Conclusion:

The Future of the Psychology of Working

In thinking about constructing the closing chapter for this book, I have fo-
cused on preparing one that will serve as a beginning as well as an ending.
Throughout this book, I have sought to engage readers in a journey that
seeks to explore the richly complex and often bittersweet landscape of the
psychology of working. In addition, I have sought to add my voice to those
who are dedicated to the study of work as a focal point in efforts to reduce in-
equity and to level the playing field of our lives (e.g., Fassinger, 2000; Fouad
& Brown, 2000; M. S. Richardson, 1993; Wilson, 1996). As a means of help-
ing readers to consider the broad implications of the material presented
thus far, I have two interrelated objectives for this chapter. First, I discuss
the underlying themes that cohere across many of the chapters of this book.
Second, I highlight the potential implications of the psychology of working
for public policy, encompassing education, mental health, unemployment,
and training.

Overriding Themes and Dialectical Conflicts

Within the Psychology of Working

The preceding nine chapters have sought to carve the conceptual structure
of the psychology of working in a manner relatively consistent with existing
psychological discourse. However, in using traditional categories that dif-
ferentiate among such issues as historical trends, broad social and economic
influences, clinical issues, and research and theory implications, some of the
underlying themes that transcend these categories may have been dimin-
ished or less visible in the preceding chapters. In this section, I examine
these issues, which include a number of questions and dialectical conflicts
that merit our collective attention as we move forward with the psychology
of working.
302
 CO NCLUSIO N / 303

Need for Inclusiveness in the Study of Working

One of the most prevalent themes in this book has been the need for greater
inclusiveness in the psychological study of working. As I conveyed in the first
few chapters, the relative absence of attention to those who exercise little to
no volition in their choices of jobs and experiences at work is noteworthy in
vocational psychology, I/O psychology, and other branches of psychological
discourse, including the psychotherapeutic literature. Giving voice to the
modal worker across the globe has been a major goal of this book, reflecting a
concerted effort to expand the scope and impact of psychological consider-
ations of working. However, other aspects of inclusiveness are relevant to the
future of the psychology of working and may have been overshadowed in the
material presented thus far.

Working Outside of the Labor Market. The reality of life for most people is
that work does not end when we leave our place of employment. In addition,
many people, either out of choice or necessity, devote many of their working
hours to caregiving (Barnett & Hyde, 2001; Hesse-Biber & Carter, 2000). Con-
sistent with M. S. Richardson’s (1993) position, I believe that the exclusion of
caregiving from psychological considerations of working has had a markedly
limiting impact on our ability to fully understand the nature of working. I do
want to underscore that my commitment to including caregiving is not intended
to buttress the notion that women ought to assume the majority of caregiving
responsibilities. A fully inclusive psychology of working will need to confront
gender-based inequities in caregiving and work within a household. As I have
indicated earlier in this book, I endorse the view that preparing for adulthood
must include a systematic effort for everyone to enter the paid labor market
with the full richness of his or her talents. In this manner, I concur with the posi-
tion that women who are socialized to focus on caregiving to the exclusion of
work in the labor market are essentially being cut off from their rightful place
within our society (cf. Fitzgerald & Weitzman, 1992).
With this point in mind, the relative avoidance of family and relationally
based work has further bifurcated psychological thinking about working.
With the growing life expectancy of many people in Western societies, the
complex demands of caregiving will continue to expand across the life span.
Certainly, a rich literature exists on family–work interactions within organiza-
tional psychology and vocational psychology (e.g., Parasuraman &
Greenhaus, 1997; Whiston & Keller, 2004); yet, much more work is needed in
this area, particularly with respect to individuals who have little to no access to
304 / CH A PT ER 10

the “grand career narrative.” The emergence of the relational perspectives of

working (Blustein, 2001b; Flum, 2001; Schultheiss, 2003) offers important
opportunities to explore the complex space shared by work outside the home,
work within the home, and caregiving. In addition, the impact of caregiving in
relation to the striving for survival, relational connection, and self-determina-
tion will need to be explored. As the psychology of working matures, it is criti-
cal that we value all modalities of work. In addition, the disparity of social and
economic rewards that exist with respect to caregiving and market-based
work will need to be revisited in the coming decades. Ideally, the research and
public policy that emerge from the psychology of working will prove to be
useful as we strive to dignify, and reduce inequities in, all working
experiences.

