. I was surprised to find this close approximation, and could not but ask him the data from which he derived the rate. In reply, he said that finding the Surya-Siddhanta and the Siromani make the ayanamsa either shorter or longer than that observed, he was for some time in a fix about the rate to be followed. Fortunately, while he was studying Jata-karma-paddhati with the help of the commentary called Jatakalankara written by Suryadeva some 800 years ago, he accidentally found a passage in which the commentator recorded the ayanamsa as it was observed by him on a particular day of a particular year. This find itself is not less valuable than Chandrasekhara’s rate, He gives however, 22°26’ as the ayanamsa for the year we have taken for discussion. Munjala appears to be the earliest writer who has given the date of the year of no ayanmsa, as well as the rate of precession observed by him. HeIntroduction il wrote his work in Saka 854,’ and the precessional rate assigned is 59”.9 in a year. We also learn from Dwivedi’s Ganaka-tarangini that according to Munjala, Saka 434 was without ayanamsa, Now from 434 to 854 Saka, there were 420 years, during which at the rate of 59”.9 per year, the ayanamsa had amounted to 6°59’18”. However erroneous the rate given by Munjala may be it will not be wrong if we take 6°59’18” (say 7’) as the ayanamsa in Saka 854. We know, however, that the rate of precession could not have been greater than 58”.68 per year. Accordingly, the ayanamsa obtained above carries us back through 429 years from Saka 854, the date of Mujala’s work. In other words, we find that according to Munjala’s data Saka 425 was the year of no ayanamsa at the latest. From the ayanamsa obtained from Munjala and that observed in Saka 1816, we note that the rate of precession amounts to 56”.8 in a year. The next work we take is Bhasvati by Satananda,’ which is still regard as an authority for the calculation of eclipses. He wrote his work in Saka 1021, and according to him the rate of Precession is 60” per year. We also know that he regarded the Saka year 450 as the year without ayanamsa. Now, calculating the amount of 1. The date 584 in the Ganaka-tarangini seems to be a misprint, though it occurs thoughout the short notice of Munjala, excepting the passage wher Pandit Dwivedi quotes from Munjala, makigh the date 854 Saka, adopted above, 2. Satananda was born in Orissa in Saka 990 (i.e., 1068 A.D.) and wrote the Bhasvati in Puri in Saka 1021,(i-e., 1099 A.D.) by adopting centmal system. Hence his name was Satananda as it was a pleasure to him to use centinals.1 ferera ado ayanamsa in Saka 1021 in the above manner, we find that it was 9°31’ in that year. From this, calculating backwards at 58”.68 a year, we come to Saka 437 as the year of no ayanamsa. We also note that the rate of precession reduced from the ayanamsa in 1021, amounts to 57”.295 per year. In his Karana-kutuhala, Bhaskara has roughly given 11° as ayanamsa about Saka 1105. From this at the rate of 60” in a year, the rate assumed by him, we are taken back to Saka 555, and, at the rate of 57”.55 which we have found before, to Saka 423, We also note that adopting his observation, the rate amounts to 56”.624 per year. To take another example, we mention Ganesa who wrote his Grahalaghava in Saka 1442. According to him the rate of precession is 60” in a year, and Saka 444 was without ayanamsa. These premises lead us to infer that ayanamsa amounted to 16°38’ in Saka 1442, which at the rate of 58”.1 carries us back to Saka 412, a-date which is the earliest of all that we have hitherto obtained. But, considering that the amount of ayanamsa reduced, compared to the present amount, makes the rate at low as 53”.4, we are lead to infer that his data were wrong. It is to be observed, however, that the rate of 58”.68 if adotped makes Saka 422 as the year without ayanamsa.! We may almost guess the data from which Ganesa derived his rate. It is likely he accepted 11° as the amount of ayanamsa in 1105, as recorded by "1. An error in observing ayanamsa is not uncommon. One instance of it is furnished by Mahadeva who recorded 13°45’ as the amount of ayanamsa in Saka 1238 (Dwivedi’s G.T.), thus making the rate since then 52”.5 in a year.Introduction. li Bhaskara. From. this he might have obtained the Saka year 444 as the starting year, and also the rate of 60 seconds a year, making the amount 16°37’ in Saka 1442. It remains to notice the data 421 Saka given by some minor authors. This is obviously based upon the Surya-Siddhanta’s with its annual rate of 54, making 20°55’ as the amount of present ayanamsa. Chandrasekhara has not recorded the data which furnished him the rate, knowing howerver, his