Zaragoza, Jessel , L.

III-BS HRM
Philippine History
NINOY’S CONTRIBUTION ON THE LAWS OF DEMOCRACY

The Filipino is wroth dying for, Ninoy said. But did the Filipino learn the value of his martyrdom?

President Marcos railroaded the 1973 Constitution just so he would remain in power. Yet Cha-Cha and the
Concorde were initiated under two Presidents. The people resisted the change, they remembered Ninoy, their
leaders did not die.

10,000 human rights victims, approximately only a third of those who were tortured, tormented, detained and
salvaged, joined in a class suit to collect damages for their sufferings from the Marcos heirs. A U.S. Federal Court
awarded the victims over $2 billion to be paid for by the Marcos heirs. The victims were ready to accept a much-
reduced sum of $150 million, but even the Philippine Government confesses to its inutility to enforce and satisfy
the judgment. Up to now they have not collected a centavo.

Meanwhile the Marcoses, unrepentant, are strutting around looking very much that they have over $2 billion.

Ninoy's murder is exhibit no. 1 for human rights violations. Yet only the small fries were convicted for his killing;
the masterminds have not been tried. Other than that, no one has been convicted criminally for human rights
violations.

The police of late behave like clones of the deadened security forces of Mr. Marcos. They bludgeon and clobber
even fleeting demonstrators, in a manner that is more savage than during the martial law years. What was EDSA if
not a massive demonstration of defiance and people power. Even Marcos did not order his loyalist armed forces to
fire upon them, but lesser men nowadays do not hesitate to order their men to beat up demonstrators.

Nobody knew, until after EDSA, the unbelievable extent of the ill-gotten wealth and plunder by the Marcoses and
his cronies. We had recovered some, but the startling thing is that the Marcos cronies are back with their
economic clout only after a brief forced vacation. Worst, a new set of cronies have risen, some more brazen and
callous than the Marcos cronies. As Ninoy said, only the batters change, the baseball game remains the same,
rigged, in favor of the favored.

No big fish of the Marcos era has been convicted for ill-gotten wealth. That encourages the bigger fish of the
present crop of cronies to covet more and more big deals.

Meanwhile, many of the well-off who fought Marcos and lost their fortunes during martial law were not able to
recover after EDSA.

Marcos, with his eyes set on the verdict of history, authored books explaining his New Society while his supporters
likewise wrote book after book justifying martial law and martial rule. The school textbooks in Philippine history
published during the Marcos regime extolled the virtues of Marcos' New Society. Public funds were spent for the
propaganda.

After EDSA, were they expunged from our history books? Empirical data indicate that they were not. On the
contrary, passages in these textbooks echo the Marcos' propaganda and justification for the declaration of martial
law, that it was imposed to save the Republic from anarchy, and the exigencies for the use of authoritarian powers.
References to the "vision" of Marcos peddle the "myth" that the New Society was benign if not desirable. The
Philippine textbooks are confoundingly mute on the extent of political repression, the widespread human rights
violation, the corruption and veniality during the Marcos regime.

The subtlety of the distortion of the truth is alarming. The systematic revision of history is masked by vain attempts
by the textbook writers at attribution to Marcos' claims, but this is buried in the acceptance of propaganda as
truth.

It is nothing short of tragic to note that today, the significance of both the Marcos dictatorship and the EDSA
Revolution seems to be lost on the current generation of high school students and probably even the general
public.

Taxpayers pay for the publication of these misleading texts? How can the government prosecute Marcos and at
the same time pay for the books that make them look good?

The government, in effect, is undermining the teaching of the values that Ninoy stood for. Not only are education
officials involved in the payola scandal, they don't even have the good sense to review the contents of history
books they order for distribution and reading by high school students.

The opposition to Marcos could be classified into roughly two distinct classes, namely, the armed struggle carried
out by the Communist Party of the Philippines through its military arm, and the New People's Army and the
Muslim secessionist movement of the MNLF on the one hand, and the unarmed parliamentary struggle on the
other.

Ninoy led the parliamentary struggle to dismantle the Marcos dictatorship and restore democracy, along with the
other advocates and defenders of freedom and justice.

But those were the days of living dangerously. The freedom fighters were few. Quite a number were arrested and
detained on orders of Marcos. But for 14 years they doggedly persisted in their opposition to the dictatorship.
After EDSA, they laid down the legal foundation of the government.

The lesson of history is clearly imperative. There can be no true representative of democracy without an
opposition party. So, has there been an opposition after EDSA? What has happened since EDSA is that we have had
opposition parties that operated like company unions?

After elections, winners just join the party of the elected President. Parties have thus lost their meaning. We see
careerism and crass opportunism in politics, the kind that has impoverished politics and given it a bad name.