The Psychology of Working for Nonworkers. A subtle and, at times, more

overt theme of this book has been that many of the issues and concerns raised
herein are relevant to the unemployed and to those who are preparing for
work (e.g., students, young people, adults in training programs). A key asset
of vocational psychology is its focus on the continuity between the student
role and the worker role (e.g., Blustein et al., 2000; Super, 1980). This point is
critical as well in an inclusive psychology of working. As I detail later in this
chapter, one of the policy realms in which the psychology of working is likely
to have the greatest impact is in educational reform. Consistent with the view
of Lapan (e.g., 2004; Lapan & Koscuilek, 2001) as well as others in both edu-
cation and psychology (see Baker & Taylor, 1998; Blustein et al., 2000; Evans
& Burck, 1992), students who are able to internalize the connection between
school and work are in a much better position to become engaged in school
and develop their basic skills. Moreover, the linkages between the social and
economic policies that govern schools are of immediate relevance to the psy-
chology of working. The social justice roots of the psychology of working de-
tailed in this book and elsewhere (e.g., Blustein et al., 2005) include a
concerted commitment to reduce inequities in schooling and other social and
economic resources that can nourish or impede the development of adaptive
levels of basic cognitive skills and work-based attitudes.
Another group of nonworkers are unemployed individuals, who have been
significantly neglected in contemporary psychological discourse. As I have
detailed at different points throughout this book, lack of employment for
those who want to or have to work is a serious psychological issue as well as an
economic one. The majority of social scientific research has focused on
macro-level analyses (e.g., Neumark, 2000), which regrettably functions to
 CO NCLUSIO N / 305

keep the lived experiences of unemployed adults out of our individual and
collective consciousness. The focus of the psychology of working on the actual
life experiences of people interacting with work-based demands and chal-
lenges offers an important remedy to the trend of considering unemployment
as a statistic as opposed to acknowledging that the inability to locate work
profoundly affects real people.
In addition, individuals with disabling conditions, encompassing physical,
psychological, and developmental domains, need to be included in the re-
search, theory development, practice, and public policy efforts of the psychol-
ogy of working. Thanks to research in rehabilitation counseling in particular
(e.g., Neff, 1985; Riggar & Maki, 2004; Szymanski & Parker, 2003), a rich
scholarship exists on the interface of work and disability. One of the most
complex challenges is that of developing activities for individuals whose dis-
abling conditions do not allow for the sorts of jobs that offer volition about
work-related tasks and relationships. Another issue of relevance is in design-
ing work environments that will satisfy the essential needs that working opti-
mally may fulfill and that will be supportive of individuals with disabling
conditions. My hope is that future efforts using the ideas presented here and
related lines of research will advance theory, research, and policy
recommendations that will positively enhance the lives of workers and people
who wish to work.

Intellectual Diversity in Research and Theory Development. One of the

risks of writing a solo-authored book is that one’s individual perspective and
values have the potential for assuming an intellectual hegemony within a new
field like the psychology of working. I am certainly aware of this risk and the
limitations that arise from my vision and agenda. I have sought to counter this
possibility by including an expansive body of work that draws from multiple
disciplines and conceptual positions. In this context, I would like to under-
score that I advise against establishing one particular epistemological posi-
tion over another. While I have used elements of social constructionist
thinking (e.g., Gergen, 1999) as well as the emancipatory communitarian ap-
proach (Prilleltensky, 1997), I also have endorsed the use of traditional quan-
titative and positivist methods as one of many vehicles for exploring the
nature of working.
In addition, I have sought to present an open mind with respect to debates
about psychodynamic conceptualizations, behavioral explanations, person–
environment fit models, and social cognitive theories. In my view, the psy-
chology of working is a field of inquiry that seeks to provide a foundation for
306 / CH A PT ER 10

subsequent theory development and research. Thus, I envision a broad level

of inclusiveness with respect to theoretical ideas and positions within the
psychology of working.

Dialectical Struggles

Opening up the vast vistas that exist in working around the globe certainly has
been an ambitious agenda that includes many potential pitfalls and chal-
lenges. I hope that readers of this book who will have the benefit of some dis-
tance from the issues that I have been studying for years, will help to identify
these difficulties, many of which are inherent in this sort of endeavor. Some of
the challenges, though, that have emerged in my work on this book are sum-
marized next.

