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Understanding and fostering

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Understanding and fostering routes into lifelong musical engagement. Music Education
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RIME 2015 Keynote Paper

Professor Stephanie E. Pitts, University of Sheffield

What is music education for?

Understanding and fostering routes into lifelong musical engagement

Abstract

Music education has a long history of defending its place in the school curriculum, with practitioners
and researchers alike arguing for the creative, social and cognitive benefits of music in young
H re continually being made suggests that
they are not being sufficiently heard by politicians, headteachers, parents and others who still need
persuading. Those who doubt the benefits of musical learning or more likely give them very little
thought are themselves the product of their own music education, just as much as the many
amateur musicians and music listeners, a smaller number of professional musicians, and indeed the
music education workforce in schools, universities and beyond. There are challenging questions to
be asked, therefore, about what lasting values and attitudes the majority of the population acquire
during their formative musical years and what responsibilities school music education holds for
shaping those values across the population. This keynote paper from RIME 2015 draws on diverse
empirical studies with infant schools, chamber music audiences, and lapsed amateur musicians,
using this evidence to reflect on how music educators could be more aware and make others more
aware of their contribution to lifelong musical engagement, and of the risks, challenges and
opportunities inherent in the shaping of musical lives.

Keywords
Lifelong musical engagement, infant schools, audiences, participation, benefits of music education

What is claimed for music education?

For well over a century, writers on music education have been making powerful claims for the
benefits of including music in a rounded, creative curriculum (see Pitts, 2000; Rainbow & Cox, 2006).
With advocacy as strong as this from Yorke Trotter one of the first to argue for participatory music
learning with his mantra of (1914: 76) it might seem surprising that such
messages are still frustratingly unsuccessful in reaching politicians and other educational decision
makers:

If by our manner of education we can cultivate and develop the inner nature of our
citizens, we will be raising up a nation full of vitality, striving after ideals, and ever
pressing on to higher and higher stages. Even the weariness of life, which is felt so
deeply by many of us, will disappear with our new ideals, for the art of music will give
the means for self expression, and will provide a new interest in life. (Yorke Trotter,
1914: 136)

1
I Y T ation with music at its heart will transform society, by equipping
citizens to live fulfilling and creative lives, and so banishing the despair which is also strongly evident
in his statement (situated as it is near the outbreak of the First World War). Why then, is it still
necessary to be making the case for music in education, one hundred years later?

Musical activities can lead to a sense of accomplishment, enhanced determination and

persistence and of children being better able to cope with anger and express their emotions
more effectively. There are also reported benefits in terms of discipline, time management,
relaxation, coping with difficulties, communication, and the ability to work with others.
(Hallam, 2014: 16)

In her review of the impact of musical activities on intellectual, social and personal development,
The Power of Music (Hallam, 2014), Susan Hallam brings together several decades of research
evidence that supports the case for music enhancing psychological well-being, school engagement,
creativity, empathy, language and literacy, spatial awareness and numerous other skills and
qualities. References to t
the role of music in education (e.g. Bugaj & Brenner, 2011; Costa-Giomi, 2004; Schellenberg, 2006),
but as Hallam is careful to point out, the effects of music teaching are not guaranteed to be positive:
hen teaching is poor there may be no benefits and negative outcomes M
fundamentally, the emphasis on outcomes other than musical ones risks distorting the place of
music in the curriculum, positioning it as an enabler of other kinds of development rather than a
valued subject in its own right.
If there were any doubt about the dangers of limiting musical ambitions or replacing them
with extra-musical ones again the long view is helpful to show how little the political
understanding of music education has changed over the past century. In the days when the Board of
Education in England respectfully
inspection system, they were nonetheless somewhat modest in their expectations of music in
schools:

The aim of music teaching considered as part of a school curriculum should be rather
the cultivation of a taste than the acquirement of a proficiency; it should lay the
foundation for the intelligent study and enjoyment of music in after life. (Board of
Education, 1926: 238)