ayanamsa and rate, and calculating backwards, we arrive at Saka 415. So far we have obtained the following figures: Sakabda Rate per year Munjala 425 56”.828 Satananda 437 57.295 Bhaskara 423 56.624 Chandrasekhar = 415 57.61 Mean 425 57.09 Having regard to the nature of the data ve cannot expect a closer approximation than that shown above. We may therefore fairly take the mean of the dates, as well as the rates. On account of obvious inaccuracy in the data of Ganesa the date and rate obtained from him cannot be rightly included. Neither will his date, if corrected increase the weight to be attached to the mean to be calculated from the above figures. We might, however, include the data 421 Saka given by certain weriters. Indeed, it will be seen that dates of the Starting years are of two classes; one somewhere Near 450 Saka, and the other, 421 Saka. But theiii Fegra ato dates of the former class may be reduced to those of the latter class. It will be further observed that Munjala, the earliest writer of the set, makes the closest approximation to the mean, Satananda seems to have committed an error seeing that he assigns Saka 450 as the Starting year. Madhava Misra, a commentator of his, makes the same remark and suggests that the Saka year 421 ought- to be taken incalculations.’ From what has been described above the Saka year 421 or 427 appears to mark the beginning of the fixed zodiac. It is difficult to prefer one to the other. The Saka year 421 is equivalent to the year 3600 of the Kali yuga, and the fact of its being so, goes in its favour. Besides, it is the year in which Aryabhtta composed his work, a work which enjoyed a wide reputation. Lalla, whose Tantra Bhaskara condescended to criticised adopted the year 421 Saka, and the writer of modern Surya-Siddhanta evidently held the same view while writing the ayanamsa rule. On the other hand, the great popularity of Varaha-mihira leads us to suppose that the present system of the zodiac had its beginning in Saka 427, and I belive all the anomalies noticed before may be better explained by accepting the year. We have an authority for our view in the pancha-siddhantika itself. The often-quoted verse in which Varaha- 1. The copy from which the remarks are made was printed in Benares in Samvat 1942. It is full of mistakes, but the sense is clear, It is curious to note that Satananda, while basing his work on the Surya-Siddhanta, gives a higher rate than what is given by the latter Madhava Misra tries to justify this rate by altering the rule.Introduction Titi mihira distinctly mentions the fact that in his time the summer solstice took place at the beginning of Cancer is a complete answer to the question we have been discussing. Dr. Thibaut, the learned editor of the Panchasidhantika, however, finds difficulty in accepting Saka 427, as the date of the composition of the work. As far as I can gather from his introduction to the work, his main objection lies in a statement of Amraja, quoted by Bhau-Daji, that “Varaha-mihira Acharya went to heaven in the 509th year of the Saka kala, i.e. A.D. 587”. For if Varaha be supposed to have written the work in Saka 427, he must have lived to the good old age of eighty-two years after the composition; and supposing him to have written it at thé age of twenty-years, he must have seen 102 summers. Seeing that Varaha lived long enough to write a very large number of works, there is nothing in * the statement intrinsically impossible. On the other hand, if the Saka year were not the epoch of his Karana, he defeated his own purpose. In deed, the idea of a Karana-writer using a date borrowed from some older Siddhanta, as has been supposed in this case, and thus representing a time other than that for which the work is written, is to say the least, self-contradictory. Then again as has been pointed out by Pandit Dwivedi, there is absolutely no proof of the validity of Amraja’s assertion. Dr. Thibaut admits that if Saka 427 be taken as the epoch of Varaha’s work, several facts, not otherwise explainable, become easy of explanation. All those considerations, together with tradition about Varaha’s time point to the conclusions we have already arrived at by discussing ayanamsa.liv frgra =o Assuming then, that the zodiac at Present in use was fixed in Saka 427, let us. explain a few facts connected with it. First of all, we find that in 1389 years, which have elapsed since the date general precession has amounted to 19°-23'-77; while, had the Surya-Siddhanta’s year been in use throughout the Sun must have been in error by 3°-15'-30”, thus making the ayanamsa 22°-38’-37" in Saka 1816 last. The amount, however, differs from the observed by 28',- a quantity too large to be neglected. On the other hand, if Ganesa’s length of the year be taken, the error in the Sun amounts to 2°-9-54”, making the ayanamsa actually less by nearly 38’. It is remarkable that the length of the year assumed by Bhaskara makes the total 22 °-12'21”, nearly the same as is observed.’ From the observed ayanamsa and the fact of its commencement in Saka 427, the precessional rate becomes 57”.45. This is lower than that obtained by us from the Surya-Sidhanta’s year, but nearly the same as we obtained from Siromani’s year. This discrepancy between the rate calculated from Surya-Siddhant and that found above can be explained by supposing that the Surya-Siddhanta’s year may not have been in use throughout the large interval of 1389 years, and that the rate of precession is not known so acurately as may be sufficient for the great length of time. The fact of Varaha’s Surya- Siddhanta giving a slightly shorter year (as shown 1, The formula 50-2411 ¢+0001134 ? is adopted for calculating the general precession. See Chauvenet’s Astronomy. The precession constant appears to be a little too large, as is remarked by the author. A calculation made from Bessel’s constant allowing for its variation, renders the general precession nearly 1’ less.Introduction Ww by Dr. Thibaut), makes no sensible difference in the result, Be the explanation what it may, it is to be observed that Chandrasekhara gives 22°-26’ as the observed ayanamsa, which is 15’ greater than what we have assumed. This fact shows that somehow or other, the length of the year in use was slightly iess than what we find it in the modern Surya-Siddhanta. At any rate, the vernal equinox in Revati did not mark the beginning of the existing zodiac. Ranganatha, a commentator of Surya-Siddhanta, supports us by saying that the equinox fell somewhere near Revati. For, the equinox fell on the star in Saka 498, and during the period since elapsed, the Sun has moved through an excess of 3°-5’-29", thus making the ayanamsa 21°-29’-18”. Even the Siddhanta’s position of the star leaves a difference of half a degree. So we must suppose that the star Revati was nearly a degree to the East of the initial point when the zodiac happened to commence its existing fixity. If any use is to be made of the recorded Dhruvas of the stars, it appears to me to be the most reasonable course to select those stars which are situated near the ecliptic. For, as has been already pointed out, the errors of observation by means of rude appliances will increase with star-latitudes. Accordingly, the following twelve stars situated within five degrees on either side of the ecliptic are given below for composition.Wi frat ator Stars Longitude in Reduced Differ- Saka 1816 longitude ence Krittika (23 Tauri) 58°-14° 38°-52 19°-22° Rohini 68°17" 47°56" 20°-23° Pushya ( SCancri) 127°-21° 106°-0" 20-21" Magha 148°-21' 194 19°-21' Chitra! 202°-22" 181°-23" 2 Visakha? Anuradha 241°-45" 224*-31' ia Jyeshtha 248°~ 230°-41" 17°-36" Purvashadha 273 254°-30° 18°-36" Uttarashadha ——-278°-43’ 260°-18" 18°-25' Satatara 340°-05" 319°-41" 20°-24" Revati 373°-34' 359°-50" li The mean of the differences is 19°- carrying us back to about 433 Saka. If it were possible to hit upon the stars that were taken as fundamental stars for the measurement of the Dhruvas, we could have arrived at the correct result. We might fairly take the star Magha as one of them, since it is a star of the first magnitude, situated on the ecliptic, and otherwise important in Sanskrit astronomy. It would be seen from the precession of the star that the Saka year 430 is reached. As has been already pointed out, an allowance must be made in the amount of precession deduced from the recorded Dhruvas of stars, Still, the mean general precession furnishes approximately the date of their measurement. Dr. Thibaut has employed the method to determine the “beginning of the scientific period of Hindu astronomy”. From Prof, Whitney’s discussion of the star-longitudes given in 1, Bhaskar’s Dhruva of the star is assumed, 2. Tam not certain of Visakha. If it be identified with ¢ Libra the difference amounts to 22°-46’.Introduction Wii the modern Surya-Siddhanta Dr, Thibaut places the period somewhere in the fifth century A.D. It is, however, strange that he has omitted to discuss the bearing of the Dhruvas of the seven stars he has found in the old Surya-Siddhanta. Omitting Asiesha which I cannot identify with certainty, the mean general precession of the remaining six amounts to about 24°. This implies, then, that astronomy as a science began to be cultivated in India in the second century A.D, at the latest. We have already dwelt rather too long on the determination of the