The Tension Between the Individual and Context. In preparing the ground-
work for this project, I read extensively in sociology, anthropology, fiction, and a
host of other fields. One of the objectives of introducing this material has been
to provide balance between the inner experience of the individual, which has
been the purview of psychology, and the more contextual perspectives that are
the province of other social sciences and artistic endeavors. In using such a di-
verse array of ingredients, I certainly have been aware that the result might be
far too multifaceted to have any coherent meaning. At this point in the evolu-
tion of these ideas, I now view the amalgam of influences as a necessary
by-product of trying to describe the psychology of working in the real world.
In my view, the study of working from a psychological perspective will neces-
sarily involve a tension between the individual’s experiences and the context
that frames the individual. In giving voice to individuals, I hope that it may be
possible to understand the nature of this tension in greater clarity. The actual
experience of working brings individuals into direct contact with their contexts,
including education, job-search processes, various forms of discrimination, and
the wide spectrum of social barriers embedded in occupational contexts that
exist around the world. Hence, scholars and practitioners who seek to develop
viable research programs culminating in theoretical explanations of working
with logically derived policy recommendations need to take notice of this ten-
sion. Rather than seeking to avoid the muddiness of trying to understand the in-
dividual experience of workers and people who wish to work in the actual
context of that experience, I believe that the best scholarship and practice will
 CO NCLUSIO N / 307

embrace this tension and learn to explore it, work with it, and ideally help indi-
viduals live with the reality that their dreams may not always be fulfilled.

The Tension Between Describing Reality and Accepting Reality. One of

the most challenging aspects in writing this book has been my intention to de-
scribe the reality of life for most working people in a manner that does not im-
plicitly or explicitly endorse the status quo. For example, in presenting the
idea that many people do not have access to work that is consistent with their
interests, I am clearly not suggesting that this is an ideal state of affairs. More-
over, in providing less relative space to the topics covered in most career de-
velopment, industrial/organizational (I/O) psychology, and psychotherapy
books, I am not implying that we should abandon the tried-and-true methods
of career counseling, organizational development, and psychotherapy. My
objective in writing this book has been to give voice to those who have not had
much voice in our research, practice, and social change efforts. As such, the
lack of attention, for instance, to vocational interest inventories, is not in-
tended to suggest that they are not of use to a wider array of workers. In con-
trast, I hope that the research and public policy advocacy efforts that arise
from this book and related initiatives will result in interest inventories becom-
ing increasingly relevant as more people experience the privilege of making
decisions about the sort of work they will pursue.
The challenges that we face in mapping the psychology of working is
that much of the terrain remains unexplored to date. Therefore, I have felt
compelled to focus on the issues and themes not found in most scholarly
contributions. In describing this world, I have sought to understand the
fundamental human needs that working fulfills; much of this discussion
has explored the lives of the have-nots, who often live in rather under-
resourced environments. Entering this uncharted terrain has been chal-
lenging; however, I have sought to stress that describing this world does
not translate into an endorsement of an increasingly divided society. In-
deed, I believe that I have been profoundly transformed by this journey.
Reading and researching in this area has inspired me even more fervently
to advocate that the multifaceted talent that exists in psychology be ap-
plied creatively to the social and economic factors that develop and sustain
a world of inequitable resources. The next section of this chapter explores
some of the more promising directions for public policy efforts that may
help to change the unjust economic and social circumstances that have
been described throughout this volume.
308 / CH A PT ER 10

Implications for Public Policy

I am aware that it may be premature to offer highly specified public policy sug-
gestions for a field that is still taking shape. However, given the wealth of
knowledge reviewed in this book from psychology and related disciplines,
some preliminary ideas about the public policy implications from the psychol-
ogy of working can be inferred. Prior to reviewing these recommendations, I
would first like to outline some issues that may help researchers to enhance
their impact as they move forward with some of the ideas presented in this
book.
As I noted earlier in this book, interdisciplinary teams comprised of schol-
ars from various fields interested in working may provide the optimal frame-
work for effective policy-based research. It is clear that some of the most
important research cited here has been produced by scholars outside of psy-
chology (such as Newman, 1999; Wilson, 1996). Moreover, compelling argu-
ments have been developed (cf. Brabeck et al., 1997) to support the
importance and potential of interdisciplinary research for dealing with com-
plex social problems. I encourage scholars to seek out colleagues both within
psychology and outside of psychology who are invested in issues pertaining to
working to form collaborative teams. As noted in the previous section, the in-
dividual focus that is so integral to psychology can be powerfully informative
to sociologists, economists, and political scientists who tend to adopt more
macro-level views.