C Y T passively: the next generation

E
will continue these habits into adulthood. On the one hand, this is a simple example of lifelong
musical engagement, which was much more straightforward when access to a range of musical
genres was greatly limited, both for pupils in the classroom and for adults in the repertoire of
professional concerts and the availability of recorded music. Nowadays, with infinite musical variety

desirable aim for music education: rather, the best music education equips young people with the
practical and discriminatory skills to continue their learning in any number of directions beyond and
after school. Whether our politicians are convinced of this, however, remains highly doubtful as

2
demonstrated with particular tactlessness by the Secretary of State for Education, Nicky Morgan,
during the course of pre-election debates in the UK in November 2014:

I [for a career]
humanities were what you chose because they were useful, we were told, for all kinds of
W T
“TEM science, technology, engineering
and maths. (Morgan, 2014)

M limit opportunities and employability have been reinforced by UK

Government policies that have prioritised STEM subjects, and have seen numerous schools reducing
or ceasing their provision of music exam courses (Cultural Learning Alliance, 2015), so raising
obstacles to continued musical study and employment for a generation of young people. While
M aim to get more girls, particularly, into areas where they have been traditionally under-
represented is a laudable one, making this case at the expense of arts subjects reinforce a science-
arts divide that is unhelpful to all teachers and students striving for a truly comprehensive
education.
Rhetoric and political discourse, therefore, do not get us very far in answering the question
W T measures of success: school league
tables, A Level student numbers and results, and the health (or otherwise) of music in higher
education. Defining the purpose of music education more widely, however, reveals a much stronger
evidence base, seen everywhere (but not always noticed) in the uses of music amongst the general
population. In the UK, an estimated 117, 000 people work in full-time music-related jobs (UK Music,
2015), while upwards of 1.6 million amateur musicians participate regularly in group music-making
and performing (Dodd, Graves & Taws, 2008), so contributing substantially to the creative economy
and to the lives and wellbeing of those involved (Making Music, 2015). Further influence is seen in
the broader cultural decisions made by musical learners later in life: children are more likely to take
up and continue learning an instrument if their own parents had that opportunity and therefore
bring insight to supporting instrumental practice in the home (McPherson, Davidson & Evans, 2016),
while many music teachers enter the profession in response to their own experiences of music
learning, whether inspirational or otherwise (Pitts, 2012). That our politicians hide their arts
interests or cheerfully deny them (Higgins, 2005), shows that support for music education is lacking
in public discourse, so making the need for research evidence and practitioner advocacy increasingly
urgent.
I have explored the long-term effects of music education elsewhere, through over 100
ollected for Chances and Choices (Pitts, 2012), by asking open-ended

• What kind of music was going on in your home as a child? How influential do you
think this was in your development?
• What are your me P
• Who has been influential on your musical behaviour at various stages of your life?
• What have been the highlights of your musical life history so far?
• Do you have any regrets about missed opportunities in music?
(Pitts, 2012: 12)

3
Analysing these collected stories, across generations and contexts, by influences and outcomes,
reveals both the far-reaching and sometimes unexpected impact of music education, but also its
limitations and occasionally destructive effects. The influence of the home is intertwined with that
of the school, and musical learning takes place in many settings, as has been richly documented by
researchers working in America (Campbell, 1998; 2002), England (Green, 2002), Australia (Barrett,
2015) and around the world (Green, 2011). Children begin school as already sophisticated musical
learners (Harwood and Marsh, 2012), whether they have been fortunate enough to join in with
songs, games and a wide repertoire in the home (Barrett, 2015), or have instead learnt that music is
(Custodero, Britto & Brooks-Gunn,
2003). Musical life histories therefore begin in different circumstances, and will end in many
different ways too: the constant challenge for those who teach and research in music education is to
consider how musical opportunities can remain open to all learners, throughout their lives and
what role school music plays in supporting or inhibiting that aim.
Three case studies follow, in which this challenge is explored in a range of settings: children
and their parents and teachers in three infant schools; audience members at classical chamber music
concerts; and a more disparate group of adults who have ceased participation in amateur music-
making. The shared questions across each setting are these:

• How are musical skills and interests acquired and nourished?

