Economic and Political Weekly. Vol. 47, No. 1, JANUARY 7, 2012

JANUARY 7, 2012 Vol XLVII No 1
Economic&PoliticalwEEKLY
A SAMEEKSHA TRUST PUBLICATION www.epw.in
EDITORIALS Learning from the Lokayuktas

■ The Circus is in Town
The debate on the Lokpal ignores the experience of the
■ Corruption and Fairy Tale Elections Lokayuktas. A case study of the Karnataka Lokayukta
■ Heroic Whistle-blower, Not a Traitor
and the lessons it offers, page 12
MARGIN SPEAK
■ The 'Precariat' Strikes

Merchandise Export Growth
COMMENTARY
What accounts for the rapid growth of exports over the
■ Lessons from the Karnataka Lokayukta
past decade? How has the product composition changed?
■ From Parliamentary to Paramilitary Democracy
How have India's export markets shifted? page 94
■ Workers' Discontent and Trade Union Politics
■ Enrolment and Dropout Rates

■ More Articles...
Archiving the 'Un-archived'
BOOK REVIEWS
The translation of the unwritten and undated racial,
■ The Red Market
gender and minority insurgencies into archived history
■ Colonial Justice in British India
is itself a part of such insurgency, page 37
PERSPECTIVES
■ Un-archived Histories
Workers' Season of Discontent
RELIGION AND CITIZENSHIP
The Maruti Suzuki Employees Union's struggle shows that
■ Plural Societies and Imperatives of Change
the workers' movement can become a victim of the
■ Religions, Democracy and Governance
Janus-faced labour law of the State, page 19
■ The Dera Sachkhand Ballan
■ Religiosity and Corruption
■ Buddhist Engagements with Social Justice

■ More Articles... RELIGION AND CITIZENSHIP
SPECIAL ARTICLES Religion continues to be an important source of identity for

most people in south Asia. Questions of development and
■ Anatomy of India's Merchandise Export Growth
citizenship in relation to culture and religious beliefs have now
■ Three Villages in Andhra Pradesh become important in the public and political spheres in the region.
■ Radical Politics and Environmentalism Studies around this theme based on a comparative research
programme throw up some complex and diverse findings.
DISCUSSION
A selection of articles, page 43 onwards
■ Differential Spaces in a Globalised Era
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All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
BOOKS ON SOCIAL SCIENCE
Armies,
Why Europe Grew Rich and Asia Did Not: Global Wars and their Food
Economic
Divergence, 1600-1850 D. Vijaya Rao
Prasannan Parthasarathi
Why Europe Grew Rich and Asia Did Not In the history of mankind, armies fought at the
WHY EUROPF provides a striking new answer to the classic behest of a ruler to conquer and expand
Grew Rich question of why Europe industrialized from the territories. In due course, war crafts were
ASIA DID NOT late eighteenth century and Asia did not. devised and war logistics were developed.
Drawing significantly from the case of India, However, armies' food remained much the
Prasannan Parthasarathi shows that in the same as ever for a very long time. Eventually
!■
■5
; t\
El
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the
advanced regions of Europe and Asia were more
science and technology played a crucial role in
bringing army foods and nourishment to the
' ril - alike than different, both characterized by expected level of modernity, commensurate
✓ „
gfjiuJH i sophisticated and growing economies. Their with advancements in other features of the war
subsequent divergence can be attributed to craft. Armies, Wars and their Food traces the
different competitive and ecological pressures evolution of military rations and provides
that in turn produced varied state policies and insights into the concept of nutrition for
economic outcomes. military from the point of a food scientist.
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Dalit Women Speak Out: Caste, Class and Gender Violence The Malabar Muslims: A Different Perspective
in India LRS Lakshmi
Aloysius Irudayam S. J.. Jayshree P. Mangubhai and Joel G. Lee
The study presents an analytical overview of the The Muslims of Kerala, primarily in the
complexities of systemic violence that Dalit northern region of the state called Malabar, are
women face through an analysis of 500 Dalit referred to as Mappillas. This book is a study of
women's narratives across four states. Excerpts the social and institutional changes of the
of these narratives are utilized to illustrate the Malabar Muslims during the colonial period. It
wider trends and patterns of different presents the Mappilla community in a wider
manifestations of violence against Dalit Indian context and analyses its social,
women. The study calls for the implementation economic, religious, theological, political and
of comprehensive preventive and punishment educational aspects in detail. Particular
measures to eradicate caste-class-gender emphasis has been laid on their women who are
discrimination and violence against Dalit socially more powerful than their counterparts
women in both public and private life, in in the rest of the subcontinent.
conjunction with measures to fulfil their
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The Rise of China: Implications for India

Facets of Social Geography: International and Indian Perspectives
Ashok K. Dutt, Vandana Wadhwa, Baleshwar Thakur and Frank J. Costa (eds.)V. Pant (ed.)
Harsh
This book provides a breadth of information This book is an attempt at exploring the multi
on the nature, scope, history and evolution of dimensional nature of the rise of China and its
Facets of social geography along with a good implications for India. The contributors in this
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antf M4wr< fmiwlwi
used in this field. It discusses both conceptual China's rise such as domestic developments,
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emergent social geography themes including fur IiiiIm related to India from an Indian perspective.
mm an and culture, urbanism and crime, social

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disability, activism, feminism, social planning,
The book will appeal to undergraduate and
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Cambridge Cambridge House, 4381/4, Ansari Road, Daryaganj, New Delhi 110002
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ISHTIHAAR
JANUARY 7, 2012 | VOL XLVii NO l
The 'Precariat' Strikes EDITORIALS
The Circus is in Town..

10 Dalit youth occupied the Indu Mills premises in Mumbai demanding an
Corruption
Ambedkar memorial there. Could this be the precursor to a risk-it-all struggle and Fairy Tale Elections 8
for a better world? Heroic Whistle-blower, Not a Traitor 9
FROM 50 YEARS AGO 9
Lessons from the Karnataka Lokayukta's Performance
MARGIN SPEAK
12 The presumption of a criminal conviction model is at the core of the Lokpal
The 'Precariat' Strikes—Anand Teltumbae 10
Bill which means that it will come up against the efficacy of the criminal
justice system just like the Lokayukta in Kamataka. COMMENTARY
Lokpal Bill: Lessons from the Karnataka

From Parliamentary to Paramilitary Democracy Lokayukta's Performance—Narayana A,
i6 India is degenerating into a paramilitary democracy due to an increasing
Suahir Krishnaswamy, Vikas Kumar 12
dependence on a nexus of incompetent intelligence agencies with brutalised
From Parliamentary to Paramilitary Democracy
paramilitary forces. —Sumanta Banerjee 16
Workers' Discontent and Form
Workers' Discontent and Form of Trade Union Politics of Trade Union Politics—Maya John 19
19 Instead of depending solely on the trade union form of organisation and The Ethanol Blending Policy in India
politics, the workers' movement needs to invest in other forms as well.—Saon Ray, Amrita Goldar, Smita Miglani 23
Disaster Response Preparedness in India
Enrolment and Dropout Rate in School Education and China—Mihir R Bhatt 25
27 Improving the quality of education and alleviating financial hardship will help Enrolment and Dropout Rate in School E
in reducing the high dropout rate in elementary and secondary education. —Satadru Sikdar, AnitN Mukherjee 27
BOOK REVIEWS
Un-archived Histories: The 'Mad' and the 'Trifling'
The Red Market—Amal Joseph 33
37 If it is acknowledged that silence is not an absence, we might learn to listen to Colonial Justice in British India
the silences, to trace as far as possible the itinerary of suppression. CRSridhar
Anatomy of India's Merchandise Export Growth PERSPECTIVES
94 An analysis of the growth and pattern of India's merchandise exports during Un-archived Histories: The 'Mad' and
the post-reform period shows that the composition of exports has undergone the 'Trifling'—Gyanendra Pandey
consistent changes in favour of capital and skill-intensive products.
A Saga of Three Villages in Andhra Pradesh Interrogating Religion and Development

105 A look at how the State's intervention and the inputs of science affected the in South Asia—Surinder S Jodhka 43
quality of people's lives in three villages in Andhra Pradesh. Religions, Democracy and Governance: Spaces
for the Marginalised in Contemporary India
Radical Politics and Environmentalism in the Dooars —Gurpreet Mahajan, Surinaer S Jodhka 45
Religious
112 Much before the Chipko movement, the forest villagers of the Bengal DooarsTransnationalism and Development
Initiatives: The Dera Sachkhand Ballan
agitated against ecological exploitation by the British.
—Gurharpal Singh 53
Differential Spaces in a Globalised Era Social Constructions of Religiosity
—Vinod. Pavarala, Kanchan K Malik 61
ii9 A response to Swapna Banerjee-Guha's Contemporary Globalisation and the
Politics of Space" (epw, 24 December 2011). Buddhist Engagements with Social Justice
—Zara Bhatewara, Tamsin Bradley 69
Religion and Citizenship In the Name of Development: Mapping
A look at the relationship between religion and development. 'Faith-Based Organisations' in Maharashtra
—Surinder S Jodhka, Pradyumna Bora 77
Welfare Work and Politics of Jama'at-i-Islami in
Interrogating Religion and Development in South Asia
Nation states are becoming ethnically and culturally diverse, making it
Pakistan and Bangladesh—Masooda Bano 86
difficult to ignore religious and communitarian identities.
SPECIAL ARTICLES
Spaces for the Marginalised in Contemporary India Anatomy of India's Merchandise Expor
1993-94 to 2010-11—C Veeramam 94
45 An examination of the dynamics of religion and democratic politics through
A Saga of Three Villages in Andhra Pradesh
the political mobilisation of marginalised groups in Punjab and Maharashtra.
—S A Vidyasagar 105
The Dera Sachkhand Ballan Radical Politics and Environment
Taungya in Dooars—Sourish Jha 112
Transnationalism is a powerful agent of religious and social change
study of the Dera Sachkhand Ballan, Punjab, shows. DISCUSSION
Differential Spaces in a Globalised Era

Social Constructions of Religiosity and Corruption Aditya Mohanty
6i Does religion make a difference in people's general attitudes towards
CURRENT STATISTICS 121
corruption? A survey finds out.
LETTERS 4
Tibetan Exiled Buddhists and Dalit Buddhists SUBSCRIPTION RATES AND
69 A comparison between two forms of Buddhism in India. NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS 6
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C RAMMANOHAR REDDY seeds of subsequent success of India's the temerity to use force or even any other
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DEPUTY EDITOR
BERNARD D MELLO the it and manufacturing sectors. The the land. However, the government has not
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EPW RESEARCH FOUNDATION the rehabilitation process, no responsiblethe oustees asserted their right to life and
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official from the Narmada Valley Develop right to land on Human Rights Day, and
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Printed by K Vijayakumar at Modern Arts and Industries,
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Editor: C Rammanohar Reddy.
and agitation before the state and centraligniting their own village choolas at the
January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i EH253 Economic & Political weekly
LETTERS
satyagraha site, as a mark of protest to the oustees. The government should also existed alongside the celebrated one. In his
against
ensure
the State for violating their right to food andthat the allocated land is not en unfinished book, Revolution and Counter
right to life. They say, hame kaagaz nahi, upon by unscrupulous persons."
croached Revolution he discovered a conflict between,
pathar nahi, kheti laayak zamin chahiye.
The NVDA, NCA and even the authorities
what he calls, a sacerdotal or priestly ideo
People have clearly decided that they logy and a secular and progressive one.
shallmust face the reality - accept the
in Delhi
not vacate this land, until they are fact
actually
that the land bank offers are illegal
The first revolution which initiated a pro
provided cultivable, irrigable, suitable and
and unviable and start a genuine processgressive
of ideology was brought about by
unencroached land, with house plots at
identification and allotment of cultivable,
Gautam Buddha. It was not merely a reli
developed resettlement sites. Earlier, the unencroached land to the oustees,
irrigable, gious revolution, as most people like to
oustees took out a death parade of the nvda with the agitating hilly adivasis.
beginning call it, but extended to social and political
through the main streets of Jobat and
This is life as well. Ambedkar calls Buddha "the
possible with the participation of the
immolated the effigy to symbolise theas is happening in Maharashtra and
oustees, first great social reformer and the greatest
fact that the "Authority" is virtually of them all".
dead,through land purchase committees.
Gujarat,
insofar as the displaced persons As
arealready
con declared, until such a bona fideAmbedkar was convinced that the idea
cerned. More than a hundred children from
and of India must be seen in the context of this
concrete process takes off, the satya
the Narmada Jeevanshalas (life-schools)
graha will continue. alternative tradition which is ignored in
in Bhadal, Bhitada and Jalsindhi are also
Ganpat Moti, Kamla Yadav, the name of sacred India as also in the
energising the agitation and have Keshav
shifted Mehta, Tersing context of a new concept of society based
National Alliance of People's Movements
their schools to the satyagraha site. on democracy and pluralism. This means
As a statutory monitoring body, the nca that there must be both social democracy
Ideahas
has also totally failed in its role and of India and internal democracy. The discovery of
not taken any initiative till date to expedite the past should be such that it should yield
the rehabilitation process nor has it issued to the demands of the future. One overrid
stern directives to the state Gopal Guru
toDesi(and
ative
government TheBeyond'",
Idea of epw,
India:
10 Deriv
Sep ing objective of Ambedkar was to bring
provide land and house plots to the tember 2011) finds both derivative and
oustees, dignity and opportunity for self-fulfilment
desi one
according to the law. Shockingly, not ideas of India deficient inasmuch as to the dalits. For this he chose the right
official from the nca has made even they
a single
fail to take dalit reality into account recipe - the Enlightenment values of liberty,
in their
visit to the submergence areas in the pastframework. equality and fraternity.
10 years to assess the serious impact of
According to Guru, the derivative idea S D Kapoor
of India
displacement without rehabilitation thatwhich is based on selective borrow JODHPUR, RAJASTHAN
people have been facing. The nca ings has from
also the west is "not capacious enough
not checked the legality and viabilitytoof
unfold
the the differential nature of nation Vilification Campaign
unilateral land offers made to the alist
oustees,
thought in India". Similarly, the desi
idea of India which distances itself from the
most of which is uncultivable, unirrigable,
encroached on and hundreds of kilometres
western framework to establish its autono The Prisoners
Committee forcondemns
(crpp) the Release of Political
the state
away from the house plots. The mous nca hascharacter disregards "contending ment of Union Minister of State for Home
relied entirely on nvda's false Action Taken traditions". The idea of India
intellectual Affairs Jitendra Singh that the committee
Reports and said that there are no represented
balance by the dalits was either absorbedis a frontal organisation of the cpi (Maoist).
families to be rehabilitated. This is abso into the other two frameworks or pushed The CRPP has been consistently expos
lutely incorrect, illegal and a gross violation to the periphery of nationalist thought.ing illegal detentions, arrests, and torture
of the right to life of hundreds of project Thus "beyond" which represents an alterof political dissidents regardless of the
affected families. native and adversarial tradition falls outsidepolitical persuasion of the victims.
On the other hand, the adamant stance the framework of the other two. We at the crpp further take strong excep
of NVDA on the land bank has once again It was left to dalit thinkers like Phule,tion to the manner in which the media has
led to a stalemate. The Supreme Court has Periyar and Ambedkar among others to carried the report which was more irisinu
directed in no uncertain terms that "oust create a new framework on the basis of atory than mere reporting only to add to
ees must be offered lands which are really "cultural and intellectual traditions of thethe grist mill of sensation-driven news.
cultivable or irrigable, along with basic civil shudra and anti-shudra communities". The We call upon all democratic and freedom
amenities and benefits as specified in the little desi traditions - different from theloving people of the subcontinent to come
Award". Against the background of large celebrated desi tradition - represented by forth and condemn unequivocally this
scale refusal by oustees of land from the subaltern groups and the saint poets aredesperate attempt of the State to vilify
land bank, the Court directed in May 2011 part of this tradition. and criminalise all political opinions that
that "The government must continue to But Guru does not include the secular are contrary to its will.
search for additional land than what is al and non-elitist tradition that Ambedkar
I
SAR Geelani, Amit Bhattacharyya, Rona Wilson
ready available in the land bank and to find discovered in the history of India. Accord Committee for the Release of Political Prisoners
NEW DELHI
out the means of its purchase for allotment ing to Ambedkar this tradition has always
Economic & Political weekly laavi January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 5
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6 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i 0323 Economic & Political weekly
—: Economic&PoliticalwEEKLY
JANUARY 7, 2012
The Circus is in Town
Bereft of any meaningful vision, political parties have reduced politics to gladiatorial contests.
to the 2009 promise of the Congress Party and has been tailored
of Parliament. While a toothless bill was indeed passed by to meet the immediate political needs of the Congress rather than
Much wasthepromised of Progressive
Lok Sabha, the United the Lokpal Bill in the winter session
Alliance (upa) long-term development goals.
was unable to have even this endorsed in the Rajya Sabha on the Despite the very high inflation for much of the last two years,
last day of the session. Did this have to do with the inability of the the opposition parties of the right and left have found, to their
upa to win support in the upper house or was the Congress-led gov frustration, that they have not been able to generate public sup
ernment really not interested in getting the legislation enacted? For port for their actions on agendas which have traditionally been pub
that matter, no political party - other than the left - seemed keen lic mobilisers and vote catchers. Issues on which the bjp and the
on a strong anti-corruption law. The Lok Sabha even failed to left had till recently managed to start political agitations did not
provide constitutional status to the Lokpal because of opportun get the same traction. The left has been unable to sustain either the
istic opposition from the Bharatiya Janata Party (bjp). anti-nuclear agitation or the anti-price rise one, while the bjp has
The flurry of legislative action - including on the Citizens not found the same level of support for communal mobilisation.
Right to Grievance Redressal Bill and the Judicial Standards and It appears that political parties, whether the ruling Congress
Accountability Bill - has to do with the ufa wanting to dent the or the opposition, have lost their ability to both address the
growing support for the anti-corruption movements, particularly people with real agendas and also be conduits of people's
that of Anna Hazare and his group. Not enough attention has been demands. Their inability to understand the "people" has been a
paid to debate, deliberation and consultations and, not surprisingly, phenomenon for some time. It is this which led the then ruling
all political parties, as well as "civil society" groups, have concen National Democratic Alliance to so comprehensively misread the
trated on scoring points. While the Lokpal debate saw an element political situation and hand power to a Congress which appeared
of decorum if not substance, the overall conduct of Parliament to have sleepwalked to Raisina Hill. It is this same disconnect
during the winter session was in keeping with the recent trend of which, on the one hand, made the left parties think that their
debasing the apex institution of parliamentary democracy Disrup anti-nuclear campaign and Third Front would galvanise the
tions and adjournments were the norm rather than the exception people against the Congress and, on the other, fired L K Advani's
during the first half of the winter session. All in all, this has been prime-ministerial ambitions. Today we have reached a stage
the fourth parliamentary session which has been substantially where practically no political party really knows what their elec
wrecked by the opposition's determination to not let the govern tors will do. Political parties are, in a sense, groping in the dark.
ment transact normal business. The government has contributed The disruptions of Parliament can perhaps only be understood as
its bit, for instance, by taking its ill-fated decision on retail on the the wild, purposeless flailing of a political class desperate to find
eve of the winter session. The disaster that Parliament has become a political buoy to hang on to.
in recent years is symptomatic of Indian parliamentary democracy It is this state of politics which creates the space for the anti
today. India's political parties have reduced political contestationpolitics of forces like Anna Hazare and his group and other petty,
to a gladiatorial fight and converted Parliament into a circus. yet dangerous, agitators. But what explains this hollowing-out of
It is instructive to see how we came to this pass before we try our political parties?
to understand how. The re-election of the upa in 2009 dealt a A tentative explanation for this phenomenon could be that
severe blow to the political ambitions of both the bjp as well as thepolitical parties continue to understand India's social and
parliamentary left. Despite their "mandate" and the "free hand"political life in terms which may now be obsolete. The manner in
they supposedly got due to the absence of the left, upa-ii has which they articulate their politics finds decreasing resonance
floundered both on policy formulation as well as implementation.with their traditional constituencies, which themselves have
It has neither managed to initiate any meaningful social development changed both in form and content over the past few decades. On
policies nor pleased its free-market constituency. The recently the other side of this coin, the demands and needs of an increas
introduced Food Security Bill has been designed to pay lip service ing number of our citizens remain unarticulated by our political
Economic & Political weekly B2E3 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 7
EDITORIALS
parties. Over the last two decades, India's economychanges.

and its Our
polipolitical parties speak the language of the 20th
tical and social structures have witnessed massive transfor century to a 21st century population.
mations. Hardly anything has remained untouched and un
In classical Marxist terms, our political parties have perhaps
changed, whether it is castes and classes, gender and failed
kin rela
to understand the new contradictions which have emerged
tions, communication and transport, literacy and laws, orinmedia
the transformations caused by two decades of economic reforms. If
and demographics. The social group(s), class(es) or caste(s)
this is even partially correct, it is a dangerous situation since politi
which a political party earlier represented have transformed
cal parties are supposed to help materialise these contradictions
fundamentally, and with that has changed the interests and their programmes and actions, and thus help mediate
through
demands they embody. However, much of our political language
them in ways which sustain democratic politics. The failure of poli
remains informed by ideas and concepts which predate these
tical parties to do that opens the space for anti-politics and fascism.
Corruption and Fairy Tale Elections
Graft is a major issue in people's lives, but it is unlikely to figure in voter choice in the assembly elections.
given the murky record of every single one of them. How, for
states go to the polls. Given the high-pitched outpourings instance, can the Bharatiya Janata Party (bjp), whose government
A mini-general
on the electronicelection willanti-corruption
media around the be upon us in February as five in Karnataka is hardly exemplary, argue that it supported a strong
campaign and the live coverage of the proceedings in the Lok Lokpal when it voted against the constitutional amendment to make
Sabha and the Rajya Sabha on the Lokpal Bill, we have been the Lokpal a statutory body? Similarly, the Congress can hardly
led to believe that corruption will be one of the key issues in the cover its corrupt record by claiming credit for finally introducing a
elections. The anti-corruption crusaders, led by Anna Hazare, weak and deficient anti-corruption law. Of course, corruption is a real
have promised to put all their vaunted strength, now somewhat concern and does affect the poor and the powerless the most. But
dented by the feeble response to their last campaign, to ensure none of the major political parties are likely to focus on corruption.
the defeat of the Congress Party for bringing in a weak Lokpal Previous election results clearly show that the moral stature,
Bill. But will corruption actually be a determining factor? or the lack thereof, of candidates does not appear to affect voter
Given the pattern of voting over the last decade and more, it is choice. A relevant illustration is the 2007 election in up that
clear that the Indian voter is not lured by catchy slogans or media brought the bsp to power. According to an assessment of elected
campaigns. This was especially evident during the 2004 general representatives in the 2007 up assembly conducted by the Asso
elections when the National Democratic Alliance's India Shining ciation for Democratic Reforms (adr), 35%, or 139 out of the 395
campaign failed to bring it back to power. An obvious message from MLAs whose election records were analysed, had criminal charges
that spectacular failure was that success on the hustings in India pending against them. These 139 were evenly spread across parties
depends on a whole host of local factors and is determined by what in terms of the percentage of candidates with criminal records.
voters see on the ground and not by an apparent hawa that only Thus while 34% of the mlas of the ruling bsp had criminal records,
psephologists and media commentators seem to sense. So corrup 37% of the sp, 28% of the b jp, 36% of the Congress Party and 40%
tion might be an issue in television studios and on talk shows, but of the Rashtriya Lok Dal (rld) legislators had criminal records. In
it does not necessarily translate into voter choice on the ground. other words, no party was significantly better than the other in
If the 2004 and 2009 general elections proved difficult to pre terms of the percentage of candidates facing criminal charges. It
dict, the 2012 state assembly elections will be even more so. The is unlikely that this basic profile of the people who stand for and
outcome in Uttar Pradesh (up), the largest and politically the win elections will change in the forthcoming elections in up.
most important state of the five, is far from certain. The opposition In smaller states like Goa, with a literate population, issues such
assumes that anti-incumbency will give them a chance to grab as corruption, or the violation of environmental laws, could become
power. But shifting the Bahujan Samaj Party (bsp), which in 2007 election issues and determine the fates of individual candidates.
won an impressive 206 out of 403 assembly seats, will not prove However, even in Maharashtra, where the government of the ruling
that easy. The Samajwadi Party (sp) has to live down misgovern Congress Party-Nationalist Congress Party coalition has been marked
ance during its years in power. And the Congress Party, despite by corruption scandals, both parties did surprisingly well in the
Congress general secretary Rahul Gandhi's months-long cam recent urban local body elections. This suggests that a whole host of
paign and the central government's last-minute sops to win over factors, including but not only the manifestos of the political
the minority vote, must contend with its long-standing inability parties, national and local alliances, caste and community factors,
to win back an electorate whose loyalty it lost many years ago. In and ground-level realities such as the availability of water, electricity
the other four states too, there are multiple factors that will influ and roads, are more likely to affect electoral choices than the
ence voter choice. extent of corruption. This might be a cynical view of the election
As for making the fight against corruption an election issue, no battleground but it is more realistic than the fairy tale woven by the
party is in a position to confidently project that it is against corruption anti-corruption brigade that has yet to contest an election.
EDITORIALS
Heroic Whistle-blower, Not a Traitor