Politicians have not learned from Ninoy, the quintessential politician. He detested martial law and all that it stood
for. So he refused to collaborate even if that meant solitary confinement in his prison cell.

How do the poor fare now? Those who were poor during martial law strikers were clubbed and died in the hands
of the constabulary when they dared form picket lines. Today, the no-strike dictum of Marcos is being revived by
the elitist cabinet members for the sake of fast-tracking development.

Ninoy the politician did not hide his ambition to be president. But he was ready to forfeit his dream and the
business of politics for a legacy. Perhaps he had in mind the verdict of history. After all he knew that the legacy of a
hero would endure more than the politics of a president.

Our memories of the past should reconcile with us with the discontents of the present. Forget the past and we
libel the present. A sense of history gives our leaders and us a sense of limits.
Ninoy had a bigger dream, that from his example, we as a people will draw the newfound strength that will rouse
our national spirit and build a creedal nation.

In that respect, Ninoy failed in his dream

PHILIPPINES DURING MARTIAL LAW PERIOD

n September 21, 1972, President Ferdinand E. Marcos placed the Philippines under Martial Law. The declaration
issued under Proclamation 1081 suspended the civil rights and imposed military authority in the country. Marcos
defended the declaration stressing the need for extra powers to quell the rising wave of violence allegedly caused
by communists. The emergency rule was also intended to eradicate the roots of rebellion and promote a rapid
trend for national development. The autocrat assured the country of the legality of Martial Law emphasizing the
need for control over civil disobedience that displays lawlessness. Marcos explained citing the provisions from the
Philippine Constitution that Martial Law is a strategic approach to legally defend the Constitution and protect the
welfare of the Filipino people from the dangerous threats posed by Muslim rebel groups and Christian vigilantes
that places national security at risk during the time. Marcos explained that martial law was not a military takeover
but was then the only option to resolve the country’s dilemma on rebellion that stages national chaos threatening
the peace and order of the country. The emergency rule, according to Marcos’s plan, was to lead the country into
what he calls a “New Society”.

Marcos used several events to justify martial law. Threat to the country’s security was intensifying following the re-
establishment of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) in 1968. Supporters of CPP’s military arm, the New
People’s Army, also grew in numbers in Tarlac and other parts of the country. The alleged attempt to the life of
then Minister of Defense Juan Ponce Enrile gave Marcos a window to declare Martial Law. Marcos announced the
emergency rule the day after the shooting incident. Marcos also declared insurgency in the south caused by the
clash between Muslims and Christians, which Marcos considered as a threat to national security. The Muslims
were defending their ancestral land against the control of Christians who migrated in the area. The minority group
organized the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) in Malaysia and pushed for the autonomy of Mindanao from
the national government.

The move was initially supported by most Filipinos and was viewed by some critics as a change that solved the
massive corruption in the country. Martial law ceased the clash between the executive and legislative branches of
the government and a bureaucracy characterized by special interest. Marcos started to implement reforms on
social and political values that hindered effective modernization. To match the accomplishments of its Asian
neighbors, Marcos imposed the need for self-sacrifice for the attainment of national welfare. His reforms targeted
his rivals within the elite depriving them of their power and patronage but did not affect their supporters (US
Library of Congress, Martial Law and the Aftermath).

Thirty-thousand opposition figures including Senator Benigno Aquino, journalists, student and labor activists were
detained at military compounds under the President’s command (Proclamation 1081 and Martial Law). The army
and the Philippine Constabulary seized weapons and disbanded private armies controlled by prominent politicians
and other influential figures (Proclamation 1081 and Martial Law). Marcos took control of the legislature and
closed the Philippine Congress (Proclamation 1081 and Martial Law). Numerous media outfits were either closed
down or operated under tight control (Proclamation 1081 and Martial Law). Marcos also allegedly funnelled
millions of the country’s money by placing some of his trusted supporters in strategic economic positions to
channel resources to him. Experts call this the “crony capitalism.”
The deterioration of the political and economic condition in the Philippines triggered the decline of support on
Marcos’ plans. More and more Filipinos took arms to dislodge the regime. Urban poor communities in the
country’s capital were organized by the Philippine Ecumenical Council for Community and were soon conducting
protest masses and prayer rallies. These efforts including the exposure of numerous human rights violations
pushed Marcos to hold an election in 1978 and 1981 in an aim to stabilize the country’s chaotic condition. Marcos,
in both events, won the election; however, his extended term as President of the Republic of the Philippines
elicited an extensive opposition against his regime. Social unrest reached its height after former Senator Benigno
Aquino was murdered. The incident sent thousands of Filipinos to the streets calling for Marcos’ removal from
post. Turning again to his electoral strategy, Marcos held a snap election in 1986 but what he hoped will satisfy the
masses only increased their determination to end his rule that seated Corazon Aquino, widow of Benigno Aquino,
as President of the Philippines ousting Marcos from Malacañang Palace and ending the twenty-one years of tyrant
rule.
Bajar, Kristeen, L.
III-BS HRM
Philippine History

NINOY’S CONTRIBUTION TO THE LAWS OF DEMOPCRACY

Ninoy's famous hour-long speech in Los Angeles, California in February 1981 has been viewed on Youtube 874,417
times (as of August 21, 2010 - 4:03 PM Dublin Time).

