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A case study of D. Russell Williams.

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 Russell Williams 1

RUNNING HEAD: Case Study of Russell Williams

A Case Study of Russell Williams

Margo C. Watt, PhDa,b and Sherry H. Stewartb,c

From the book: Explorations in Forensic Psychology: Cases in Criminal and Abnormal Behaviour

by Margo C. Watt Nelson Education Ltd (2015)

 Russell Williams 2

A Case Study of Russell Williams

Evil is unspectacular and always human

And shares our bed and eats at our own table...
~ W. H. Auden (Collected Poems)

INTRODUCTION
In October 2009, (David) Russell Williams was a 46-year-old decorated colonel and commander of the
Canadian Forces Base (CFB) in Trenton, Ontario - one of the largest and busiest air force bases in
Canada. Williams was regarded as a model military man, a "shining bright star,” who had advanced
quickly through the ranks over the course of his 23-year career. An elite pilot, he held various postings,
some of which involved transporting high-ranking government officials and foreign dignitaries such as
Queen Elizabeth II, the Prime Minister, and the Governor General of Canada. One year later (October
2010), Williams was a convicted serial killer and sexual predator. He was sentenced to serve two
concurrent life sentences, without parole eligibility for 25 years, for the brutal murders of 37-year-old
Corporal Marie-France Comeau and 27-year-old Jessica Lloyd. In addition, he received two 10-year
terms for two sexual assaults, and one year each for 82 fetish burglaries in which he stole women’s
underwear. Williams’ fall from grace rocked the military and shocked the country. How could such an
accomplished military man, in his mid-40s, happily married for 18 years, with no criminal record,
suddenly embark on such a heinous crime spree?

CLINICAL HISTORY
Russell Williams was born in Bromsgrove, England on March 7, 1963. He was the first child born to
Cedric David (“Dave”) Williams and Christine Nonie Williams. Williams’ brother, Harvey Rhys, was
born two years later. In 1968, his family immigrated to Ontario where his father had been hired as a
metallurgist at Chalk River Laboratories, Canada's premier nuclear research laboratory. Reportedly,
Williams’ father, Dave, was “a loud authoritarian figure” prone to insulting his wife in public (Appleby,
2011, p. 41). After relocating to Chalk River, the Dave and Christine Williams met another couple, Jerry
and Marilynn Sovkas, with whom they became good friends and spent a lot of time. In October 1969,
Christine Williams filed for divorce citing her husband’s affair with Lynn Sovkas as the reason. Within
five months, Christine Williams married Jerry Sovka, changed her name to Nonie Sovka, and moved to
Scarborough, Ontario (a suburb of Toronto). By age seven, Russell Williams had become Russ Sovka: a
well-behaved child, shy and polite, who grew into a reliable, self-disciplined, and fastidious teenager
(Appleby, 2011).

Williams (or Russ Sovka) started high school at Toronto's Birchmount Collegiate. He delivered The
Globe and Mail newspaper and took piano and trumpet lessons. In 1979, his family moved to South
Korea, where his stepfather had been recruited to oversee a nuclear reactor project. A year later, Williams
and his brother returned to Toronto, where they were enrolled at an elite boarding school, Upper Canada
College (UCC). Here, Williams participated in sports, drama, and music. In 1982, Williams went on to
study politics and economics at the University of Toronto’s Scarborough campus. While at university,
Williams resumed using his birth name, for what reason it is not clear. He also learned to fly at a local
municipal airport and established an intimate relationship with a young woman from Japan. Apparently,
he was very distressed when the relationship ended in his fourth year of university. When his efforts to
salvage the relationship failed, he withdrew from others and didn't date for a number of years afterward.

During his time at university, Williams had little contact with family members, rarely talked about
personal matters, and appeared to others to be rather lonely. His stepfather had moved on to become chief
engineer of the Canada-France-Hawaii Telescope, a state-of-the-art astronomical observing facility
located atop the summit of Mauna Kea, a dormant volcano located on the island of Hawaii. His biological
father had remarried and was living in Schenectady, New York, where he worked for General Electric.
 Russell Williams 3

Despite seeming lonely, Williams garnered a reputation for being a bit of a prankster – someone who
liked to hide in closets, for extended periods of time, only to jump out and surprise unsuspecting
roommates. It seems he also demonstrated some stealth in assembling and disassembling door locks as
required for his pranks.

After earning his degree, Williams spent another year in Scarborough, living alone in a basement
apartment, working part-time at the university, waiting on tables at Red Lobster, and watching the movie,
Top Gun, over and over. In Top Gun, actor Tom Cruise plays a hot-shot pilot who steps on the toes of
other students in his quest to be the best pilot and to win the affection of the female flight instructor.
Close friend, Jeff Farquhar, was concerned that Williams was living out a fantasy based on the movie Top
Gun. “Now he's going to be a jet fighter and win the girl back.”

After turning down an offer of employment with the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, Williams enrolled
in the Canadian Forces in 1987. He received his flying wings in 1990, and was posted to CFB Portage La
Prairie in Manitoba, where he served for two years as a flying instructor. In 1991, he was promoted to
captain. Also in 1991, Williams married Mary-Elizabeth Harriman in an intimate ceremony in Winnipeg,
MB. Harriman, a graduate of the University of Guelph with a degree in applied science, later earned a
master's in adult education from St. Francis Xavier University in Nova Scotia. In 1992, Williams was
posted to CFB Shearwater in Nova Scotia. In 1994, he was transferred to Ottawa, where he transported
VIPs, including high-ranking government officials and foreign dignitaries. He was promoted to major in
November and obtained a Master of Defence Studies from the Royal Military College in 2004. His thesis
argued for a pre-emptive war in Iraq. In June 2004, he was promoted to lieutenant-colonel and, in July, he
was appointed commanding officer of 437 Transport Squadron at CFB Trenton, Ont., a post he held for
two years. From December 2005 to May 2006, Williams also served as the commanding officer of Camp
Mirage, a covert logistics facility in Dubai, United Arab Emirates. In June 2006, he returned to Canada
and was posted to the Directorate of Air Requirements at National Defence Headquarters (NDHQ).
Williams returned to Canada with chronic pain for which he was prescribed a variety of drugs, including
prednisone. Acquaintances, such as neighbor Monique Murdoch, later confirmed that Williams had been
taking prednisone since returning from Dubai, and that the pain or the medications that combated it
contributed to his insomnia. Around the same time, Williams and his wife sold their house in Orleans and
bought a new townhouse in Ottawa’s trendy Westboro Village. By this time, Mary-Elizabeth had become
an associate executive director with the Heart and Stroke Foundation of Canada. The couple spent their
weekends together in Ottawa but, during the week, Williams lived alone in their cottage in Tweed. This
arrangement seems to have left him with a lot of alone time. In 2008, Williams’ 18-year-old cat, Curio,
had to be euthanized, which seems to have been a particularly painful loss. Following his arrest,
acquaintances recalled how distressed Williams had been by the loss of his cat. He even mentioned it two
or three times during his subsequent police interrogation.

In January 2009, Williams was posted to the Canadian Forces Language School in Gatineau, Quebec, for
a six-month period of French language training. During this time, he was promoted to colonel. In July
2009, Colonel Williams was sworn in as the Wing Commander at Canadian Forces Base Trenton.

As mentioned, in June 1991, Williams married Mary-Elizabeth Harriman. Reports indicate that the
marriage seemed to be a happy one. The two liked to golf and garden, as well as spend time at their
cottage in Tweed which they purchased in 2004. Williams’ Canadian Defence Department biography
described him as a keen photographer, fisherman, and runner. Over the years, it seems that Williams
remained closer to his father, Dave, than to his mother, Nonie. Today, his mother works as a
physiotherapist in Toronto. In 2001, when his mother petitioned for divorce from Jerry Sovka, Williams
severed ties with her and his brother, Harvey, a physician in Bowmanville, Ontario. His stepfather
relocated to Aix-en-Provence, France.
 Russell Williams 4

CRIMINAL HISTORY
Russell Williams had no formal criminal record prior to 2007. Reports indicate that he began breaking
into homes near his Tweed cottage in 2007 and near his Ottawa home in 2008. It seems he would scope
out neighbours’ homes and, if no one was home, he would enter and steal girls’ and women’s underwear
and other personal items (e.g., bathing suits, family photos, personal items). The lurid details of his
crimes were revealed in court. In one case, he broke into the home of a 12-year-old girl and spent almost
three hours taking pictures of himself posing in her underwear, standing in front of a mirror with a pink
piece of clothing draped across his erect penis, or laying on the bed masturbating. In another case,
pictures revealed him lying on the bed of a 15-year-old girl, masturbating and holding a stuffed bear.
Other photos revealed him licking or kissing underwear, some of which were blood-stained. Many of
Williams’ victims were unaware that their homes had been burglarized and some homes were burglarized
on more than one occasion. Evidence presented in court, and derived from his own record keeping,
revealed the escalation of his offending from frolicking nude in young girls’ bedrooms, to leaving notes
(e.g., “merci” on one girl’s computer), to leaving behind items which he had utilized for sexual purposes.
On one occasion, in July 2009, he disrobed and masturbated while watching an unsuspecting woman
prepare to take a shower. He then entered through the window and stole a pair of her underwear.

After 62 successful break-and-enters, Williams graduated to sexual assault in September 2009. His first
victim (“Jane Doe”) testified that she was asleep in her Tweed home with her infant daughter, when a
man broke in, bound and blindfolded her, fondled her breasts, and took pictures of her while she was
naked. He remained in the home for two hours, all the while reassuring her that he would not harm her or
her baby. A few hours later, Williams was planning an upcoming charity event with members of the
Criminal Intelligence Service of Ontario. Two weeks later, he assaulted Laurie Massicotte in her home.
He had visited Massicotte’s home on a number of previous occasions when she wasn’t home and had
stolen pieces of lingerie. Massicotte awoke to someone punching her in the head. He then blindfolded and
restrained her, and forced her to assume pornographic poses while he took pictures. Indeed, it seems he
made it clear to her that he was more concerned with getting pictures than with raping her. Interestingly,
at one point in the three hours of terror, Williams apologized to Massicotte for punching her in the head
and allowed her to take some aspirin (Appleby, 2011).