Bradley Manning's trial exposes the supreme irony in the us claims of its conduct of "just war
the rand Corporation, released the Pentagon Papers in 1967 that

soldier Bradley Manning first copied information from eventually brought an end to the us invasion of Vietnam. Ellsberg
When United States
his employer's (us)database,
intelligence army intelligence
supposedly some analyst and himself has been an ardent supporter of Manning and has petitioned
time in November 2009, he thought he was doing a major service hard for his freedom. The Pentagon Papers that detailed the lies
to society. And Manning was right. The us had waged a war in two perpetuated by successive us administrations about the conduct
countries and spread its clandestine operations across west Asia of the Vietnam war contained information which was classified and
as part of its "war on terror", both of which have featured numerous marked as "top secret". The diplomatic cables and videos released
war crimes and human rights violations. It was when WikiLeaks by Manning were scarcely "secret" like the Pentagon Papers. Most
put out the official material that Manning had downloaded that were communications from embassy officials that at best brought
the scale of the crimes became fully known. In April 2010 WikiLeaks embarrassment to the us state department for their candour in
in its release, "Collateral Murder", had sensationally revealed infor describing political events and personalities in various nations.
mation about us army helicopters bombing civilians in Iraq. While the charges of espionage against Ellsberg were dropped in
Thereafter, the website published field reports on the conduct 1973, the political discourse in the us following the release of
of the Iraq and Afghanistan invasions in its "Iraq war logs" and WikiLeaks documents has likened Manning's act to cyber-terrorism.
"Afghan war diary", respectively. It later put out, in collaboration Republican politicians have even called for the assassination of
with various newspapers across the world, a large tranche of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange and for a punitive example to
diplomatic cables from American embassies that detailed how the be made out of Manning.
superpower conducted its business with the rest of the world. During the trial, military prosecutors have accused Manning
Citing the privilege of its news sources, WikiLeaks has under of aiding Al Qaida by disclosing what the us army has done as part
standably not formally revealed that it was Manning who supplied of its military operations in west Asia and elsewhere. Ironically,
these materials to them. Manning clearly saw himself acting as a others credit the launch of the democracy movements in Tunisia
whistle-blower. Emotionally insecure and alienated by the wars and other countries in west Asia to the WikiLeaks release of
waged by his nation, the 24-year-old thought it best to play that information on the conduct of local dictatorships. President
risky role while working amidst colleagues who had few qualms Obama had in his 2008 campaign promised a "most transparent
about acting inhumanely. All this came to light later through administration" with the online release of as much public infor
purported transcripts of Manning's internet conversations with a mation on his presidency as possible. Yet, Bradley Manning, who
fellow "hacktivist" Adrian Lamo. only acted out of an instinctive commitment to peace and trans
Manning has now been put on a military trial with the prose parency, has been put in the dock for his whistle-blowing efforts.
cution arguing for a full court martial and life imprisonment. As Unlike during the Vietnam war, public criticism of us govern
many as 30 charges have been framed against him in the trial ment actions in Afghanistan and Iraq has been relatively muted.
that commenced on 16 December, with the charges even carrying While there is a war weariness and general disquiet about us
the death penalty. operations, this has not translated into active protest and a
After his incarceration, Manning has been subjected to severe demand for an immediate shift in us foreign policy. The same
prison conditions. For close to 10 of his 18 months of imprisonment, newspapers that published diplomatic accounts and war details
he was confined to solitary treatment in a maximum security supplied to them by WikiLeaks have also been muted in their
prison, and was forced to bear various indignities that can onlyresponse to the us government's treatment of Manning and the
be described as torture, us President Barack Obama has justifiedsystematic attacks against WikiLeaks. In the current mood in the
this treatment of Manning and rejected comparisons with the other us it does not seem that Manning will be given justice and
famous whistle-blower, Daniel Ellsberg, who, while working at accorded his true status of a heroic whistle-blower.
FROM 50 YEARS AGO the Reserve Bank and the scheduled20banks in

per cent of their declared profits to their
regard to the measures to be adopted by the
reserves until the 6 per cent ratio is reached.
Jlic firottomic Wccblg
a Journal ot Current (Economic anb political Sffatru
latter for strengthening their capital
This struc
is the general directive and it applies to
ture. The ratio of paid-up capitalall banks
and whether
re their reserves have come
VOL XIV, NO 1, JANUARY 6, 1962
serves of the scheduled banks which
up tohad depaid-up capital or not. The mini
their
mum cent
clined from 9 per cent in 1950 to 5 per that the
in banks have to do is to transfer
WEEKLY NOTES
i960 will have to be gradually raised20toper6 cent
per of their declared profits to re
cent, and not to the higher figure serves
which until
thethe ratio has been reached; there
More Capital for Banks Governor had suggested earlier. Those banks
is naturally no upper limit to such transfer.
In the directive (or, is it a circular?)which
addressed
are in a position to do so have ...thebeen
directive is explicit on the point that
to all the Indian scheduled banks, askedthe Gover while the
to raise fresh capital in the market andpublished reserves are to be
nor of the Reserve Bank has put down
if thethe
new capital raised is not strengthened,
adequate, it should not be at the cost of
terms of the compromise reachedthey,
between
too, will have to transfer a minimum of
secret reserves...
Economic & Political weekly raüfii January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 9
MARGIN SPEAK
The 'Precariat' Strikes politicians is indeed surprising. Mumbai,

where he lived in a chawl from his school
days until he shifted to Rajgruha, the
majestic house he built in Hindu colony in
ANAND TELTUMBDE
1931, and from where he began his move
ment, would be the natural place to have
The occupation of the Indu Mills
Vested interests have never been known to
such a memorial. The issue of converting
have willingly divested themselves unless there
near Chaityabhoomi in Mumbai Rajgruha into a national memorial has
was sufficient force to compel them.
been skilfully manipulated by the likes of
by dalit youth demanding that -BRAmbedkar
Sharad Pawar to play one dalit faction
an Ambedkar memorial should
against the other and eventually decimate
come up there is a heartening Mumbai. Despite this what happened the dalit movement in the State.
development. In neo-liberal Six December

on the last one was is
veryaunusual.
special day in In the 1980s, the tenants of Rajgruha had
Some 700 youth belonging to a little been offered alternate housing in Bandra
India, dalits are a significant part
known Republican Sena led by Anandraj and the Ambedkar family a plot across the
of the "precariat" - a section of the youngest grandson of
Ambedkar, road that belonged to the railways. The
the people with no job security,
Babasaheb Ambedkar, broke the police chief minister then was Sudhakarrao Naik
indeed, with no prospect ofbarricade, gatecrashed into the National but before the decision could be sealed,
Textile Corporation's (ntc) Indu Mills Sharad Pawar became the chief minister.
employment, and hence, ready to
and forcibly occupied it by constructing a His political intrigues willed otherwise.
take on the risks of plunging into
makeshift Buddha Vihar there. They have The plot was eventually given to the
the struggle for a better world.
since declared that they will not leave policemen's housing society as "revenue
until convincing
Today it is Indu Mills; tomorrow itsteps are taken by the land", in a scandalous manner quite like
could be India! government towards building memorial the infamous Adarsh Society. Nonetheless,
for B R Ambedkar on the land. This is with it the possibility of Rajgruha ever
a demand that has been pending for becoming a memorial also came to an end
nearly two decades. For the dalits, mired and the focus was deflected to the 12.5 acre
in constitutionalism, the act portends a of land that fell vacant after the closure of
radical shift in their politics and, con the ntc's Indu Mills. The idea of building a
sequently, new possibilities of change in memorial for Ambedkar on this land,
the country. which is contiguous to the Chaityabhoomi,
was first mooted by the former Prime Min
Memorial Imbroglio ister Atal Behari Vajpayee in 1997. Since
Babasaheb Ambedkar is a veritable pheno then dalit outfits have occasionally raised
menon. His popularity and appeal have the issue as the Congress-led governments
been increasing every year since he passed at the state as well as the centre prevari
away on 6 December 1956. No other person cated over it.
anywhere is commemorated by millions
of people voluntarily congregating at his Discarding the Mirage
shrine to pay homage on his death anni On the eve of elections to 19 municipal
versary and a few other dates connected corporations, including Mumbai, Ulhas
with his life. Besides, given his contri nagar, Thane and Nagpur, early next year,
butions, he deserves to be ranked among expectedly, the issue came to the fore on
the founding fathers of the Indian republic. 6 December. Vijay Kamble, who heads the
This - in the light of literal neglect by Samajik Samata Manch, a dalit wing of
the ruling establishment for years until it the Nationalist Congress Party, went on an
realised his electoral importance as the indefinite hunger strike since 3 December.
icon of nearly one-fourth of the popula Ramdas Athawale, who did nothing while
tion - makes him unique in the annals of he was with the ruling party during all
history. That there has not been a men these years, initiated a struggle over the
Anand Teltumbde (tanandraj@gmail.com) is a tionable memorial (except for the ones issue in a desperate bid to test his new
writer and civil rights activist with the built by Mayawati) in his honour in a land alliance with the Shiv Sena. The show,
Committee for the Protection of Democratic
where the State voluntarily builds and however, was stolen by a little known
Rights, Mumbai.
maintains grand memorials for even petty apolitical youth outfit called Republican
10
January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i 0353 Economic & Political weekly
MARGIN SPEAK
mirage. They were deprived by every suc the mill. The other dalit leaders are also
Sena. It had threatened the government
and state policy but viewed the con desperately vying with each other for
of direct action two days beforecessive
executed it smartly by storming intosequences
the as mere aberrations. The neo media attention so as to claim credit for
actibulldozer devastated them but they the imminent success. It is important to
liberal
heavily barricaded mill premises. Its
vists have since been occupying the still believed the word of the State that it know that the State favours established poli
premises by creating a makeshift Buddha was good. The occupation of Indu Mills is ticians because it can easily negotiate with
Vihar inside and resolved that they would the first action that reflects some kind of them. Although, both in their organisa
not leave until the demand is met. The awakening among dalit youth to the reality tional name as well as their leader, the
around, an indication that they have now agitators may not be entirely untrust
action received wide publicity but is yet
to be taken due note of insofar as its realised that what they have been hanker worthy, in their maverick action they
political portents. Surely, this action did
ing after was a mirage. certainly display spontaneity. What the
not have a precedent in the record of the situation demands is mass mobilisation by
Hurdles from the Vultures
dalit movement, which has been largely the Republican Sena at Indu Mills and a
mayaction on 6 December has many sidelining
state-friendly and fraught with what The posi of the discredited dalit leaders
be called constitutionalism. who want to hog the limelight.
tive features. It has mobilised dalit youth.
One could go back to the very first Its leader, Anandraj Ambedkar, has insisted
Prowess of the 'Precariat'
struggle waged by dalits for their civilthat there are no electoral motives behind
rights on 20 March 1927 wherein theythe mobilisation. Therefore, the Republican The only dark lining on an otherwise
were attacked by orthodox Hindus forSena is apparently not available for familiar inspiring act is the issue itself, which is
having defiled the Chavadar tank. What political parleys. The occupation reflected rooted in identity and emotions around
followed was the satyagraha in Decemberastute planning and execution. One may Ambedkar as a demigod. The State is adept
1927 which was blocked by court injunccynically say that it succeeded because the at manipulating both to neutralise dalit
tions fraudulently obtained by some caste police did not use force for fear of the anger and pave the way for their further
Hindus. On both these occasions, Ambedkarconsequences. Any precipitate action on dispossession. As a strategy, it may be
avoided confrontation with the State. This
their part could have incited millions who alright to mobilise around the issue of the
was his well thought-out strategy in the had come to the Chaityabhoomi on that day. memorial to start with but it should soon be
context of the goal and the configuration of The involvement of Ambedkar's grandson extended to tackle the material deprivation
the struggle. But dalits misinterpreted it, and the nature of the issue also deterred of dalits. The Republican Sena should not
conceiving of the State as their benefactor, the police from acting because it could easily squander the gains of this agitation and
or, at the least, a neutral arbiter. After have turned into an emotionally charged lose its new-found direction.
the Mahad satyagraha of 1927 for temple conflagration. And, the timing, on the eve of Dalits have been victims of their poor
entry, such satyagrahas that happened the winter session of the assembly and the self-image induced by the caste system and
with Ambedkar's tacit approval ended corporation elections, certainly helped.caricatured by others. They have overcome
inconclusively but avoided confrontation Indeed, many more things could be said it to some extent through their struggles.
with the state. Dalits organised numerous about the precise stuff that strategies are Capitalist development has thrust them
demonstrations and protests but never made of. Choosing an opportune time andinto the ranks of the proletariat and the
any direct action. Later, when the Consti a constellation of favourable factors are current phase of neo-liberal globalisation
tution - Ambedkar was the chair of its important aspects of strategy, which is
has reduced them to a "precariat", to use
what makes this action, the occupation
drafting committee - came into force, dalits economist Guy Standing's term - a neo
assumed that the goals and functions of Indu Mills, distinctive. Now, in order
logism derived from merging precarious
the State were ordained by the will to
of sustain the agitation the Republicanwith proletariat, referring to people with
Sena has to win mass solidaritv.
Ambedkar. His early exhortation that they no job security, or no prospect of employ
should shun agitation and adopt constituAlready the established dalit politicians
ment. This very status makes them poten
tional methods stuck and it is this political
are clamouring to take credit for the occu tially dangerous. The precariat must realise
culture that has informed collective dalit that they really have the potential to
pation or sabotage it. They all claim partici
behaviour over the last six decades. The pation of their followers in the agitation.change the world. The strategies for future
State was seen as a dogooder, patron, They are trying to get into the limelight struggles must be conceived from this
protector, and an unbiased referee. Thewith some kind of action in order to dilute
position of strength. Today it is Indu Mills;
tomorrow it could be India!
emerging middle class of dalits developed the credit that has come the Republican
this conception into a political art of whip Sena's way. Athawale created an unneces (On 22 December, the Maharashtra
ping the abstraction of manuwad. while sary ruckus on 15 December based ostensibly government told the Bombay High Court
befriending the real oppressor in the formon the statement of the minister of state for
that it would try and settle the issue within
a week. The high court had castigated
of the State. They utterly failed to compretextiles in the Rajya Sabha that only four
hend its class character. the government for allowing "blatant
acres would be spared for the Ambedkar
Despite the persistent contrary experience, memorial. His people hogged publicity by
illegality". The matter has been adjourned
they kept running after a constitutional indulging in breaking and burning inside
to 4 January 2012.)
Economic & Political weekly 0313 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 11
COMMENTARY
Lokpal Bill: Lessons from

legislated on, and constituted anti-corrup
tion agencies. Orissa was the first state to
the Karnataka Lokayukta's

legislate on this matter (1970),1 while
Maharashtra was the first to constitute an
Performance anti-corruption agency (1972).2 These pre

ceding policy debates and existing models
in the states have framed our policy choices.
But the debate so far has focused exten
NARAYANA A, SUDHIR KRISHNASWAMY, VIKAS KUMAR sively on the constitutional status of the
Lokpal (L M Singhvi coined the word Lok
1 Introduction
The debate on the design of the pal, which means "Protector of the People",
Lokpal has been premised on the to indigenise the word Ombudsman (Stand
institutional design for a new anti ing Committee 2011, para 3.3) and the ad
questionable assumption that The debate on policy
corruption agency choices and the
at the union and ministrative and legal mechanisms nec
what is needed to combat
state levels has pervaded every public fora. essary for a strong and effective agency
corruption is a powerful national The ubiquitous debate is characterised by without any attempt to learn from an
institution to prosecute and passionate disagreement between familiar empirical analysis of the performance of
opponents who never tire of restating and existing institutional models.
convict the corrupt, but the
rehashing their adopted positions which The best case for a national Lokpal is
debate has not drawn on the
have been informed by their moral or to show that the existing Lokayukta in
experience with the existing political commitments. Even by the stand the states works. For instance, it is often
institutional models, namely the ards of India's loud and noisy democracy argued that the Karnataka Lokayukta,
the anti-corruption debate has been char constituted under the Karnataka Lokayukta
Lokayuktas in the states. An
acterised by a rancour and extraordinary Act, 1984, provides an argument for an
empirical analysis of the brinkmanship that threatens to derail anti-corruption agency at the national
performance of the Lokayukta in India's everyday practice of politics. level. So, it is puzzling that the debate has
Karnataka between 1995 and 2011 Despite the polarised debate there is referenced prior bureaucratic discourse
agreement on the core moral imperative and the National Crime Record Bureau
suggests that any anti-corruption
to tackle corruption seriously. However, (ncrb) statistics, but there has been no
agency, no matter how powerful, the debate has quickly moved from this systematic effort to evaluate or assess the
that is oriented towards criminal agreed premise to the questionable conclu experience of existing anti-corruption
conviction is bound to fail in the sion that we need a powerful national insti agencies in the states. The latest Parlia
tution to prosecute and convict the corrupt mentary Standing Committee Report's use
absence of judicial reforms.
under the criminal law. To our knowledge of anecdotes as empirical evidence exem
the choice of appropriate legal instruments plifies this approach.3
to deal with corrup Figure 1: Ratio of Raid to Trap Cases (1995-2011)
tion has not been
We are grateful to Manavi Belgaumkar, debated. But the idea 6.00

6
Dharmendra Chatur, Tasneem Deo, of an anti-corruption
Rajeev Kadambi, Vandana Kamat, and agency is not a new
Sumandro C for research assistance, to one. It has survived the
P G Babu, Poonam Mehra, V Santhakumar,
and Alok Tiwari for helpful discussions, and to
scrutiny of the National
Azim Premji University for institutional Commission to Review
support. The data used in this study was the Working of the Con 2.50
obtained in June 2011 from the public 2.00 I

stitution (2000), two
information officer, the Karnataka Lokayukta Administrative Reforms
III
under the Right to Information Act, 2005.
The usual disclaimer applies.
Commissions (1966 0.73
and 2005), four parlia Q ! J J £ 0.07 0.06 0.03 0.00 °J2 0A0 0.08 °^7 0.09 o.04
Narayana A (narayana.gatty@ 1995 1 996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 20042005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 June
mentary standing com
azimpremjifoundation.org), 2011
Sudhir Krishnaswamy (krishnaswamysudhir@ mittees (1996, 1998,

gmail.com) and Vikas Kumar (vikas.kumar@ 2001 and 2011), and review of eight anti In this article we hope to bring new
azimpremjifoundation.org) are at the Law, corruption bills (1968, 1971, 1977, 1985,insights to this debate by engaging with
Governance and Development Initiative,
1989, 1996, 1998 and 2001). Half of thelaw in action. Over the last six months,
Azim Premji University, Bangalore.
states and union territories have alreadyresearchers at the Azim Premji University's
12
January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i BB3 Economic & Political weekly
COMMENTARY
>ution of Cases Initiated

Figure 2: Yearly Distribution of under
CasesKarnataka Lokayuktaunder
Initiated Act, 1984 Karnataka Lokayukta Act, 1984 2 Agency Prosecutions
450 | Justice N Santosh
Hegde vs Citizen Complaints
400 Justice S A Hakim ,u5"« MNVenkatachala The need to establish a strong Lokpal that
350
initiates criminal investigation against
corrupt officials has been a key demand
300
in the current debate. The Karnataka
250 Lokayukta had the power, under the
200
Prevention of Corruption Act 1988, to in
vestigate cases of corruption and recently
150 Trap -
was endowed with suo motu powers
100 even under the Karnataka Lokayukta Act
50
to initiate criminal investigation.4 How
ever, between 1995 and 2011, Karnataka's
0
0 3 2 4 4^
1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 June Lokayukta carried out only 357 suo motu
2011
raids against individual officials but
Figure 3: Departmental Distribution of Cases (1995-2011)
Number received and tried to trap 2,681 officials
0 100 200 300 500 600
(and 59 private persons) in response to
Taluk/district office,
2,159 citizen complaints.5 In other words,
police, court, tax, land
for every six cases investigated in response
634
to citizen complaints only one is initiated
Local government ■
by the department suo motu. Also, the
464 share of raid cases has been decreasing
over the years (Figure 1, p 12).
So, a comparison between raid and trap
Economic activities
cases suggests one of the most active
Lokayuktas is primarily private complaint
Agriculture and irrigation
driven. This in turn suggests that the legal
power to initiate action does not determine
Regulation
whether we have a proactive anti-corrup
143 tion agency. The incentives for administra

Forest
12 tive action seem to lie elsewhere. Interest
Figure 4: Distribution of Cases across Designations (1995-2011) ingly, institutional leadership is seen to
Number of cases
1,229
have a significant impact on the agency's
performance. For instance, in Karnataka
I
more than 66% of the raid cases by the
848 Lokayukta were initiated between 2006
and 2011, when justice Santosh Hegde was
I
•*-Trap
the Lokayukta (Figure 2). Our finding
agrees with reports in the media suggesting
338 steep changes in Lokayukta's case load with
201
leadership changes (Aiyappa 2011). But
7 112
n jd A
Petty officials Mid-ranking officials Professionals Higher officials
note that during the period covered in our
data, raids were conducted under the Pre
Designation Clusters vention of Corruption Act, 1988. The new
Law and Governance Initiative have exam and largely resolved by existing legislationpowers conferred by the recent amend
ined a comprehensive data set of all raid and institutional design of the Lokayuktaments to the Karnataka Lokayukta Act,
and trap cases handled by Karnataka's in, say, Karnataka. It has ignored critical 1984 that granted the Lokayukta suo motu
Lokayukta between 1995 and 2011. Thisissues that may have little or nothing to dopowers to investigate cases are yet to have
data was obtained under the Right to with the design of the Lokpal itself but a significant impact on the institutional ca
Information Act 2005. While our final affect its performance. We conclude that a pacity for proactive intervention.
analysis and conclusions will follow shortly, bill that does not assimilate the experience
we hope to contribute to the present of existing anti-corruption agencies in 3 Departmental Distribution
debates with our preliminary findingsstates like Karnataka is doomed to fail. The There have been several estimates of the
through this article. Our analysis suggests rest of the discussion is organised around departmental distribution of corruption in
that the policy debate on the Lokpal has discrete themes that have been highlighted India. These studies often rely on survey data
focused on issues that have been anticipatedin the current Lokpal debate. of impressions of the public6 or from self
COMMENTARY
Figure 5: Processing Rate of Cases (as Percentage of Total Cases) (1995-2011) includes officers of all categories will be
80.5 overwhelmed by cases against the lower
bureaucracy. While the current debate
■♦Trap 65.9 63.9
seeks to emphasise the blameworthiness
1
and legal culpability of petty and grand
1 [ 43.3 41.4 corruption equally, the institutional impact
i
on the allocation of scarce prosecutorial
■ resources will be a serious one.8 Further,

it may be more useful to analyse the
I Investigated Sanctioned Chargesheeted Trial completed Convicted