Educational Reform

The debates and challenges of educational reform have evoked significant

political discussions about evidence-based practice, the role of government in
dealing with educational problems, and inherent sources of inequity in the
U.S. opportunity structure (Hargreaves, 2000; Worthington & Juntunen,
1997). No doubt, similar reform issues are part of the political landscape of
other nations, as governments seek to prepare high-quality students who will
become an equally high-quality work force (Marshall & Tucker, 1992). Within
the past decade or so, counseling psychologists and others who study voca-
tional behavior have entered into this reform effort, primarily focusing on the
school-to-work transition for non-college-bound youth (Blustein et al., 2000;
Worthington & Juntunen, 1997). Given the fundamental role of education as
a training ground for workers and as a powerful means of socialization, it
would seem clear that some of the research that is conducted by psychologists
 CO NCLUSIO N / 309

who are studying work will have relevance for education, and vice versa. In ad-
dition, the pivotal role of education in providing people with the skills and re-
sources needed for meaningful working lives suggests that the
education–work linkage will continue to receive the attention that has charac-
terized recent scholarly initiatives (e.g., Blustein et al., 2000; Lapan, 2004).

School-to-Work Transition. As detailed in chapter 7, research on work-

based transitions has provided extensive input on the factors that predict an
adaptive transition from high school and college to work (Blustein et al., 2000;
Bynner et al., 1997). A close examination of this research reveals particularly
important implications for educational policymakers. One of the most impor-
tant points described in numerous studies and reviews (e.g., Blustein et al.,
2000; Lapan, 2004; Wilson, 1996) is that school and work ought to be con-
nected explicitly in academic curriculum, support services, and extra-curricu-
lar activities. Thankfully, this is an area where some career development
scholars have already carved out an important niche in U.S. federal govern-
ment circles. For example, the development and revisions of the National
Career Development Guidelines reflect the input of several vocational psy-
chologists and counseling professionals (http://www.acrnetwork.org/
ncdg.htm). A review of these national guidelines, as well as selected state
guidelines (e.g., the Massachusetts Department of Education Career Devel-
opment Education benchmarks; http://www.doe.mass.edu/cd/resources/), re-
veals that relevant scholarship has impacted on policy recommendations. For
example, the guidelines now detail the need for counselors and educators to
help students understand and internalize the connection between school and
work.
Another impact that the psychology of working can have in educational
policy may be at the level of developing sound arguments to support greater
equity in funding the education of children and adolescents. One of the unfor-
tunate aspects of U.S. education is the marked disparity that exists in schools,
primarily related to the socioeconomic characteristics and often the racial
and ethnic attributes of a given community. While compelling arguments
have already been advanced to reduce these “savage inequalities” (Kozol,
1991), evidence developed from psychological studies of the school-to-work
transition may help to buttress the existing rationales. For example, research
that can chart the precise means by which effective schools help young people
to develop the skills and attitudes that will generally predict adaptive work-re-
lated behaviors would help to enhance the case for greater equity in educa-
tional resources. Given that much of the policy debate in U.S. national and
310 / CH A PT ER 10

state capitals in recent years is devoted to cutting an ever-shrinking pie of

public resources, the nature of the evidence would ideally integrate the
psychological and moral consequences of inadequate schools with the
economic costs.