In November 2009, Williams’ criminal behaviour escalated further when he stalked and killed Corporal
Marie-France Comeau, a 37-year-old military flight attendant based at CFB Trenton. Comeau discovered
him hiding in the basement of her home, at which point he struck her repeatedly with a flashlight. Despite
her best efforts to fend him off, Comeau was eventually rendered unconscious, her face wrapped in duct
tape. For two hours, Williams’ repeatedly raped, tortured, and tormented Comeau; all the while,
videotaping his escapade. In a final act of cruelty and despite Comeau’s desperate pleas for mercy,
Williams placed a piece of duct tape over the one remaining air hole for her nose. He watched her die,
cleaned up the scene, and then went to work at the Base.

Williams’ break-ins seemed to stop following Comeau’s murder. In late January 2010, he broke into the
home of Jessica Lloyd, a 27-year-old resident of Belleville, a community near Tweed. He blindfolded her
with duct tape and bound her hands with rope. For three hours, he sexually assaulted Lloyd, including
forcing her to perform fellatio. Then, he took her to his cottage in Tweed where the torture continued for
another 21 hours. Finally, after reassuring her that he would not kill her, he clubbed Lloyd with his
flashlight and strangled her. Williams carefully documented (via photo and video) all the details of
Lloyd’s torture and death. He left her body in the garage and went to work. Three days later, he returned
to his cottage, retrieved her body, and dumped it elsewhere. Lloyd’s family reported her missing
immediately. Investigators identified distinctive tire tracks left in the snow near Lloyd's home. One week
after her disappearance, the Ontario Provincial Police conducted an extensive canvassing of all motorists
using the highway near Lloyd’s home looking for the unusual tire treads. Williams was stopped and an
 Russell Williams 5

officer noticed that his tire treads resembled those left near Lloyd’s home. Unbeknownst to Williams, at
the time, he was immediately placed under police surveillance.

Police investigators subsequently matched Williams’ tire treads to the treads near Lloyd's home.
On February 7, 2010, Williams was asked to present at Ottawa Police Service headquarters. For ten hours,
he was interrogated, presented with the evidence (matching tire treads, foot prints) and eventually
confessed to his many crimes. In his confession, Williams gave details of his crimes, including the sexual
assaults in Tweed and 82 fetish break-ins and burglaries. Williams also directed police to his treasure
trove of mementos hidden inside his Ottawa home and at his cottage in Tweed. His collection included
the thousands of images he had taken of his victims. He then identified on a map where he had disposed
of Jessica Lloyd’s body. When asked why he committed the crimes, Williams replied: “I don’t know the
answers, and I’m pretty sure the answers don’t matter.”

Williams was arraigned and remanded into custody on Monday, February 8, 2010. Hours after the
announcement of Williams' arrest, police services across the country reopened unsolved homicide cases
involving young women in areas where Williams had previously been stationed. Police began looking at
other unsolved cases based on a full statement that Williams gave to police. In addition to the four
primary incidents, police investigated 48 cases of theft of women's underwear dating back to 2006. Police
searches of his Ottawa home, revealed stolen lingerie all neatly stored, catalogued, and concealed.

In April 2010, while incarcerated at the Quinte Detention Centre in Napanee, Ontario, Williams was
placed on suicide watch after he tried to kill himself by wedging a stuffed cardboard toilet paper roll
down his throat. After his aborted suicide attempt and a short-lived hunger strike, he remained in solitary
confinement, under 24-hour watch. On October 18, 2010, Williams pleaded guilty to all charges before
the Ontario Superior Court of Justice. Evidence presented at trial revealed that Williams also had
pedophile tendencies, stealing underwear of girls as young as nine years of age. Following the trial,
evidence emerged to indicate that he also possessed child pornography. As a condition of his plea bargain,
however, child pornography was not to be part of his parcel of charges. Williams pleaded guilty to 82
fetish home invasions and attempted break-ins between September 2007 and November 2009, 61 of
which were either undetected or unreported.

Williams’ apparent rapid progression from fetish break-ins to sexual assaults with no penetration to rape
and murder within the span of two years stymied the pundits. Williams carefully documented his crimes
via thousands of photos and videos. Numerous pictures were presented at trial showing Williams dressed
in underwear and bras that he had stolen. Frequently, these pictures displayed Williams masturbating
while lying on the beds of his victims. He even maintained a detailed account of police reports of his
crimes. Interestingly, it is not unusual for sexual killers to maintain records of their acts or to keep
mementos so as to be able to revisit the experience. According to Dr. Angela Hegarty, a forensic
psychiatrist from Creedmoor Psychiatric Center and Columbia University in New York, such meticulous
records allow the perpetrator to “recreate the Proust moment, the ‘biting into the madeleine’ that brings
back the rich memory” (Austin & Carey, 2010).

Russell Williams sat alone in court at the time of his sentencing on October 22, 2010. According to some
accounts, he seemed genuinely ashamed and was tearful in expressing remorse for his crimes.
Handwritten letters, which he had composed and were released by the Court, included his apologies to
Jessica Lloyd’s mother and Marie-France Comeau’s father, the victims of his sexual assaults, and his
wife. “Dearest Mary-Elizabeth, I love you, Sweet [illegible]. I am so sorry for having hurt you like this. I
know you’ll take good care of sweet Rosie [their cat]. I love you, Russ” (Appleby, 2011, p. 226). In all
likelihood, Williams will spend the rest of his life confined to an isolated prison cell in Kingston
Penitentiary.
 Russell Williams 6

According to the FBI and RCMP, Williams does not meet the criteria for a “serial killer” because he did
not kill three people. For practical purposes, however, we refer to him as a serial killer especially as there
seems no doubt that, had he not been apprehended, he would have killed again. In what is believed to be a
first for the military, Williams' uniform was destroyed by burning – a symbolic exorcism.

DSM-5 DIAGNOSIS
On the basis of available information, it appears that Russell Williams could meet the criteria for a
number of possible diagnoses according to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 5th
ed.(DSM-5, 2013). These diagnoses include paraphilic disorders such as Transvestic Disorder (302.3);
Sexual Sadism (302.84); and Pedophilia (Exclusive Type) / Pedohebephilic Disorder (302.2); as well as
personality disorders such as Narcissistic Personality Disorder (301.81): Antisocial Personality Disorder
(301.82); Obsessive Compulsive Personality Disorder (301.83); Avoidant Personality Disorder (301.84)

Paraphilic Disorders
Russell Williams would appear to meet the diagnostic criteria for more than one paraphilic disorder or
paraphilia. The term “paraphilia” was originally coined by Viennese-born psychotherapist Wilhelm Stekel
(1925). The word derives from the Greek para meaning "beside or aside" and philos meaning "loving”
and first appeared in the DSM in 1980 as a more dignified label than perversion (Paraphilia, n.d.). The
DSM-5 (2013) defines paraphilia as a disorder characterized by “intense and persistent sexual interest
other than interest in genital stimulation or preparatory fondling with phenotypically normal, physically
mature, consenting human partners” (p. 685). The paraphilic focus (i.e., focus of arousal) may involve:
nonhuman objects (e.g., women’s underpants); the infliction of physical pain or suffering, including
humiliation, of self (i.e., masochism) or one’s partner (i.e., sexual sadism); and/or prepubescent children
or other non-consenting persons. To meet the diagnostic criteria, the sexual fantasies, urges, and
behaviours must have persisted over a period of at least six months (Criterion A); the person must have
acted on these urges, which has resulted in significant distress or impairment in important domains
(social, occupational, interpersonal) of functioning (Criterion B).

Many paraphilias are criminal in nature (e.g., pedophilia, necrophilia, frotteurism, sexual sadism with a
non-consenting partner) (Arrigo & Purcell, 2001). They are seldom diagnosed in females and rarely
diagnosed in general clinical settings (DSM-5, 2013). There may be a higher prevalence of paraphilias in
the community (vs. clinical settings) based on the apparent burgeoning commercial market in paraphilic
pornography and paraphernalia. Often, multiple paraphilias are found in one individual although,
typically, one type or manifestation of deviant sexual behaviour becomes dominant until it is replaced by
another. The average number of paraphilias is 4.8 per person (Arrigo, 2008). Abel, Mittelman, and Becker
(1985) found that 18% of sadists also were masochistic, 46% had engaged in rape, 21% in exhibitionism,
25% in voyeurism and frottage, and about one-third in pedophilia. Others (e.g., Dietz, Hazelwood, &
Warren, 1990) have noted an overlap between serious sexual sadism and transvestic fetishism, which we
discuss next.

Transvestic Disorder (302.81)

It seems that Russell Williams’ paraphilic behaviours may have begun with transvestic fetishism,
targeting female undergarments and sex toys. Literally speaking, the term ‘transvestism’ means to wear
the clothing of the opposite sex, however, transvestic fetishism appears to be exclusive to biological
males. According to the DSM-5 (2013), the diagnostic criteria for transvestic disorder requires a period of
at least six months, during which time the heterosexual male experiences “recurrent and intense sexual
arousal from cross-dressing, as manifested by fantasies, urges, and behaviors” (p.702) (Criterion A),
which cause clinically significant distress or impairment in functioning (Criterion B). The diagnostician is
supposed to specify if the disorder is accompanied by fetishism (i.e., “sexually aroused by fabrics,
materials, or garments”; p. 702) or by autogynephilia (i.e., “sexually aroused by thoughts or images of
self as female”; p. 702).
 Russell Williams 7

According to Saddock and Saddock (2009), cross-dressing may begin in childhood as a self-soothing
activity but usually does not become sexualized until adolescence. The child might spontaneously and
surreptitiously cross-dress in his mother’s clothing or the activity might be initiated by his mother or a
mother surrogate. Interpersonal sexuality seldom measures up to the intensity of the fetishistic arousal and
it is not unusual for the individual with transvestic fetishism to report having had only one or two sexual
partners. It also is not unusual for these individuals to seek employment in hyper-masculine professions
(e.g., race care driving, munitions operations). Interestingly, some carry photographs of themselves
dressed as women, while others habitually wear hidden female undergarments. Presumably, these
symbols of cross-dressing serve to enhance the illusion of being a woman, even while dressed as a man
(Saddock & Saddock, 2009). Evidence presented at trial included at least one picture of Russell Williams
in his uniform wherein he appears to be wearing female undergarments.