Stage
28 1-4 0.6 o.003
percentage of prosecuted officers from a
particular category from among their to
tal cadre strength but unfortunately this
disclosure.7 We carried out a department \ Petty vs Grand Corruption data is unavailable to us at this point.
wise analysis of cases of corruption to rhe distinction between petty and grand
map the focus of the Lokayukta's work ;orruption is a well-established one in the 5 Process of Investigation
(Figure 3, p 13) academic literature on corruption. It has The creation of a strong investigation
Interestingly, more than 80% or the trap emerged as one of the contentious issues and prosecution arm has been central to
cases are related to four essential func in the Lokpal debate with respect to thethe Indian debate on the Lokpal. It is
tions of government: local governmentinclusion of Group c and d officials within suggested that refusal of sanction for pros
(24.06%), administration - taluk/districtits jurisdiction. Though our data is yet to ecution and the failure of the agency to
office, police, court, tax, land, revenuebe organised in line with Groups a, b, c complete investigations are the key prob
(37-65%), welfare (17.61%), and regulationand d categorisation it allows us to lems that a Lokpal should be designed to
(2.54%). The rest of the cases are dividedrespond to this issue with greater insight avoid (see, for instance, the Jan Lokpal
between agriculture and irrigation (3.76%),than is currently the case (Figure 4, p 13). Bill 2011). In Karnataka, our analysis leads
forests (1.63%), and economic activities Nearly halt or the othciais against whomto the conclusion that neither of these
(12.75%). The corresponding depart the Karnataka Lokayukta has proceededproblems is a critical hindrance for the
mental shares for raid cases are as follows: against are officials in the lower bureau anti-corruption agency.
local government (18.21%), administra cratic scale while about 10% are senior Of all the cases, in 65.9% (43.3%) of the
tion (33.24%), welfare (8.09%), regula trap (raid) cases sanction for prosecution
officials. Only 24 officials out of 3,038 (0.8%)
was granted (Figure 5). But when seen
tion (11.56%), agriculture and irrigation belong to the Indian Administrative Service
as a function of investigated cases, the
(8.09%), forests (3.47%), and economic (ias), the Indian Police Service (ips), Indian
percentage of cases receiving sanction for
activities (17.34%). Two observations are Forest Service, and the Karnataka Admini
prosecution goes up to 94.3 (90.5)% of
in order here. One, the distribution is not strative Service (kas) cadres. The upshot
determined by the Lokayukta as a bulk of of this discussion is that there is little trap (raid) cases (Figure 6, p 15). Further,
the cases arise out of citizen complaints. doubt that the case docket of a Lokpal that the trap (raid) cases in which sanction is
Two, given the growing importance of the
welfare function of the State the overall
share of essential functions is likely to Ear to the Ground navayana

increase rather than decrease.
Writings on Class and Caste *•"*
Some participants in the debate have
K.BALAGOPAL
suggested that structural reform of gov
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Balagopal's writings. /mm the eariy 1980s till he died in 2009. offer us a rare insight into
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corruption in India. Our preliminary to engage with history, the public sphere and political change. He wrote through nearly
three tumultuous decades: on encounter deaths; straggles 0/agricultural labourers; th

analysis suggests that this is not a quick
shi/ting dynamics of class and caste in the 1980s and thereafter in Andhra Pradesh; the
fix since at this stage, even a complete venality and tyranny of the Indian state; an the importance of re-figuring the caste orde
withdrawal of the State from economic as one that denied the right of civil existence to vast numbers of its constituents; the
activities will have only a marginal im centraiity one ought to grant patriarchy in considerations of social injustice; the destruc
tive logic of development that emerged in the India of the 1990s, dishonouring its citizen
pact on the level of corruption measured right to life, liberty and livelihood. This volume comprises essays largely drawn from fPU
'As a human rights worker active since
in terms of number of cases of corrup 1981, and slightly older than BalagopaU
to which he was a regular contributor.
tion. So, tackling corruption may requireremember him as a magical figure. The writ 8alagopal was too self-effacing to put together his writings into a volume. But it is
through his writings that his legacy lives ottgiving us a roadmap for future struggles
a more fundamental restructuring of theings in this volume help interpret the often
administrative process as it is unlikely chaotic developments in /Indhra Pradesh, Distributed by IPO Alternatives, New Delhi PhOII -26492040 ipd.alternativa00mail.com
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14 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i 023 Economic & Political we
COMMENTARY
Figure 6: Actual Processing Rate of Cases (1995-2011, in %) will not tackle the core problem with a
criminal trial in India: the trial stage.10
7 Is Karnataka's Lokayukta a
Successful Model?
As the above discussion shows, if criminal

conviction is used as the measure of suc
cess then the best Lokayukta in the coun
try is undoubtedly a failure. But a caveat is
in order: the Lokayukta does not adminis
tratively control the criminal court. Hence,
we should attribute this failure to the
choice of a criminal conviction model as
the centrepiece of our anti-corruption

framework
yet to be granted are on an average 1.63 in Karnataka does not impede
strategy. Alternatively, the performance of
(2.14) years old and the median case in
investigation the Lokayukta may be assessed by estimat
of corruption offences. The
Indian
this category is two (three) years old. We public debate on the Lokpal has
ing its political and symbolic impact. While
do not have further details about the cases
focused extensively on the need to equip we do not have data to systematically
the institution with extraordinary powers evaluate
in which sanction has not been obtained of the function of the Karnataka
so far. So, we cannot say if the delay in

investigation. Our analysis leads to the con
Lokayukta, maybe the Lokayukta's capacity
clusion that much of the Indian debate has to occupy media attention through the
these cases can be attributed to political
and/or bureaucratic interference. Howev sought to extinguish a problem that does spectacle of the raid and high profile
not have a very significant impact on the
er, we can say that almost all the raid cas investigations into politically charged cases
es in which sanction is pending involve that have unseated a chief minister, shifted
effectiveness of the anti-corruption agency.
senior officials, including ias, ips, and kas the public mood and enhanced political
6 Criminal Trial: The Core Problem
cadre officials, and chief engineers. But in accountability, and could be counted as
significant successes. However, we should
On the filing of a charge sheet in a special
an overwhelming majority of the cases the
not overstate these effects because the
designated court, every case investigated
need for sanction for prosecution has not
operated as a significant hindrance to the ruling party's candidates have routinely
by the Lokayukta enters the criminal justice
system. We have noted that the perfor
functioning of the Lokayukta in Karnataka. won most by-elections to the Karnataka
The public debate has also emphasised
mance of the Lokayukta in Karnatakalegislative
has assembly in the recent past. A
been creditable on most parametersthird
the failure to complete investigations as dis potential measure of success of the
Lokayukta as an anti-corruption agency
cussed above. However, the story changes
one of the key problems to be resolved in
the design of the Lokpal. We analysed the
after charge sheets are filed. may be its capacity to initiate and affect
capacity of the Karnataka Lokayukta to Of the trap (raid) cases in which charge
administrative measures against officials,
sheets have been filed, 95.7% (96.6%)including
resolve this problem within their existing are recovery of damages. At this
legal and bureaucratic framework. under trial. The average age of the trap stage we do not have the data to estimate
In 80.5% (54.4%) of the trap (raid) cases,(raid) cases under trial is 5.1(8) yearsorold
assess these effects and this will be
and the median case in this category

investigation has been completed and this theinemphasis for future research. A final
does not vary significantly depending on
four (six) years old. Further, of all the assessment
trap of the Lokayukta in Karnataka
would need a more fully developed nor
(raid) cases investigated and under trial
the rank of official being investigated, ex
mative framework for assessment. How
only 15 (one) have resulted in convictions.
cept at the very highest level. This high in
vestigation rate is particularly impressive. ever, even at this stage we may conclude
The conviction rate of 20.5% (20%) in trap
that
(raid) cases is much lower than the rate
The trap (raid) cases pending investigation of the Lokayukta fails to achieve its
are on an average about 1.1 (2.14) years old
convictions in criminal prosecutions in primary
anti purpose: the criminal conviction
corruption cases in India in recent years,
and the median case in this category is one of corrupt officials.
(two) year old. Similarly, charge sheetswhich is between 34% and 40% (ncrb
were filed in 97.1% (95.4%) of the trap 2007,2008,2009, Table 9.1, Col 23).' This 8 Concluding Remarks
(raid) cases in which investigations have
suggests that this is the key problem The thatpresumption of a criminal conviction
been completed and sanction for prosecu lies at the core of a criminal conviction model is at the core of the Lokpal Bill,
tion has been obtained. This processing
model for tackling corruption in India.
which means that it will come up against
The
rate compares favourably with the rate at the same environmental limits - the effi
Indian debate on the Lokpal has
which criminal cases in general are proc
focused extensively on the remedying insti
cacy of the criminal justice system - that
essed in India. The success of the Karnatakatutional inefficiencies at the complaint and
the Lokayukta in Karnataka confronts.
Lokayukta in investigating cases suggests Without highly contentious legal reforms,
investigation stage in the Lokpal. No matter
how successful these innovations are, they
that the existing legislative and bureaucratic an extremely powerful agency, which the
Economic & Political weekly CEE3 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 15
COMMENTARY
Jan Lokpal Bill promises to establish,Inadvisability

can Prevention
of treating petty and grand corrupof Corruption Act (1988): available at
tion alike and using the same agencies and legal
http://lokayukta.kar.nic.in/preact.htm
at best marginally improve investigation
instruments to deal with them has been questioned
Quah, Jon S T (2003): "Combating Corruption in India,
rates and filing of charge sheet in for quite some time (e g, Rowat 1984; PanchuSome
corrup 2011).
Lessons from Asian Experiences" in Stephn
Conviction rate is calculated by dividing theHowes et al (ed.), State-Level Reforms in India: To
cases
tion cases without securing more convic
resulting in conviction by the total number ofwards
casesMore Effective Government (New Delhi:
MacMillan).
tions. The proposal for the Lokpal atin which
the trial has been completed and judgment
Rowat,
passed. Of all the cases, the share of cases Donald C (1984): "The Suitability of the Ombuds
leading
moment fails to address this core problem
to conviction is close to 0.5%. man Plan for Developing Countries", International
and for that reason is bound to fail to Review
Again, this issue has been discussed for long. See,of Administrative Sciences, 50(3), pp 207-11.
for instance, Palmer (1985), Alexander (1995),
Standing Committee (2011): The 48th Report of the
achieve its primary purpose: the criminaland Quah (2003). Department Related Standing Committee on Per
sonnel, Public Grievances, Law and Justice on the
conviction of corrupt officials.
Lokpal Bill, 2011 (presented to the Rajya Sabha on
REFERENCES 9 December, 2011), available at http://www.prs
india.org/uploads/media/Lokpal/SCR%2oLok
Aiyappa, Manu (2011): "Complaints at Karnataka
NOTES pal%20Bill%2020ii.pdf
Lokayukta Dwindle", Times of India, 23 November,
Stark, Joshua J M (2011): "Kerala's Ombudsman: A
available at http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/
1 Orissa Government (nd).
Mismatch of Mission and Capabilities", Governance:
city/bangalore/Complaints-at-Karnataka
2 Standing Committee (2011, para 3.8). An International Journal of Policy, Administration,
Lokayukta-dwindle/articleshow/10836823.cms
3 Standing Committee (2011, passim) and Stark (2011). and Institutions, 24 (2): pp 389-92.
Alexander, P C (1995): The Perils of Democracy (Bombay:
4 Section 7(1)(b) of the Karnataka Lokayukta Act, The Jan Lokpal Bill (2011): available at http://ibnlive.
Somaiya Publications).
1984 as amended by the Karnataka Lokayukta in.com/news/full-text-the-jan-Lokpal-bill/148401
iPaidaBribe.com (nd): www.IPaidaBribe.com
(Amendment) Act, 2010. 53-html
Orissa Government (nd), http://rtiorissa.gov.in/dept_
The Kamataka Lokayukta Act (1984): available at http://
5 In a raid case, the police wing of the Lokayukta
home.php?id=24&oid=i93&sid=2
raids the office and/or residential premises www.kar.nic.in/lokayukta/karnataka_ lokayuk
of aLeslie (1985): The Control of Bureaucratic
Palmer, ta_act.htm
public servant to ascertain disproportionate assets.
Corruption: Case Studies in Asia (New Delhi:
The Kamataka Lokayukta (Amendment) Act, (2010):
In a trap case, the Lokayukta police lay a trap to Publications).
Allied available at http://dpal.kar.nic.in/ ao2oio%
catch the public servants red-handed in the act of
Paul, Samuel and Manubhai Shah (1997): "Corruption
5C25of2oio(E).pdf
accepting a bribe. The latter is initiated in response
in Public Service Delivery" in Guhan and Paul (ed.), The National Crime Records Bureau (2007-09): Crime
to complaints, while the former is based on the
Corruption in India: Agenda for Action (New Delhi:
in India, available at http://ncrb.nic.in/
intelligence collected by the Lokayukta police.
Vision Books).
Transparency International (2005): India Corruption
6 See, for instance, Transparency International (2005).
Panchu, Sriram (2011): "Lokpal: Where Do We Stand Study, available at http://www. transparency, org/
7 See, for instance, iPaidaBribe.com (nd) and Paul
Now, and How We Got Here", Economic & Political regional_pages/asia_pacific/newsroom/news_ar
and Shah (1997). Weekly, XLVI (41), pp 19-21. chive2/india_corruption_study_2oo5
From Parliamentary
un-sponsored social reformist program
mes, the Indian government punishes citi
to Paramilitary Democracy
zens who assert their rights under the un's
Human Rights charter.
The UN Human Rights Council will re
view India's human rights record during
SUMANTA BANERJEE
the last four years when it holds its session
in mid-2012. Meanwhile, the Working
India's atrocious record with Group on Human Rights (wghr), a coali
regard to the human rights of and financially wasteful filibuster tion of Indian human rights organisations,
All through
its citizens suggests that, with
theof thepolitically
ing on the floors Lok Sabha phoney has submitted to the un a report which
in the recent winter session, neither the exposes the atrocities carried on by the
parliamentary complicity, it treasury
is benches nor the opposition cared Indian state behind the facade of a parlia
degenerating to the status ofto remember
a one particular date during mentary democracy. It records incidents
paramilitary democracy. that session - 10 December, World Human which are already known to us - 789 extra
Rights Day. Yet, all other United Nations judicial killings in Manipur between 2007
mandated dates - like International Wom and 2010; the discovery of about 2,700 un
en's Day on 8 March, World Population Day marked graves of people killed by the In
on li July, International Literacy Day on 8dian security forces in Kashmir. When
September - are observed with a lot of fan speaking of Kashmir, we should also add
fare by the Indian government by givingthat the Association of Parents of Dis
away awards to functionaries for carryingappeared Persons (apdp) in a recent sub
out the tasks under those respective unmission to the Jammu and Kashmir State
mandates. That New Delhi keeps out 10 De Human Rights Commission, has acknow
cember from its list of similar official cere ledged that besides Indian security forces,
monies is indicative of the Indian state's Islamic militant groups have also whisked
Sumanta Banerjee (suman5ban@yahoo.com) unease over its atrocious record with regard away their sons (The Hindu, 12 December
is best known for his book In the Wake of to the human rights of its citizens. In contrast 2011). This brings us to the other important
Naxalbari: A History of the Naxalite Movement
with its acts of rewarding non-governmental issue of the culpability of extra-state agen
in India (1980).
organisations and individuals under other cies in the violation of human rights in
i6
ianuary 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i E3353 Economic & Political weekly
COMMENTARY
Kashmir, the north-east, and Maoist

trial were acquitted after having What
spentis worse is that their atrocious acts
affected areas in Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand
years in jail. are compounded by equally abysmal mis
and West Bengal - an issue which needsThe
to next law was the Prevention of deeds by the Indian intelligence, investi
be taken up by human rights activists. Terrorism Act (pota) of 2002 which was gative and prosecuting agencies, which,
To come back to the Indian state's dis repealed by the United Progressive Alliance unable to capture and punish the real ter
mal record of protecting its citizens' hu government in 2004 - again in the face of rorists, frame innocent people.
man rights, New Delhi still enjoys the repumounting criticism from human rights
tation of an unswerving parliamentary groups - but has been replaced by the Paramilitary Stratagem
democracy among United States policy Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, which When hauled up for "intelligence failure
makers. It perhaps remains the only saving incorporates most of the oppressive provi and bungling in their efforts to prevent ter
grace for them in an otherwise militarily sions of pota. The legislators in the state rorist acts (as in Mumbai and other places),
volatile south Asia, and a dependable ally assemblies are no less draconian in pass these law enforcement agencies try to save
in Washington's various game plans in that ing laws that violate human rights. In 1978, their skin by arbitrarily picking up people -
subcontinent. Besides, New Delhi's pretenthe Jammu and Kashmir government mostly innocent, and some with possible
sions to respecting human rights at interbrought in the Public Safety Act. Gujarat underworld connections (mainly Muslims)
national conferences, match Washington'senacted the Prevention of Anti-Social - projecting them as "dreaded terrorists" to
equally hypocritical claim of defending theActivities (pasa) Act in 1985, which was impress the public. The killing of Sohrabud
democratic rights that are enshrined in its mainly targeted against the rights of din, Ishrat Jehan and her associates by sen
constitution. The plight of political prison workers, as evident from its prosecution ofior police officials in Gujarat in 2004 - trot
ers in jails in Manipur, Kashmir, Jharkhand, the trade union leaders of Apollo Tyres ted out at that time by the government and
Chhattisgarh and West Bengal, among factory in Vadodara. The Maharashtra the media as a major offensive against so
other places in India, echoes that of the Control of Organised Crime Act (mcoca), called Pakistani terrorists - has now turned
inmates of Guantanamo prison and the passed by the state legislature in 1999, has out to be a fake encounter, the victims hav
hundreds held in us jails. been used primarily against petty offend ing nothing to do with Pakistan! After the
ers from the Muslim minorities, instead ofserial blasts in Jaipur on 13 May 2008, the
Legitimisation of the more powerful mafia of smugglers andArs of Rajasthan arrested 11 Muslim youths,
Anti-Democratic Measures
supari-killers who rule Mumbai. nailed them as "dreaded terrorists" of the
In fact, long before the us brought in the
These laws are being implemented with Students Islamic Movement of India (simi),
notorious usa Patriot Act (of 2001, which
the help of a host of paramilitary forces and accused them of the blasts. Soon after
was extended for another four years by
(consisting of at least 1.3 million person their arrest, the Rajasthan Congress Chief
President Barack Obama in May 2011),nel)
thewhich have been armed with extra Minister Ashok Gehlot and Union Home
Indian Parliament enacted a series of ordinary powers and provided with impu Minister P Chidambaram congratulated the
draconian laws - often with unanimousnity against punishment - again sanc Ars on solving the Jaipur blasts case. Now
support from the treasury and opposition tioned by Parliament. While the National that all the 11 have been acquitted by a fast
benches - which empowered security forcesSecurity Guards (nsg) and the Special track court on 9 December 2011, which
to shoot down citizens on mere suspicion,Protection Group (spg) are more obtrusive held that they were neither simi members,
and allowed the courts to provide themin public view as gun-toting protectors of nor involved in any terrorist activity, Gehlot
with impunity. The earliest was the Armedministers and politicians, the less exposed and Chidambaram should have the moral
Forces (Special Powers) Act (afspa, now atand more predatory forces are the Assam courage to apologise to them.
the centre of a controversy between ChiefRifles, Rashtriya Rifles, Central Reserve How does the state recompense them
Minister Omar Abdullah of Jammu and Police Force (which are deployed to fight for the years that they lost and the tortures
Kashmir and the Indian army's top brass) insurgencies in the north-east, Kashmir, that they suffered? How many such inno
which was passed by Parliament on 11 Sep and the Maoist "Red Corridor"), and the cent people are languishing behind bars as
tember - initially to suppress insurgencies Anti-Terrorism Squad (ats, which with its "terrorists", just because they happen to be
in the north-east, but later extended to branches in Maharashtra, Ahmedabad, Muslims? Till the recent disclosures about
Kashmir. This was followed by the Dis Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan, is supposed the involvement of Hindu groups (led by
turbed Areas Act in 1967 and the National to pre-empt and fight terrorist attacks). Aseemanand, the army officer It col Prasad
Security Act in 1980. The Terrorist and Dis These state-pampered security forces Shrikant Purohit and others) in terrorist at
ruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (tada) have earned worldwide notoriety for what tacks in Malegaon and Mecca Masjid, and
of 1985 remained in force till 1995, after the Human Rights Watch report of 2010 on the Samjhauta Express, Indian intelli
which it was allowed to lapse following na describes as "police brutality, extrajudi gence agencies and paramilitary forces had
tionwide protests by human rights groups. cial killings and torture". Their atrocities been identifying terrorism with the Muslim
During those 10 years, nearly 78,000 people have been fully documented by both Indiancommunity alone, and ignoring the grow
were arrested, often on false charges, and and international human rights groups - ing threat of Hindu right-wing terrorism -
many not even produced before courts. the recent report being the one submitted betraying thereby their built-in prejudice
Ninety-five per cent of those brought to to the un by the above-mentioned wghr. against religious minorities.
Economic & Political weekly E3E3 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 17
COMMENTARY
arbitrarily
them behind bars and ruining their
Such selective hostility towards certain lives arrested and detained, falsely
andin
sections of society is also evident careers. charged and under surveillance because of
The other targets of the state's law entheir legitimate work in upholding human
the State's attempt to criminalise protests
forcement agencies are the human rightsrights and fundamental freedoms". She
by social activists - like the well-known
medical practitioner Binayak Sen in
activists. Just as Islam is equated with ter added: "I am deeply concerned about the
Chhattisgarh, the journalist Prashant
rorism,
Rahi human rights are identified with branding and Stigmatisation of human rights
in Uttarakhand, and the folk balladeer
Naxalism by these agencies. Typical is thedefenders labelled as Naxalites (Maoists),
Jeetan Marandi in Jharkhand, who were
following comment of an Indian Policeterrorists, militants, and insurgents or anti
branded as Naxalites and put behind barsofficer defending the arrest of Soni nationalists". At the end of her report, she
Service
for having campaigned against human
Sori, a tribal woman school superintend has recommended that the Indian govern
rights violation by the nexus of ruling
ent in Dantewada in Chhattisgarh, who isment should enact a law on the protection
politicians, corrupt business interests andfor taking up human rights causes:of human rights defenders, strengthen the
known
"Meet
a brutal police force. Although released onany educated tribal; even a teacherNational Human Rights Commission, and
bail, or discharged (Marandi, who would
wasnot be able to use such words as hu repeal the Public Safety Act and afspa (un
manthe
sentenced to death, was acquitted by rights. Only those who have linksNews Service, 21 January 2011).
Ranchi High Court on 15 December with Naxals can talk of such things" (Indi
2011),
all these people had to spend years aninExpress,
jail 12 October 2011). This mindsetMass Campaign
for Demilitarisation
that prevails
for no fault of theirs. Their experience, as in the Indian law-enforcing
also of the majority of the tada detenus
establishment has been severely indictedThe UN Special Rapporteur's document is
by Margaret Sekaggya, the un Special the latest in the long list of reports by inter
who were finally absolved of all charges
Rapporteur
after years in prison, indicate the extent of on the situation of human national human rights groups (e g, Amnes
miscarriage of justice in India. The rights
courtsdefenders. At the end of a fact ty International, Human Rights Watch)
have offered them relief by way of finding
bail or mission to India, she came outwhich have been condemning the Indian
acquittal, but have not taken any suo
with a report where she expressed her anstate for decades for its militarist approach
guish about human rights workers andto public demonstrations or individual ex
motu action against the law enforcement
their families who "have been killed, tor pressions of dissent - whether in Kashmir,
personnel who were guilty of manufactur
ing false evidence against them, keeping
tured, ill-treated, disappeared, threatened,the north-east, or the Maoist-affected areas.
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January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i GEO Economic & Political WEEKLY
COMMENTARY
2oii).
But instead of heeding their sage advice forces and civil society groups should get
forSigns of further efforts at militarisa
a dialogue with the disputants and moving alert,
tion of state policies are evident from the and oppose the State's dependence
towards a negotiated settlement, the presentations
State made recently to theon the prevailing nexus of incompetent in
high
is increasingly depending on the belliger telligence
level task force on national security by the agencies and brutalised paramil
That navy and air force chiefs, whoitary
ent advice of its military establishment.army, have forces (the latter mostly led by army
demanded
the army calls the shots is evident from the a greater say in policyofficers).
deci They have lost their credibility,
centre's refusal to withdraw the afspa from what with the exposures about false en
sions in security matters and their direct
Kashmir, even after Chief Minister representation
Omar in the defence ministry
counters and the acquittal of innocent citi
Abdullah's demand for it, following(The zens held as "terrorists". It is time to organ
the Indian Express, 4 November 2011).
ise on
To pre-empt such militarist incursion
warning of It general K T Parnaik (General a mass campaign to compel the Indian
state to revamp and reform the law enforc
national policies - which ominously recalls
Officer Commanding-in-Chief for Northern
Command) who said that its withdrawal
the Pakistan model of army generals
ingma
agencies, and purge them of offending
would make it difficult for the army
nipulating
to a parliamentary system personnel
- the who should be prosecuted for
function (Indian Express, 4 November violation of human rights.
political Left along with liberal humanist
Workers' Discontent
leaders who applied for registration of the
Maruti Suzuki Employees Union (mseu).
and Form of Trade Union Politics Between 4 and 17 June the workers (per
manent, temporary and casual) occupied
the plant, following which an uneasy set
tlement was reached with the mseu being
MAYA JOHN provided "recognition as a "company com
mittee" which was to represent perma
An assessment of the Maruti nent workers alone. The settlement did
Suzuki Employees Union's struggles plant has been identified by some not protect the workers which is why huge
The strike at asMaruti
trade unionists Suzuki's Manesar
a struggle which wage reductions were easily made by the
against the Suzuki management
reflects a new tendency in the trade union company for each day of the strike. Be
in Manesar (Gurgaon) reveals that movement, i e, the emergence of a leader tween 17 June and 28 August the dispute
like central trade unions, plant ship that functions independently of cen continued in one form or the other due to
tral trade union organisations like the All continuous intimidation and harassment
unions also tend to reproduce a
India Trade Union Congress (aituc), Centre of workers by the management. On 26 July,
form of bureaucratic functioning.
of Indian Trade Unions (citu), Hind Maz the attempts of the mseu to become a reg
This results in a split between door Sabha (hms), etc. Increasingly, this istered and recognised union were foiled
leaders and the rank and file - a tendency has been encouraged due to the with the labour office rejecting its applica
tendency which often leads to the general perception that central trade unions tion for registration on grounds of it lead
restrain workers' initiatives and prevent ing an "illegal" strike and submitting
betrayal of the interests of the
workers' struggles from spilling over. By "faulty" paper work. Another onslaught
struggling workers. This extension, this perception holds that followed on 28 August when the company
propensity of isolation of the rank workers are intrinsically militant and pre created conditions for a lockout by enforc
and file in workers' struggles is a pared for struggle, but are controlled by ing a "good conduct bond" on the workers
the central unions functioning in a given and moving in some 400 riot policemen
product of the complex process
industrial area. In reality, however, new into the factory area. The workers refused
whereby the trade union form of unions emerging from spontaneous work to sign the bond, whereas the company
politics has been integrated ers' struggles are hardly autonomous from began recruitment of new temporary
within the legal apparatus of the the form of politics which is characteristic workers and started transferring engi
of central trade unions. neers, etc, from its Gurgaon plant.
bourgeoisie-friendly state.
Since June 2011 around 3,000 workers Around the same time that the agita
employed in the Maruti Suzuki car plant have tion began in Suzuki's car plant, the work
been in struggle with the company man ers in three other Suzuki plants (Suzuki
The author acknowledges with much gratitude the agement and the pro-management Haryana Powertrain, Suzuki Castings and Suzuki
consultations she had with some labour activists
government. The bone of contention be Motorcycles) were also trying to get their
in Manesar who wish to remain unnamed.
tween the management and workers was the unions recognised by the company, and
Maya John (rnayajohn@rediffmail.com) is a attempts made by the company to sabotage had made representations for a wage
political activist pursuing doctoral research at
the formation of an independent union of hike. Interestingly, under the pressure of
the University of Delhi.
the workers by dismissing/suspending the workers' occupation of the Manesar
Economic & Political weekly EH3C3 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 19
COMMENTARY :
came on 7 October in factories such as stands in Suzuki Powertrain, three com