starting point. But considering the importance of the question in settling one of the fundamental preliminaries to any possible revision of on current almanacs, a word or two more on the subject may be excused. Chandrasekhara gives two methods for determining the starting point. One is based upon a verse of the modern Surya-Siddhanta, which he takes to mean that the declination-circle passing through the pole-star marks the junction between Aries and Pisces (XII.61). He further cites his authority for thus interpreting the verse from Brahma-Jamala. I am inclined to believe that he is mistaken in thus interpreting the sloka of the Surya-Siddhanta, though I have not seen Brahma-jamala, nor have I an opportunity of doing so now. Taking, however, the rule for granted it will be seen that the Dhruva of the star was 21°-42’ in Saka 1816. But from the annual variation in the star’s R.A, the change in its Dhruva is nearly 3-3/4 minutes in a year. This fact alone demolishes Chandrasekhar’s view. _ The other method suggested is an inverseWilt farted application of the Sun’s Place, calculated after the Surya-Siddhanta (S.D.VI.89). Assuming _ his calculated place to be correct, it is easy to find the beginning of the starting point of measurement, In the absence of a better method, this remains the only feasible course of Procedure, and it is by this method that we have got the present ayanamsa. It will be noticed (S.D.XII.i0) that Chandrasekhara gives 5°N. as the polar latitude of Revati. The fact is, he has given up the Revati of our ancient astronomy for the simple reason that the Siddhanta Revati is hardly recognisable, and therefore Practically useless. His Revati is not é (zeta) but 7 (eta) Piscium. How far this innovation will be acceptable to the public, remains to bé seen. Instances of giving old names to new stars are not rare, and this appears to be one of the main difficulties in identifying stars of different Siddhantas. For example, the star Pushya of Varaha-mihira’s Surya-Siddhanta must have been a different star from the one receiving the same name in the current Surya-Siddhanta. For Pushya of old appears to have been Proesepe of the Greeks, while modern Pushya is 6 Cancri, It may be useful to knwo the stars to which Chandrasekhara applies the Siddhanta names. For this purpose [ got a chart of the stars made by him from which the following list is Prepared. 1. Asvini d Arietes 2. Bharani 41 Arietes 3. Krittika Tauri (Pleides) 4. Rohini @ Tauri (Aldebaran) 5. Mrigasira A OrionisIntroduction | lix 22, 23. 24, 25. 26. 27. Ardra Orionis Punarvasu Geminorum Pushya Proesepe (in Cancer) Aslesha - Hydrae Magha Leonis (Regulus) Purvaphalguni 6 Leonis Uttaraphalguni Leonis Hasta 6 Corvi Chitra &Virginis (Spica) Svati @Bootis (Arcturus) Visakha @Libra Anuradha 6 Scorpionis Jyeshtha « Scorpionis (Antares) Mula *¥ Scorpionis Purvashadha 6 Sagittarii Uttarashadha Sagittarii Abhijit Lyri (vega) Sravana YAquiloe (Altair) Dhanishtha B Delphinii Satataraka ¢ Aquarii Purvabhadrapada f Pegasi Uttarabhadrapada a Andromeda Revati &Piscium Agni 6 Tauri Brahmahridaya § Aurigae (Capella) Prajapati Aurigade Ilvaka Orion’s belt Lubdhaka Sirius 8 Agastya Canopus 9Ix frera ator Kratu Ursa majoris Pulaha Ditto Pulastya Ditto Ati Ditto Angira Ditto Vasishtha Ditto Marichi Ditto Apayavasu 5°N. of Spica; 5th mag. Apamvatsa 6°N. of Apaya; 5th mag. The polar longitude and latitude of Chandraskhara’s Revati , as given in the work, are slightly incorrect. In a letter to me, he gave 359°10’ and 5°30’N. as the corrected longitude and latitude. Accordingly, the Precession of the star amounted to 22°20’-41" in Saka 1816. These correction were thought necessary by him in order that the observed ayanamsa might agree with the Precession of the star as he ascertained it, But we cannot but admit that he has confounded ayanamsa (or Sun-precession) with star-precession.! For, it is obvious the amount of ayanamsa we observe by the Sun affects only the Sun’s Place in finding moment of his crossing the equinoctial points, while the general precession of the stars remains unaffected by the slight increase assumed in the length of the year. But credit ‘must be given him for his conssitency in the view, however wrong it may be in the light of the facts disclosed. Another important improvement made by 1. An instance of an error of this kind is currnt in our Bengali almanacs in which the equinoxes are puttwo days later on account of the ayanamsa being taken at 20°55’,Introduction. bt Chandrasekhara is in the Sun’s parallax. The history of his attempts at determining it is no less interesting than the results he actually obtained. The ancient astronomers of India were satisfied with taking