During the police interrogation, Russell Williams disclosed that he had become interested in women’s
underwear in his 20s or 30s, but did not act on it until a few years ago. It is not clear whether Williams
has issues related to gender identity and/or autogynephilia. Interestingly, it is not unusual for males with
transvestic disorder to display compensatory behaviours such as associating with “macho organizations”,
like the military or paramilitary organizations (Barlow, Durand, and Stewart, 2009, p.370). Moreover, it
seems that wives will often accept their husbands’ behaviour and be supportive providing it remains a
private matter between them. In their study of more than 1000 cases of transvestic fetishism, Doctor and
Prince (1997) found that 60% of their sample was married at the time of the survey. It is not known
whether Russell Williams’ wife was aware of his transvestic fetish. This question is examined further
later in the present paper.

Sexual Sadism Disorder (302.84)

The term “sadism” is derived from the proper name of the Marquis de Sade, a French aristocrat who
became notorious for writing novels around the theme of inflicting pain as a source of sexual pleasure.
The first scientific study of sexual homicide, Psychopathia Sexualis: eine Klinisch-Forensische Studie
(Sexual Psychopathy: A Clinical-Forensic Study), was conducted by German psychiatrist Richard von
Krafft-Ebing in 1886. von Krafft-Ebbing cited eight varieties of sexual sadism categorized by severity:
major sadism (i.e., lust murder, necrophilia, injury of women by stabbing or flagellation) and minor
sadism (i.e., defilement of women, other types of assault on women such as symbolic sadism via cutting
off her hair, whipping boys, sadism towards animals, and ideational sadism or sadistic fantasies without
the occurrence of any sexual acts) (Gannon & Ward, 2008).

According to the DSM-5 (2013), the diagnostic criteria for sexual sadism requires that, for a period of at
least six months, the individual has experienced “recurrent and intense sexual arousal from the physical
or psychological suffering of another person, as manifested by fantasies, urges, or behaviors” (p. 695)
(Criterion A). The person must have “acted on these sexual urges with a non-consenting person, or the
sexual urges or fantasies have caused “clinically significant distress or impairment in social,
occupational, or other important areas of functioning” (p. 695) (Criterion B). Sadistic fantasies or acts
usually involve having complete control over the victim, and may involve activities that indicate the
dominance of the person over the victim. These acts may involve restraint, blindfolding, beating, rape,
strangulation, torture, mutilation, or killing. The DSM-5 (2013) suggests that sexual sadism is probably
present in the individual early but its manifestation as a disorder may vary with fluctuate. The DSM-5
cites one study that reported a mean age of onset among males as 19.4 years age. When sexual sadism is
practiced with non-consenting partners, the activity is likely to be repeated until the person is
apprehended, with the severity of the sadistic acts increasing over time. Interestingly, sexual sadists who
commit murder often employ asphyxiation, as did Russell Williams. According to Brittain (1970),
asphyxiation confers the sadist with “god-like power” to give victims their lives or to snatch it away. This
method of killing also allows the sadist to play with his victim “like a cat with a mouse” (p. 204).
 Russell Williams 8

According to Brittain (1970), if the victim resists, as did Marie-France Comeau, the sadist will become
more brutal and determined.

Most sexual sadists have strong and persistent fantasies in which sexual excitement results from suffering
inflicted on the partner, consenting or not. Sexual sadism is not the same as rape; indeed, sexual sadism is
diagnosed in less than 10% of rapists. Fromm (1977) proposed that at the “core of sadism … is the
passion to have absolute and unrestricted control over living beings” (p. 383). Others too have suggested
that power and control become eroticized feelings in the sadist (see Hucker, 1998). Sexual sadism is
particularly dangerous when associated with psychopathy, which is described below, and this
combination of disorders is particularly resistant to psychiatric treatment. Rates of psychopathy are higher
among sexual killers as compared to general sexual offenders (Langevin, 2003) with 58-96% of sexual
homicide perpetrators meeting criteria for psychopathy (Meloy, 2000, & Stone, 1998). Others (e.g.,
Murphy & Vess, 2003) have suggested that sexual sadists may represent a distinct subset of psychopaths.

Sexual sadism has been found to be comorbid with a number of Axis II disorders, including narcissistic
(Dietz et al., 1990), schizoid (Stone, 2001), antisocial (Berner et al., 2003), and obsessive-compulsive
personality disorder (Brittain, 1970). Other features common to sexual sadists include drug and alcohol
abuse (Dietz et al., 1990, Langevin, 2003; Stone, 2001). Hazelwood, Dietz, and Warren (1992) found that
of the 30 sexual sadists in their study, one-half used alcohol or other drugs, one-third served in the Armed
Forces and 43% were married at the time of the offence. Forty-three percent of the men participated in
homosexual activity as adults, 20 percent engaged in cross-dressing, and 20% had committed other sexual
offences, such as peeping, obscene phone calls, and indecent exposure. Interestingly, more severe sadists
have been found to be higher functioning than both less severe sadists and other sexual offenders, leading
some to theorize that their sophistication can actually help them to plan and execute more elaborate
offenses, as well as evade detection by law enforcement (Gratzer & Bradford, 1995; Prentky et al., 1989).

Pedophilic Disorder (302.2) / Pedohebephilic Disorder

Whether or not Russell Williams meets the criteria for pedophilia is the subject of some debate. Reports
indicate that he targeted the bedrooms of female minors in 13 of the 48 homes he burglarized and that
child pornography was found on his computers. He leveraged the latter in his plea bargain (apparently, he
found it more palatable to admit to sexual assaults and murder than not child pornography). Literally
speaking, pedophilia means “child lover” although most people would agree it is a misnomer. The
diagnostic criteria for pedophilia in the DSM-5 (2013, p. 697) requires that the person has experienced
“recurrent, intense sexually arousing fantasies, sexual urges, or behaviors involving sexual activity with
a prepubescent child or children (generally age 13 years or younger)” persisting for at least six months
(Criterion A). “The person has acted on these sexual urges, or the sexual urges or fantasies cause marked
distress or interpersonal difficulty” (Criterion B); and “the individual is at least age 16 years and at least
five years older than the child or children in Criterion A” (Criterion C). The diagnostician is instructed to
specify if the focus of the sexual attraction is exclusive or nonexclusive; directed at , females, or both; and
if it is limited to incest.

Marshall (1997) has criticized the DSM for ignoring the existence of patients whose erotic interest is
focused on pubescent or post-pubescent rather than prepubescent children; otherwise known as
‘hebephiles’. Blanchard et al. (2009) investigated the concept of hebephilia by examining the agreement
between self-reported sexual interests and objectively recorded penile responses in the laboratory. The
participants were 881 men who were referred for clinical assessment because of paraphilic, criminal, or
otherwise problematic sexual behavior. Between-groups comparisons showed that penile responding
distinguished such men from those who reported maximum attraction to prepubescent children and from
those who reported maximum attraction to fully grown persons. Blanchard et al.’s research supports the
contention that hebephilia is a discriminable erotic age-preference. These findings supported the
recommendation of the DSM-V Work Group (APA, 2010) to use the more inclusive term of
 Russell Williams 9

pedohebophilic disorder, although the term did not find its way into the DSM-5 (APA, 2013). According
to Levenson (2004, p. 360), practitioners evaluating patients for civil commitment under sexually violent
predator statutes often diagnosed such patients with “Paraphilia NOS (Hebephilia)” or what would now
be known as Unspecified Paraphilic Disorder (302.9) (APA, 2013).

Personality Disorders
It is not clear if Russell Williams meets the criteria for a personality disorder. According to the DSM-
5(2000), a personality disorder is: “an enduring pattern of inner experience and behavior that deviates
markedly from the expectations of the individual’s culture, is pervasive and inflexible, has an onset in
adolescence or early adulthood, is stable over time, and leads to distress or impairment” (p.645). The
DSM-5 describes 10 types of personality disorders falling within three clusters. Cluster A (odd/eccentric)
includes paranoid, schizoid, and schizotypal. Cluster B (dramatic/erratic) includes histrionic, narcissistic,
antisocial, and borderline. Cluster C (anxious/fearful) includes avoidant, dependent, obsessive-
compulsive).

The DSM-V Work Group (APA, 2010) had recommended that antisocial personality disorder be
reformulated as the antisocial/psychopathic type. Psychopathy, as measured by the Psychopathy Checklist
- Revised (PCL-R; Hare, 1991), is characterized by a lack of conscience or sense of guilt, lack of
empathy, egocentricity (malignant narcissism), pathological lying, repeated violations of social norms,
disregard for the law, shallow emotions, and a history of victimizing others. Some authors (e.g., Dietz et
al., 1990) have argued that sexual sadists must be antisocial psychopaths or narcissists; however, the
research evidence suggests otherwise. For example, a study by Holt, Meloy, and Stack (1999) found no
significant link between psychopathy, as measured by the PCL-R, and sexual sadism.

On the other hand, Meloy (2000) asserts that most sexual homicide perpetrators display features of
narcissistic and psychopathic personality disorders whether or not they meet the threshold for diagnosis.
According to Meloy (2000), narcissistic features are evident in the perpetrator’s sense of entitlement,
grandiosity, and emotional detachment; psychopathic features are evident in his predation, cruelty toward
others, deceptiveness, and manipulation. Meloy asserts that, when seen in the sexual homicide
perpetrator, these features are even less adaptive and more dysfunctional than in other narcissistic or
psychopathic individuals. For example, despite similar levels of anger and entitlement, men who
perpetrate sexual homicide tend to be more obsessional, more prone to depressive rumination, and are
more affectionately “hungry” or needy as compared to non-sexually offending psychopaths (see Meloy,
2000).