car plant, the Suzuki management jbserved
Degania Medical Devices, Hilex, fcc Rico, mittee members, including the spieu pres
to recognise these HMS-influenced unions,
Satyam Auto, Omax Auto, Lumex, Lumex ident, have been suspended. The other
i e, the Suzuki Powertrain India Employ
ees Union (spieu) and Suzuki Motorcycles
3t, Endurance Technologies, etc. committee members of the Powertrain un
On 19 October the strike ended at the ion have come to side with the Suzuki
India Employees Union (smieu). However,
out Suzuki's car manufacturing plant management, thereby, overlooking the
Maruti
around mid-September strikes broke
and three other Suzuki plants with the workers' continued discontent.
in the other Suzuki plants, i e, Suzuki
Powertrain, Suzuki Castings and Suzuki
management agreeing to re-employ some
Autonomous Yet Bureaucratic
of the workers who were suspended or
Motorcycles, as well as in another indus
trial enterprise, Munjal Showa. The whose
work contracts were terminated. The The overview above, of the events that
ers involved in these strikes raised their unfolded is important for a critical assess
settlement left the fate of the temporary
own specific demands in addition to exworkers in limbo since the managementment of how the mseu acted/led the
struggle, of how it missed opportunities,
pressing solidarity with the Maruti Suzukiagreed to merely recommend re-employ
workers. The wildcat strike which broke ment of the 1,200 temporary workers and
by how it eventually betrayed the workers
out in Munjal Showa lasted two days (12 their respective contractors. In addition- to
a betrayal that has led workers to lose, if
and 13 September) and was withdrawn this, instead of recognising the workers' not to be defeated. Let us begin with why,
once a factory-level resolution was rea union, i e, the mseu, the managementdespite
ag being extremely militant, the
striking Maruti Suzuki workers led by
ched. With regard to the strikes of the reed to set up a "grievance redressal com
Suzuki workers it was noted that despite mittee" and a "company welfare board" mseu failed after a point to connect with
their employer being the same, through with representation from workers and theother workers in the area, thereby, dan
out this period the Suzuki workers negoti gerously isolating themselves. It is inter
management. In accordance with certain
esting to note that by drawing encourage
ated separately using their different plant provisions of the Industrial Disputes Act,
unions, namely, the mseu, spieu and it also agreed to allow the government
ment from the ongoing protest of Maruti
smieu. This is why we find that in a matter Suzuki workers, a spontaneous strike
labour officer to adjudicate between work
of three days (14 to 16 September) the ers and the management during the probroke out in September in the neighbour
strikes at Suzuki Powertrain and Suzukiceedings of the grievance redressal com
ing Munjal Showa factory after a build-up
Castings were withdrawn as soon as the mittee. Since 21 October, 11 committee
of almost a year of simmering discontent.
company management gave an assurance Similarly, despite hms, aituc, etc, stalling
members and other leading coordinators
of addressing the (plant) specific concerns. of the workers accepted "compensations"
prospects of other Suzuki workers uniting
with the struggling Maruti Suzuki workers,
By 30 September, certain central trade from the company and quit, leaving in the
unions encouraged the workers employed lurch their fellow workers who are most the influence of the locked out workers
at Maruti Suzuki's car plant to sign the disturbed with the settlement. In return did encourage the employees of Suzuki
good conduct bond and help end the lock for their resignation, the main leaders ofPowertrain, Suzuki Castings and Suzuki
out. However, in spite of agreeing to main the mseu, namely, Sonu Gujjar and Shiv Motorcycles in Manesar to go on strike
tain harmonious work relations, the com Kumar, have reportedly accepted lakhs ofin mid-September, albeit on their own
pany went back on the settlement. On rupees from the company. As the situation specific issues.
3 October it refused entry to about 1,200
temporary workers who had participated Economic&PoliticalwEEKLY
in protests outside the factory gate during
the lockout. Meanwhile, inside the factory ' EPW 5-Year CD-ROM 2004-08 on a Single Disk
the management cracked down on perma
The digital versions of Economic and Political Weekly for 2004, 2005, 2006, 2007 and 2008 are now
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the car plant occupied the factory for the With its easy-to-use features, the CD-ROM will be a convenient resource for social scientists, researchers
and executives in government and non-government organisations, social and political activists, students,
second time. Their struggle conjoined with
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320-321, A to Z Industrial Estate, Ganpatrao Kadam Marg, Lower Parel, Mumbai 400 013, India
demand charter. A one-day strike was also
COMMENTARY
However, the opportunities offered :heby andto

delicate negotiations process in order end-results of workers' struggles the
these strikes were missed, with the Maruti
Drevent the rank and file from rocking most.
the Through its labour department and
Suzuki workers failing to connect 3oat
with ;ourts the state has enforced upon workers
of negotiations, and from going beyond
:ertain protocols of negotiation such as the
institutionalised forms of workers' struggle.
them in any concrete way. All in all, strikes
For example, in spite of tremendousL4
were breaking out around the Maruti days strike notice, prior consultation
mili
with
tancy shown by Maruti Suzuki workers,
Suzuki plant, but the workers and unions the the labour office before industrial ac
bureaucratic functioning of the mseu
involved were expressing individuated, tion,
en restrictions on picketing, etc. It has
alsoof
sured that the multipronged discontent
plant-based concerns in more concrete enforced certain protocols of unionisa
tion,
the workers (often articulated by them
terms than they were expressing solidarity. inwhich must be followed by workers if
meetings
With general working class demands tak and face to face discussions)they
was wish to access particular rights as well
ing a backseat, the plant-based issues straitjacketed into two demands. as protection for their trade union officials.
These
raised, were able to incite calls of sympathy were registration and recogni Indeed, these protocols prescribe not only
tion of mseu by the company, and the re
at the most. Increasingly then, workers legitimate ways of raising a dispute but also
raking
from other factories were seen coming the "legitimate" causes of industrial dis
out of suspensions. In other words, the
only when a doctored solidarity callMSEU
was leadership ensured that more gen
putes. By doing so the state often restricts
eral class-based demands of the Maruti
made by central trade unions - a practice workers to conventional methods of struggle
a workers (such as an industry-wideand to narrow economistic demands like

Suzuki
which by its very nature meant that only
demand
fleeting solidarity and token participation for shorter hours of work), lostplant-based/individual factory-based wage
would be expressed. And which meantpriority
that to particular demands surround hikes, unfair dismissals, etc.
ing the question of union registration and
the Maruti Suzuki workers could not expect Of course, the struggling workers at
concrete support from other workers recognition
who, as well as victimisation of Maruti Suzuki's Manesar plant did not let
leaders.
ironically, like them faced similar if not the Of course, for some observers the the legal protocols bind them completely.
to demand for registration and recog For example, they occupied the factory;
mseu's
same quantum of exploitation. By failing
on came across as a general demand ofwent on strike without giving "adequate"
nition
induce widespread collective action
the working class. When it came to exstrike notice and without resorting to con
common concerns amongst other workers
employed in Manesar's five hundredplaining
plus why this general working class ciliation, etc. Here lies the crux of the mat
demand could not elicit groundbreaking ter - workers are most militant, and pose a
industrial enterprises, the Maruti Suzuki
workers under the leadership of the expressions
mseu of solidarity from other workserious threat to employers and the state
were reduced to playing a dangerous ers,
card,such observers pointed to acts of stateprecisely when they go beyond the charted
repression
i e, relying solely on their own strength and and to divisive tactics ofpath of state-regulated industrial action.
militancy in a battle against one of thecentral
chief trade unions. However, these reaIndeed, prior to militant struggles of work
andalone are not very convincing, espeers the state is least interested in imple
players in the automobile industry,sons
might of the pro-management state. cially
Inter when we consider moments when menting its own laws that prescribe certain
the
estingly, the Suzuki company sublets workers employed in the differentrights to workers. However, once the quan
the
Suzuki
production of many of its ancillary parts to (Manesar) plants, transcended tum of workers' struggle reaches a particular
fetters. Let us, for example, critically level (as in the case of the Maruti Suzuki
thesede
smaller capitalists in the area. By raising
mands such as lowering work hours of all
examine the question of state repression. strike), the state promptly implements its
workers, ending contractualisation and cas laws so as to prevent the struggle from
ualisation of work across factories in indus Trade Unionism: Ossified Politics spilling over and progressing on a course
trial belts, etc, the struggle of Maruti Suzuki There is no doubt that the Indian state of industrial action not recognised, and
workers could have spilled over to other in resorts to outright repression during
therefore, not legitimised by the state.
dustrial enterprises, completely paralysing industrial disputes. Heavy police deploy
Representative
the production of Suzuki and other auto ment (including that of riot policemen) is Structures
mobile giants from the start itself. This, used to intimidate and disperse protesting
The most potent way ot restricting work
however, did not happen. workers. Workers are also reigneders
into
bya state-monitored and regulated
courseby
Unfortunately, some trade unionists are clamping down on their leaders either of industrial action is to recognise
unwilling to identify such problematic arresting or slapping cases on them.
workers'
Fur grievances only through repre
tendencies in "spontaneous" struggles of thermore, the state's connivance with em structures (i e, specially appoint
sentative
workers. As in the case of the strikes at ed officers,
ployers ensures that the workers' issues are registered and recognised
Maruti Suzuki, Suzuki Powertrain, etc, theignored or downplayed by officials trade unions, etc). Clearly, through its cor
of the
militancy of the workers was celebratedlabour department. However, more pus
thanof il
laws pertaining to unionisation and
without much assessment of the bureau legitimate practices of the state disputes
and its settlement, the state curbs work
non-implementation of "protective"ers'
cratic functioning of the mseu, spieu and more radical initiatives in two princi
labour
laws, it is the active intervention pal
SMiEu, and its subsequent impact on the of ways,
the namely, by making workers
state through its regulatory legal heavily
workers' struggle. In reality, the leaders of machindependent on trade union leaders,
these plant unions completely controlled
ery which impacts the overall orientation
lawyers, labour philanthropists, etc, who
ZI
Economic 8t Political weekly rann January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1
COMMENTARY
can make "more sense of the intricate often able to lure trade union leaders In other words, the workers movement is
web of legal protocols, and by making
into a position of managing the rankcurrently
and propelled by numerous militant
file workers. Another way in which struggles,
trade unions the principal form through this which are, regrettably, discon
which workers address their concerns. nected from each other. The disjuncture is
co-option plays itself it out is in the process
For example, the state's labour laws con
whereby employers push trade unions most
to cruelly exposed when the same mis
sciously provide trade unions a legal sub
become representative bodies of permanent
takes are repeated in struggle after struggle,
jecthood by providing them a plethoraworkers
of rather than the entire workforce - when workers are betrayed time and
and
again by their unions. Betrayal of strug
a measure taken by the Suzuki management
rights at the negotiating table. In this way
trade unions integrate workers' struggles gling workers and the defeat of their most
way back in June when it recognised mseu
militant and spontaneous struggles, stem
as a "company committee" representing
with the form of politics provided by the
permanent workers.
state, i e, a state dominated by the interests from the existing tendency in the workers'
of the capitalist class. This is why we find movement to be bound by the given legal
In return for the exclusive right to repre
that increasingly unions emerging from horizon. The labour law created by the In
sent a section of the workforce which enjoys
some stability, three-year agreements,dian
recent workers' straggles are restricting reg state is in the real sense, Janus-faced.
quesproductivity/sales related pay hikes,Itetc,
themselves and the workers to the ular authorises workers to articulate and ad
vance their interests through self-organisa
employers ensure that the unions emerg
tion of union registration and recognition.
ing from struggles of both permanenttion,
Rather than strengthening the internal and i e, through trade unions, yet it care
structure of the union and enforcing temporary
rank fully regulates and dampens workers' col
workers, are reduced to repre
and file democracy, workers have come to
senting lective action. It achieves this by channel
the minority segment in the work
force and upholding the two-tier wage
assume that once they have a registered ling collective action into narrow, institu
and recognised trade union they can force tionalised
system. Secondly, the trade union form of forms, and by redefining the
employers and the state to come to the
politics
ne causes and purposes of industrial conflict
also encourages an insular approach
within workers towards problems they
gotiating table. More importantly, work The state constantly seeks to establish eco
face. As a result, their ability to connect
ers take it for granted that the trade union nomic concerns as the legitimate concerns
with
form of organisation and politics is sufficientfellow workers of another industrial of the workers' movement, i e, concerns re
enterprise is weakened. In this context, the lating to individual plant-based wage struc
for eliciting solidarity from other workers.
In reality, however, there is need desire,
for and finally, the decision to seek tures, satisfactory conditions of work in an
another form of workers' politics, one solidarity
that emerges only when negotiations individual plant, etc. For this, it has created a
can help generalise a factory struggle by a union fail. Finally, the trade union formidable machine of redressal for workers'
ledso
as to spread the struggle to other factories
form of politics creates a tendency in work issues, which bestows legal subjecthood on
ers to dangerously depend on charismatic workers and which compels workers to
in the area. To be sure, these other politi
cal forms exist in an embryonic mode,leaders,
but rather than on their collective express grievances through a particular
they are not being developed, which is will/intuition
why and abilities to mobilise. representative structure, i e, the trade union.
the trade union form of workers' struggleIronically,
is after their union leaders be In the process, the state projects all those
trayed them, the workers at Maruti Suzuki, initiatives in the workers' movement which it
predominant. For example, political plat
forms formed in industrial areas by work
albeit distrustful of any existing leadership, perceives as politically motivated, as unde
ers in protest against pro-capitalistareandstill seeking leaders to represent them sirable and impractical, if not outright illegal.
anti-worker state policies; workers' direct
instead of developing methods of rank and The challenge that now lies before the
participation through involvement indemocracy which, in turn, controls existing workers' movement is to think and
file
decision-making; workers' endeavours leaders.
that For these workers it is now caste, act beyond the given legal horizon. Rather
village and regional based identity which than depending solely on the trade union
compel their leaders to stand by workers'
is do
initiatives; workers' study circles, etc, being considered as a "trustworthy" form of organisation and politics, and ex
criterion for choosing leaders. As the situa pending all its energies in radicalising this
carry the germs of a much required alter
initinow stands, the advanced section of form of workers' politics, the workers'
native form of workers' politics. Such tion
workers is in search of "better" leaders who movement needs to invest in other forms
atives which exist in their embryonic form
need to be developed and generalised.can form a new committee under whose as well. It also needs to consider making
Indeed, by sticking close to the trade more
aegis the mseu can restart the process of efforts to create industrial-belt wide
registration and recognition. Thus, theplatforms of workers which can serve as
union form of politics and by not nurtur
quest for a "better" leadership continues.
ing, at the same time, other forms of workers' powerful tools for generalising the work
politics, the existing workers' movement is ing class concerns fleetingly expressed in
Conclusions some current factory-based struggles. By
at a loss. Firstly, the trade union form of
organisation provides employers ample
The recent trend in Gurgaon shows doing
that so the workers' movement can go
opportunities to co-opt leaders emerging beyond
the frequency of workers' struggles is on the form of politics informed by
from workers' protests. For example,the
in rise. However, there is no temporal
law, and can begin the journey of building
a united
sync between the demands raised in
return for a union office and certain tangi each working class movement around
ble rights and privileges, employers of general working class demands.
arethese struggles, and unity is short-lived.
22 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i [3553 Economic & Political weekly
COMMENTARY
bioethanol already enjoys a concessional

The Ethanol Blending Policy excise duty of 16% and biodiesel is exempt
from excise duty.1 Duties and taxes would
in India be levied on imports to ensure that indi
genously produced biofuels are not more
expensive than the imported biofuels.
SAON RAY, AMRITA GOLDAR, SMITA MIGLANI Thus, the objective of the National Policy
on Biofuels has been to encourage domestic
This analysis of the Government production of ethanol and further the

energy increases manifold. Biofuels ethanol blending programme (ebp) in
of India's National Policy on
As countries
have emerged as grow,
a substitute forthe
fuel demand for the country.
Biofuels argues that while the
oil, especially for oil-importing countries
policy of ethanol blending in and serve a multitude of purposes. The Demand and Supply
petrol is in the right direction, it most important advantage of these fuels In India, ethanol production is mainly
is that they are renewable in nature, and done using sugar cane as feedstock. For
is fraught with several problems
are being seen as sustainable sources of successful implementation of ebp in India,
which are rendering the approach a steady supply of sugar cane (or sugar
energy. In 2008, the Government of India
ineffective. The most critical ones announced its National Policy on Biofuels cane juice) is required as a feedstock. The
are the lack of sugar cane for mandating a phase-wise implementation sugar cane production in 2008-09 was
of the programme of ethanol blending in 271.2 million tonnes as per the statistics of
producing ethanol and the policy
petrol in various states. The blending of Indian Sugar Mills Association (isma). In
on pricing of it. India's case, industry sources reveal that
bioethanol at 5% with petrol was to be
taken up by the oil marketing companies ethanol production in India has been
(omcs) in 20 states and four union terri taking place almost entirely through the
tories. However, the implementation of final "C" grade molasses2 (i e, a litre ethanol
this policy has not had much success. This can be extracted from 0.004 tonnes of
was mainly due to the shortage of ethanol. molasses).3 The ethanol production in
This article argues that while the govern 2008-09 as reported by isma is 1,560 million
ment policy of mandating the blending is in tonnes. However, considering the different
the right direction, it is fraught with several uses of ethanol in India (potable, alcohol
problems which are rendering the policy based chemical industry) and making as
ineffective. The most critical is the lack of sumptions about industry growth rates, a
surplus sugar cane from different uses, grand total of approximately 545 million
ambiguity in policy towards ethanol blend tonnes sugar cane would be required for
ing and the pricing policy towards it. consumption in India with the mandated
5% blending for transport by 2011-12. This
Policy towards Ethanol Blending is much more than the total sugar cane
The Indian approach to biofuels is based production of approximately 355 and 340
on non-food feedstock to deliberately avoid million tonnes during the 2006-07 and
a possible conflict between food and fuel. 2007-08, which were bumper crop years.
The National Biofuel Coordination Com The per capita consumption or sugar in
2010 stood at 23-24 kg a year, implying that
mittee (nbcc), headed by the prime minister
sugar production is around 24.3 million
was set up in 2010. The policy also pro
posed that the minimum purchase pricetonnes. To achieve this level of produc
(mpp) for bioethanol should be based on
tion, sugar cane needs to be cultivated on
an area of about 5.5 million hectares with
the actual cost of production and import
an average yield of 65 tonnes per hectare
price of bioethanol. The price of ethanol
would be determined by the Biofuel Steer
to yield 357.5 million tonnes. Three factors
determine sugar cane production in India:
ing Committee and decided by the nbcc,
the area under sugar cane production, the
and in the event of diesel or petrol prices
sugar cane yield per hectare and the
falling below, the mpp for biodiesel and
bioethanol, omcs would be duly compen
proportion of sugar cane output that is
crushed by sugar factories. Thus, to meet
sated by the government. Biofuel imports
Saon Ray (sray2908@yahoo.com) is with would be permitted to the extent neces
the expected increase in demand for ethanol,
the Energy and Resources Institute (TERI) the area under sugar cane cultivation has
sary and decided by the nbcc under the
University, New Delhi.
to be increased or the yield per hectare
policy. Additionally, it was mentioned that
Economic & Political weekly EEZ53 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 23
COMMENTARY
has to be increased or ethanol has to be surplus countries such as Brazil as has point), i e, Rs 33-34 per litre7 as against
been done in the past by the industrial the ethanol cost of Rs 26-37 per litre8
produced from alternative feedstock such
sector in times of shortage of ethanol. This (assuming different distillery gate prices) -
as sweet sorghum,4 sugar beet or cellulosic
is a viable way out as long as it remains shows that of the three prices Rs 18 (from
raw materials. However, cost-effective sac
cost effective to do so.
charification, fermentation and commer the earlier estimates of the Planning Com
cialisation of the readily available cellu mission (2003) and Gonsalves (2006),
losic material are currently very costly. Pricing of Ethanol Rs 21.5 (from the earlier determined con
The area under sugar cane production The cost of producing ethanol varies with tract price of ethanol supply to omcs), and
in India has increased nearly 2.5 times molasses prices and hence cyclical varia Rs 27 (interim price fixed by the egom),
tions in sugar cane production largely de ethanol blending will result in losses for
since 1950-51 (Pohit et al 2009) touching
about 5.04 million hectares in 2007-08.
termine the cost of ethanol production. At omcs at the ethanol price of Rs 27 per litre.9
However, it has tended to stagnate in the
present, the government controls the price It should be noted that the comparison
recent past. The area under sugar cane
of cane but directs the sugar mills to sell of the costs of ethanol-blended petrol and
up to 20% of output under the public dis fossil fuel-based petrol has been done at the
production is subject to yearly variation,
partly because the crop tends to followtribution
a system (pds). Sugar cane prices crude oil prices prevailing in April 2009.
are fixed on the basis of the statutory Changes in crude oil prices would result in
cyclical pattern in terms of output (with
three-four years of bumper harvests fol
minimum price (smp), in lieu of the mini a change in the financial aspects of the
mum support price announced by the issue. With the hardening of crude prices
lowed by relatively poor crops over a similar
central government, and the state advised in recent times (since late 2010) it can be
period) and also competition from other
price (sap), which is usually fixed by state
crops that can be grown more profitably or expected that ethanol blending would
within a shorter time than sugar cane. governments
It above the smp. However, again be a profitable proposition.
is also important to note that India has
sugar prices are determined on the basis of
Conclusions
limited arable land5 and sugar cane pro
market prices. In October 2009, the Ministry
of Consumer Affairs, Food and Public Dis Since the availability of ethanol becomes
duction requires a long time and large
amounts of water and fertilisers. Hence tribution issued an ordinance in which the critical in the implementation of the ebp
Sugar cane (Control) Amendment Order, ways to augment the supply are important.
increasing the area under cultivation may
2009 changed the pricing regime for sugar In May 2009, the Planning Commission
not be possible and alternative crops may
not suit the climatic and other conditions. cane dictated by the Sugar cane (Control) advised the government to consider provid
Sugar production in India is also charac Order, 1966. Under the new order, the sup ing incentives to encourage companies to
terised by a low average sugar recovery port price for sugar cane is now called the acquire sugar cane plantations abroad, espe
rate of about 9-10% compared to a much fair and remunerative price (frp), instead cially in countries such as Brazil, to bring
higher 12-13% in some other sugar export of the earlier smp, to be fixed by the central ethanol into the country. Other options in
ing countries such as Brazil. A substantial government from time to time.6 Sugar pric clude collaboration with Brazil and other
part of the sugar cane produce (at least es, on the other hand, do not increase in prospective international suppliers of
20%) is used for manufacturing traditional the same proportion every year. ethanol in areas of research and develop
sweeteners (like gur) and other uses, leav The empowered group of ministers ment and cross-border investment. These
ing only the remaining for making sugar (egom) has fixed the interim refinery gate measures along with other steps to augment
(and molasses). price of ethanol at Rs 27 per litre. Working the domestic availability of ethanol, like
A major problem is that in India, sugar backwards, a price of Rs 27 per litre implies the integration of the production and mill
production in general follows a five to seven that the cost of molasses to the distillery is ing of sugar cane to the ethanol produc
year cycle, i e, production increases over a around Rs 4,800 per tonne. The price of tion stage can alleviate some bottlenecks.
three to four-year period, reaches a high, molasses in recent times has increased On the issue of pricing, since sugar cane
which in turn, results in lower sugar prices. to Rs 5,000 per tonne in some parts of follows a cyclical pattern, ethanol
supply
As a result of lower sugar price realisa the country. prices would need to be revised periodi
tions of sugar mills, the sugar cane arrears The pricing issue is also complicatedcally
by to reflect market conditions.10 Addi
to farmers increase. This results in lower the decontrol of petrol prices and admin
tionally, changes in crude oil prices would
sugar cane production for the next two to istered pricing of sugar cane. The pricehave
of a direct bearing on the financial via
three years. Due to lower sugar produc crude petroleum forms an upper-limit to of the EBP. There should, therefore,
bility
tion, the prices shoot up resulting in in the cost of ethanol that the omcs can be some thought given to the distributive
creased area under sugar cane cultivation profitably use. At the 2008 level of crude
shares in the situation of high crude prices,
during the next season, following which oil prices, omcs were making a profit with
and therefore, greater profitability of the
there is usually a glut again. It is a systemic the blending of 5% ethanol with petrol.
programme, i e, what part should be given
to OMCs, consumers and through higher
problem which needs to be resolved through The situation may, however, change with
targeted policy regulations. Some argue that a possible fall in crude prices. MSP to sugar cane farmers. On the flip side,
given so many constraints, India can only A comparison of the value of petrolin
(asthe situation of losses, the government
meet its needs through imports from suming that blending occurs at the storage
needs to set targets for the subsidy burden
24 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i EQQ Economic & Political weekly
COMMENTARY
that it is willing to shoulder for an3 Pohit