for the parallax of each planet, 1/5th part of its mean daily motion. Accordingly, the Sun's horizontal parallax was considered to be 3°56”, and that of the Moon 52’ 42”. With rough instruments at their disposal, the ancient observers could not but assign wrong values. But awkwardly enough, the parallaxes of the Sun and Moon come into every prediction of their eclipses. So while modern astronomy increases the distance of the Sun to something like 400 times the distance of the Moon, our ancient astronomers placed him no farther than 14 times this distance. Chandrasekhara has reinoved him to a distance of about 154 times the mean distance of the Moon. Chandrasekhara told me that before he got the parallax, he had passed many an unhappy day. He was then very young, but was anxious to know the Sun’s distance. He could not even imagined how the distance could ever be known. The ancient works were dogmatic in their assertions, and did not say a word about the method employed. By his failure in approaching the problem, he became disheartened. One day thus dejected in mind, while he was coming home, he noticed an image of the Sun projected through a narrow aperture in a fence of palm leaves close to his house. This phenomenon well known to every tyro in physical science made him reflect, and he thought that he had got a solution of his problem. Could he but get the Sun’s real diameter. This similar triangles on the two sides of the aperture, with their bases formed by the Sunbei frera ator and his image, would enable him to find the distance. He hastened home, but before he looked into any work for the Sun’s true diameter, he saw his error. For, was he not assuming the thing he wanted to find out? And his exultation was followed by despair, At ths stage the problem rested for several years, till he became acquainted with rules for calculating eclipses. He found that the parallax of the Sun assumed in the Siddhantas was too large to make predictions of eclipses correct. The anular and total eclipses, together with those in which the Moon just grazes the shadow, were his landmarks in the determination of the problem. He was for sometime in a sea of doubt. Perhaps the Siddhantas were wrong in the mater of parallax, as in many other matters. Perhaps his observations were not made with that degree of accuracy which was demanded by such problems. These questions were never out of his mind a single day through a long year. An accident favoured him. He was reading the Atharvan Upanishad, and was surprised to find that the Sun’s diameter was not 6500 yojanas as given in the Surya-Siddhanta, but 72000 yojanas. This gave him a fresh basis for calculation, and he was satisfied that this diameter did not shift his landmarks to any extent which he could detect. This gave 22” for the Sun’s horizontal parallax, and with careful calculation that of the Moon was found to be 56’28”. Repeated observations left no doubt in his mind about the correctness of his figures. Besides, here was an authority from Sruti itself.' Taking 72000 1. Lastely he learnt that European astronomers find theIntroduction bait yojanas for the true diameter of the Sun, the distance of the Sun from the earth was found to be between 105 and 106 times the Sun’s diameter. In other words, the distance of the Sun and the Moon are 9510 and 61 radii of the earth respectively (VII.12, 13, & XIX.49). The introduction is brought to a close with another topic well-known even to the boys of our elementary schools, It is about the movement of the earth, which Chandrasekhara does not admit. It is curious no doubt to hear a man given to astronomy, maintaining with all seriousness an idea which mankind has learnt to repudiate since the days of Copernicus. And there are men who, talking glibly of the earth’s movements, thought that his calculations could not possibly come out right from such wrong fundamental premises. It is needless to argue the matter with those whose rudimentary knoweldge of mathematics did not enable them to understand relative motion and I would not have introduced the topic, had it not been made the sole criterion of the merits of this work. . To such critics, I would suggest that centuries elapsed during which our forefathers and the forefathers of Europeans did nto even dream of the Possibility of this firm and fixed earth’s spinnign Sun’s horizontal parallax to be aobut 8” and that of the Moon 5640”. But he has found no reasons for correcting his figures. He says, the difference between the parallaxes of the Sun and the Moon amounts to 56’32” according to European astronomy, while he finds 56’6” giving results agreeing with observation. Now, if the difference were changed by 