Others such as Proulx, Blais, and Beauregard (2006) have suggested that sexual sadists may function in a
mode characterized by avoidant (introversion, low self-esteem) and/or schizoid (solitary) personality
features in their everyday interpersonal relationships, but adopt a psychopathic functioning mode (lack of
empathy) in their sexual fantasies and sexual offences. Avoidant personality disorder includes “a
pervasive pattern of social inhibition, feelings of inadequacy, and hypersensitivity to negative evaluation”
(p. 672); whereas schizoid personality disorder involves “a pervasive pattern of detachment from social
relationships and a restricted range of expression of emotions in interpersonal settings” (p. 652) (DSM-5,
2013). Millon and Davis (1996) have suggested that individuals with avoidant personality disorder and
antisocial-psychopathic personality disorder share common features. Based on the assumption that both
have been exposed to violence in childhood, both are presumed to share mistrust and hostility and a
propensity for violence as adults. The difference, according to Millon and Davis (1996), is that the
avoidant personality expresses his propensity for violence in fantasies and more spasmodically in sexual
offences, whereas the antisocial-psychopathic personality expresses it regularly in his interpersonal
relationships. It is not clear that Williams would meet the criteria for either avoidant or schizoid
personality disorder but anecdotal evidence from various acquaintances throughout his life suggests that
he was socially limited and interpersonally guarded.
 Russell Williams 10

Whereas no research to date has examined the prevalence of obsessive-compulsive personality disorder
(OCPD) among sexual sadists who perpetrate homicide, clinical and forensic evidence suggests that this
may be a plausible hypothesis. For example, von Krafft-Ebing identified obsessive compulsive traits as
being a feature of sexual sadism. Brittain (1970) too described self-reports of obsessive-compulsive
features by serial sexual murders. Although there is no evidence of a definitive diagnosis, associates of
Russell Williams have described features of his personality and behaviour that would be consistent with a
diagnosis of OCPD. While at university, he demanded cleanliness and orderliness – both for himself and
others - and maintained an account of every penny he spent (McArthur, 2010). His friend Jeff Farquhar
has recounted how Russell was unable to tolerate fingerprints on his stainless steel fridge without wiping
them off (CBC). All his digital photos were stored and catalogued on individual memory sticks, with each
stick assigned to its own cardboard box and clear plastic baggy. According to Farquhar, “It was like you
had walked into somebody’s museum. Everything was painstakingly organized” (McArthur, 2010).

According to the PCL-R criteria, Russell Williams would not meet the threshold for diagnosis of
psychopathy. Indeed, his lack of prior criminal history or socially deviant lifestyle; lack of impulsivity or
irresponsibility, glibness or superficial charm; coupled with an apparent capacity for remorse and guilt
(albeit limited, perhaps) would argue against his being diagnosed as a psychopath. On the other hand, his
callous disregard for his victims is consistent with psychopathy. Anecdotal evidence suggests that
Williams exhibits traits consistent with narcissism (e.g., lack of empathy, sense of entitlement, arrogance,
an expectation of compliance with his wishes), avoidant (sensitivity to rejection, socially inhibited) or
schizoid personality disorder (loner, lacking close friends, emotionally detached). Stone (1994; as cited in
Stone, 1998) found that 40% of the 42 serial murderers in his biographical study met the criteria for
schizoid personality disorder. The paucity of research in this area precludes drawing any definitive
conclusions about personality pathology in sexual sadists generally, and in Russell Williams, specifically.

Chronic Pain
Reports indicate that Russell Williams served a six-month tour of duty in Dubai in 2005, following which
he developed an unspecified chronic pain condition and started taking prednisone. Prednisone is used to
treat a variety of inflammatory and autoimmune diseases and, at least anecdotally, has been linked to
violent behaviour. In an anonymous letter to the Toronto Star, a writer claiming to be a former coworker
said that Williams had been on strong medications that changed his behavior. Another unnamed source to
the Toronto Star identified the drug as prednisone. Apparently, a neighbour also confirmed that Williams
had been taking prednisone since returning from Dubai, and that either the pain or the medications
contributed to his insomnia. Whereas chronic pain, prednisone ingestion, and sleep deprivation would
have added to his stress, these factors in and of themselves could not account for the magnitude of his
offending behaviour.

CASE FORMULATION USING THE INTEGRATIVE MODEL

The integrative model highlights the role of biological, psychological, and social factors in the origins and
maintenance of mental health / forensic conditions. Unlike models of other disorders, such as panic
disorders and major depression, there is limited scientific support for the integrative model of paraphilia,
particularly as pertains to potential biological dimensions (e.g., excessive sexual arousal) (Barlow &
Durand, 2009). Nonetheless, Barlow and Durand (2009) suggest that the integrative model may be useful
in treatment planning.

According to the integrative model of paraphilia, certain formative factors in childhood and adolescence
may contribute to one’s vulnerability for developing a paraphilia. These factors include inappropriate
sexual associations or experiences, inadequate development of consensual adult arousal patters, and
inadequate development of appropriate social skills (see Barlow & Durand, 2009). Other factors, such as
recurrent reinforcement of sexual fantasies via masturbation, can further exacerbate an individual’s
 Russell Williams 11

vulnerability. Indeed, according to Kingston, Ontario-based forensic psychologist, Michael Seto (2008),
deviant masturbatory fantasies are considered key to the maintenance of various paraphilias and are the
primary target of most treatment interventions. Hollin (1997) advises that a careful diagnostic assessment
of sexual sadism must include evaluation of the following key elements: (1) fantasy (the scenario for the
offence), (2) symbolism (fetishes associated with sadism), (3) ritualism (repetitive behaviour), and (4)
compulsion (the drive to enact the fantasy).

Consistent with the integrative model, theoretical models of violence resulting in murder, such as Purcell
and Arrigo’s (2006) integrated paraphilic model (IPM), similarly focus on the important role of deviant
sexual fantasy for initiating offender behaviour. The IPM proposes four components to explain the
systemic composition of paraphilic behaviour: (1) formative development (e.g., predispositional factors,
traumatic events); (2) low self-esteem; (3) early fantasy development; and (4) paraphilic development -
paraphilic fantasy/stimuli, facilitators (i.e., things that may fuel violent fantasies such as drugs and
pornography), and the orgasmic conditioning process). The first three components are considered
etiological agents; the latter are viewed as interactive elements. We will look at each of these four
components in turn.

1. Formative Development: Predispositonal Factors

In his 1886 book, Psychopathia Sexualis, Richard von Krafft-Ebing suggested that the origins of sexual
sadism reside in the genes. Certainly, neurobiological factors, such as abnormalities of the frontal and
temporal lobes, as well as intrauterine hormone events (Quinsey, 2003) have been implicated in the
development of sexual sadism. Abnormalities of the right frontal lobe are commonly seen in sadistic
sexual offenders (Hucker, 1997; Money, 1990), but it is not clear whether these are genetic or the result of
head trauma. Temporal lobe epilepsy and left hemisphere impairment also have been implicated as
possible sources of sexual aggression and paraphilic preoccupation (Kolarsky, Freund, Machek, & Polak,
1967). Hormones, however, have garnered the most research attention with the most consistent finding
being that antiandrogen agents (e.g., cyproterone acetate and medroxyprogesterone acetate [MPA]),
which reduce steroid hormones (e.g., testosterone), are effective in reducing the sexual fantasies and
behaviours of sexually aggressive offenders (see summary by Walters, 1997).

Money (1990) considered all paraphilias, including sexual sadism, to be diseases of the brain, particularly
those areas of the brain responsible for sexual arousal, mating behavior and reproduction of the species
(i.e., the limbic system). The limbic system, which includes the amygdala, the hippocampus, and the
hypothalamus, is responsible for predation and attack in defense of both the self and the species. Money
(1990) proposed that, in sexual sadism, the brain becomes pathologically activated to transmit messages
of attack simultaneously with messages of sexual arousal and mating behavior.

It is generally agreed that any innate capacity for sexual sadism requires the presence of specific
developmental factors that favour its emergence. Clinical studies (e.g., Brittain, 1970) have identified
certain factors in early childhood and adolescence that seem to put individuals at risk for sexual sadism.
Drawing on his 20 years of clinical experience, Brittain concluded that early childhood experiences (e.g.,
an overprotective and controlling mother, acts of violence by an authoritarian father) contributed to an
insecure attachment style. Revitch and Schlesinger (see Schlesinger, 1998) proposed that underlying most
compulsive sexual murders is a combination of hostility toward women, preoccupation with maternal
sexual conduct, overt or covert incestuous preoccupation, guilt over sex and rejection of sex as impure,
and feelings of sexual inferiority. Reportedly, some unhealthy emotional involvement with the mother
(e.g., rejection, seduction, witnessing mother’s promiscuity) is not uncommon. Supporting this
proposition, Ansevics and Doweiko (1991) found that ten of the 11 sexual murderers in their study had
experienced significant rejection by a female (not necessarily the mother) in adulthood.

Interestingly, the profile of sexual sadists that Brittain proposed in 1970 rings eerily true for
 Russell Williams 12

Russell Williams. According to Brittain, the sadist is shy, anxious, introverted, socially isolated
but of superior intelligence. He is studious, punctual, meticulous, prudish; disinclined to consume alcohol.
In the aftermath of his arrest, former roommates from boarding school remarked on how difficult it had
been to carry on a basic conversation with Williams. Others commented on his abstinence from partying,
his monk-like discipline for study, and his precision in folding laundry (McArthur & Freeze, 2010).
According to Brittain, the sadist has little sexual experience and difficulty achieving an erection with a
partner, which contributes to feelings of inadequacy and inferiority vis-a-vis other men. On the other
hand, his secret life of sexual fantasies and paraphilic behaviours contributes to feelings of superiority.
Reports indicate that Williams had limited sexual experience prior to marriage. Brittain suggested that the
sadist would be drawn to books and films with themes of enslavement and suffering (e.g.,
sadomasochistic pornography) but, paradoxically, be very fond of animals. A number of associates
commented on Williams’ apparent fondness for his cats – Curio and Rosebud - and his distress at having
to have Curio euthanized. According to Brittain, the sadist would be seen as good mannered, effeminate
and fussy – a place for everything and everything in its place. Reportedly, Williams kept his university
room spotless and encouraged his roommates to wear slippers. Brittain found that sadists were not prone
to overt expressions of anger but were inclined to dress up in women’s clothing. Brittain also found that
these men, like Williams, were often fond of photography and some of those with transvestic tendencies,
again like Williams, derived pleasure from photographing themselves and others in pornographic poses.
Few of the sexual sadists with whom Brittain was familiar had previous criminal convictions except,
perhaps, for sexual nuisance offences (e.g., exhibitionism, voyeurism, scatologia – obscene phone calls).
Russell Williams’ post-offence conduct, such as being able to function so effectively is his job, also is
consistent with Brittain’s (1970) findings. According to Brittain, after the crime has been completed, the
individual may feel relaxed and he may experience a great relief of tension. This could explain why, only
hours after murdering Cpl. Marie-France Comeau, he drove to Ottawa for a meeting about the purchase of
a transport plane and, only hours after Jessica Lloyd’s murder, he was able to pilot some of his troops to a
training exercise in California.