His tales about President Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos, the many actions that the President did to cling on to
power, human rights violations committed by his regime, the extravagance of the First Couple and many others
that viewers will suddenly find themselves laughing, angry, teary-eyed and inspired.

A funny story told by Senator Aquino entitled 'Marcos and the Psychopathic Patients,' which he narrated to the
crowd, during the speech in LA in 1981.

Here is a transcribed speech of Sen. Benigno Aquino Jr.

Marcos and the Japanese Businessman -

I have been asked by many people; what is the actual situation in the Philippines?

I think I owe it to a Japanese executive, one of the leading industries of Japan, whose company invested 450
million dollars in the Philippines. They set up a big plant in Mindanao. It was a sintering plant and this plant is now
completed, and this Japanese official came to the Philippines, and he spoke at the opening ceremonies.

I think this Japanese explained the situation in the Philippines very well. As you very well know, the Japanese have
a difficulty in pronouncing their r’s [l's] – Manila becomes “Manira”.

And so this Japanese gentleman stood up and said, “My dear Firipino peopre, you are very rocky, and I consider,”
he said, the Filipino people to be the most “rocky peopre” in Asia.

And the people were of course surprised; they wanted to know why they were lucky. He said, “You know why you
are rocky, you have a President who robs you, and you have a First Lady who robs you more.”

- Ninoy and the Tarlaqueno Barrio Captain -

And so dear friends, I was allowed by Mr. Marcos to go out for two weeks last year on Christmas after seven years
in prison. And I met an old barrio captain of mine from Tarlac. And this old barrio captain of mine never failed to
give me a sage advice.
He visited me, we broke bread, and then I sat down with him and I said, “Apo kakong ganoon, ito ba’y may
katapusan na? May katapusan pa ba ito?”
“Bakit?,” sabi niya.
“Eh ako kako’y inip na inip na. I’m very very impatient,” I said, “I already spent seven years. Is there any hope for
our redemption?”
“Hindi ko nga ika alam anak eh, kung matatapos ‘to. Napakatagal na ika, malapit na akong mamatay eh, hindi pa
ika natatapos. Pero alam mo, ikang ganoon, palagay ko matatapos din.”
“Eh kako, bakit? What is your reason?” Aba’y sabi niya, “Doon sa Iran ay meron isang tunay na Shah natapos, eh
itong atin na-shahan lamang eh.”