envi et al (2009). The ISMA publications assume state surcharge, etc, but before the payment of
ronmental cause. an average yield of 240 litres alcohol per tonne sales tax, dealer's commission, etc.
of molasses. 8 The ethanol cost has been estimated based on
The vehicular fleet of the country is 4 In comparison to grains, sugar, and lignocellulosic the distillery gate prices, denaturing charges,
mostly compatible with 5% ethanol blended biomass, sweet sorghum has a very high per hectare duty structure and transportation costs till the
yield in India (Planning Commission 2003). storage point.
petrol. With the implementation of the 5 About 48.83% of India's total land area is arable, 9 The price of ethanol blended petrol has been esti
blending programme from the current 5% of which more than 85% is already under mated by assuming a 5% ethanol blend. The price
cultivation. Land not cultivated at present of blended petrol has then been calculated as a
to the higher levels of ebp (as envisaged in (including waste and fallow lands, permanent weighted average of the blend proportions and
the National Policy for Biofuels, sufficient pastures, grazing lands and miscellaneous tree the relative prices of the two constituents.
crops) is estimated at around 42 million hectares. 10 The Prime Minister's Economic Advisory Council
lead time would be needed for the auto
Most of this is occupied by marginal and sub (PMEAC) has also suggested that the price of
mobile industry to make the suitable marginal lands, and the extension of cultivation ethanol should be market determined (Business
to this area will be costly, as it requires extensive Standard, 17 August 2011).
change to the engines.
works for soil and water conservation, irrigation
and reclamation. Source: http://agropedia.iitk.
NOTES
ac.in/openaccess/sites/default/files/WS%2o REFERENCES
9%2oJPS.pdf; https://www.cia.gov/library/
publications/the-world-factbook/fields/2097.
1 No other central taxes and duties were proposed Gonsalves, J B (2006): "An Assessment of the Bi
to be levied on biodiesel and bioethanol. Customs html and http://www.krishiworld.com/html/ Industry in India", Working Paper No UNC
and excise duty concessions would be provided Iand_utilisati0n2.html DITC/TED/2006/6, United Nations Confere
on plant and machinery for the production of 6 It was also announced that any other authority on "Trade and Development" Geneva.
biodiesel or bioethanol, as well as for all engines fixing a price for the crop above the FRP would ISMA (2008-09): Indian Sugar Year Book, 20
run on biofuels, if these are not manufactured have to bear the difference. Thus, effectively the Indian Sugar Mills Association.
indigenously. new system would discourage the states from Planning Commission (2003): Report of the Com
2 Grade C molasses is the last category of molasses announcing their SAPs as they have to bear its on Development of Biofuel, Government of I
syrup remaining after repeatedly boiling sugar burden. The FRP is fixed after taking into consid April, http://planningcommission.nic.in/rep
cane juice of which the maximum possible crys eration the margins for sugar cane farmers on genrep/cmtt_bio.pdf
tallisable sugar has been extracted. Grade B mo account of risk and profit on the cost of produc Pohit, S, P K Biswas, R Kumar and J Jha (2009):
lasses has comparatively higher percentage of tion of sugar cane. national Experience of Ethanol as Transport F
fermentable sugar left and Grade A the highest 7 The price of petrol has been taken as the petrol Policy Implications for India", Energy Policy,
percentage of these categories. price after payment of all excise, education cess, 4540-48.
Disaster Response Preparedness

public appreciation for disaster prepared
ness and there is a limited policy interest
in India and China in disaster risk reduction (drr).2 In India's

case, its broad focus may detract from
establishing institutions at all levels which
raise awareness of disaster and the ways to
MIHIR R BHATT
effectively respond to disasters. This is, of
course, a crucial aspect of effective disaster
In India, disaster response management which builds on the knowledge
preparedness still means idly than India, but also it is better base of local people and strong institutions.
China inisprotecting
nottheonly
results ofgrowing
economic more rap In contrast, China has taken the approach
rebuilding what has been
growth from natural disasters. Recent of concentrating on key areas - shelter, in
destroyed. In China, disaster
reports about China's disaster response frastructure, industry - and it achieved
response is an opportunitypreparedness and recovery indicate that almost full results in terms of sector-wide
New Delhi
not only to rebuild, but also to can carefully watch Beijing in awareness about disaster risks. It has done
this matter. so primarily with its central administra
develop the affected areas
India has taken a broad-based approach tion, the Communist Party of China and
and communities.
to reach out across the country through its People's Liberation Army as well as the
administration. Mainly with the high small but well-targeted help of the United
powered and central National Disaster Nations Development Programme (undp),
Management Authority (ndma), India has through a series of training activities aimed
achieved widespread but low levels of at local leaders, institutions and rural
scattered results in terms of public aware women in using the Hyogo Framework for
ness about impending floods, droughts, Action (hfa).3 The hfa 2005-15 emerged
earthquakes, cyclones and more. Important from the World Conference on Disaster
activities, according to ndma, include the Reduction in 2005 held in Kobe, Japan. Five
preparation of guidelines, and improve key priorities for action were developed in
Mihir R Bhatt (mihir@aidmi.org) is currently ments in risk assessment, early warning hfa 2005-15, comprising: emphasise drr
reviewing disaster response preparedness of systems, capacity-building, and expanding at the national and local level; identify and
China, Myanmar, Fiji, Indonesia, and Solomon
communication networks.1 Despite these monitor disaster risks and improve early
Islands.
activities, there is still a widespread lack of warning systems; build a culture of safety
Economic & Political weekly ESQ January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 !5
Disaster Response Preparedness in India and China
Author(s): MIHIR R BHATT
Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 47, No. 1 (JANUARY 7, 2012), pp. 25-27
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/23065570
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access to Economic and Political Weekly
COMMENTARY
that it is willing to shoulder for an3 Pohit

envi et al (2009). The ISMA publications assume state surcharge, etc, but before the payment of
ronmental cause. an average yield of 240 litres alcohol per tonne sales tax, dealer's commission, etc.
of molasses. 8 The ethanol cost has been estimated based on
The vehicular fleet of the country is 4 In comparison to grains, sugar, and lignocellulosic the distillery gate prices, denaturing charges,
mostly compatible with 5% ethanol blended biomass, sweet sorghum has a very high per hectare duty structure and transportation costs till the
yield in India (Planning Commission 2003). storage point.
petrol. With the implementation of the 5 About 48.83% of India's total land area is arable, 9 The price of ethanol blended petrol has been esti
blending programme from the current 5% of which more than 85% is already under mated by assuming a 5% ethanol blend. The price
cultivation. Land not cultivated at present of blended petrol has then been calculated as a
to the higher levels of ebp (as envisaged in (including waste and fallow lands, permanent weighted average of the blend proportions and
the National Policy for Biofuels, sufficient pastures, grazing lands and miscellaneous tree the relative prices of the two constituents.
crops) is estimated at around 42 million hectares. 10 The Prime Minister's Economic Advisory Council
lead time would be needed for the auto
Most of this is occupied by marginal and sub (PMEAC) has also suggested that the price of
mobile industry to make the suitable marginal lands, and the extension of cultivation ethanol should be market determined (Business
to this area will be costly, as it requires extensive Standard, 17 August 2011).
change to the engines.
works for soil and water conservation, irrigation
and reclamation. Source: http://agropedia.iitk.
NOTES
ac.in/openaccess/sites/default/files/WS%2o REFERENCES
9%2oJPS.pdf; https://www.cia.gov/library/
publications/the-world-factbook/fields/2097.
1 No other central taxes and duties were proposed Gonsalves, J B (2006): "An Assessment of the Bi
to be levied on biodiesel and bioethanol. Customs html and http://www.krishiworld.com/html/ Industry in India", Working Paper No UNC
and excise duty concessions would be provided Iand_utilisati0n2.html DITC/TED/2006/6, United Nations Confere
on plant and machinery for the production of 6 It was also announced that any other authority on "Trade and Development" Geneva.
biodiesel or bioethanol, as well as for all engines fixing a price for the crop above the FRP would ISMA (2008-09): Indian Sugar Year Book, 20
run on biofuels, if these are not manufactured have to bear the difference. Thus, effectively the Indian Sugar Mills Association.
indigenously. new system would discourage the states from Planning Commission (2003): Report of the Com
2 Grade C molasses is the last category of molasses announcing their SAPs as they have to bear its on Development of Biofuel, Government of I
syrup remaining after repeatedly boiling sugar burden. The FRP is fixed after taking into consid April, http://planningcommission.nic.in/rep
cane juice of which the maximum possible crys eration the margins for sugar cane farmers on genrep/cmtt_bio.pdf
tallisable sugar has been extracted. Grade B mo account of risk and profit on the cost of produc Pohit, S, P K Biswas, R Kumar and J Jha (2009):
lasses has comparatively higher percentage of tion of sugar cane. national Experience of Ethanol as Transport F
fermentable sugar left and Grade A the highest 7 The price of petrol has been taken as the petrol Policy Implications for India", Energy Policy,
percentage of these categories. price after payment of all excise, education cess, 4540-48.
Disaster Response Preparedness

public appreciation for disaster prepared
ness and there is a limited policy interest
in India and China in disaster risk reduction (drr).2 In India's

case, its broad focus may detract from
establishing institutions at all levels which
raise awareness of disaster and the ways to
MIHIR R BHATT
effectively respond to disasters. This is, of
course, a crucial aspect of effective disaster
In India, disaster response management which builds on the knowledge
preparedness still means idly than India, but also it is better base of local people and strong institutions.
China inisprotecting
nottheonly
results ofgrowing
economic more rap In contrast, China has taken the approach
rebuilding what has been
growth from natural disasters. Recent of concentrating on key areas - shelter, in
destroyed. In China, disaster
reports about China's disaster response frastructure, industry - and it achieved
response is an opportunitypreparedness and recovery indicate that almost full results in terms of sector-wide
New Delhi
not only to rebuild, but also to can carefully watch Beijing in awareness about disaster risks. It has done
this matter. so primarily with its central administra
develop the affected areas
India has taken a broad-based approach tion, the Communist Party of China and
and communities.
to reach out across the country through its People's Liberation Army as well as the
administration. Mainly with the high small but well-targeted help of the United
powered and central National Disaster Nations Development Programme (undp),
Management Authority (ndma), India has through a series of training activities aimed
achieved widespread but low levels of at local leaders, institutions and rural
scattered results in terms of public aware women in using the Hyogo Framework for
ness about impending floods, droughts, Action (hfa).3 The hfa 2005-15 emerged
earthquakes, cyclones and more. Important from the World Conference on Disaster
activities, according to ndma, include the Reduction in 2005 held in Kobe, Japan. Five
preparation of guidelines, and improve key priorities for action were developed in
Mihir R Bhatt (mihir@aidmi.org) is currently ments in risk assessment, early warning hfa 2005-15, comprising: emphasise drr
reviewing disaster response preparedness of systems, capacity-building, and expanding at the national and local level; identify and
China, Myanmar, Fiji, Indonesia, and Solomon
communication networks.1 Despite these monitor disaster risks and improve early
Islands.
activities, there is still a widespread lack of warning systems; build a culture of safety
Economic & Political weekly ESQ January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 !5
COMMENTARY
and resilience; mitigate key risk factors; and

progress such as
in establishing overall structure creating a viable framework for
for
better management, several gaps cooperation
improve disaster preparedness for disaster continue among different stakeholders,
response. Under each priority area, ato
list sound
of in India's disaster preparedness
exist needs assessment, capacity-building
that
and implementation
require focus". One key gap is ndma's
concrete practical activities was identified. over with a view towards
Furthermore, the hfa document assesses the in articulating a list of naturalsustainability
sight and man and resiliency via strengthen
made disasters for which the National Dis
roles of states, regional and international ing local institutions.12 Nonetheless, these
Response Force (ndrf) would apply to. achievements are not widespread and are
asterfor
organisations in relation to hfa priorities
action and the United Nations International
This lack of clarity has left funding options for lacking in many disaster-prone areas.
Strategy for Disaster Reduction (unisdr).4
relief and rehabilitation more ambiguous.7
China's Focus
China has achieved impressive results Moreover, partially as a result of this
gap, so far the guidelines have not been China has focused on the key areas o
vis-ä-vis hfa priorities through local-level
training and capacity-building and theup with the resources to implement investments, infrastructure and inform
backed
them;toinstitutions lack resources and are tion and concentrated on achieving result
unisdr has done well to apply the hfa
often incapable in carrying out the neces on the ground. It has moved ahead with
help concentrate China's own initiatives.
In line with sound disaster management
sary activities.8 Thus, building the capacityfew but key partners including the undp, th
practice, the main objective has been to
of institutions and increasing the flow of United Nations Environment Programme
resources must become a critical priority the United Nations Children's Fund, World
implement the hfa at the local level through
the promotion of sustainable practices,
of ndma. It must also aim to raise public Bank, the French government, investmen
awareness through collaboration with banks, and the private sector with resources
training, and capacity-building activities.5
non-governmental organisations (ngos), technology and relevant information. It ha
One key but very small project commen
local
surate with good local-level disaster mangovernment bodies, and primarily strategically partnered with line researc
through panchayati raj institutions.
agement practice has been the safe schools institutions - space, engineering, meteoro
and hospitals campaigns supported by India has entered multiple multi logical institutions - and regional agencies t
Today,
Unisdr aiming to raise awareness and
level partnerships with the United Nations formulate and implement policy at nation
generate resources for ensuring(un),
saferinternational ngos, investment banks and local levels. It has paid attention t
buildings and safety equipment.6and
Thisthe private sector to improve its capacity-building, and addressed the cause
knowledge
project throws light on the importance of and response muscle. The undp of risks and vulnerability. It has focuse
building and protecting human capital,
plays a critical role in coordination and on improvement of partnerships for disa
sectoral
while at the same time, involving youth in interventions of national and ter management; integration of disaste
state
disaster management programmes. In thisgovernments although the amounts
risk reduction into development initiative
area, China has produced results on and determination of needs to create effi
the are very small. It also works with
involved
ground that match good drr theory.educational institutions, the International
cient disaster information management
Labour Organisation (ilo), various othersystem.
un Specific results have been achieved
India's Focus on Guidelines
agencies, bilateral agencies including,in
but
creating a national disaster reduction
On the other hand, India has constructed
not limited to, the United States Agencyaction
for plan, improving capacity in flood
a patchy conceptual framework International
for drr Development, the Australian
disaster predictions, assessment supported
Agencyitfor International Development,
with even less application. For example, institution building for a recently estab
has produced detailed and wide-ranging lished China Flood Disaster Reduction
Norwegian Agency for Development Coop
Centre, and a community level project
eration, and Japan International Coopera
guidelines for management of earthquakes,
tionguide
floods and cyclones. However, specific which contributes to risk assessment and
Agency.9 It has worked with Oxfam
lines for tsunamis, droughts, nuclear acci
America to improve community-levelpreparedness
pre for children.13 China has also
paredness
dents and urban flooding have yet to be fullythrough microfinance activities,
achieved results in awareness-raising at the
developed and circulated amongvillage planning, hazard assessments,
relative community-level and emergency response,
states and ministries. A good next evacuation
step for planning and task force forma
via, strengthening local institutions.14
more effective disaster management tionwould
and training.10 With the support from
be to develop these guidelines and the government,
raise the the Central Board of Conclusions
Sec
level of information exchange and coordi
ondary Education (cbse) has incorporated
In India, disaster response preparedness
a short
nation across agencies. In this regard, disaster management course in still
China the means rebuilding what has been lost
has exhibited strong coordination school curriculum which includes activities
between or destroyed, while in China, a disaster
targeted
government and the un agencies to achieveat both teachers and students."
response is clearly an opportunity not only to
positive outcomes. Conversely, the Govern
Moreover, India has performed well with
rebuild, but to develop (economically) areas
ment of India and its disaster authority
certain
have
elements of post-disaster reconstruc
and communities. Instead of rebuilding lost
often been unable to build and strengthen
tion and recovery in particular geographic
roads or old bridges, if communities needed
preparedness from the national to areas. For example, the Asian Disaster
the state basic education and more job security, China
and thence to the local level. According to Centre highlighted good practices
Reduction provides it first. The Communist Party had
Pragati (2010), "While the ndma has made
in the Gujarat Earthquake 2001 response
a clear say in making risk reduction focus
26 january 7, 2012 vol xlvii no l 033 Economic & Political weekly
COMMENTARY
on people. Moreover, a focus on livelihoods

For example, the Jamsetji Tata Centre for http://www.undp.org/cpr/disred/documents/
publications/corporatereport/asia/china.pdf
was possible with the ilo, promoting
Disaster Management of the Tata Institute
http://www.unisdr.org/wcdr/intergover/official
of the
capacity-building and training as well as Social Sciences is organising a five-day doc/L-docs/Hyogo-framework-for-action-english.pdf
In programme in December 2010 for http://www.unisdr.org/eng/partner-netw.local

training
ideas for generating income and assets.15
government/i2-i4Nov2oo8-China/ITCILC)-Agenda
regenerating and enhancing livelihoods Chengdu.pdf
response to the 2008 earthquake in Sichuan
the ilo partnered with the Ministry afterof
disasters.17 These types of training http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=
3432i&Cr=quake&Cri=
Human Resources and Social Security, the
programmes are a good first step in shifting
http://pragati.nati0nalinterest.in/2010/05/where
All-China Women's Federation and local the focus to resiliency or the ability to is-the-national-disaster-management-authority/
http://pragati.nati0nalinterest.in/2010/05/where
recover after a disaster. Yet, India would
authorities to implement response to regen
is-the-national-disaster-management-authority/
erate employment and address social secudo well to increase its efforts and look more
http://drr.upeace.org/english/documents//Refer
closely at China's good practice in empha ences//Topic
rity issues. Along with the United Kingdom's
http://www.iiasa.ac.at/Research/RAV/conf/ID
Department for International Development,
sising livelihoods regeneration post-disaster. RiMo6/pres/krishna.pdf
the ilo launched the Emergency Start andNot that India should go the China way: http://unpani.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/
India is India and China is China. What is documents/APCITY/UNPANo2588o.pdf
Improve Your Business (e-siyb) project,
http:// www. adrc. asia/publications/TDRM2o 05/
in India's interest is to be a bit more reflec
which helped to re-establish over a 1,000 TDRM_Good_Practices/PDF/PDF-2oo5e/Chapter3_
destroyed businesses and create 700 new
tive on what it sets out to achieve, and what 3.1.4-i.pdf
http://www.undp.org/cpr/disred/documents/pub
businesses for those people who had lost
it is achieving on the ground to protect lications/corporatereport/asia/china.pdf
jobs.16 Though this number is too small to
its economic growth. http://www.undp.org/cpr/disred/documents/pub
lications/corporatereport/asia/china.pdf
have any impact on China's economy, the
http://www.unisdr.org/eng/partner-netw.local
concept of central planning is not bad. NOTES
government/i2-i4Nov2oo8-China/ITCILO-Agenda
In contrast, India has focused less Chengdu.pdf
on1 http://gov.in/ndma/impmsg/articles/Tamil_Mer
chants_Chamber_DM_Articlei.pdf http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/
rebuilding livelihoods after a disaster al
2 http://www.iiasa.ac.at/Research/RAV/conf/ID
http://www.tiss.edu/events/attachments/Regenera
though this may be changing to a degree. RiMo6/pres/krishna.pdf ti0nEnhancementLivelih00ds2010.pdf
Enrolment and Dropout Rate