Training and Post-Secondary Education. The psychology of working has

considerable potential to inform policies that guide training and post-second-
ary education. The rapid evolution of the labor market is very likely going to
lead to even greater job instability as people regularly must confront a reality
that certain skills wax and wane in their viability (Hunt, 1995; Rifkin, 1995)
with concomitant changes in employment options. The psychology-of-work-
ing perspective may offer some critically important ideas that policymakers
can use in formulating new training structures and support services.
While the nature of the changes needed in training and post-secondary ed-
ucation are difficult to surmise at this point, some hints can be inferred from
recent contributions in the literature (e.g., Collin & Young, 2000; Hunt,
1995). One of the key issues to integrate into future thinking about higher ed-
ucation is the reality that people will increasingly rely on colleges and univer-
sities throughout their lives to seek out training (Green & Hill, 2003).
Naturally, this is not a new idea; many colleges and universities already offer
courses, degree and certificate programs to adults in their communities. Em-
bedding these programs and offerings with insights gleaned from the psychol-
ogy of working may help to ensure that the programs are relevant and
supportive of adults who are often struggling with many complex psychologi-
cal issues while they seek out retraining.
In addition, the importance of providing training and post-secondary edu-
cation in a manner that is constructed in conjunction with the prevailing cul-
tural framework of a given community is critical. For example, scholarly
efforts devoted to exploring how retraining can be presented in a culturally af-
firming manner may help to reduce the likely resistance that many adults will
experience as they struggle with shifting work options. Another important
policy implication that may grow out of psychological analyses of working is
the serious consideration of the vast potential of community colleges to be-
come major support systems for adults facing retraining. Given the impor-
tance of a supportive context for internalizing self-regulating attributes
(Flum & Blustein, 2000; Lapan, 2004; Ryan & Deci, 2000), community col-
leges as well as traditional universities may benefit from research that delin-
eates how these factors can be enhanced in a training and post-secondary
context.
 CO NCLUSIO N / 311

Unemployment Policy

In my view, one of the most promising areas for public policy influence for the
psychology of working is in the realm of unemployment policy. The existence
(and indeed tolerance) of structural unemployment strikes at the heart of
some of the key assumptions of the psychology of working. As I have stated in
previous chapters, working has the potential to fulfill a number of fundamen-
tal human needs. Empirical research (e.g., Caplan et al., 1997; Mallinckrodt
& Bennett, 1992; O’Brien, 1986; Wanberg, 1995; Waters & Moore, 2002),
coupled with vignettes scattered throughout this book, underscore the perva-
sive negative consequences of not being able to locate or sustain regular work.
How, then, can the psychology of working impact on this pernicious aspect of
life in contemporary market-based economies?
First, the literature reviewed here clearly supports the view that the chal-
lenge of unemployment and the potential for periodic or chronic increases
in unemployment in the coming decades does have critical psychological
consequences. As Rifkin (1995) and Wilson (1996) described in their of-
ten-chilling accounts of communities without sufficient connection to work,
the inner life of individuals and the overall stability of neighborhoods is ad-
versely impacted by the lack of work. Adding an explicitly psychological
analysis of working to our understanding of unemployment may help to
place a human face on what is often viewed as a macro-level problem. Thus,
one of the key contributions that the psychology of working can make to the
public discourse on unemployment is to ensure that the public is aware of
the human costs of lack of work. The human costs can be documented using
a variety of methods, including traditional quantitative approaches as well
as narrative and discovery-oriented approaches.
Second, the psychological study of unemployment and underemploy-
ment may help to identify some meaningful ways for counselors, therapists,
and others in one’s life to help people who have little or no opportunity to
obtain work. For example, by studying how people adjust to unemployment,
it may be possible to learn more about the nature of resilience and risk in re-
lation to working (Masten & Coatsworth, 1998). The study of resilience
among unemployed individuals seeking employment may furnish scholars
and policy analysts with important insights on how to structure maximally
supportive contexts.
In effect, I envision that the psychology of working may inform policy for
government officials and political leaders who face critical decisions about
the vexing problem of chronic and acute unemployment. At the same time,
the psychology of working may furnish ideas for designing effective and em-
312 / CH A PT ER 10

powering counseling and psychoeducational interventions. As in other ar-

eas noted in this chapter (and elsewhere in this book), I encourage
collaborations of psychologists and other social scientists in the study of un-
employment so that the findings of our efforts are sufficiently embedded in
the language and constructs that policymakers use.
I am hopeful that subsequent research on the psychology of working ide-
ally will lead to the development of a coherent rationale supportive of policies
directed toward full employment. I realize that the call for full employment
may seem outdated or naïve on my part. However, given my reading of the
empirical and theoretical literature on working, extensive hours counseling
unemployed adults, and reading the evocative accounts of people living with-
out work, I do believe that this objective needs to be revisited. The gradual
rise in the “acceptable levels” of unemployment in North America and Eu-
rope is quite troublesome, especially given the dramatic human cost that has
been detailed in the literature. While it is clearly easier to call for full employ-
ment as opposed to creating the structures that will culminate in expanded
employment opportunities, the reality is that without the statement of this ob-
jective, we ensure that we will not achieve this notable goal. Psychologists
studying working will need to collaborate with economists, sociologists, and
policy analysts to explore the moral and financial costs of accepting certain
levels of chronic unemployment as opposed to seeking innovative solutions
that create more opportunities for work. Research and theory emerging from
the psychology of working may also be informative about the most optimal
means of creating more employment opportunities. In particular, the self-de-
termination literature (Ryan & Deci, 2000) may furnish illuminating ideas
about the assets and limitations of government-based employment. At the
same time, the psychological costs and benefits of a strict reliance on the mar-
ket to create jobs can be ascertained.