26”, an annular eclipse would-be ch&nged in to a partial, a partial into an annular and a total into a “touching” one.liv faara aint like a top round its axis, far less of its rushing onwards with headlong speed. Chandrasekhara had not the advantage of our modern schools, and has not imbibed the spirit of taking such things on trust. His is a work of unaided effort, and it would be surprising if he, along with the schoolboy, talked of the movements of the earth. On the contrary, a miserable Odia translation of a Bengali compilation from English popular astronomy made him a confirmed believer in the stationary condition of the earth. The arguments put forth in the book to estabish the movements of the earth may be sufficient to satisfy those who do not try to realize the matter, but unfortunately were not convincing to a man who struggled hard to reconcile the new idea in all its bearings with his own observations. Indeed, the translation and another of like nature were the only sources from which Chandrasekhara learnt something of western knowledge. They may have so far influenced him as to modify his ideas about physical astronomy, vague indications of which will be seen in certain passages of this work,’ but had hardly any effect upon his as regard mathematical astronomy. The reader will find him doubtfully speaking of the satellites of some of the planets, of the proportion of land and water on the globe, and the latitudes of one hundred and eight places derived from modern Odia maps and other sources. In these he sees no reason for disbelieving what is actually observed. But where are the observed proofs of the movements of the earth ? 1, See V, 79 for possible satellites, XI.40 for phases of planets; XVII. for force of gravitation, & c.Introduction * kv To controvert the theory of the movements, he has divided his arguments to the contrary into three classes. The movements are opposed to Sastric authority, to common sense, and to logical reasoning. To do him justice, I believe he would not hesitate a moment to modify his views, could he get the modern theory in all its details. He has thus rendered a service to us by compelling us to think. The same service was rendered by the heroic John Hampden who a few years ago essayed to prove that the world, instead of being a globe, was in reality as flat as a table. There is a tendency on the part of mankind when it has established any doctrine, to assume that it cannot possibly be disputed and so in time we even forget the arguments by which the truth was established. There is thus a need for these exceptional.and more or less original heretics who challenge our accepted doctrines. But the peculiarity of his theory is that though the earth occupies the centre of the universe, the planets do not revolve round it. They revolve round the Sun, and the Sun taking all the planets along with it revovles round the earth (V.6). The Moon is of course a satellite of the earth, and makes no difference in the old and new astronomy. But where could he get the theory of the planets describing ovals round the Sun ? It is not imported from the West, but is a direct corollary from the elements of the planets themselves. For if we plot the calculated places of a planet with respect to the Sun, the former will be found to describe something like an oval round the latter. Indeed, I believe that this view of the star system was held by our ancient astronomers. Webei frara ado cannot suppose that they could be so ignorant as not to see this simple deduction. The late Pandit Bapudeva Sastri gave other arguments in support of this doctrine of the ancient astronomers (See his pamphlet Bhubhrama-Vichara), though I am inlcined to think that the Sastri went rather too far in drawing the inference that our astronomers supposed the earth to be a planet of the Sun. This system, formulated a new by our author, forcibly reminds one of Tycho Brahe, and bearing in mind Chandrasekhara’s life, we may regard him as the veritable Tycho of India. Like Tycho our author belongs to a noble family, which had for a series of years claimed independence. Tycho’s early education was in Latin, and what Latin is to Europe, Sanskrit is to India. Young Chandrasekhara was early acquainted with the sacred lore of Sanskrit. His knowledge was so far advanced as to enable him to compose verses in it, as Tycho could in Latin. Tycho had been destined ot lead a soldier's life, but his uncle who adopted him made him study law. While he was so engaged, his attention was first drawn to astronomy by the prediction of a solar eclipse in 1560 A.D. Like him Chandrasekhara received his education from his, uncle, and the same search after the unknown led our