(2007-08) data observes that within the
elementary school age, 12.8% of rural
in School Education children and 7.3% of urban children are

never enrolled in school; 5.3% of rural
children and 3.9% of urban children have
dropped out within this age group. This
SATADRU SIKDAR, ANIT N MUKHERJEE data also depicts that, among the children
in the secondary school age, almost 90%
The disaggregated analysis of the have enrolled into school but 50% are un
unit level data of the 64th round Right to Education Act in 2010 which able to continue studying. The propor
The Government of free
obliges the State to provide India passed the tions of dropouts are 42.8% in the rural
of the National Sample Survey
and compulsory education to all children sector and 33.3% in the urban sector in the
Office (2007-08) reveals that between the ages of six to 14 years. This is secondary school age.
universal enrolment, retention the culmination of various schemes of the
and completion in both union government over the last two dec Enrolment and Dropouts
ades to encourage children to get enrolled First, we have tried to trace the reasons
elementary and secondary in schools and continue their studies in the behind not enrolling and not completing
education can only be achieved by
secondary level. However, a large number elementary school education and later
improving quality and mitigatingof children are still unable to enrol and turned to the reasons behind high drop
financial constraints, especially even if enrolled, unable to continue their outs at the secondary school age. In the
education. In this article, our intention is survey questionnaire, 20 types of reasons
for the lower classes.
to find the reasons behind the inability to have been specified. We have grouped
enrol and for dropping out among the chil these 20 reasons into eight categories, viz,
dren of elementary school age (between (l) household atmosphere (parents not
five and 14 years) and secondary school interested, no tradition in the community
age (between 15 and 18 years). and education not considered necessary),
(2) access and infrastructure of school
Current Scenario
Satadru Sikdar (satadru@nipfp.org.in) and (inadequate number of teachers, school is
Anit N Mukherjee (anit@nipfp.org.iri) are
A with
close look at the National Sample far
Survey
away, timing of educational institute
the National Institute of Public Finance and
Office (nsso) 64th round survey is
onnot
thesuitable, unfriendly atmosphere in
Policy, New Delhi.
participation and expenditure in education
school, non-availability of lady teachers
Economic & Political weekly EEE9 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 27
COMMENTARY
Table 1: Enrolment Status in India (in %) dropouts. Among the children of elemen
Age Group Sector Enrolled and Currently
Currently Not Enrolled
Ever Attended Attending
Never Attended But
tary school age, less than 2% of children
Currently Not Enrolled reported alternative working opportunity
Person Male Female Person Male Female Person Male Female
as a reason for never enrolling and only
11.07 9.77 12.56
Elementary school age (5-14years) Rural+Urban 4.84 4.58 5.14 84.10 85.66 82.3
6% children reported it as a reason for
Rural 12.77 11.13 14.65 5.25 4.83 5.73 81.98 84.04 79.62
Urban 7.27 6.76 7.87 3.92 4.01 3.81 88.81 89.23 88.32
dropping out. We have tried to check
10.28 7.89 13.07 39.47 39.12 39.89 50.25 52.99 47.04
what is the principal activity of the never
Secondary school age (15-18 years) Rural+Urban
Rural 12.48 9.05 16.47 42.81 42.00 43.76 44.71 48.94 39.78 enrolled and dropouts. Among the never
Urban 6.19 5.72 6.75 33.27 33.77 32.68 60.54 60.51 60.57 enrolled children at the elementary school
Source: Calculated from unit level participation and expenditure in education data of NSSO 64th round, 2007-08. age, 72% reported their usual principal
activity under "other reasons" and 12%
Table 2: Reasonsfor Never Enrolling/Discontinuing/Dropping Out within Elementary School Ages (in %)
Sector Never Enrolled Enrolled But Dropped Out reported attending domestic duties. This
Person Male Female Person Male Female
is applicable to 5.6% of the male children
Household atmosphere Rural + Urban 52.79 51.29 54.12 12.97 10.15 15.85
and 17.8% of the female children among
Rural 54.64 52.82 56.23 14.16 10.78 17.43
Urban 45.55 45.74 45.35 9.40 8.46 10.55

these never enrolled children. Among the
Access and infrastructure of school Rural + Urban 2.41 2.45 2.37 3.37 2.83 3.91 dropped out children within the same age
Rural 2.48 2.62 2.35 4.11 3.38 4.83 group, 17.5% of the male children and
Urban 2.15 1.85 2.45 1.14 1.38 0.84 6.9% of the female children reported that
Alternative source of work Rural + Urban 1.51 1.70 1.34 5.99 8.16 3.77 they work as unpaid family workers in
Rural 1.49 1.66 1.35 6.54 9.29 3.89 household enterprises. Sixty-two per cent
Urban 1.59 1.85 1.33 4.37 5.18 3.38 of the female children attend to domestic
Household duties Rural + Urban 1.83 1.13 2.45 5.42 1.79 9.13
duties and are also engaged in free collection
Rural 1.98 1.30 2.57 5.77 2.21 9.22
of goods, sewing, tailoring, weaving, etc,
Urban 1.23 0.51 1.94 4.37 0.69 8.86
for household use. Meanwhile, only 17% of
Financial constraints Rural + Urban 20.26 20.80 19.77 24.74 26.47 22.96
male children work as casual wage labour.
Rural 18.17 18.74 17.68 22.20 24.16 20.31
Urban 28.40 28.31 28.50 32.29 32.64 31.86

In case of children at the secondary
Quality of education Rural + Urban 1.06 1.26 0.89 40.07 44.17 35.86 school age, apart from the quality of
Rural 1.08 1.35 0.83 40.38 44.29 36.61 education and financial constraints, alter
Urban 1.02 0.92 1.12 39.13 43.87 33.33 native sources of work especially for male
Completed desired level/class Rural + Urban 0.00 0.00 0.00 1.79 1.32 2.27 children and household duties for females
Rural 0.00 0.00 0.00 1.56 1.17 1.94 are the major reasons for dropping out.
Urban 0.00 0.00 0.00 2.47 1.73 3.38
Among the dropped out children in sec
Other reasons Rural + Urban 20.13 21.36 19.02 5.66 5.10 6.23
ondary school ages, almost 36% blamed
Rural 20.14 21.51 18.96 5.26 4.74 5.77
the quality of education and 25.3% named
Urban 20.06 20.82 19.31 6.84 6.04 7.81
financial constraints for their discontinua
Source: Calculated from unit level participation and expenditure in education data of NSSO 64th round, 2007-08.
tion of studies. Alternative source of work
and non-availability of ladies' toilets), (18.2%). It has been observed that 5% of

(3) alternative source of work (to work for children in the elementary age group have Ä UNIVERSITY OF HYDERABAD
wage and salary and for participating in dropped out. Among them 40% have blamed (A Central University established in 1974 by an Act of Pariiamem)
other economic activities and for helping quality of education for their discontinua
in household enterprises), (4) household tion of studies. Financial constraints and Advt.No, UH/HR/Rectt-2011/01 Dt. 17-12-2011
duties (look after younger siblings and to household atmosphere are major reasons I nHHB I
attend to other domestic chores), (5) finan for dropping out for 24.7% and 13% ofThe University of Hyderabad invites
cial constraints, (6) quality of education children at the elementary school age.applications for teaching positions at the levels
of Assistant Professor, Associate Professor and
(language/medium of instruction used Household atmosphere is a vital reason forProfessor in its various Schools, Departments
unfamiliar, child not interested in studies female children, to dropout especially inand Centres, The recruitment shall be made in
and unable to cope or failure in studies), rural areas. In rural areas, 17.4% of femaleaccordance with the UGC Regulations on
minimum qualifications for appointment of
(7) completed desired level/class, and children among the female dropouts inteachers and other academic staff in
(8) other reasons. elementary school age, are unable to Universities and Colleges and measures for the
continue their studies due to household maintenance of standards in higher education
Among the children not enrolling at the
2010. For the detailed advertisement, including
elementary school age, almost 53% are atmosphere (Table 2). eligibility criteria, application fee, details of
unable to do so due to household atmos Although alternative working opportuposts, etc. please visit the University website
www.uohvd.ernet.in or www.uohvd.edu.in. The
phere and 20.3% are unable to enrol due tonity seems to be an important reason for
last date for submission of application complete
financial constraints. Financial constraint dropping out at the secondary school age,
in all respect is 25th January 2012.
is reported by more households in the urban in elementary school age, this is not an
Place : Hyderabad Sd/
Date : 17-12-2011 REGISTRAR
areas (28.4%) than in the rural areas important reason for not enrolling and for
28 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i E352J Economic &
COMMENTARY
has become the reason for droppingFigure

out 1: Reasons for Discontinuing/Dropping Out within the Elementary School Ages in Rural Sector
50
for 18.7% of male children within the sec
ondary school age. Among the dropped
out female children within the same age
group, 9.4% are unable to continue due to
household duties and 13.5% due to house
hold atmosphere. Only 5% of all dropped
out children in secondary school age have
reported that their reason for dropping
out is due to completion of the desired
level of education (Table 3).
Alternative working opportunity seems
to be an important reason for dropping MPCE Class in Rural
out by the children in the secondary Household atmosphere (XA Financiakonstraints
school age. Among the dropped out male EEH1 Access and infrastructure of school GS! Quality of educatio
m Alternative source of work and household duties S3 Others
children, 39.4% in rural and 29.3% in
Source: Calculated from unit level participation and expenditure in education data of NSSO 64th
urban areas reported working as casual
males
66.9% in rural areas attended
wage labour in non-public works; and 16.1% and 10% females worked as
to domestic
work as regular salaried/wage employee
duties and were also engaged in free
family col
workers in household enterp
in urban areas. Among the dropped out
lection of goods, sewing, tailoring, weav
and etc, for household use.Economic
female children, 73.5% in urban areasing, OverallGroups
28%
Table 3: Reason for Never Enrolling/Discontinuing/Dropping Out within Secondary School Age (in %)
As we have seen in the earlier section,
Sector Never Enrolled Enrolled But Dropped Out financial constraints and household atmos
Person Male Female Person Male Female
phere are very important impediments for
Household atmosphere Rural + Urban 56.83 49.06 62.37 8.76 4.65 13.46
enrolment and continuation of studies.
Rural 58.37 50.31 63.62 9.48 5.56 13.87
Urban 51.12 45.36 56.81 7.05 2.57 12.45

So, family income and looking for alter
Access and infrastructure of school Rural + Urban 1.65 1.01 2.11 3.22 1.47 5.22 native work may be the major factor.
Rural 1.91 1.17 2.40 4.13 1.84 6.7 To check this, we divided all the house
Urban 0.66 0.53 0.79 1.04 0.63 1.53 holds into five groups, separate for rural
Alternative source of work Rural + Urban 6.06 10.74 2.73 12.22 18.71 4.78 and urban and tried to check the reasons
Rural 4.53
6.35 11.41 3.05 11.71 18.11
by income group. By taking the average
Urban 5.01 8.75 1.31 13.45 20.1 5.41
monthly per capita consumption expendi
Household duties Rural + Urban 3.46 1.74 4.69 5.2 1.5 9.44
ture (mpce) as a proxy of income, we have
Rural 3.79 1.80 5.10 5.55 1.74 9.81
separated the households in five quintiles
Urban 2.24 1.59 2.88 4.38 0.95 8.52
Financial constraints Rural + Urban 24.73 30.34 20.73 25.26 26.92 23.36
separately for rural and urban areas. In
Rural 22.52 28.39 18.69 24.07 26.21 21.66 Table 4, we have given the frequency
Urban 32.94 36.07 29.84 28.11 28.55 27.58 distribution of mpce quintile-wise.
Quality of education Rural + Urban 0.11 0.20 0.05 35.89 40.99 30.05 Among the households in the lowest
Rural 0.14 0.27 0.06 36.03 41.02 30.45 quintile it appears that in the elementary
Urban 0.00 0.00 0.00 35.55 40.92 29.06
school age, almost 19.5% rural and 15.9%
Completed desired level/class Rural + Urban 0.00 0.00 0.00 4.77 3.06 6.72 urban children are unable to enrol. The
Rural 0.00 0.00 0.00 4.58 3.09 6.24
enrolment percentage is impressively good
Urban 0.00 0.00 0.00 5.22 2.98 7.92
Others
for this age group in the urban sector
Rural + Urban 7.15 6.91 7.32 4.68 2.69 6.96
Rural 6.91 6.65 7.09 4.45 2.43 6.73

among the entire income group except the
Urban 8.04 7.69 8.38 5.22 3.3 7.54 lowest quintile. For the second lowest
Source: Calculated from unit level participation and expenditure in education data of NSSO 64th round, 2007-08. quintile, the proportion of children not
enrolling is 14.8% for rural and 7.3% for
Table 4: MPCE Quintile-wise Frequency Distribution for Rural and Urban India (2007-08)
Classes (%) Rural Urban urban areas (Table 5, p 30).
MPCE(inRs) Total Number of Number of MPCE(inRs) Total Number of Number of Almost 10% children within the second
Number of Children Children Number of Children Children
Household within 5 within 15 Household within 5 within 15 ary school age never enrolled in school
to 14 Years to 18 Years to 14 Years to 18 Years
and this figure is more than 16% for
Poorest 20 Less than 400 10,677 15,309 4,340 Less than 620.69 5,715 7,313 2,684
20-40
females in rural areas. Among the children
400.50 to 513.33 11,434 13,289 4,630 621.00 to 857.14 6,448 5,919 2,554
40-60 513.60 to 642.50 12,325 12,234 4,467 857.50 to 1142.86 7,271 5,185 2,379
within this age group 48% in rural and
60-80 642.85 to 849.11 13.306 10,675 4,695 1,143.57 to 1663.67 7,921 4,635 2,381 49% in urban areas have dropped out. The
Richest 20 850andabove 15,573 8.268 4,476 1,666.67and above 9,908 3,849 2,165 dropout proportion among this age group
Source: Calculated from unit level participation and expenditure in education data of NSSO 64th round, 2007-08. is more than 40% within the lowest four
COMMENTARY
Table 5: MPCE Quintile-wise Enrolment and Dropouts Scenario (in %) has been observed that the proportional
Never Enrolled in 5 to 14 Years Ever Attended But Currently Not Enrolled
Ever Attended But Currently Not Enrolled
distribution of reasons is different in the
within Elementary School Age within Secondary School Age
Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban rural and urban sectors, but within the
Poorest 20 19.49 15.89 7.02 7.27 48.03 48.97 same sector this distribution of reasons
20-40 14.82 7.31 5.99 4.69 48.79 44.71 is more or less similar for all the five
40-60 11.58 3.78 5.08 2.68 46.74 29.23
MPCE groups.
60-80 8.20 2.16 3.96 1.88 40.63 18.40
Figures 3 and 4 (p 31) show that almost
Richest 20 4.71 1.72 2.70 0.49 29.94 11.29
60% of dropout children within the sec
ondary school age in rural areas discon
Table 6: Reason for Never Enrolling within the Elementary School Age (5 to 14 Years) (in %)
Rural Urban
tinue their studies due to quality of educa
Poorest 20 20-40 40-60 60-80 Richest 20 Poorest 20 20-40 40-60 60-80 Richest 20 tion and financial constraints among all
Household atmosphere 53.71 56.47 53.92 56.93 52.48 46.48 43.12 39.49 55.56 43.75 the MPCE groups. In urban areas among
Access and infrastructure the lowest four mpce quintiles 62% to
of school 2.23 2.15 2.85 2.68 4.44 2.09 1.63 2.56 3.03 3.13
65% of dropped out children within sec
Alternative source of work 1.38 1.79 1.28 1.51 1.57 0.96 2.10 1.03 4.04 1.56
Household duties 2.50 1.28 1.28 2.91 1.57 1.39 1.17 0.51 1.01 0.00
ondary school age have reported discon
Financial constraints 22.11 17.34 16.98 11.18 10.97 34.23 24.48 19.49 6.06 15.63 tinuing their studies due to these two
0.95 1.23 1.00 0.81 0.26 1.04 0.93 1.54 1.01 0.00 factors. Alternative source of work is the
Quality of education
Others 17.12 19.69 22.68 23.98 28.72 13.73 26.57 35.38 29.29 35.94 main reason for 13% to 14% of the dropped
Source: Calculated from the unit level participation and expenditure in education data of NSSO 64th round, 2007-08.
out children within the same age group in
quintile in the rural sector, only in case ofchildren in the elementary school age urban
have areas and this proportion is the
the highest quintile the dropout rate isblamed quality of education and financial highest for top mpce quintile in urban.
29.9% within this (15-18 years) age group. constraints as the main reasons for dis Unfriendly household atmosphere becomes
So the reasons behind never enrolment a reason for dropping out for 5% to 7% of
continuation of studies (Figure 1, p 29 and
Figure 2, p 31). Household atmospherethe
within the poorest income group in rural is children within secondary school age
in the urban sector and 8% to 12% in the
another main reason for dropouts and
and urban sector and the reasons for drop
outs within secondary school age children rural sector. Among the secondary school
this proportion is increasing in the urban
sector from the lowest quintile to the
for all income groups in rural sector and age children, household duties are the
richest quintile.
for the lowest three income groups in urban reason for dropping out almost 10%
areas are a major concern. As we have discussed earlier the drop females in the urban and rural areas. In
out
Among the entire mpce groups in the rates are 44.7% in the rural and 60.5%
urban areas this proportion is in between
rural sector, household atmosphere is the 7% and 13%, which is increasing from the
in the urban sectors within the secondary
main reason of never enrolment for over school age (Table i, p 28). While looking
lowest mpce quintile to the highest quintile
half of the never enrolled children within for the reason behind the high dropout and in rural areas it is between 8% and
the elementary school age; while in the rate among children in this age group,11%.
it So it can be concluded that the
urban sector this is the main reason for
over 40% of the never enrolled children OMEO KUMAR DAS INSTITUTE OF
within the same age group. Financial con SOCIAL CHANGE AND DEVELOPMENT
straints are reported to be another main
V.l.P. Road, Upper Hengrabari, Guwahati - 781 03
reason for not enrolling, though the pro
Phone: 0361-2313064, 2335204 (O) Fax: 0361-2335206
portion of reporting financial constraints
Web: www.okd.in
as the main reason is decreasing from the
lowest quintile to the richest quintile, but ADVERTISEMENT FOR ASSISTANT PROFESSORS
the proportion is 22.1% to 11% for the
rural and 34.2% to 15.6% for the urban Applications are invited from candidates with Post Graduate Deg
sector (Table 6). Economics, for two temporary posts of Assistant Professor with U
The dropouts after enrolment within of pay and other allowances as per Central Government Rules. Pr
elementary school age are less than 3% for will be given to candidates with PhD Degree and/or with publicat
the top three quintiles in the urban and
referred journals. The appointments will be made initially for a
two years. Those who are in sen/ice should apply through proper
top quintile in the rural sector (Table 5).
Among the lowest three mpce quintiles in The candidates are to submit their applications with supporting tes
the rural and lowest two mpce quintiles in to the Director, OKD Institute of Social Change and Developm
the urban areas, almost 5% to 7% of children Road, Upper Hengrabari, Guwahati - 781036 or at dkdscd@ya
within elementary school ages are dis on or before 10th February, 2012. Only shortlisted candidate
continuing their studies after enrolment. called for interview and no TA/DA will be paid.
Director
Almost 60% in the rural sector and 70%
OKDISCD
in the urban sector of these dropped out
30 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 Economic & Political weekly
COMMENTARY
Figure 2: Reasons for Discontinuing/Dropping Out within the Elementary School Ages in Urban Sectoruniversal
(in %) enrolment and completion. T
50 —
is particularly true of secondary edu
tion. Analysis of the unit level data of 64
round of the National Sample Surve
(2007-08) clearly brings out this pictu
In the elementary school age (5-14 year
nearly 15% of the children are enrolled b
currently not attending educational in
tutions. Out of them, 11% have nev
attended school. Therefore, even aft
nearly a decade of the Sarva Shiksh
Abhiyan, universal enrolment and com
tion of elementary education
MPCE haveC
not be
E±3 Household atmosphere Financial constraints achieved yet. The situation is worse at t
ttffl Access and infrastructure of school I -I Quality of education
secondary stage (15-18 years) - almost h
Alternative source of work and household duties Others
of that age group are enrolled, but curren
not attending secondary school. The p
Figure 3: Reasonsfor Discontinuing/Dropping Out within Secondary School Ages in Rural Sector (in %)
50 centage of never-enrolled children in
ondary school is, however, similar to
mentary education. This points to the f
that the dropout rate in the secondary sta
is very high, and should be address
without any further delay.
The reason for dropping out varie
between the rural and urban sectors and
across economic classes. Three principal
reasons in the rural areas are household
atmosphere, financial constraints and
Poorest 20% 20-40% 40-60% 60-80% Richest 20% quality of education. Interestingly, quality
MPCE Class in Rural
of education is the main reason for drop
[m Household atmosphere [y*yl Financial constraints out in all the economic classes in the rural
Access and infrastructure of school P"7! Quality of education
areas - access being the least important.
Alternative source of work and household duties 53 Others
Source: Calculated from unit level participation and expenditure in education data of NSSO 64th round, 2007-08. Therefore, the policy focus needs to change
from access to quality to achieve the goal
Figure 4: Reasons for Discontinuing/Dropping Out within Secondary School Ages in Urban Sector (in %)
of universal elementary education.
In the secondary stage, the impact of
alternative sources of work and household
duties becomes a more important deter
minant for dropping out of school. How
ever, the two principal reasons for dropping
out remain quality and financial constraints.
Lower income quintiles find it harder to
pay for secondary education - both public
and private. This creates significant hurdles
in the completion of secondary education,
1 » 1 , ' tmrsi , i , i 1— ■ i
Poorest 20% 20-40% 40-60% 60-80% Richest 20%
especially in rural areas.
MPCE Class in Urban This study draws attention to the
I Household atmosphere kVSJ Financial constraints present and future challenges before
Access and infrastructure of school r«?4l Qualityofeducation
school education in India. A disaggregated
E2 Alternative source of work and household duties Others
analysis shows that universal enrolment,
retention and completion in both elemen
income of the family is not the major Conclusions tary and secondary education can only be
reason for dropouts or discontinuation of Although Indiaachieved
has made significant
by improving quality and miti
studies - the problem lies in the lack of progress in improving access,constraints,
gating financial especially
especially for
the lower there
quality of education, particularly at the in elementary education, income classes in both urban
are signi
secondary stage. ncant challenges in movingand rural areas.
towards
Economic & Political weekly B23 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 31
The Centre for Research in Rural and Industrial Development is internationally renowned ICSSR
supported Social Science Research Institution concerned with multi-disciplinary research and
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CRRID invites applications for the following posts under the five years programme for the promotion of
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PROFESSOR-CUM-PROGRAMME COORDINATOR
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32 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i GEE3 Economic 8c Political weekly
homes near the sea coast due to the tsu
The Market for Human Organs nami of 2004. Poverty forced many of the
women there to sell their kidneys and this
place came to be known as the "kid
AMAL JOSEPH
neywakkam". Carney estimates that in
one year alone at least, 2,000 illegal trans
BOOK REVIEW plants took place in Tamil Nadu despite the
to write about - that of human body Human Organs Transplantation Act of
Scottparts.
Carney chooses
From a single an unusual trade
cell the human 1994
The Red Market by Scott Carney; Hachette being
Book well in place. Even after the
Publishing India, 2011; pp xvi+254, Rs 550.
egg to a fully grown child, everything is scandal was exposed by the media, none
up for sale in the global red market and of the doctors involved were ever pun
Carney documents each one of them in ished.
so extensive that just about every The government closed "two of the
classroom
great detail. The usual laws of trade apply skeleton in America must have come from
smallest and most ill-equipped nursing
to human organs too, except that the seller homes
India" (p xii). The Chicago Tribune that were tangentially linked to
reported
is always poor and the buyer is always in 1985 that in one previous illegal
yeartransplants"
alone (p 65).
rich and both of them are desperate for India exported 60,000 skulls and skeletons.
Scandals emerged from several other
different reasons and the middleman slices That means that about 60,000 graves
states aswere
well. More than 600 transplants
off a huge amount of money while the soft robbed. The Los Angeles Times reported
were conducted in a decade in Gurgaon.
bureaucracy and the law enforcers look that at their height, Kolkata's bone
Manyfactories
of the unwilling donors were drugged
the other way. took in an estimated $1 million aand
year
their(pkidneys
50). forcibly removed for the
Carney is right: All this in Communist Party of India
recipients in the us, uk, Greece, etc. There
the flesh[moves] upwards - never down (Marxist) - cpi(m) ruled West Bengal! The
were serious allegations of prisoners being
wards...unrestricted freemarkets act like executed
modus operandi seems very simple: "Robfor
thetheir vital organs in Kosovo
vampires, sapping the health and strength graves, separate soft tissue from theand
and China unthe Israeli military is known
from ghettos of poor donors and funnelling to have to
harvested
yielding calcium and deliver the bones the corneas of Palestinians
their parts to the wealthy (p 6).
killed
distributors, who assemble them andin combat.
ship
That India was and continues to be one them to dealers around the globe" (p 41).
Children were kidnapped from Tamil
of the major centres of illegal trade in The finer details are nauseating:
Nadu and sold to foreigners for adoption.
organs and tissues should surprise no one; hirst the corpses are wrapped in One agencyand
netting in Chennai had "arranged" for
the right combination of a highly devel anchored in the river, where bacteria and
at least fish
165 international adoptions in 12
oped tertiary care medical infrastructure, reduce them to loose piles of bones and earning
years, mush nearly $2,50,000 in "fees"
in a week or so. The crew then scrubs the bones
an affluent and growing middle and upper (p 94). "It costs about $14,000 to bring a
and boils them in a cauldron of water and
class that feed them, grinding poverty :hild to us from India, not including the
caustic soda to dissolve remaining flesh. That
that forces people to sell whatever they standard
leaves the Calcium surfaces with $3,500 fee to the orphanage"
a yellow
have in order to sustain themselves some tint. To bring them up to medical white,
writes the(p 96).
Carney
how, lax laws and a complicated legal bones are left in sunlight for a week before
The global trade in children is alarming.
system all together make it possible. being soaked in hydrochloric acid (p 43).
A French agency was involved in the steal
Carney realised the enormity of this trade While the good quality bonesing
end upchildren
of 103 as from Chad. "In China's
when one of his students died in Varanasi skeletons in medical schools abroad, the half a dozen orphanages
Hunan province
and the body had to be sent back topoor quality bones have their market too.
were found to have purchased nearly a
Louisiana, us. That is when he was exposed The long bones are carved intothousand
flutes children
and between 2002 and
to the entire machinery that deals with the skulls are cut into prayer2005"
bowls(p and
96). The Hague Convention on
death - the police, forensic specialists, sold to Tibetan Buddhists in Bhutan whoAdoption, according to Car
Intercountry
morticians, airlines, etc. This, he says, "was need these to contemplate and "under
ney, does not cap the adoption fees paid by
the beginning of my own understanding stand mortality" (p xv). rich countries and this is seen as the big
of the international market for human The 1985 ban however has not geststopped
flaw which allows children to be
bodies". And this led him to various parts this trade all together. Carney feels that
smuggled out of third world countries and
of India, Cyprus, and the United States to "the bone factories of Calcutta probably
are back in
auctioned to the highest bidder.
document the trade in tissues. business" (p 58).
While West Bengal was busy Tales of Horror
trading in
The Gravediggers dead bones, Chennai was busy "Blood
selling liveis a tale of horror. A thug in
Money"
Until 1985 when the Indian government kidneys. The Tsunami Nagar was a tempo
Gorakhpur ("a city built on a foundation
banned the export of human organs, grave rary settlement of about 25,000 people, the encephalitis capital of
of shortages"),
digging was a flourishing industry. It was mostly fisherfolk displaced from their
India, lures innocent poor people, holds
Economic & Political weekly laavj January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 33
BOOK REVIEW
them in captivity, bleeds them repeatedly Gorakhpurs are seen more as aberrations.
from the us to Mexico along with the sperm
and so often that they become soofweak
the gay couple. The Mexican's eggs were
Not so with other human tissues. As organs
that they cannot even think of escaping. become scarce and technology becomes
mated with the Israeli sperm - one sperm
He does all this in a cattle shed with little with each "parent" fertilising one egg and
more advanced, justifications for trade in
attention to sterility. When the police raided two fertilised eggs were implanted in the
organs are re-emerging. The Iran model of
this leeching shed, 17 people were foundAmerican woman. The twins were born in state-approved organ sales is being talked
there in such a severe state of shock and California in 2010 and flown to Israel where about and the "Red Market" flourishes.
anaemia that they had to spend about athey were legally adopted. All for $1,20,000!
month in hospital just to regain some The future of trade in human eggs was State-Sponsored Organ Trade
strength. The blood that was forcibly takendescribed by an investor thus: Attempts to apply Titmuss' arguments
from them was sold to the patients in about altruism and non-commercialism to
Surrogates in Asia would carry eggs of super
Gorakhpur hospitals who needed it ur donors in America-models with high sat scores non-replenishable organs and tissues fail
gently (for a hefty price of course). Varia and prestigious degrees who would be paid because no society operates in the ethereal
tions of the Gorakhpur horror is a possibility $100,000 for their eggs. Those babies could world of altruism alone. What holds good
in many Indian towns where voluntary sell for $i million each - first to my investor for blood donation does not hold good for
friends, then to the rest of the world (p 133).
blood donation is still a taboo but require other tissues like the human egg or kidney
ment of blood remains high. From eggs to surrogate motherhood is because not only does it entail a permanent
And then there are the young women only a step away and Carney takes us to an loss to the donor, it also involves invasive
who sell their eggs for a price. "Unlike givinfertility clinic in Anand which "fertilises procedure on the donor with its own
ing blood, donating an egg is a long and the egg from donors, implants and incu morbidity and sometimes mortality. There
painful procedure that takes a minimumbates embryos in the womb of a surrogate fore while altruistic donations can be
of two weeks of hormone stimulation and mother, and finally delivers contract babies justified in life-saving situations, a civi
then surgical removal" (p 115). Cyprus at a rate of nearly one a week" (p 135). Upon lised society must question its own moral
(followed by Spain) emerges as the egg successful delivery - mostly by Caesarean premises in allowing designer babies for a
bazaar of the world where the "fertility section - the surrogate mother is paid fancy sum. Indian women should not be
business blends the shady netherworld of about $5,000 to $6,000 for renting hertreated as rental incubators, especially when
gray market financial transactions with uterus. The surrogate mothers are almost legal adoption is a morally and ethically
commercialisation of human tissue" (p 117). always very poor women. India legalised acceptable alternative available. Sadly, The
Poor immigrants from Eastern Europe this uterine renting in 2002. The result is Assisted Reproductive Technologies (Regu
and Spanish-speaking Argentinians, Chil that one can find such clinics in almost lation) Bill 2010 seeks to legitimise rather
eans and Brazilians are the usual clients every major city in the country. than ban surrogacy. If the uterus can be
who are preferred for their white skin. Trade in biological tissues has an inter
rented, then the sale of other human body
While these women may get around $500esting history. Blood transfusion became parts
a can only be a step away. Renting and
for a donation, an American can get an sale both arise from the same premises -
possibility around the time of second world
war and thousands of Americans and
"upward of $50,000 if she's an Ivy League that biological tissues and processes can
Britishers donated blood to show their
grad with athletic build" (p 114). Again, "A be commercialised. Today it is legal to sell
one hundred per cent increase in sat score ova, a non-replenishable tissue. Tomor
solidarity with the army. The availability of
correlates with $2,350 increase in egg
blood resulted in the development of more
row it could be blood or even organs, more
price" (p 114). Two points to note: the hu
complicated surgeries. When the supply soof organs of brain-dead persons.
man egg, unlike blood or even sperm, is voluntary
a blood dried up after the war, hosIn countries like India, altruism is
non-replenishable tissue. The number of
pitals began to buy it from the market.
another name for state-sponsored trade
eggs that a woman can produce in her life in organs and tissues. Total transparen
Blood from prisoners was thus sold in the
time is finite and is determined at birth. market. Blood from the inmates of the cy, according to Carney, may limit if not
Second, removal of eggs is an invasive Arkansas Department of Corrections abolish
- the red market and this reviewer
procedure and not one but many eggs aremostly unscreened - went across to many
tends to agree with him. There is a strong
removed at a time to ensure a good outcountries as did the infections from such case for making the conduct of various
come. In one case an Israeli doctor took untested sources. In Canada alone about licensing bodies like the authorisation
1,000 people contracted hiv and 2,00,000committees (which allow "emotionally
181 eggs from a single unknowing donor,
broke them into batches and sold them to
got Hepatitis C (p 170). related" organ donations) transparent and
34 paying patients seeking babies (p 127). Richard Titmuss was the first one to showthe hearings public. This will help reduce
the dangers of trade in blood. In the Thethe red market.
At times things can really become bizarre.
Lavi Aron and Omer Shatzky are two gay
Gift of Relationship he showed that buying Some chapters, like trade in human
men from Tel Aviv who got marriedblood
in increases the incidence of Hepatitishair or stem cell therapy, really do not
Toronto in 2008. Wanting to have a child,
and argued that the safest system is the one"belong" here, but that is a minor issue.
they found a Caucasian egg donor from
based on altruism. Today, trade in blood
is banned in several countries and the
Mexico City. A surrogate mother was flown Email: amalorj@gmail.com
: BOOK REVIEW
White Violence in Colonial India The white planters who worked in tea,
coffee and indigo plantations offered the
empire steady financial returns but at the
same time embarrassed the colonial admin
C R SRIDHAR
istration with alarming incidents of
brutality, murder and rape of Indian
The Goddess of British justice, though
Colonialblind,
Justice in British India - White Violence workers at the plantations. Beneath the
is able to distinguish unmistakably black
and the Rule of Law by Elizabeth Kolsky (Cambridge idyllic setting of tea gardens and the polite
from white.
University Press), 2010; pp 252,155.
ritual of tea drinking lay the exploited slave
- Bai Gangadhar Tilak1
labour entrenched in a penal contract system
(p 2). Although the archives overflow with which gave the planters wide powers to
expanded in India, there was a incidents of Britons murdering, maiming arrest and punish workers at the plantations.
As Britain's
powerful needimperial enterprise
to justify or legiti and assaulting Indians and getting away Introduced by governor general William
mate her rule over the far-flung empire. with it, white violence remains a closely Bentinck under Regulation 5 of 1830, the
How could Britain with her ideals of jus guarded secret of the British empire. powers of the planters grew by later en
tice and fair play reconcile with the rapa While apologists of British imperialism actments in 1865 and 1882 which gave them
cious conquest and subjugation of people would dismiss such incidents as exceptions the power of magistrates. By the enactment
in distant and densely populated lands? committed by a few bad apples, the sheer of these laws the tea workers on the British
Imperial leaders like lord Curzon saw the scale of racial violence inflicted by Britons plantations were reduced to slaves whose
justification in sheer moral terms, namely, on Indians suggests otherwise. As the appalling condition could be compared
principles of justice and the rule of law. author says, to the black American slaves working in
Woven into the intricate tapestry of the cotton plantations. As the author sums
the unsettling picture that emerges from
imperial ideology was the static view of India our investigation of white violence and its up succinctly
as being enslaved by oriental despotism handling in the colonial courts should not be
Although colonial law was described by
and that the British colonial rule freed the brushed off as a list of exceptions, an epiphe
officials as a guarantor of Liberty and agent
nomenal sideshow to the main stage of Pax
enslaved natives from such a debilitating of civilisational progress, in letter and in
Britannica (p 4).
condition. Imperial rulers from Britain saw practice the law of the tea plantations was
their empire as one of law and liberty. By A notorious example of miscarriage of designed to secure capitalist control over
labour (p 147).
providing the Indians with an impartial justice was the case of the indigo planter
judicial system and equal protection of William Orb Hunter who was tried in the A remarkable document titled European
law, the imperial rulers believed that Calcutta Supreme Court for the torture of Misconduct in India, 1766-1874" shows the
the stability of the imperial government three female servants. The horrific abuse widespread violence indulged in by the
would be assured by the support of included mutilation of ears, nose and motley elements composed of European
the people. genitals and illegal confinement of the migrants, vagabonds, planters, and abs
Elizabeth Kolsky, an assistant professor female servants in chains. Hunter was let conding soldiers and seamen which unset
of History at Villanova University, in the off with a nominal fine and set free. This tled the officials of the East India Company.
book under review argues that such a aroused the indignation of Indians who The murderous violence unleashed on the
view of imperial justification was born of accused the British of rendering a racially punkawallahs, cooks, porters, and labourers
self-deception. She points out that racial biased verdict. working in the plantations threatened the
violence "was a constant and constituent Britons like Hunter who indulged in ter stability of the imperial enterprise and
element of British dominance" (p 1). Physi rible abuse of domestic help constituted shattered the myth of Pax Britannica with
cal violence was an integral part of impe the tip of the iceberg. As the author points justice and equality of law at its core.
rial rule in India from the late 18th to the out "the innumerable other incidents of As the author observes
early 20th centuries. interracial violence that never made their
the drunken and disorderly soldier, like the
way through official channels remain wandering and wayward seamen, was a sym
Violence by the Wrong Sorts beyond the historian's reach" (p 4). More bolic affront to British prestige, a practical
The author makes the interesting observa over, the violence inflicted by these planters, thorn in the side of local magistrates, a health
tion that while history books on British soldiers and sailors or vagrants on Indians hazard, and an unruly usurper of military
discipline (p 55).
imperialism dwell on violent macro-events blurred the binary system of superior
such as the Battle of Plassey, the Revolt of Englishmen ruling over the Indians who
Even though the record of infamy is
1857 or the Jallianwalla Bagh massacre, were deceitful, inferior and venal. Men restricted to incidents in Bengal and not
the true nature of colonial violence central like Hunter did not work for British impe other parts of India an interesting pattern
to the working of the empire could be seen rialism in any official capacity but never emerges: in the cases of white on white
by the violent crimes committed by "a mostly theless functioned as its torchbearers and physical violence the punishment was
forgotten cast of European characters - upheld its economic interests. They consti severe including capital punishment. Al
planters, paupers, soldiers and seamen" tuted the ugly third face of colonialism. though capital punishments would become
BOOK REVIEW
rare in the second half of the 18th century,