1. Formative Development: Traumatic Events

Following their investigation of the motivational factors in 36 sexual murderers, Burgess et al. (1986)
proposed that there are two types of traumatic experiences that can adversely impact a child’s
development; normative (e.g., illness, divorce, death) and non-normative (e.g., physical, psychological, or
sexual trauma). Burgess et al. assert that traumatic experiences within the context of an ineffective social
environment (e.g., insecure attachment, inadequate or inappropriate parental modelling) can leave the pre-
adolescent feeling unprotected and confused. Moreover, such experiences might shape developing
thinking patterns, including daydreams and fantasies, which provide escape from a troubling or
frightening reality wherein the child lacks control. Arrigo (2008) suggests that fantasy enables the child to
have “ultimate control and dominion over any situation manufactured or any individual imagined;”
fantasy may become a substitute for prosocial relationships (p. 11).

In their study of sexual murderers, Burgess et al. (1986) identified certain commonalities including a
sense of social isolation, preferences for autoerotic activities, fetishes, and a sense of privilege and
entitlement. Others (Ressler et al., 1988) too have noted social isolation among these offenders, as well as
daydreaming and compulsive masturbation. According to Hickey (1997), social isolation coupled with
feelings of inadequacy, self-doubt, and anger arising from trauma and rejection, can interact to form
violent fantasies. Social isolation arising at the same time as early sexualized fantasy seems key to the
mobilization of the paraphilic system (Arrigo, 2008). Over time, says Arrigo (2008), fantasy, compulsive
masturbation, and facilitators (e.g., drugs, pornography), along with paraphilic stimuli (e.g., fetish objects,
sadistic and erotic rituals) serve to sustain the paraphilic process.

In the case of Russell Williams, it is not clear what traumatic events in childhood might have shaped his
behaviour. Certainly, parental divorce can be distressing for a young child but could not begin to explain
 Russell Williams 13

the enormity of Williams’ actions. On the other hand, it is possible that the circumstances surrounding his
parents’ divorce were traumatic. Indeed, the essence and quality of his relationships with his parents -
mother, father, stepfather – are not clear. We will come back to these later in the paper.

2. Low Self-Esteem
According to Marshall and colleagues from Queens University (see Marshall, Cripps, Anderson, &
Cortonti, 1999), self-esteem is an important factor in the etiology and maintenance of sexual offending.
Marshall et al. (1999) suggest that low self-esteem inhibits effective problem solving early in life leading
to the adoption of dysfunctional ways of coping with stress such as emotion-focused strategies (e.g.,
blaming oneself for being too emotional, becoming preoccupied with aches and pains, and worrying about
what to do). Marshall and colleagues have argued that low self-esteem prompts males to be attracted to
ways of satisfying their sexual needs that are non-threatening (e.g., with children) or non-demanding (e.g.,
with a coerced partner) and that allow them a sense of power that is otherwise lacking in their lives.

Based on their study of 13 sadistic sexual offenders, MacCulloch, Snowden, Wood, and Mills (1983)
proposed that significant impairment in interpersonal relationships and interpersonal sexual relations
during adolescence leads to low self-esteem and social isolation. In turn, these conditions can facilitate
the development of sadistic sexual fantasies and paraphilic behaviours, which MacCulloch et al. (1983)
suggested may serve as surrogate sources of emotional and sexual gratification. Most (79%) of their
sample reported that the content of their deviant sexual fantasies became increasingly violent over time,
so as to maintain erotic stimulation. Most (54%) also conducted behavioural “tryouts” (i.e., practice runs
of enacting the fantasy in order to further enhance their fantasies.

Researchers at the Clarke Institute of Psychiatry in Toronto (Barbaree, Howard, Marshall, & McCormick,
1998) have proposed a developmental framework to account for the etiology of sexual deviance.
According to this model, abusive family experiences lead to a syndrome of social disability in the
developing sexual offender. This syndrome of social disability is characterized by a lack of adult
attachments, impaired abilities to develop intimate relationships and empathy, coupled with varying
degrees of antisocial behaviour and low self-esteem. It is difficult to assess the self-esteem of someone
like Russell Williams. On the one hand, his public persona as an accomplished military colonel would
suggest a buoyant level of self-esteem. On the other hand, his narcissistic tendencies suggest otherwise
given that narcissism is assumed to be predicated on a low self-esteem with efforts directed at protecting
the fragile ego. We will come back to this point later as we attempt to weave the pieces of Russell
Williams’ life into a storyline that might explain what happened in this case.

3. Early Fantasy Development

Sexual fantasy is central to deviant sexual arousal as documented in numerous studies using the penile
plethysmograph (Laws & O’Donohue, 1997). Penile plethysmography or phallometry involves the
measurement of the circumference of the penis to determine a man’s level of sexual arousal when
exposed to sexually suggestive content, such as pictures, movies or audio. Prentky et al. (1989) have
defined fantasy as “an elaborated set of cognitions (thoughts) characterized by preoccupation (or
rehearsal), anchored in emotion, and originating in daydreams” (p. 889). In their study, Prentky et al.
(1989) found that 86% of 25 multiple (or serial) sexual murderers reported violent fantasies of rape and/or
murder as compared to only 23% of single sexual murderers suggesting a possible functional relationship
between fantasy and repetitive assaultive behavior. Prentky et al. (1989) proposed that learning plays an
important role in establishing the link between sexual arousal and deviant fantasy and in explaining why
the link is so refractory to extinction. More specifically, Prentky et al. (1989) pointed to the importance of
parental modeling of deviant behaviour (e.g., the child observing inappropriate sexual conduct), repeated
associations between the modeled deviant behaviour and a strong positive affective response from the
child (i.e., classical conditioning), and (3) reinforcement of the child’s deviant response (i.e., instrumental
conditioning). In keeping with this model, Burgess et al. (1986) found that most of the deviant sexual
 Russell Williams 14

beliefs and attitudes of their sample of sexual murderers were initially introduced by parents or caregivers
during childhood. Certainly, the prevalence of physical and/or sexual abuse and other types of violence in
the families of sexual murderers tends to be very high, with estimates ranging from 86% to 94% (Ressler,
Burgess, Hartman, et al., 1986; Myers, 2004; Myers et al., 1998). To date, no evidence has emerged to
suggest that Williams was a victim of physical and/or sexual violence, which is not to say that he was not
exposed to inappropriate sexual conduct or the victim of another form of abuse in his formative years.

Hazelwood and Warren (1995) proposed that deviant sexual fantasies include the following five
components: demographic, relational, paraphilic, situational, and self-perceptual. Meloy (2000) cites the
example of a perpetrator imagining that a 15-year-old female (demographic) becomes his sex slave
(relational), and he is able to anally and orally rape her at whim (paraphilic) in his isolated mountain
cabin (situational), thus enhancing his sense of omnipotence while gratifying himself sadistically (self-
perception). According to Meloy (2000), the perpetrator searches for a victim that satisfies a “goodness of
fit” with his fantasy. Such structuring of the sexual fantasy is presumed to be reinforcing. For example,
scripting the fantasy would serve to sustain pleasure (through memory or imagination) when coupled with
masturbation (Meloy, 2000). Masturbation would reduce behavioral inhibition, while physiologically
releasing orgasmic tension, while fantasy would stimulate grandiosity - fantasies are perfect and, thus,
may compensate for perceived sexual or relational inadequacies. Fantasy also would stimulate a sense of
omnipotence (all-powerfulness), since it would likely involve imagined supreme control of the victim.

The fantasy also allows the perpetrator to practice his paraphilia prior to, or between, behavioral “tryouts”
(MacCulloch et al., 1983) and the eventual consummation, or repetition of the sexual homicide (Meloy,
2000). According to Burgess et al. (1986), the experience of obtaining the victim, performing ritualistic
acts, engaging the victim sexually either before or after death, killing the victim, disposing of the body,
eluding detection, and following the police investigation in the media provides a compelling motive for
repetition. Certainly, all this fits Williams’ modus operandi. It is not clear how Williams selected his
victims but he went to great pains (via performing reconnaissance missions on their homes) to ensure
their availability. He performed ritualistic acts – pornographic photography. He engaged the victims
sexually prior to death and demonstrated escalation in this regard across crimes as well as escalation in
the disposal of bodies. He eluded detection, largely by maintaining a “normal” work schedule, and
followed the police investigation with acute interest.

Perhaps not surprisingly, Prentky et al. (1989) found the prevalence of paraphilias among serial murderers
to be higher than for single murderers. Prentky et al. (1989) even suggested that the paraphiliac is a
“fantasy collector” who seeks out secret experiences, via voyeurism or exhibitionism, to add to his private,
internal world of fantasy. These new secret experiences cultivate the fantasy and eventually impel the
individual toward acting out the fantasy. Seemingly not coincidentally, the two paraphilias that represent
the enactment of fantasy - fetishism and transvestism –are the two most often associated with sexual
aggression (Prentky et al., 1989). Others (e.g., Langevin et al., 1985) have suggested that when
transvestism is associated with sexual sadism, the propensity for violence increases, presumably because
the fantasy life is more potent.