• Where does musical confidence come from?
• What role does music education play in fostering musical engagement?
• How could all these factors be enhanced and better supported?

Each case study demonstrates the lasting influence of attitudes to musical engagement as well as
opportunities to participate. Formative musical experiences are about the acquisition of identity as
powerful and sometimes unintentional ways.

Expectations and experiences of music in three diverse settings

1. Infant schools in Sheffield
In 2013-14 I worked with a music outreach project in Sheffield, Music in the Community, led by Polly
Ives, to explore the effects of a series of music workshops in three infant schools for children aged 6-
7 years. Three blocks of weekly visits by the workshop leader and professional musicians were
undertaken, leading to a families/schools concert of Sir Scallywag and the Golden Underpants with
music composer in residence, Paul Rissmann, and a jointly composed soundtrack to
W G B H , performed by the participating schools at a culmination concert (see
www.musicintheround.co.uk for related videos and resources). Research was carried out with the
full range of participants in the project: observation of the sessions and events was supplemented by
questionnaires and group interviews with the children involved (n = 163), and with their teachers (n
= 6) and parents (n=27) (see Pitts, 2014 for full details of the project). This wealth of data, which

musical learning emerged in their play and talk at home, offered up some striking findings about the
views of themselves as musicians.
The children showed awareness that learning instruments takes effort: one reported that in
his piano playing g Y D

4
boy stated that I I A T
aware of their status as musical beginners, and could make comparisons between their own playing
and those of the professional musicians who visited their schools, who had practised a lot to
. This insider
knowledge on what it takes to be a musician is in contrast to the popular myth of musical genius that
inhibits so much musical learning (Sloboda, Davidson & Howe, 1994): these children knew that
improvement on their instrument would take practice, and the encouragement and structured
activities of the workshops also helped them (and their teachers and parents) to see a sense of
musical progress across the year. However, quite understandably given their level of maturity and
experience, the pupils had less clarity on the specific plans needed to put their musical ambitions
into place: amongst the most detailed responses was a sequence of events from
as an
adult. Giving children insight on how to get from their current level of musical learning to a future in
which music-making plays a significant part is rarely a feature of school music or even instrumental
lessons, though retrospective accounts of musical life histories show how strongly both those
settings influence lifelong musical outcomes (Pitts, 2012).
The children also demonstrated in their responses that learning music requires continuity and
challenge: the intermittent nature of school music experience was evident in the memory that
man came with a guitar, a lo
T
musical challenge, and grew measurably in knowledge and confidence across the year (Pitts, 2014:
138), but their uncertainties illustrate how musical life stories need to be nurtured in their earliest
stages with the provision of musical opportunities and the consistent encouragement to pursue
them. The workshops provided as part of this project achieved the aims of widening musical
horizons and ambitions, and providing musical role models, both through the visits of professional
musicians and through raising awareness in conversation of those teachers, parents and peers who
T
might seem premature for these 6-7 year olds, but their rapidly forming musical attitudes and
ambitions show how critical such early interventions (or their absence) are in shaping musical
identities and increasing the potential for continued involvement.

2. Audiences for live classical music

My research with audiences over a ten year period with a chamber music series, a symphony
orchestra, a jazz festival and a jazz club has enabled further explorations of how and why people
engage with music throughout their lives. Regular, committed concert-going, as demonstrated most
strongly by the chamber music audience of Music in the Round, Sheffield (Pitts, 2005a; Pitts &
Spencer, 2008), is sometimes undertaken as a process of learning and self-development, as well as
being an activity that brings personal enjoyment and social engagement. Choices around how often
to attend, what repertoire to seek out, and why live music is valued are often rooted in earlier
experiences and attitudes, with memories of childhood concert attendance with school or family
featuring prominently in the musical life stories of frequent attenders (Pitts, 2012). Taking live
classical music audiences as any measure of the success of music education, however, raises some
worrying questions about declining numbers and ageing listeners, reported internationally (Kolb,
2001; Australia Council for the Arts, 2010) as well as by the participants in my recent studies: as one