before law by entrenching racial differences. was often presented by colonial doctors to
Thus, the Code of Criminal Procedure (1861)
in the earlier period many European soldiers support the claim that Indians had weak in
were executed for the wilful murder of sides and were therefore more susceptible to
"institutionalised racial inequality by de
such blows (p 136).
their European comrades. In cases where
lineating race-based rights and privileges,
the European soldiers and seamen attacked
including: juries with European majorities Thus, Indian medical jurisprudence and
for Europeans but not for the Indians, medical experts played a crucial role in
their Indian subordinates, the consequen
ces were quite lenient. Presidency trials for Europeans, but local mitigating European criminal culpability in
trials for Indians; and a racially differenti cases involving serious violence and murder.
A Question of Race ated schedule of punishments (p 78)."
A paradox central to the administration of Amendments to the code in the following Unravelling Imperial Myths
colonial justice was the question of race decades widened the racial discrimination The underlying tensions within the British
which assumed the inherent characteris rendering racial equality as a dead letter empire between the officials of imperial
tics of the British to be superior and morin law. It was not until India gained her in power and the unofficial - in between -
ally upright while the other, namely, thedependence from British rule and enacted like the planters, seamen and absconding
native was morally decrepit and wallowthe Criminal Law (Removal of Racial Dis soldiers were those between high-bred
ing in superstition. The question which
tinctions) Act of 1949 that the pernicious Englishmen and the so-called lower class
influence of racial discrimination ended.
was topmost in the mind of the colonial of mean whites. At the other level there
administrators was how to administer was the threat that the empire would un
Tipping the Scales of Justice
equal justice to those who were legally ravel due to the horrific violence perpe
and politically unequal? The racial prejudice of the British againsttrated on the natives. But the colonial laws
The thrust towards codification of laws the Indians as being deceptive and unrelidesigned to prevent the abuse of unofficial
in India by Macaulay rested on the belief able drove the colonial administrators to white violence conceded concessions to
the violent Britons and destroyed the

that it was the duty of the British to give the elusive quest for truth in matters of
good government to the people of India and evidence to try crimes injudicial proceed
imperial promise of equality of law. Thus
where a free government was not possible. ings. As the perception of native deceit when these concessions combined with
One object of the codification was to remove was central to the understanding of the
the racial practices of British judges, juries,
the plurality of laws which was prevalent Indian society, the colonial administratorsand police who let off fellow Britons on
during the East India Company rule such saw the need to replace oral testimony bylesser charges, the Indian subjects were
as a mishmash of labyrinthine regulations, something scientific and true. This led to
exposed to the double jeopardy of political
acts of Parliament, Hindu and Islamic law, the growth of medico-legal jurisprudence.slavery and unchecked white violence.
English common and statutory law, and Out of this questionable body of medico The author's book which is a culmina
the principles of justice, equity and good legal studies grew the fanciful theories oftion of 10 years of research and writing
conscience. In place of this welter of con frail Indian bodies with diseased spleen
offers a significant contribution to our
understanding of racial violence and the
fusion, codification was seen as promoting that was to have a controversial impact on
rule of law in colonial territories. More
uniformity and certainty of law in the white crimes committed against Indians.
administration of justice. The other object In testimony after testimony European
over, as the author says there is very little
of the codification was to rein in the unruly medical officials told the courts in murder secondary literature about the pervasive
nature of white violence even though
violence of the planter, seamen and soldiers trials that the diseased spleen of the victim
and vagrants who were whites and bring was the cause of the death and not the there is abundance of archival evidence to
both the British and the Indians under one immediate consequence of the whipssubstantiate
or the same. Thus, the pervasive
rule of law. blows inflicted by the white offender. nature of racial violence in the day-to-day
Predictably, the planter lobby bitterly In cases such as the murder trial of Fuller
functioning of the British empire has been
protested the codification as lowering the who slapped his Indian servant on his face
consigned to the footnotes of history.
prestige of the whites by placing them on and ears causing him to fall and die, the
The author rescues scholarship from the
the same footing as the Indians and testimony of the colonial doctor was that
airbrushed triumphalism of Pax Britannica
mounted a sustained attack on Macaulay. the victim died of a ruptured spleen
by pointing out that all forms of imperial
power have violence and nothing but
Moreover, the whites also protested that caused by very slight violence. Fuller was
they were entitled to be tried in accord violence at its core. This book should be a
convicted of a lesser charge of wounding
ance with the laws of England and not by and fined a sum of Rs 30. wake-up call for those who genuflect
any other law. The white planters also The Fuller case which caused a scandal before the majesty of imperial justice and
resented any trial by Indian magistrates is merely illustrative of many more cases
the benefits of benign British imperialism.
whom they viewed as barbarians. wherein Britons were let off lightly on
Bowing down to the pressure of the murder charges. In trials of Britons", notes
Email: crsridhar@hotmail.com
white planters who were increasingly seen the author,

as providing profits to the empire, the NOTE
who killed Indians by striking them with sticks,
colonial authorities subverted equality bricks, whips, and kicks, medical evidencei Quoted in Colonial Justice in British India, p 4.
36 january 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i EE3 Economic & Political weekly
PERSPECTIVES
Un-archived Histories: to be classified as "non-sense", gibberish,

madness, and is dispatched therefore to a
The 'Mad' and the 'Trifling'

domain outside history. In this process of
selecting, framing, authorising, as even the
most hard-boiled of traditional historians
will acknowledge, every archive necessarily

GYANENDRA PANDEY excludes a great deal that is not of direct
interest to its custodians.
Traditional historians hold that The early modern and the colonial
parent contradiction in terms. It
there can be no history without state's archive of land relations was sharply
an archive. But how is one to

Un-archived histories is an ap
announces a challenge to the tra focused on the question of (the enhance
ditional historians' argument that there can ment of) revenue, just as the colonial state's
write a history of prejudice where be no history without an archive. Derrida, archive of peasant protest and rebellion
the evidence that identifies or among others, has helped put a question was built around the category of crime
mark on this apparently simple equation, (law and order) (Guha 1983,1984). Again,
signifies its everyday forms and
history —> archive/archive -» history, census operations, classification and count
discriminatory behaviour is
through a proposition about the place of ing, have been ways of fixing and manag
scrappy and ambiguous? The the archive in modern times, and the work ing diverse populations, hence of reducing
common sense of polarised race, it does and undoes in the practice of his population groups to a few clear-cut, man
tory and politics. ageable and statistically accountable cate
caste, class or gender relations is
gories. In more recent times of "represent
articulated in rarely archived, Remembering and Forgetting ative" government, they have also provided
historically unpretty and Political power entails control of the archive a means of staking claims (and counter
unacknowledged actions. Out of and of memory, Derrida notes. Democrati claims) on the issue of differential access
what archive is the history of sation may be measured, then, in terms of to state resources and political power
the extent of the access of different groups (Barrier 1981; Cohn 1996; Anderson 2006,
these practices, which are not and classes to the constitution and inter Chapter 10). Similarly, the modern archive
events, not datable or even pretation of the archive. (The "un-archivedof linguistic practice has been concerned
nameable, to be written? histories" of my title are, precisely, thosewith the fixing of various means and codes
to which we are denied access.) Whereverof communication as particular objects
secrets and heterogeneity exist, he argues,called "languages" - pure or (more or less)
wherever they are not already gatheredmixed. It may help to illustrate the last,
into a consignation (a single corpus, unitedand apparently most technical (hence
in its ideal configuration), it is a "menace"scientific?), of these archiving processes
or challenge to the theory of the archive; tothrough an example from south Asia -
the archive as "commencement" (origin)that of Hindavi as the sign of a language
and "commandment" (authority), as wellcommunity and medium of communication
as the unified, that is to say, the exclusive
in precolonial north India.
and unquestioned, ground for historical Rather than enjoying a continuous, auto
knowledge. Derrida's (1996: 3, 4, 91 andnomous existence, a designated place in a
passim) idea of a "trouble", sickness, fever oflinguistic continuum or thoroughfare, Hin
(for) the archive - trouble de I'archive, maldavi inhabited a zone of pronounced indeter
d'archive - refers to the passionate, restminacy before the now well-documented
less, interminable search for the (authori19th century Hindi-Urdu divide. It was only
tative, commanding, originary) archive,in the late 18th and more clearly in the
"right where it slips away.... right where19th centuries that this particular linguistic/
something in it unarchives itself". cultural inheritance came to be seen,
For the disciplinary historian, the archivesimultaneously, as more or less Persianised
may fairly be described as a site of selectionand Sanskritised. As Rashmi Bhatnagar
and classification, of framing and authoris(2011), a scholar charting the history of
ing. In Foucauldian terms, the archivethe Indian vernacular under the aegis of
authorises what may be said, laying down
the colonial and postcolonial states puts it,
Gyanendra Pandey (gpande2@emory.edu) the rules of the "sayable", negating (making the concept of a linguistic continuum -
teaches history at Emory University, the US.
inaudible and illegible) much that comeswhich is fundamental to the archive of
Economic & Political weekly B353 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 37
PERSPECTIVES
languages - tells us nothing aboutwhich,

what through knowing [something] belligerent
too statement against persistent
fills out the Hindavi literary imaginary,
much, passes it over". caste prejudice, derision and discrimination
"the histories that are remembered in independent India's public life. The
by follows, I explore the apparent
In what
keeping open the channel between contradiction
lan contained in the phrasestatement formed part of his judgment in
guages [the relevant ones in the"un-archived
case of State vs Bhaiyan, a case in which a poor
histories" through an exami
Hindavi include Persian, Awadhi and way-side barber showed disinclination to
nation of signs, traces, evidence of human
cuta the hair of a dalit customer, and in the
Braj], nor [about] ... the poetics of this open activities and relationships - the body as
passage between vernaculars." The pro register of events; inchoate dreams; gestures,end cut his hair outside, rather than inside,
duction of Hindavi as an archive object pauses, gut-reactions; feelings of ecstasy, the shop and at an inflated cost. Given
defined by script and religion, as it was in humiliation, pain - that cannot easilythat
be no one disputed the facts, the young
the later 19th and 20th centuries, erases, articulated or read, let alone archived, but
magistrate could have proceeded immedi
in her words (Bhatnagar 2011), "significant that nevertheless call out for attention in ately to pronounce judgment and sentence
dimensions of its material existence as our historical investigations. In order to the accused. However, the dalit officer felt
make the analysis more specific and his it necessary at the same time to comment
bodily, performative, musical, affective
and narrative practices".1 torically grounded than it might otheron the wider social forces and prejudices
In short, the very process of archivingwise
is be, I turn, for this exercise, to some at work (Singh: 224-27):
research I have been doing on the struggle
accompanied by a process of "un-archiving": In the eyes of a Hindu even a dog can be
against casteism and racism in India and
rendering many aspects of social, cultural, allowed to enter the shop but not a human
the United States (us), and on the preju
political relations in the past and the being who by force of circumstances and ill
luck happened to be born in so-called scheduled
dices central to the question of caste and
present as incidental, chaotic, trivial, incon
castes. The Hindu society is a society of...
race.
sequential, and therefore unhistorical. In a A more complete statement of the re meanness and a store house of degradations.
word, the archive, as a site of remem
sults of this investigation is forthcoming ...Every conservative Hindu house is a South
in is
brance, doing the work of remembering, my book entitled A History of Prejudice: Africa [a domain of apartheid] for a poor un
the Struggle against Race and Caste in
also at the same time a project of forget touchable who is still being crushed under
India and the USA. Here I draw on some of the heels of Hindu Imperialism.
ting. For Foucault, madness (or un-reason),
logically enough, designates the limitsthe
ofkinds of evidence considered in the "For officers from the low castes", Singh
reason and history, hence too the limitsbook
of to make an argument about preju
writes in an autobiography published three
the archive. As he has it in the prefacedice,
to common sense and the archive decades
of later, "things were ... complicated.
human history.
the 1961 edition of his History of Madness They were acceptable [only] if they ac
(Foucault 2006: xxxii), cepted the prevailing ... social norms". He
History of the 'Everyday' might have made the point more strongly
The necessity of madness throughout the
How, we have to ask ourselves, does one
history of the West is linked to that decisive still. It is probably fair to say that such
action that extracts a significant languagewrite a history of prejudice; something
officers were tolerated if they accepted
from the background noise and its continu upper caste ways and attitudes, and yet
that, by definition, resists historicisation,
ous monotony, a language which is trans and even acknowledgement: a history that never fully accepted as social peers.2 Low
mitted and culminates in time; it is, in
caste officials suffered from much social
is at the same time a history of the reign
short, linked to the possibility of history
(emphasis in original). ing "common sense", and of the pervasive indignity and humiliation. Expressions of
violence allowed by that common sense?
grievance on their part were commonly met
He notes as well that (ibid) Two examples, drawn from very different
with the response that these were "trivial",
locations, should serve to indicate the"inconsequential" matters (Singh: 196-97).
the perception that Western man has of his
own time and space allows a structure ofsignificance
re of the question. The first isIt is perhaps not surprising that the
fusal to appear, on the basis of which a the
dis case of a young dalit man who was, forjudgment in State vs Bhaiyan was followed
course is denounced as not being language,five years from 1959 to 1964, a member quickly
of by charges and complaints against
a gesture as not being an oeuvre, a figure as
the elite Indian Administrative Service (ias),
Balwant Singh about several alleged acts of
having no rightful place in history.
the successor to the famed Indian Civil commission and omission. A local Congress
I want here to draw attention to another Party member of the state legislature
Service of British colonial times; the second,
boundary of history and the archive,
thea story of a brave African-American
accused him of lying in connection with
boundary marked not by the exile (thatwoman
is the administration's efforts to maintain
who moved, with her 10 children,
set outside society and, thereby, history),
from sharecropping in rural Georgia, deep
peace on the occasion of a hunger strike by
a Hindu Mahasabha worker. He was
but by the ordinary, the everyday, theinevthe us south, to relatively comfortable
middle class circumstances in the course
er-present, yet trivialised or trifling: con described as unduly sensitive by the chief
ditions, practices, relationships, expecta
of a few decades in the mid-2oth century. secretary, the senior-most civil servant of
tions and agendas so common as to not
The relevant part of the experience ofthe province: "My friend, your work is not
the dalit bureaucrat, Balwant Singh, is asthe consideration. You are supersensitive
even be noticed. This is a limit that is, indeed,
follows. His brief career in the ias ended
not far removed from Foucault's (2006: and not settling down"; and, by his account,
in May 1964, soon after he recorded a told by the same person to "shut up" and not
xxxiv) suggestion of a "calm... knowledge
38 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i B3C3 Economic 8c Political weekly
PERSPECTIVES
"talk like a clerk or a tehsildar" (lower-level