- Ninoy, Marcos and Presidential Decree No. 1737 -

Dear friends, last January 17, Mr. Marcos told the world martial law was lifted in the Philippines. It is very good
news. I mean if you’re all reading the headlines, you would say this is the greatest thing that happened after 8
years, martial law is lifted.
Freedom should be returned by now, and the Filipino people should be out in the street like V - J Day, like V - E
Day. They should be dancing in the street; they’d be shouting “Hallelujah!” And the bells should be ringing the Te
Deum.
But the announcement of Mr. Marcos was met with stony silence. Why? Because it was only a cruel deception.
Because three days before martial law was lifted allegedly in the Philippines, Mr. Marcos signed into a law
Presidential Decree No. 1737.
I did not know about this law until Senator Tañada came to me in Boston, and gave me this law. And when I saw
the number, I was stunned and I had cold chills in my back. It was Presidential Decree No. 1737, and this is exactly
the address of my office at Harvard, 1737 Cambridge Street.
Ako po’y ninerbyos. Hayop kako, sa dami ng numerong kumbinasyon, ito pa ang tinamaan ng sweepstakes.
Hindi ko man nalaman kung sinadya ito sa Maynila ngunit ito po’y hindi nagpatulog sa akin ng isang linggo sapagkat
this presidential decree says, An Act Providing For The Preservation Of Public Order And The Protection Of
Individual Rights And Liberties During Periods Of Emergency And Exercise Of Extraordinary Executive Powers,
signed by Marcos a few days by martial law.
Now let me read to you section 2, and I hope Danny Lamilla hears this very well.
Section 2 says and I quote, “Whenever in the judgment of the President/Prime Minister,” ‘yan po ay si Marcos
‘yan, President at Prime Minister, “there exist a grave emergency or a threat or imminence thereof, he,” Mr.
Marcos, “may issue such orders as he may deem necessary to meet the emergency including but not limited to
preventive detention.”
Ano pong ibig sabihin nitong preventive detention? The meaning of preventive detention is Mr. Marcos thinks that
next month, you will commit a crime, he can now order you arrested so you will not be able to commit your crime.
Anong klaseng batas iyan? Iniisip mo pa lang eh nabilanggo ka na eh. Aba’y hayop kako itong batas na ito. Eh kung
totoo ito, eh lahat ng lalaking diborsyado na nag-iisip pa lang magliligaw, patay na sa asawa.
Imagine my friends, in the mind of Mr. Marcos. He suspects next week you may commit a crime, the police can
arrest you in the Philippines today. Let me proceed, if in the mind of Mr. Marcos, you pose a great threat to
national security, he may restrain or restrict movement and other activities persons or entities with a view to
preventing them from acting in a manner prejudicial to the national interest or security or maintenance of public
order. He may direct the closure of any publication or other media of mass communication he may believe to be
subversive, banning or regulating the holding of entertainment or exhibitions detrimental to the national interest,
control admission to educational institutions whose operations are found prejudicial to the national security.
If there are many students who want to demonstrate, and that in his mind, is prejudicial to national security, he
may close the school or prevent those students from enrolling in those schools. And my friends, any violation of
this law entails an imprisonment for not less than thirty days and not exceeding one year.
So we have Mr. Marcos lifting martial law on one hand, and putting another law on the other, which is even worse
that the former martial law.

PHILIPPINE LIFE DURING MARTIAL LAW

Martial Law is the temporary superimposition of military government over civil government. This military-run
government is put into place in the event of war or serious national emergencies.

During such times, the military and its accompanying superiors take over the executive, legislative and judicial
functions normally delegated to the civil government by virtue of its constitution. As a consequence, the writ
habeas corpus, or the right of an individual in custody to be brought to court to determine whether such
incarceration is lawful, may be suspended indefinitely. This suspension of individual rights denies the person due
process of law.

Many reasons can be brought forward to explain why a government can bring forth such a Draconian system on its
populace. The are cases when civil unrest, such as this case of civil war, threaten to unravel a peaceful and
productive soviety. In such cases, maybe the imposition of Martial Law can be justified.

However, there are situations in which such measures are taken in order to cater to selfish and corrupt desires to
remain in power.

September 21 1972, President Ferdinand Edralin Marcos, President of the Republic of the Philippines signed
Proclamation No. 1081, placing the entire country under his firm grasp. On that fateful day, the course of
Philippine history would be changed forever, signaling the start of a new fight for freedom, not against a foreign
invader, but a mad dictator blinded by absolute power.

Under the guise of insurrection and by staging of several bogus "ambushes" on members of the cabinet, Marcos
manipulated, ever tailored events to justify the imposition of Martial Law. He cited rebel factions, seditious
Communist elements and Muslim extremists as reasons for his decision. In truth, many of the said elements were
disgruntled citizens who were fed up with the corruption of the Marcos government, decided to take matters into
their own hands.

Anyone who lived during that period of Martial Law will tell you that those times were the darkest times in
Philippine history. The common citizens were at the mercy of a man who had every intention of holding on to
power as if it was life itself.

Those were dark times indeed. As the write of habeas corpus was suspended, the military picked up and
incarcerated many innocent civilians on trumped up charges of sedition. More often than not, these people were
convicted without trial, and denied the due process of law. Curfew was imposed leaving many stranded in their
offices, unable to return to the refuge of their homes.

The right to assembly was also withheld, prompting many student and labor organizations to disband amidst
threats of arrest. The government controlled media and all its related resources; the successive right to freedom of
speech was non-existent. The law as it was intended to be simply ceased to be, all that existed was the whim of a
dictator who sat with the entire nation in his grasp.
It was during these hard times that the patriotic spirit of the Filipinos rekindled, many brave souls faced the
darkness and denounced the abuses being performed on the Filipino people under the guise of Martial Law.

However, the power of the dictator and his cronies were too great, slowly the corruption and greed overwhelmed
the new heroes. Many of these patriots "mysteriously" disappeared only to reappear as corpses. Many were
incarcerated for many years, denied the right to defend themselves in court. Those who were too influential such
as the case of Ninoy Aquino, were simply sent away, exiled to foreign lands and denied the chance to better their
country’s state.

The Philippine Republic simply ceased to exist in that one dark moment of history. The shadow of Martial Law will
always be remembered, as one of the truly tragic events that gripped this gallant nation.