Mental Health Issues and Working

The role of working in sustaining healthy psychological functioning has

been apparent since Freud’s (1930) prescient dictum about the importance
of work and love. As Shore and Massimo (1979; Shore, 1998) have observed,
a considerable body of empirical literature supports the view that a return to
work is a highly potent predictor of a successful recovery from a psychologi-
cal crisis or illness. I believe that subsequent research in the psychological
study of working will reveal even more pervasive and complex relationships
 CO NCLUSIO N / 313

between working and variations in mental health. Of course, the conditions

in which one is working have a considerable impact on one’s mental health.
Thus, there may be times when having no work may be more facilitative of
mental health when compared to work wherein one is exposed to abuse or
high levels of stress.
Advances in the psychological study of working may help in the design of
employee assistance programs, which have often been developed without
much attention to the working context. In addition, the psychology of working
may inform policy directed toward the development of less stressful and
healthier work environments. However, I believe that one of the most impor-
tant policy implications may emerge as research reveals the fundamental
striving of people to ensure their own survival, develop and sustain relational
connections, and establish self-determined conditions in their lives. By pro-
viding people with the opportunity to manifest these aspirations, it is likely
that people will experience less stress and hence will be less likely to suffer
dramatic fluctuations in their mental health. I am not suggesting that improv-
ing access to dignified work will radically decrease the prevalence of such ill-
nesses as schizophrenia and bipolar disorders, which are linked to significant
genetic and biological factors. However, the reduction of stresses related to
locating work and sustaining work may help to diminish the intensity of these
painful illnesses and perhaps provide greater resources for more meaningful
rehabilitation policies. For less pernicious psychological disorders, I believe
that working can provide the potential for the fulfillment of many of our fun-
damental human needs that would help to reduce or diminish the severity of
conditions such as depression, anxiety, and other mental health problems.
The policy implications of the psychological study of working in the men-
tal health field can have dramatic effects for highly marginalized cohorts of
our population. As I indicated earlier in this chapter, the questions about
the meaning of work for individuals with severely incapacitating conditions
need to be explored in light of emerging theory and research on the psychol-
ogy of working. In addition, exploring the complex space that exists between
the context of one’s work life and one’s inner psychological functioning may
help to inform policies on sexual harassment, racism at work, and other
forms of social oppression. As I present in the next section of this chapter,
the existence of these socially oppressive conditions at work (and in the edu-
cation and job-selection processes) offers policymakers an opportunity to
establish programs and laws that will help to prohibit racism, sexism, homo-
phobia, classism, ageism, and discrimination against individuals with devel-
opmental and psychiatric disabling conditions.
314 / CH A PT ER 10

Social and Interpersonal Oppression at Work

As I noted in previous chapters, working functions as a focal point for our inter-
actions with the social world. As such, individuals are often exposed to very pain-
ful interactions wherein racism, sexism, heterosexism, and other forms of social
oppression are expressed both explicitly and implicitly. Fitzgerald (e.g., 2003),
who has explored the impact of sexual harassment at the workplace, provides an
excellent exemplar of how scholarship on the interface of work and social oppres-
sion can yield important implications for public policy. Subsequent research on
the role of gender, sexual orientation, aging, social class, and ability/disability sta-
tus may yield important insights about how the work context serves as a vehicle
for the sustenance of inequality. This information can then be transformed in po-
sition papers, legislative initiatives, and lobbying efforts directed toward the re-
duction and ideally the elimination of social oppression at work.
Another potential policy domain has to do with interpersonal forms of op-
pression at work. A number of recent contributions (e.g., Crawford, 1997;
Lewis, 2004; Rayner & Keashly, 2005) have explored the phenomenon of bul-
lying at work. Further work in this area, informed by the psychology of work-
ing, may facilitate the development of work-based policies and governmental
regulations that will reduce the incidence of bullying at work. The literature
on bullying at work has demonstrated the importance of understanding the
psychological attributes of both the individuals and the context of a work-
place. Ideally, collaborations with other psychologists and social scientists
studying interpersonal and social forms of oppression at work may help to in-
form the training efforts and policies needed to establish more humane
working environments.