Indian Tycho to penetrate the mysterious destinies of men with the help of astrology. It is said that all sciences had their origin in wonder, and it is preeminently true of astronomy.: Nothing but star-gazing could have excited the simple yet noble utterances of the Vedic Rishis, and star-gazing has given birth to a Hipparchus and a Galileo, and may we add, to the Tycho of Europe and the Tycho of India ? The European Tycho had Copernicus before him andIntroduction Ixvii the long ascendancy of the Almagest was fast coming to a close. Chandrasekhara’s Almagest was Surya-Siddhanta, and his Copernicus was Bhaskara. Both Tycho and Chandrasekhara detected at an early age discrepancies between observation and calculation. Tycho held and Chandrasekhara still holds the same views about the solar system. The Copernican theory was before Tycho, and Chandrasekhara knew the theory of Aryabhatta, and we may add, heard not only of the diurnal rotation of the earth propounded by the renowned Aryabhatta, but of the annual revolution of the earth round the Sun from modern Geography. But both declined to accept the new theory on almost precisely the same grounds. Tycho rejected the Copernican theory chiefly for two reasons. “One reason,” says Professor Young, was that it was unfavourably regarded by the clergy, and he was a good churchman. The other was the scientific objection that if the earth moved round the Sun, the fixed stars all ought to appear to move in a corresponding manner each star describing annually an oval in the heavens of the same apparent dimensions as the earth’s orbit itself, seen from the star. Technically speaking, they ought to have an annual parallax.”’ Chandrasekhara is equally 1. The fact that the stars should have parallaxes if the earth revoired around the Sun was known at a very early date. Tycho Brahe observed them in order to discover whether they were sensibly fixed in the sky or not. So far his observations went they did not change their positions during the year. He inferred from this that the earth remained fixed and that the Sun moved. His error was due to the fact that his observatons were not sufficiently accurate to show the slight displacement which the starsIxviii feara efor Supersitious wit Tycho, a staunch Hindu to the backbone. How can he disbelieve the Sastras ? And, besides, “the stars do not shift their places according to the seasons of the year.” The parallel drawn between Tycho and Chandrasekhara is close so far. But it fails when we remember that Tycho had the benefit of a university * education, of the patronage of kings, and what is more important, that he had instruments as delicate as he could desire. Chandrasekhara has spent his life among his native hills, has seldom been five miles away from his little village and did not receive any encouragement from anybody in respect of his work. Tycho had the friendship of Frederick IL of Denmark who gave him an estate in Norway; “a pension of £400 a year for life, a site for a large observatory, and 20,000 to build it with,” and philosophers and statesmen and kings came to visit his observatory and dined at his table. And what did our Indian Tycho receive ? He have. His observations were made shortly before the invention of the telescope and he could not measure the minute angles through which the stars were displaced, In fact, there distances are so great and the parallactic displacements are so small that the 19th century was well advanced before astronomers succeeded in finding any stars with measurable parallaxes. 1. Many of his arguments are dircted against a misconception of the new theory. For instance, he argues that if the earth be rolling like a wheel, then it ought to move only 12,000 Krosa per day; for that is the length of the earth’s circumference. But you say, its daily motion is 8,00,000 Krosa. A stone whirled round has always the same face turned towards us; how can there be an alternation of day and night by the rotation of the earth, and so on,Introduction _, Ixix met with sneers from his equals in position, because he shook off the aristocratic prejudice against star-gazers and fortune-tellers. He had no one to encourage him in his pursuit, and no notice was taken of his work. Our Government could only confer upon him an empty title which he had never coveted. Geniuses are liek declicate plants, never plentiful anywehre and depend upon tender care for growth and development and fertility. Let me therefore hope that the past neglect of his countrymen may yet be compensated, and that better days may yet dawn upon our old and crippled observe of heavenly bodies. Jogesh Chandra Roy’ 1. 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