What information we have about Russell Williams tells us that his fantasy revolved, in part, around seeing
himself as a woman or, at least, attired in women’s clothing. His need to see himself as a woman, literally,
would propel the photography and videography; the pictures, in turn, serving as future arousal-inducing
stimuli. Somewhat paradoxically, given that women are less apt than men to be seen as figures of power
in our society, his fantasy also involved asserting dominance and control over his victims. Quinsey (cited
in Rankin & Contenta, 2010) has suggested that Williams’ cross-dressing might be ego-dystonic. In other
words, although comforting and arousing, he considered the behaviour to be unacceptable, not to mention
threatening to his view of himself as a man. Ego-dystonic distress may have impelled him to literally
destroy women as a means of symbolically destroying that aspect of himself. With Williams, it seems
 Russell Williams 15

likely that the desire for power over his victims was more important to him than the infliction of pain,
which may have spared his self-perception. Brittain (1970) found that power-wielding sadists do not
consider themselves to be cruel because cruelty is not their primary objective, only a means to an end.

4. Paraphilic Development
According to Purcell and Arrigo’s (2006) integrated paraphilic model (IPM), the paraphilic process is
cyclical with escalating sadistic fantasies and increasingly violent behaviour. The process is presumed to
involve three mutually interactive elements: (i) paraphilic fantasy and stimuli; (ii) facilitators; and (iii)
orgasmic conditioning.

(i) Paraphilic Fantasy and Stimuli

To summarize, certain formative experiences (biological predispositions, trauma, ineffective social
environment, insecure attachment) can lead to self-doubt and social isolation, which may result in
sexualized fantasy. Over time, these fantasies become more violent and erotic (Arrigo, 2008). Common
fantasy themes include power, domination, exploitation, revenge, molestation, and the degradation and
humiliation of others (Simon, 2008). Paraphilic stimuli (i.e., fetishes) are introduced at some point in the
context of social isolation and fantasy (e.g., Burgess et al., 1986). It has even been suggested that fetishes
may be symbolically linked to a person of importance in the individual’s life; a person who is both loved
and needed but somehow responsible for the individual’s early traumatization. The repetitive nature of the
fantasy may provide solace and relief from one’s sense of personal failures (low self-esteem). On the
other hand, ‘acting out’ the fantasy may provide an outlet for unexpressed emotional states (e.g.,
humiliation, rage, suffering), following an extended period of social isolation (due to retreat into fantasy)
and emotional loneliness (due to lack of healthy intimate heterosexual relationships) (Arrigo & Purcell,
2001; Marshall, 1989; Myers et al., 2006; Ressler et al., 1988).

Eroticized feelings of power and control are central to sexual sadism (see Hucker, 1997). According to
Brittain (1970), the desire to wield power over others is an essential part of the sexual sadist’s
psychopathology. If the victim resists, as did Marie-France Comeau, the sadist will become more brutal
and determined, as did Russell Williams. For Russell Williams, his sadistic fantasy would impel the
break-ins and burglaries of fetish objects (i.e., underwear). Each successful break-in would serve to
embolden him so that he would feel increasingly invulnerable and invincible. Each success would more
closely approximate the idealized sadistic fantasy, thereby reinforcing the drive for more. At the same
time, his deviant fantasies may have been losing their arousal value due to habituation (i.e.,
desensitization following repeated exposure) further enhancing his motivation to pursue greater arousal
and to assume greater risks. Unfortunately for Marie-France Comeau and Jessica Lloyd, they were caught
in the crosshairs of Williams’ sights as his fantasies escalated and his behaviour became increasingly
violent.

(ii) Facilitators
Facilitators such as alcohol, drugs, and pornography can play an important role in the paraphilic process.
Whereas consumption of alcohol and other drugs can reduce inhibitions and diminish moral conscience
and propriety, viewing violent pornography can serve to fuel sadistic fantasies. Research has found that a
high percentage (39-81%) of sexual murderers, both sadistic and non-sadistic, collected and consumed
violent pornographic materials (Brittain, 1970; Langevin, 2003; Ressler et al., 1986).It also has been
suggested that individuals may become “addicted” to the facilitators, meaning that the individual’s
compulsive need for the facilitators leads to an escalating cycle of repeated exposure to sexually explicit
materials resulting in desensitization and an increased appetite for more bizarre, deviant, and graphic
images (see Arrigo, 2008). Ressler et al. (1988) found that over half of their sample of sexual killers
reported interests in pornography and 81% indicated “interests in fetishism, voyeurism, and masturbation”
(p.25). Following his sentencing, reports emerged that the computers seized at Williams’ homes contained
child pornography. Apparently, he chose to plead guilty to the other offences in exchange for not being
 Russell Williams 16

charged with possession of child pornography. It seems likely that the photos he collected during the
commission of his offences could have served as facilitators, as well.

Psychological facilitators (e.g., compartmentalization and dehumanization) also may play a role in the
paraphilic process. Fox and Levin (1994) have suggested that serial killers utilize psychological
facilitators to neutralize guilt and remorse. Compartmentalization would allow them to categorize people
into those they care about and those they don’t; the latter being those whom they can victimize without
compunction. Compartmentalization also would allow the individual to separate himself from his crimes
and to separate his crimes from the other domains of his life. Castle and Hensley (2002) suggest that
certain social contexts, such as the military, might be especially conducive to learning these behaviours.
Military people are taught to accept death and killing as a way of life. They also are taught that there are
two groups of people: fellow service members and enemies. Only one empirical study has examined the
possible link between serial murder and military experience and it found that seven percent of a sample of
354 serial killers had military background. Castle and Hensley (2002) suggest that dehumanization and
compartmentalization may be learned by serial killers in the military and then transferred into civilian life.
Whether or not Williams learned these behaviours in the military, certainly they would have been
reinforced, along with the value of violence and aggression.

(iii) Orgasmic Conditioning Process

MacCulloch et al. (1983) explored the genesis of sadistic behaviour in 16 men (ages 16 to 37), each of
whom had been diagnosed with psychopathic disorder and were being housed in a special hospital in the
United Kingdom. A consistent finding was that repetitive sadistic masturbatory fantasies had spilled over
into overt behaviour because patients felt impelled to seek and create increasingly dangerous in vivo 'try-
outs' of their fantasies. Most (N=12) of MacCulloch et al.’s patients, recalled normal heterosexual
fantasies following puberty, which evolved to include sadistic content, one to seven years after the onset
of masturbation (mean period five years). All 12 patients described a substantial increase in masturbatory
activity following this key change in fantasy content. In four cases the fantasies then remained fairly
stable in content, but nine cases include descriptions of a clear and important progression of sadistic
fantasies. These nine patients stated that their fantasies were continuously changed in order to maintain
their efficiency as a source of arousal and pleasure. This increase in the power of fantasies was
accomplished by increasing the sadistic content and also by including fantasy based on previous
behavioural ‘try-outs’ or acting out of the main fantasy sequence.

The identification of these behavioural try-outs of fantasy was an important finding of MacCulloch et al.’s
study. One of the main reasons for these behavioural try-outs, it seems, was the need to maintain the
effectiveness of the fantasy as a source of arousal. After months or years of masturbation (several times a
week), the person would “try-out” an early part of the fantasy sequence, such as following a girl on a dark
night or in a lonely place. The real-life vignette would then be incorporated into a more elaborative
fantasy sequence which might end in a serious assault or murder. Typically, a number of behavioural try-
outs were enacted prior to conviction. In most of MacCulloch et al.’s cases (8/13) the deficits in sexual
experience and social contact were such that patients' sexual fantasy life and behavioural try-outs were
their only source of sexual arousal. Indeed, patients in MacCulloch et al.’s sadistic group described long-
term difficulties in social relationships.

Of course, having a sadistic or homicidal fantasy does not mean that the fantasy will be acted out. When
and how does fantasy become reality? “What are the disinhibitory factors that encourage the translation
of symbolic activity (e.g., the paraphilias) or cognitive activity (e.g., fantasies) into behavioral “tryouts”?”
(Prentky et al., 1989, p.890). The integrated paraphilic model (IPM; Purcell & Arrigo, 2006) proposes
that triggering factors – whether internal (negative affect, blow to self-esteem, social isolation, rejection)
or external (financial stress, marital problems, family conflict, physical injury, legal problems,
employment problems) – act as stressors that can challenge the individual’s ability to cope. These
 Russell Williams 17

triggering factors may activate negative schemas (related to loss, failure, unlovability) and impel the
individual toward the paraphilic process of behaviour - masturbation, facilitators, fantasy, and try-outs -
as a means of regaining a sense of control. Their sexual deviation has become their refuge, their way of
coping with stress.

In the case of Russell Williams, it is not clear what was the disinhibiting factor or factors that precipitated
his crime spree. It is true that he experienced a number of potential stressors between 2000 and 2007.
Certainly, his rapid escalation up the ranks of the military would have brought the commensurate stress of
increasing responsibility. In 2001, he severed relations with his mother and brother following his
mother’s divorce from Jerry Sovka. In 2000, his mother-in-law died and in 2004, his father-in-law died.
During his interrogation, he remarked to Detective Sergeant Jim Smith more than once, how distressed he
had been by the euthanizing of his 18-year-old cat, Curio, in December 2008. Indeed, police found
hundreds of digital photos of the cat in a variety of poses and backdrops among Williams’ neatly
catalogued trove of women’s underwear and videotapes of the murders. Of course, the death of his cat
followed the advent of his crime spree so could not be a causal factor. Another potential source of distress
for Williams, cited by acquaintances, was his chronic joint pain. His friend, Jeff Farquhar, reported
noticing a number of prescription bottles in Williams’ bathroom during a visit to the cottage in the
summer of 2009. Finally, one is left to wonder about the state of his marriage. After purchasing the
Tweed cottage in 2004 and his wife beginning her new job in 2006, the couple seem to have spent only
the weekends together. This increasing isolation from his wife might have reactivated painful earlier
memories of loneliness and social isolation. Certainly, the separation would have reduced external
controls on his behaviour.