5
chamber music listener stated, I not that I have
(Pitts, 2005a: 263).
The concert hall initiation of childhood, if and when it occurs, brings obvious benefits in terms
have frequently
express anxieties about being surrounded by more experienced listeners: ody else seems to
(Dobson & Pitts, 2011:
368). Beyond this, audience members at all levels of experience bring their past musical encounters
to their listening, providing further evidence of the lasting impact of music education in their
attitudes and insight on the live performance. Even limited past experience as a player can bring an
insider perspective on the performance: as one chamber music listener reflected, I y the

(Pitts, 2013: 89). Indeed, balancing the pleasures of playing and listening forces musically engaged
adults to make choices about the time and effort they spend on music: the late-developing amateur
cellist W B
standard than could be heard in a professional concert (Booth, 1999: 150), while professional pianist
Susan Tomes reports the threat
T
Having sufficien
the enjoyment of listening, seems to be the ideal though perhaps not in itself a desirable aim for
music education. The in other ways through the visual elements of live
performance, according to both jazz and classical audience members, who have commented on the
absorption, eye contact and gestures of the musicians as being a visual guide to listening, indicating
how the music moves seemingly just on the nod (Pitts & Burland,
2013: 14). Audience members therefore offer one example of how limitations in past learning can
be overcome or diverted in adulthood: limited or lapsed success as a performer is channelled into
enhanced satisfaction as a listener, in ways that audience members can articulate and appreciate,
even while often expressing regret that their own playing did not advance further. For those people
who find the concert hall a welcoming environment for listening, and have the resources,
opportunities and inclination to become regular audience members, there is clearly much pleasure
to be gained from enjoying live music in the company of like-minded others. That this is a relatively
small proportion of the population could be taken as indicative of a failure in music education to
prepare routes into lifelong listening or more optimistically as being illustrative of the many other
genres and contexts for listening that exist, each with their own benefits for musical identity and
engagement. Nonetheless, the lasting influence of music education is seen in the choices and open-
mindedness of future audiences, and in the misplaced perceptions of classical music as being
difficult and inaccessible that keep many potential listeners away from the concert hall.

3. Ceasing and continuing amateur music-making

Following previous research with enthusiasts for musical participation (Pitts, 2005b), I became
interested in those people who have lapsed in their participation who have the skills to belong to
an amateur group, but lack the motivation, opportunity or need to do so. Using questionnaires (n =
21) and interviews (n = 17) with current and past members of amateur orchestras in and around
Sheffield, I investigated some of the obstacles to continued music-making in adulthood, and the

6
extent to which formative experiences of music-making appeared to
towards continuing to play (Pitts, Robinson & Goh, 2015).
On the surface, the barriers to lifelong music-making were quite predictable: life gets in the
way, and time, energy and priorities are taken up by the other demands of early and later
adulthood. However, these factors are obstacles for only some amateur musicians, while others find
the distraction and escape of a weekly rehearsal to be a coping mechanism for other pressures,
rather than one demand too many in their busy lives. The interviews revealed that these
commonplace attitudes often masked deeper reasons for ceasing participation, broadly related to
musical confidence and to the expectations that had been shaped by school and youth ensemble
membership. Musical participation had faltered for some players whose motivation was primarily
social, fuelled by memories of fun and friendship in school ensembles. Joining a group after
relocating for work, for example, one player had found that opportunities to make friends were
F
night, yo O -

not belonging in the ensemble they had joined.

Sometimes this lack of belonging could arise for musical reasons, and in particular around the
T -conscious during
the tuning of the orchestra in case other players were listening critically, through to self-imposed
retirement as playing skills deteriorated with age-related health problems:
I ad a better
second clarinettist. Conversely, this sense of responsibility to the rest of the group was a
motivating force for some adult players, who maintained daily practice regimes in amongst other
commitments, with the deliberate side-effect of encouraging their own children into musical
participation by modelling the effort and progress involved in learning an instrument. Indeed, a
stated or implicit awareness of the benefits of musical participation seemed to be one factor in
ensuring continued satisfaction, as illustrated by one retired player, who had replaced her musical