Cultural Knowledge: The Psychology of Working

A related point that may fuel policy implications relates to the growing knowl-
edge base about the cultural context that frames our understanding of working.
As detailed in previous chapters, the nature of working is very much an inher-
ent part of a culture’s belief systems and individual worldviews (e.g., Carter &
Cook, 1992; Wallman 1979). As the North American and European work
forces become increasingly diverse, the knowledge that cultural variations exist
and need to be affirmed will ideally grow. Research and practice efforts emerg-
ing from the psychology of working have thus far revealed that people construct
their working lives and needs in a manner rooted within their culture (Carter &
Cook, 1992; Flum & Blustein, 2000; Helms & Cook, 1999; Stead, 2004).
 CO NCLUSIO N / 315

Considering variations in the composition of the work force in tandem

with globalization, characterized by growing levels of multinational trade
and exchange, may make it possible for people to affirm the diversity that ex-
ists across the planet. I realize that my vision here is quite optimistic; how-
ever, in keeping with the notion that psychology can be a force for social
change, I hope that psychologists and counselors consider providing work-
shops for young adults and adults, both at work and looking for work, which
will highlight the importance of culture and diversity in contemporary work-
ing contexts. The policy implications of the changing world of work and the
growing diversity of work forces in Europe and North America may help to
frame psychoeducational efforts directed toward reducing racism, classism,
and other forms of human differences.

Summary of Policy Implications

The policy implications outlined here are limited by my own vision, which is
further inhibited by the relatively modest level of research on the psychol-
ogy of working. I am aware that I have outlined an ambitious agenda that
suggests a level of facility with public policy that is not typical among many
social and behavioral scientists and counselors. However, the psychology of
working is a field that ideally is integrally connected with public policy. By
moving our vision beyond the confines of the affluent and privileged, we
force ourselves to reckon with a world that generally does not offer many
choices with respect to work. In facing this world directly, I believe that we
have a valuable opportunity for sustained and positive internal development
of our professional identities. In effect, as we move from the inner world of
our clients and research participants to a clear focus on their outer world, we
will necessarily expand our skill set such that it includes engagement with
social justice issues and public policy (cf. Blustein et al., 2005). The founda-
tions for public policy-oriented scholarship are evident throughout the psy-
chological literature (e.g., Fitzgerald, 2003; Helms et al., 2005; Prilleltensky,
2003). These resources provide a road map and the moral rationale that may
fuel the design and dissemination of policy-oriented research on the psy-
chology of working.

Conclusion

In this chapter, I have sought to integrate the material presented in this book
across several relevant dimensions. First, I have identified themes about the
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psychology of working that transcend the boundaries of the specific chapters

and topics. Second, I have described a number of dialectical issues that under-
lie many of the concerns that will emerge from the psychology of working. Ide-
ally, knowledge about these inherent tensions will serve to enrich the
complexity, depth, and ultimately, the utility, of subsequent research and the-
ory development in the psychology of working.
The third section of this chapter focused on the description of public policy
implications that may emerge from the psychology of working. As I have pre-
sented, the psychological study of working is inherently linked to broader po-
litical, economic, and social contexts. The contributions of psychology to
existing debates about the nature of working and the future of working are
critical, in my view, to developing policies that build on existing knowledge.
The struggles of people to find meaningful and dignified work, support
their families, and connect to the social world have inspired this effort. In-
deed, it is these brave souls with whom I have spent countless hours as clients
in counseling and as participants in research studies, who have so powerfully
affected my work life and worldview. I am hopeful that this book will help all
workers and potential workers to receive the best of what psychology has to
offer. Ideally, this book will result in an expanded vision for our field, both in
terms of breadth and depth. By expanding our vision of the psychological as-
pects of working, I believe that we are in a much better position to create a
fully engaged psychology that supports working as a fundamental human act
that is the birthright of each person.