TREATMENT GOALS AND PLANNING

According to Hollin (1997), the diagnostic assessment of sexual sadism should include careful assessment
of the fantasy (the scenario for the offence), symbolism (fetishes associated with sadism), ritualism
(repetitive behaviour), and compulsion (the drive to enact the fantasy). Hollin advises the use of both self-
report measures and penile plethysmography to determine the stimuli associated with arousal.

According to Proulx (2007), no studies have specifically addressed the impact of psychological treatment
programs on recidivism rates among sexual murderers. Consequently, there exists little evidence-based
information with which to guide the assessment and treatment of sexual sadism. On the one hand, it has
been suggested that, given their similarities, treatment programs found to be effective with other sexual
aggressors, may be useful with these offenders (Carter, Mann, & Wakeling, 2007). On the other hand,
Hart (2007) suggests that targeting factors identified during clinical assessment might be a promising
approach. In practice, some combination of both of these approaches would probably be advised. Other
considerations further add to the challenges of treatment when it comes to these offenders. The length of
their sentences, limited psychological services available in correctional facilities, and the typically
intransigent nature of their primary disorder(s) further complicate treatment planning.

Proulx (2007) has outlined a framework for the management of sexual murderers, such as Russell
Williams. According to Proulx (2007), the duration of sentences to be served must be a primary
consideration with these cases. The prospect of serving such a long sentence can elicit a range of very
negative emotions including despair and hopelessness. For example, Williams attempted suicide shortly
after his arrest and subsequently tried to starve himself. It is not clear how serious was his intent and
research tells us that narcissism reduces one’s risk for suicide (Svindseth & Dahl, 2007). On the other
hand, for some inmates, the length of their sentence can evoke feelings of rage and a sense of nothing to
lose, which increases the risk they pose to others (staff and inmates). Other inmates may withdraw into an
inner fantasy world of sadistic rape fantasies, which may foster more pathology and further compromise
coping strategies (Proulx, 2007).
 Russell Williams 18

Carter et al. (2007) recommend cognitive-behavioural treatment (CBT) programs (both group and
individual) for the management of sexual murderers. This type of treatment has been found to reduce
recidivism rates in sexual aggressors (Hanson et al., 2002; Losel & Schmucker, 2005). Deviant sexual
fantasies would be the primary target of intervention, requiring modification of sexual preferences. If
deviant fantasies are a substitute for absent or inadequate interpersonal relationships, interventions
targeted at this level also are needed (Proulx, 2007). Given the social isolation of these offenders, social
skills training would be advised. Individual counseling would be recommended for low self-esteem
(McKibben et al., 2001). Most treatment programs include targeting cognitive distortions commonly
associated with sexually aggressive offending as primary treatment strategies. These distortions could
include victim blaming and general beliefs in rape myths, such as women incite men to rape and enjoy
being raped. Related to these types of cognitive distortions, treatment programs would target empathy or
perspective-taking training.

According to Pithers (1993), treatment with sexually aggressive men should include modifying patterns
of sexual arousal, empathic responsivity, cognitive distortions, and interpersonal competence. Other
treatment considerations would include the presence of comorbid disorders (e.g., mood or substance use
disorders), social skills training, and offender’s own victimization. The modification of sexual arousal can
involve covert sensitization (i.e., visualization of preferred activity followed by adverse consequence),
olfactory/gustatory aversion (e.g., preferred activity paired with nausea induction via rotting tissue),
masturbatory satiation, and orgasmic reconditioning (see Hollin, 1997). Unfortunately, evidence for the
effectiveness of these methods is limited.

Treatment of sexual sadism typically involves pharmacological approaches to suppress the sexual drive.
According to Bradford (2007), pharmacological castration has the advantage of treating several
paraphilias at once. In the case of sadistic sexual murderers, it is recommended that this treatment be
administered at maximum intensity. Bradford (2007) has outlined a treatment algorithm that encompasses
six levels of treatment for four levels of severity of paraphilia. The levels range from cognitive-
behavioural treatment (both individual and group) based on a relapse prevention model (Level 1), to
selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (Level 2), to antiandrogen and hormonal treatments (Levels 3-5),
to lutenizing hormone releasing hormone agonists (LHRH agonists) (Level 6). For more information on
the biomedical treatment of sexual sadism, see Bradford (2007).

There is some evidence to suggest that increased central nervous system serotonin and decreased central
nervous system dopamine inhibit sexual behavior in humans (Segreaves, 1989). Consequently, it has been
suggested that elevating resting brain levels of serotonin by inhibiting its reuptake, via clomipramine and
fluoxetine for example, could be an effective approach to treating paraphilic behavior. Results of
uncontrolled studies have shown that these psychotropic agents can reduce depressive mood, deviant
sexual fantasies and sexual activity in paraphilic clients without altering conventional sexual activity and
desire (Kafka & Prentky, 1992; Perilstein, Lipper, & Friedman, 1991).

In short, research clearly indicates that treatment can be effective in reducing sexual offending. A meta-
analysis conducted by Hall (1995) concluded that treatment leads to a modest but significantly lower rate
of sexual re-offending as compared to no treatment. According to Hall (1995), treatment is most effective
when it consists of hormonal or cognitive-behavioural treatments conducted with outpatient participants.
The effectiveness of treatment with sexual sadism, specifically, is less clear.

SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION

The base rate for sexual homicides is estimated to range between one and four percent of the overall
homicide rate in the United States, Canada, and Britain (Chan & Heide, 2009). Although these
percentages have remained fairly stable over the years, there is some evidence that the number of serial
 Russell Williams 19

murders in the United States may be rising (Castle & Hensley, 2002). Whereas offenders like Russell
Williams are relatively rare, the harm that they do is immeasurable.

Research over the past few decades has revealed certain consistencies across sexual homicides. Most
sexual homicides are committed by males, with their first kill occurring prior to age 30 (Meloy, 2000).
Most victims are female strangers or casual acquaintances of the same race. The crime scenes of sexual
homicides can be organized or disorganized (Ressler et al., 1988). Williams’ crime scenes were
organized, which is indicative of planning and control. Organized crime scenes typically are characterized
by the perpetrator personalizing the victim who is a targeted stranger, controlling the conversation,
demanding submission of victim, using restraints, committing aggressive acts before death, disposing of
weapon or evidence, hiding the body, and transportation of victim or body. According to Ressler et al.
(1988), organized crime scenes tend to involve an obsessive-compulsive pattern of behaviour and are
highly suggestive of sexual sadism. Ressler et al. (1988) have speculated that such murderers, “are
preoccupied with a kind of internal dialogue that sustains anger, discontent, irritability, or depression”
(p.52).

In the absence of a complete clinical assessment and personal interview with Russell Williams, no
definitive conclusions can be drawn about his case. The purpose of the present case study was not to draw
conclusions but, rather, to position what we know about Williams (information currently available) within
the literature on offenders who perpetrate such crimes. In some ways, Russell Williams is an enigma. He
was significantly older than most serial killers at the time of his first kill. He was a successful and
accomplished man with no glaring developmental flags for psychopathology who seemed to escalate in
his mid-40s, and over the course of two short years, from a fetish burglar to a stalker to someone who
perpetrates sexual assaults without penetration, to rape, and then murder. Here was a man capable of
displaying a capacity for compassion (if not remorse and guilt) in the face of his horrendous evildoings. In
other ways, however, Russell Williams fits the mold of people who perpetrate such sadistic offences.
Firstly, he is a heterosexual male (presumably) with a penchant for dressing up in girls’ and women’s
clothing, who targets women for sadistic sexual purposes. His social isolation, attraction to the military
and discipline, obsessive-compulsive personality traits including his need for order and organization
(revealed in his meticulous documentation of his crimes), and apparent lack of empathy for his victims
are all highly typical of sexual homicide perpetrators. Williams claims not to understand his criminal
behaviours but agrees that, had he not been caught, he would have killed again.

In an interview with the Globe and Mail from his home in France, Williams’ stepfather Dr. Jerry Sovka
seemed baffled by his son’s actions. “I can’t figure out what went wrong.” Indeed, it is not clear what
went wrong in Russell Williams’ life. If we integrate what the research literature tells us with what we
know about Russell Williams, perhaps, a storyline can be drawn. To begin, Williams was the first of two
children born to a couple who experienced marital strain and then divorce early in their relationship.
[Interestingly, most serial killers are first-born children (Aamodt, 2010).] Certainly, parental divorce can
be traumatic for young children but it seems unlikely that this could account for the enormity of
Williams’ actions. On the other hand, the circumstances surrounding his parents’ divorce may have been
traumatic. Recall that his parents effectively swapped partners with their close friends, the Sovkas, and,
within four months of their divorce, Russell Williams had become Russ Sovka. In his recent book,
Appleby (2011) suggests that the atmosphere in Chalk River at the time, especially around the yacht and
tennis club frequented by the Williams and Sovkas, was one of loosening sexual mores and more liberal
standards of conduct. One wonders if young Williams might have been exposed to inappropriate sexual
behaviour or, perhaps, another form of abuse. There is no evidence that he was physically or sexually
abused as a child but there is no evidence that he wasn’t. Indeed, little is known about his relationships
with his mother, father, or stepfather. For example, it is not clear why he reverted to using the surname
Williams (vs. Sovka) while in university. Williams attended Upper Canada College at the same time as
convicted sex offender, Doug Brown, who taught at the prestigious boarding school until 1993.
 Russell Williams 20

Apparently, Brown has denied knowing Williams. Another possibility is the disruption of early
attachment. This would fit with his apparent lack of communication or contact with his family throughout
high school and university. As recently as 2001, Williams severed connections with his mother and
brother following his mother’s divorce from Jerry Sovka. Some (e.g., Knoll, 2006) have suggested that
parental neglect due to absence or preoccupation with their own problems can compromise a child’s
ability to form healthy attachments.