studio to visitors and talking with other amateur craft-makers. Knowing how and why music is
valuable appears therefore to be one potential route to sustaining that involvement.
F
strongly by a bassoonist for whom orchestral participation was tinged by negative memories of
compulsory membership of school ensembles:
I people don (Pitts & Robinson,
2016). Very few children and their parents typically look this far ahead in making instrument
choices in childhood, but there is a strong case to be made for ensuring that young people leaving
school are equipped with information about the musical routes that are open to them with their
particular combination of skills and enthusiasms. Several participants had benefited from being
encouraged back into participation in adulthood, including a cellist who resumed lessons with his old
teacher and was persuaded by her to join a local amateur orchestra. For those players who had
returned to music- -
participation was often regretted, or even a source of astonishment: one trumpeter reflected that
I happened, that I put so much time
and effort into, um, into music, into getting to a reasonable standard, and spending all this time
I

7
player who had returned to B -joked that if he had
I I
The experiences of these lapsed participants, including those who have later returned to
playing, show that musical life stories can falter owing to external circumstances, lack of
opportunity, or lack of confidence and enjoyment in adult ensembles. Leaving school equipped with
the skills to join or form a musical group is still no guarantee that this will happen: there are multiple
social, musical and personal factors involved in supporting continued participation, and the routes
into adult, amateur ensembles can often seem difficult or inaccessible. Some of the stories reported
here demonstrate the effects of weak foundations to lifelong participation: too great an emphasis
on the fun and social life of school ensembles leading to low musical standards, or insufficient
enjoyment of teenage music-making leading to a rejection of classical ensem
by institutional values. The balance of musical satisfaction and social enjoyment is obviously as
challenging for adult players as it is for the teachers who organise school music-making. Those
participants who had explicitly reflected on what they sought to gain from their musical participation
were among the most contented in this study, suggesting that exploring the aims of groups and their
members could be one tool for increasing recruitment and retention in amateur ensembles.

Conclusions: fulfilling the claims for music education

These case studies and my related research on lifelong engagement in music demonstrate the
familiar truth that access to musical participation begins in childhood and is shaped but by no
means guaranteed by the encouragement, opportunity, attitudes, and skills that children
encounter in their schools and homes. More challengingly, the research also suggests that such
provision is not in itself sufficient, and that sustained, forward-looking musical opportunities are
essential in connecting formative music-making with future possibilities: in other words, an
awareness of routes into lifelong musical engagement is essential to finding them. Some musical
activities lend themselves more readily to this awareness: self-taught pop musicians experience a
continuity of activity from teenage years into adulthood (Green, 2002) that is less obvious to
participants in teacher-directed orchestras and bands (Mantie & Tucker, 2008). With lapsed
participants able to articulate what they miss about their school music making, and a wealth of
amateur organisations able to provide these benefits, better connections could be made between
school and community music-making.
For an understanding of how so many potential music-makers cease their involvement in
adulthood, a return to the gardening metaphor once beloved of educational theorists and teacher
trainers is a useful illustration (McEwan, 2007). In this metaphor, the teacher provides the
nourishment and care that a young seedling needs to grow into a strong plant: so music teachers
offer encouragement, skills and opportunities to their students, and the entire population should in
theory be equipped to participate in and promote lifelong musical development in adulthood. Any
experienced gardener knows, however, that a sudden frost, the failure to water at a critical stage of
growth, or competition from weeds or other stronger plants can mean the dwindling or demise of a
previously healthy plant. So it is that a strong start in musical life can be lost through a whole range
of external factors, internal motivations, and missed opportunities and identifying and addressing
these could be a valuable, socially responsible challenge to the low status of music in education and
in political debate.
Recognising that one of the many things music education is for, to return to my opening
question, is fostering a creatively engaged society, gives music educators greater responsibilities to

8
teachers with greater support, as amateur organisations, arts providers and policy makers recognise
the collective responsibility to shape and support those musical futures after school. Music
education needs to be about leaving opportunities open, not closing them down; offering routes and
role models for lifelong engagement, and articulating these possibilities for young people as part of
developing and sustaining their musical identities.

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