The literature on paraphilia implicates the role of the mother (or mother-surrogate) in the development of
sexual sadism. From a psychodynamic perspective, it has been theorized that a sexually provocative
mother may contribute to the formation of a serial murderer (Fox & Levin, 1994; Meloy, 2002). Knoll
(2006) asserts that this is not “mother blaming” but rather the findings of several evaluations of some
serial killers, which suggest that the young male displaces his aggression from his mother onto his female
victims. The role of the mother figure also has been implicated in the development of transvestic
fetishism. In this case, it is thought that the mother may encourage cross-dressing activity or the absence
of the mother may fuel the child’s need to seek comfort in something symbolizing the mother (i.e., fetish
object). As mentioned previously, Bancroft (1985) suggested that fetishes may be symbolically linked to
a person of importance in the individual’s life; a person who is both loved and needed but somehow
responsible for the individual’s early traumatization. If a mother encourages cross-dressing in her young
son, this can elicit a negative response from the child’s father who may develop concerns about his son’s
masculinity. Research suggests that if the mother is unavailable to her young son, he may seek comfort in
fetish and fantasy.

The research suggests that the fetish object (in Williams’ case, girls’ and women’s underwear) becomes
eroticized in adolescence, fueling the autoerotic fantasy of self as female. The fetish object (i.e., source of
solace and relief from low self-esteem) coupled with the fantasy (i.e., source of arousal) are reinforced by
masturbation. Like other serial killers, Williams’ fantasy life may have been his primary source of
emotional arousal, arousal based on a combination of sex and aggression (Ressler et al., 1988). Also like
other serial killers, Williams seems to have been plagued by loneliness and isolation throughout his life.
His sense of isolation may have been exacerbated by the many family relocations during his formative
years. Particular aspects of Williams’ personality (e.g., shyness, social awkwardness, obsessive-
compulsive tendencies) may have contributed further to his sense of isolation. According to Hickey
(1997), social isolation coupled with feelings of inadequacy, self-doubt, and anger arising from trauma
and rejection, can interact to form violent fantasies. Social isolation arising at the same time as early
sexualized fantasy is considered key to the mobilization of the paraphilic system (Arrigo, 2008). Fantasy
accompanied by fetish objects, sadistic and erotic rituals, and reinforced by compulsive masturbation
sustains the paraphilic process, according to Arrigo (2008).

For the young Williams, fantasy may have provided a sense of power and control not available elsewhere
in his life. Fantasy may have provided an outlet for hostile and aggressive tendencies, not otherwise
expressed. Whereas, initially, these fantasies may have provided a form of escape, they may have come to
serve as a substitute for a sense of mastery in other domains of his life. He may have come to depend on
the fantasies for feelings of control over self and over the external world (Ressler et al., 1988). The
autoerotic nature of the fantasy, however, would have reinforced Williams’ sense of isolation from others
and, perhaps, his diminishing need for others.

It seems somewhat counterintuitive that a man who derives pleasure from viewing himself as a female
could then so brutally murder women. Some individuals with transvestic fetishism describe having
fantasies where they inhabit the body of a beautiful female and go into situations where they can kiss or
hug a man or woman as a sign of intimacy but sex isn’t an important thing. Others descibe enjoying the
attention elicited by being a beautiful woman and claim sex is irrelevant. “I am attracted to the idea of the
female inside me and not to anyone outside of me” (MRAutogynephilia, 2010). Quinsey (cited in Rankin
 Russell Williams 21

& Contenta, 2010) has suggested that Williams’ cross-dressing might be ego-dystonic, meaning that he
finds it unacceptable and distressing, at odds with his view of self. It is possible that Williams was able to
reconcile these disparate views of himself (as powerful military commander and attractive female who
garners attention from men) in non-violent ways, such as via use of pornography or prostitutes. It also is
possible that his wife indulged his transvestic and, perhaps, sadistic needs (e.g., bondage, pornographic
posturing for photos), which often happens in the marriages of individuals with transvestic fetishism.
Evidently, whatever means Williams employed for managing and maintaining his sadistic fantasies, their
effectiveness eventually diminished or they were suspended for some reason resulting in his need to seek
alternative means of satisfaction. For example, it is possible that his wife chose to discontinue her
participation in his fetish behaviour or, perhaps, her absence for most of the week meant a lessening of
restraints. If she chose to discontinue, this may have constituted a narcissistic injury in Williams’ eyes
which could have triggered his escalation. On the other hand, it is possible that the lessening of
constraints on his behaviour, either internal or external, might have led to the cataclysmic consequences.
The literature tells us that sadistic fantasies tend to escalate over time as more elaborative scenarios are
required in order to maintain the same level of arousal. The escalating fantasy typically leads to
behavioural try-outs, whereby the individual enacts the fantasized scenario in vivo. As his deviant
fantasies would begin to lose their “arousing” value, due to habituation, Williams would be increasingly
motivated to perform his “trial runs” in a more violent fashion (Chan et al., 2011).

Williams began his behavioural try-outs in 2007. At some point, the compelling nature of the escalating
fantasy effectively exceeded his ability to manage or cope with the fantasy via more covert means.
Precipitating triggers may have included both internal factors - mounting social isolation at work and
home, negative affect (anxiety, depression), narcissistic injury or threat to his self-esteem (e.g., personal
rejection), escalating sadistic fantasies - or external factors -financial stress, marital problems, family
conflict, physical injury and chronic pain. Triggering factors, in turn, may have activated pre-existing
negative schemas related to loss, failure, and unlovability. As these pressures mounted Williams would
have felt the need to resort to tried and true methods of coping with stress - fantasy, masturbation,
pornography, and more (e.g., behavioural enactments of his fantasy or try-outs) - as a means of regaining
a diminishing sense of control over himself and his world. Murder becomes a means to overcome
humiliation and to regain lost power. Murder also becomes more material for the fantasy and further
intoxicating physiological arousal. Once the first murder was completed, there could be no turning back.

QUESTIONS THAT REMAIN TO BE ANSWERED

1. Could treatment have prevented this outcome?

According to Dr. Brad Booth, a forensic psychiatrist at the Royal Ottawa Health Care Group, if Williams
had sought help, his condition could have been treated and his crimes prevented. People with disorders
(e.g., anxiety or substance use disorders) often are hesitant to seek help so it seems likely that men who
may be experiencing sadistic sexual fantasies may not think it safe to reveal their fantasies to anyone, not
even a professional. "Just sexuality in general is not something that we're taught to discuss and be open
about, and that's normal sexuality," says Dr. Booth. "When you are aroused by something that is
potentially vilified ... it does decrease the likelihood, unfortunately, that people would come forward.
Instead, what happens is they keep it inside, and act on it." Treatment which typically includes
psychotherapy and pharmacotherapy (e.g., antidepressants, antiandrogens that diminish sex drive) can be
effective. Unfortunately, the 18-year-old who is aware that his sexual fantasies and urges are unacceptable
may never come forward to request help out of fear of social sanctions.

2. Is Russell Williams a psychopath?

 Russell Williams 22

Russell Williams would not meet the threshold for diagnosis of psychopathy based on the PCL-R. PCL-R
criteria include prior criminal history, socially deviant lifestyle, impulsivity and irresponsibility, glibness
or superficial charm; lack of remorse and guilt. On the other hand, Williams did reveal a callous disregard
for his victims, which is consistent with psychopathy, and one suspects that his expressions of remorse,
such as in letters to his victims’ families and his wife, may have been contrived. On the other hand,
Williams may well have felt badly about what he was doing and about hurting his wife, but was
overwhelmed by his need for self-gratification.

3. How much did his wife, Mary-Elizabeth Harriman, know?

In a sworn affidavit filed in a Belleville, ON court in June 2010, Mary-Elizabeth Harriman claimed that
“the revelation of these charges (against her husband) has been devastating to me.” (Macleans.ca).
Apparently, Mary-Elizabeth Harriman accepted her husband’s assertion that he liked to go for a long walk
prior to retiring to bed. It seems she dutifully or willfully refrained from looking into the many bags and
boxes full of women’s undergarments and sex toys that were stored in the basement and garage of their
Ottawa house. Jack Levin, Professor of Sociology and Criminology at Northeastern University and author
of Serial Killers and Sadistic Murder, Up Close and Personal, contends that in many cases, the wife, is
totally ignorant of her husband's killing spree.” “She appears to have been a most incurious woman.”
(DiManno, Octobr 2010).

4. What was the “disinhibiting factor” that unleashed the torrent of Williams’ depravity?

We know that it is not unusual for men to have sexually violent fantasies but why do some act on them?
What happens? Does the stress grow incrementally over time until it exceeds his threshold for controlling
and coping or is there a precipitating event or series of events? According to Prentky et al. (1989), once
the restraints inhibiting the acting out of the fantasy are no longer present, the individual is likely to
engage in a series of progressively more accurate “trial runs” in an attempt to enact the fantasy as it is
imagined” (p. 890). Dr. Vernon Quinsey, Professor Emeritus of Psychology, Biology and Psychiatry at
Queen's University has speculated that Williams had these interests for a long time, but was able to
control them until something set him off and he couldn’t control them any longer. Apparently, during one
of his sexual assaults, Williams reportedly told his victim that he was attacking her so that he could
“move on with (his) life.” What triggered Williams’ criminal behaviour? … prescription drug use related
to his chronic pain? … change in his relationship status? … increasing isolation from his wife? …
increasing stress? … emotional turmoil? … narcissistic injury (i.e., violence as a defence in the service of
narcissism)? Or was it a combination of all of the above which, at some point, reached a critical mass of
stress which effectively and irretrievably exceeded his capacity to cope or more precisely his ability to
maintain “control” any longer.

FOOTNOTE
Russell Williams declined to be interviewed for the purposes of this case study. Consequently,
biographical and clinical history, which has been derived from information available in the public domain
(i.e., media reports, police interview, and trial transcripts) is incomplete and may be inaccurate. Efforts
have been made to validate this information; in particular, those details of his life history that could be
expected to affect the onset and maintenance of disorders, and treatment outcomes. Sections pertaining to
case formulation, treatment course and outcome, however, are based on the research literature relevant to
such cases. Mr. Williams has read the case study and provided some feedback to the first author.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Thanks to Dr. Kim MacLean at Saint Francis Xavier University for her valuable feedback on this case
study.
 Russell Williams 23

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