However, the writing is rarely far removedunderlying prejudices, that make for the
fromand
revenue officials, unworthy of the status day-to-day enactment of caste and race
what "whites" and "blacks", men and
standing of the ias!) when he sought anrich and poor, had given to themdiscrimination in India and the us. In the
women,
explanation for the effective "demotion"
by law and inheritance. "The white man
postcolony, as in the colony, in the 19th
could as
he was being given through a posting not loose [lose]", she writes in her
and 21st centuries, and even in what are
assistant commissioner (Singh: 210-17). seen as relatively free and democratic
notes on "growing up" in the early 20th
The common criticism, and evencentury,
more repeating the proposition three
societies today, notwithstanding all the
times on one page. "The coloured man
usual view, that many dalits and African political advances that have taken place, a
Americans and women (including in those
could not win". The whites bragged that
violence - institutionalised in practices of
categories, of course, dalit and Africanthey were "Free, White and Twenty-one",racism, slavery, untouchability - serves to
American women) - to name only theand powerful. "They looked down
young maintain the existing social order and
on everyone else", she notes: not onlypersistent boundaries between racially or
groups whose history I have been research
"Niggers" as they called them, but all
ing - complain of "trivial", "trifling" matters, socially segregated communities.7 Studies
races,
is entirely in line with this response. And "Orientals, Asians".5 of the African-American middle classes
when they write, it is sometimes said,The have shown how black middle class areas in
matter of race was a running battle
they
inside the Andrews' home as well. Viola's
write "unscientifically" and "emotionally", most large American cities still remain
in texts that inhabit the domain of the husband, George, fair-skinned, blonde,bound within segregated black communi
blue-eyed, yet socially and officially black -ties. In many instances, where black mid
merely "ordinary". The "ordinary": that is
since he was the son of a white man and a
to say, not history. As M S S Pandian (2010: die class groups have moved out or tradi
101 and passim) puts it, in a sensitive read
black woman - was desperate to fit in with tionally black neighbourhoods, their relo
ing of a number of dalit autobiographical
the local African-American community, cation has been followed by the phenome
writings, "The everydayness and repeata
"Deadly against Educated Niggers" (Viola's non of "white flight" from the areas they
words), and a firm believer that African have moved into, leading to the establish
bility of untouchability in these texts [as
of racial and sexual humiliation in others]Americans should never try to be "above ment of separate white and black neigh
place them outside the domain of history".3themselves". Viola was exactly the oppo bourhoods once again.8 Even where this is
The other example I want to provide in
site, ferociously ambitious for her children not so obviously the case in physical terms,
illustration of our inherited view of history(and, more quietly, for herself). Constant as might be claimed for dalit professionals
comes from the unpublished reminiscences strife was thus a feature of their rural home. in India (smaller in number than their
of a relatively unknown woman, mother,

Viola Andrews' autobiography recalls her African-American counterparts, and less
sharecropper, seamstress, writer and reli
father-in-law as being "mean and cruel" easily distinguished by skin colour or physical
during the time that they lived on his land appearance), it has long been the social
gious educator from Georgia called Viola
Perryman Andrews. She began writing
in the 1930s, dependent on him. When a psychological condition under which ex
her autobiography at the height of the civilcow got loose, she recalls, he cursed her
slave, ex-untouchable, lower-class middle
soundly. She had to accept this quietly for classes have to live and find their being
rights movement, in one of its most impor
tant headquarters, Atlanta. She wrote
fear that he would hit her, even if no damage (Scott 1997; Goffman 1963; Guru 2011).
was done. "Anyway he was a white man
throughout the tumultuous mid-1960s, and The violence in question is to be found
long afterwards. Two of her older sons,and I was on his place, also I was Black."6 not only in physical and sexual abuse,
among the first readers of the first parts of When Viola Andrews writes that she rape and flogging of lower caste and class
her life story, and themselves both on has not attended to "race relations", she servants
is and workers; and not only in riots
their way to becoming well-known artists, and police violence against blacks and
clearly thinking of demonstrations, sit-ins
immediately asked her why she had not and other dramatic events of the civil dalits. It may be traced, too, in the upper
addressed the issue of race politics. Viola
rights' movement in the 1950s and 1960s.
caste desertion of neighbourhoods, clubs,
Andrews responded somewhat defensively.
The theme of her own autobiographyschools,
is public transport and sometimes
"The reader may wonder", she interrupts
her family, and its straggle to make good
even jobs into which the lower castes have
her writing, begun in 1963, to say in 1979, been allowed entry. It is seen in actions
in an exceptionally difficult environment.
"why I am not writing about Race Rela against affirmative action, in the courts
For her sons, this does not qualify as being
and the legislatures as well as on the
tions. I am writing as I knew and saw itquite on par with the civil rights struggle.
then and there.... I was young and I knew streets, and in the continued abuse and
And Viola seems, at some level, to agree
nothing about Race Relationship."* Yet, with them. History, with a capital H, must
punishment of dalits, blacks and other such
much of what Viola writes about is in fact be Eventful. The personal, the familial,
stigmatised, "lower class" populations for
the invidious state of black/white rela the everyday is, by comparison, trivial.appearing where they are still not expected
tions and its deplorable consequences. to be. The African-American addition to
She focuses on the fortunes of her Archive of the Commonplace the list of statutory offences relating to
Following the above examples, it is neces
immediate family, and the effort to find drinking and driving in the us (not only
the minimum resources necessary for sur
sary to put forward a slightly more general
dui, "driving under the influence", and dwi,
vival and the education of her children. statement about the violence, and "driving
the while intoxicated", but also dwb,
Economic & Political weekly nrm January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 39
PERSPECTIVES e
in the wake of the now incontrovertible

"driving while black", which is of coursethe recoil, the refusal to touch; what in
not a legally cognisable offense!), and theIndia is called untouchability. How, we
feminist slogan, "The personal is political".
Native American version of it (in which must ask, out of what archive, are we to "Soft history", it is sometimes whispered,
and often assumed. "What does this have
Dwi becomes "driving while Indian"), is awrite a history of these practices, which
profound comment on the necessity of be are not events, not datable, sometimes not
to do with the making and transformation
ing "white", "modern", and mono-cultural in nameable either; just routine, everydayof- historical states and societies - real His
a very particular way, to fully access thethe very stuff of life and, we must insist,
tory?" The problem for the historian of the
resources and opportunities of modernof history. un-archived is this: how shall we make the
civic existence. personal (sexual orientation, control of the
Returning more directly to the question Knowledge of the 'Trifling' body, dreams, fears), the trivial (routinised,
of the archive, I would submit that theThe disciplinary historian, like the judge,
habitual arrangements and behaviour),
archive for the kinds of histories referred and the unacknowledged (ambivalence,
seeks verifiable evidence, identity, deter
to above is bound to be unconventional, mination, motivated authorship - in thisuncertainty, incomprehension, polyphony,
even subterranean. Put simply, the evidence case, through what might be classified gibberish)
as politically legible, without sur
that identifies or signifies everyday preju an official (cognisable) archive. A critical
rendering to the reigning common sense?9
dice and discriminatory behaviour is fleet history needs to be a little more historical: The issue of legibility/intelligibility is
ing and chancy, scrappy and ambiguous. aware of the location (and fallibility) of crucial here. Knowledge is always power
For it is not always in the form of physical both historian and archive, and of the
knowledge. Intelligibility is a function of
power as well. Hence "knowing some
torture or verbal abuse that practices of fact that it is never an autonomous, self
thing too much" (in Foucault's words) can
discrimination, objectification and humil generated, sovereign, rational, and wholly
iation are perpetuated, or that instigation lead us to miss it, precisely because our
articulate, human subject who lies at the
to (renewed) violence occurs. Nor is preju heart of human endeavour and human knowledge constructs grids of intelligibility
dice often proclaimed from the rooftops. foible. It is in this context that I have that filter out what we can and cannot
Indeed, one might say, it is hardly self gestured toward routine elements in know the about things. Yet there is a curious
conscious. It appears, instead, as common past and the present that have not been,kind
or of knowing involved in the routine
sense, as the natural order of things. What cannot be, archived: the meanings that
and the everyday that I have focused on
here. For the things it passes over are
is, is - and, if all were properly ordered, discrete gatherings and belief systems and
almost not-knowledge. It is a knowledge
must be. It is in this way that the idea of channels of communication give to familiar
the "lazy", "dirty", "inefficient", "slow to tales and mundane practices; pauses, ges
beneath notice, not worth knowing, beneath
learn", and yet "untrustworthy", "aggres tures and silences; indeterminacy, incom
legibility. Trifling. Trivialised.
sive", "clannish" dalit or black (or other prehension and polyphony; the unremarked,The insurgent political moment - the anti
impoverished denizen of the ghettoes and the trifling and the intangible. colonial uprising, the women's movement,
the slums) lives on. "minority" struggles of Native Americans,
In calling for renewed discussion of the
As one might expect, the common sense logic of the archive, one might even goAfrican-Americans,
so dalits, and other margin
of particularly polarised race, caste, class far as to suggest that much, if not most,alised,
of borderland and indigenous peoples
or gender relations is articulated in rarely human history is un-archived because- of
provides a challenge to these inherited
grids of legibility and illegibility, knowl
archived, historically un-pretty, and there the everydayness and endless repeatability,
edge and not-knowledge. The translation
fore generally unacknowledged, actions and the common knowledge and the triviality
of non-histories into history, of the unar
statements: the derogatory names given to, of most of our social and political relations
and the insulting meanings often attached and interactions. Further, because of the
chived into an archive, the search for new
to the names of the lowest castes and histories and new archives in other words,
difficulty of archiving (in the narrower
classes, or the abusive language used to
sense of recording, preserving, document
will always be part of such insurgency.
That said, there is at least one further
ing) many critical features of the human
wards them by the privileged, when mem
past, a great deal that should qualifyquestion
bers of long subordinated groups happen as to be addressed. Un-archived his
to receive access to education or rapid so
history remains outside the practice of tories
the are spaces of possibility, inescapably
discipline - at least, until new questions
cial mobility, or are able to mount a politi shot through with ambiguity. Why, it might
are asked, and new boundaries claimed,
cal challenge to the power of those provi legitimately be asked, should we try to
dentially assigned to rule. Further, given
by insurgent political movements and theirrecover the meaning of all the blanks, fill
the history of disproportionately skewed"un-reasonable" demands and "un-archived" all the silences? "Silence can be a plan/
access to resources and power in historical
histories. Yet, perhaps not surprisingly, even rigorously executed", as Adrienne Rich put
societies, such abusiveness and disdainat that point, much of this provocative, it (Bammer 2011).10 Is not silence itself
redefined history remains ungrasped, un sometimes a strategy, a refusal of inclusion
has often not needed to be fully articulat
graspable, and resisted by the upholders (which, we know, always means inclusion
ed. It has commonly been reserved for the
spat-out yet suppressed word-of-mouth,
of the discipline? Witness, the continuing on given terms). This is a story not to be
and one might add, for the gesture of dis
stand-off in history departments, and the passed on, as Toni Morrison and Rigoberta
community of historians more generally, Menchu and Babytai Kamble, and others,
dain, contempt and disgust, the pause and
e PERSPECTIVES
have said.11 Do we not lose somethingWoman:

in the Girl-child/Woman in the Colonial and the Colonial Archive in India (Durham: Duk
Encounter" (forthcoming). University Press).
this quest for the "full record"? What2 One
arecould adduce all kinds of evidence to show Bammer, Angelika (2011): "Sighs, Silences, and S
the ethics of uncovering the silence?12 this. Among striking examples that I came across pended Stories: Negative Spaces in the Archiv
in my own interviews are the recollections of a of History", presentation at the Un-archiv
One suggestion that has been put forward
retired upper-caste IAS officer's wife that in Histories workshop at Emory University, 18-1
the bureaucratic circles of her husband, an ex-un
by critics considering particularly difficult February.
touchable officer (whom she recalled clearly) was Barrier, Norman G, ed. (1981): The Census in British In
and sensitive histories - the investigation
superficially treated as a friend, but "hamesha New Perspectives (Delhi: Manohar Publications)
of violence and rape in which hundreds heya drishti se dekha karte the (he was always Bhatnagar, Rashmi (2011): "Hindavi as Archive Ob
looked upon with some revulsion)"; and the recol and a 17th Century Katha", presentation at work
and thousands of ordinary men and women,
lections of Meera Kumar, the major Congress
shop Un-archived Histories (Atlanta: Emor
and for that matter even children, have
leader and long-term cabinet minister, Jagjivan
University) 18-19 February.
Ram's daughter, later a central government min
been involved, or the impossible task ister
of and now Speaker of the Lok Sabha or lower Chakrabarty, Dipesh (2000): Provincialising Euro
Postcolonial Thought and Historical Differenc
seeking "truth and reconciliation" in house
the of Parliament, about her experience of (Princeton: Princeton University Press).
being visited at home by several school and
wake of mass slaughter - is to ask the
college friends but never being invited to their Cohn, Bernard S (1996): Colonialism and Its Form
of Knowledge: The British in India (Princeton
historian to step aside at this point, andhomes
let in return.
Princeton University Press).
3 For another important critique of the received un
the creative artists and the psychiatrists
derstanding of "event-full" history, based on a Derrida, Jacques (1996): Archive Fever: A Freudi
take over. The argument could be, and has
reading of two other dalit autobiographies, see Impression, trans Eric Prenowitz (Chicag
Toral Jatin Gajarawala (2011). University of Chicago Press).
sometimes been, extended to events of
4 Emory University Manuscripts and Rare Book Foucault, Michel (2006): History of Madness, tra
individual rape, and domestic violence, and
Library (MARBL), Viola Andrews Papers, Mss 813, Jonathan Murphy and Jean Khalfa (London an
Box 17, FF9. New York: Routledge).
other experiences that produce humilia
5 (MARBL) Mss 813, Box 17, FF 7 8c 8; and Box 21, Gajarawala, Toral Jatin (2011): "Some Time betw
tion and shame. "Let bygones be bygones.
FF 8. Revisionist and Revolutionary: Unreading Histor
Why reopen old wounds? Why make the Mss 813, Box 17, FF 12.
6 (MARBL) in Dalit Literature", Proceedings of the Moder
7 As Paul Gilroy (1993:175) notes, this is a situation Language Association of America, Vol 126, No
victims go through this torture again?"13 575-91
in which the lines between public and private
In response to such concerns, the critical
violence have often been very hard to draw. Gilroy, Paul (1993): The Black Atlantic: Moderni
8 The literature on this theme is considerable. For two and Double Consciousness (Cambridge: Harvar
historian may have to pose a counter University Press).
important recent studies, see Mary Patillo-McCoy
question. Do we really have a choice,
(1999) and Kevin Kruse (2005). Goffman, Erving (1963): Stigma. Notes on the Man
9 The reader will note similarities with Dipesh ment of Spoiled Identity (New York: Touchstone)
when so many powerful forces (estab
Chakrabarty's (2000, Chapter 2) argument about Guha, Ranajit (1983): Elementary Aspects of Peas
lished historians, the corporate media, the
history 1 and history 2's here. There is a difference of Insurgency in Colonial India (Delhi: Oxfo
common sense of our times) continuefocus,
to however, in that my proposition about the University Press).
"impossibility" of history 2's is not related to the - (1984): "The Prose of Counter-Insurgency"
write histories on the basis of these un
narrative of capital (= Europe, = modernity) Ranajit Guha (ed.), Subaltern Studies: Writings o
archived moments, taking pauses and alone, but to a more general condition of language South Asian History and Society, Vol 2 (Del
and legibility, and the "scientific" grounding of Oxford University Press).
silences for "racial" characteristics and this in the "archive".
Guru, Gopal, ed. (2011): Humiliation: Claims and
inheritances, or ignorance, or consent, or
10 The discussion on this point draws heavily on text (New Delhi: Oxford University Press).
Angelika Bammer (2011), from which the Adrienne
triviality and unimportance, and hence Rich citation also comes. (I owe thanks to the
Huffer, Lynne (2010): Mad for Foucault: Rethinking
Foundations of Queer Theory (New York: Columb
inconsequentiality? participants in the Emory workshop, and especially
University Press).
to Angelika Bammer, Rashmi Bhatnagar, Rita Costa
Given these circumstances, concerned Gomes, Colin R Johnson, Jonathan Prude, Milind
Kruse, Kevin (2005): White Flight: Atlanta and t
Making of Modern Conservatism (Princeto
scholars and activists have proposed another, Wakankar, and to my writers' group "soul-mates",
Princeton University Press).
Lynne Huffer and Ruby Lai, for their generous
possibly more viable, political alternative comments on the rough notes I prepared on the Pandian, M S S (2010): "Writing Ordinary Lives"
to that of turning away. What we need, it overall theme of the workshop.) Gyanendra Pandey (ed.), Subaltern Citizens an
11 See, e g, Doris Sommer, "Resisting the Heat: Their Histories: Investigations from India and t
could be argued, is more, not less, political USA (London and New York: Routledge).
Menchu, Morrison, and Incompetent Readers" in
contestation: an expanded, and not a Amy Kaplan and Donald E Pease (ed.), Cultures of Pandey, Gyanendra (2001): Remembering Partit
United States Imperialism (Durham: Duke Univer Violence, Nationalism and History in India (Ca
reduced, sense of history and archive. If it
sity Press, 1993); and Baby Kamble, The Prisons We bridge: Cambridge University Press).
is acknowledged that silence is not an Broke, trans Maya Pandit (Chennai: Orient Longman, Patillo-McCoy, Mary (1999): Black Picket Fen
2008), especially the translator's "Interview with Privilege and Peril among the Black Middle Cl
absence, what we might try to do is to
Baby Kamble", 136-57. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).
learn to listen to the silences, to trace as far12 Lynne Huffer (2010: 242) sets out the terms of Sarukkai, Sundar (2009): "Phenomenology of Untou
as possible the itinerary of a suppression14 the attendant paradox as follows: the stakes ability", Economic & Political Weekly, Vol XLI
are "epistemological - what can we know? - No 37,12 September.
- and thereby perhaps contribute to greater and ethical - to whom are we accountable?"
Scott, Darryl Michael (1997): Contempt and P
self-understanding. For an extended discussion of the paradox, see Social Policy and the Image of the Damaged Blac
Chapter 5.
Psyche, 1880-1996 (Chapel Hill: University
13 For one example of this kind of appeal, made in North Carolina Press).
the context of recent debates on Partition violence
NOTES Sikand, Yoginder (2007): "Interview with Kancha Ilai
in the Indian subcontinent, see Pandey (2001).
Mukta Mona, 13 February.
i A similar fate often awaited individual stories 14 These formulations are derived from Gayatri
Singh, Balwant (not dated): An Untouchable in the
and authors too. Thus, as Ruby Lai demonstratesChakravorty Spivak. See, e g, Spivak (1999) and
(Balwant Singh, Saharanpur).
in a forthcoming book, the later 19th century (2005). See also Arondekar (2009).
Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty (1999): A Critiqu
framing of Insha'allah Khan's remarkable 1803
tale about Rani Ketki as the "earliest example of
Postcolonial Reason: Toward a History of t
Vanishing Present (Cambridge: Harvard Universi
Hindi prose" served to make it part of an archive
REFERENCES
Press).
of the evolution of the Hindi language, and quite
successfully reduced the prospects of it beingAnderson, Benedict (2006): Imagined Communities: - (2005): "Scattered Speculations on the Subaltern
read for its social commentary, its frank preReflections on the Origin and Spread ofand the Popular" in Swati Chattopadhyay and
National
sentation of female (and male) desire, and its ism, new edition (London: Verso). Bhaskar Sarkar (ed.), Postcolonial Studies, Vol 8,
own literary playfulness; Ruby Lai, "Becoming Arondekar, Anjali (2009): For the Record: OnNoSexuality 4.
Economic & Political weekly B5B3 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 41
I the natural home Los Angeles | London | New D<
L. I for authors, editors & societies Singapore I Washington DC
Unparalleled Resources on Religion and Society!

From Street to Hope Nandanar's Children
Faith Based and Secular Programs in The Paraiyans' Tryst with Destiny,
Los Angeles, Mumbai and Nairobi for Tamil Nadu 1850-1956
Street Living Children
Raj Sekhar Basu University of Calcutta,
Neela Dabir Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Kolkata
Mumbai and Naina Athale Tata Institute of
[The book] based on intensive research and
Social Sciences, Mumbai and a Child Counsellor fleldwork in Tamil Nadu, has used lot of archives
Globally, street-living children are the most materials and government reports and documents
fluid population of vulnerable children. They are to substantiate its arguments... This book will be
conspicuous yet subsist on the fringes of the a useful guide not only to social scientists and
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in understanding Dalit movements.
From Street to Hope incorporates empirical data The Sunday India
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The narrative of this book is built around the
three mega cities—Mumbai, Nairobi and Los Angeles—and some of the best practices
developed by faith-based and secular organizations to help street-living children. These historical experiences of the Paraiyans of Tamil Nadu. The author traces the
data include global estimates, analysis of the causative factors, occupations of these transformation of the Paraiyans from an 'untouchable' and socially despised
children, as also the resulting problems. The book also gives new Insights into the community to one that came to acquire prominence in the political scene of Tamil
impact of state policies to support secular and faith-based organizations, and the way Nadu, especially in early twentieth century.
social service is practised by such organizations in India, Kenya and USA. Studies in Modem Indian History, Volume 14
2011 • 336 pages • ? 750 (Hardback) 2011 • 492 pages • ? 895 (Hardback)
Lost Years of the RSS Values and Influence

Sanjeev Kelkar Ex-Medical Director, Novo of Religion in Public
Nordisk Education Foundation Administration
Whatever the future, given the RSS' multi-layered
L Shanthakumari Sunder formerly
history,', tfiis was a story waiting to be told. Mr
Kelksr's intention may be to analyse the history Additional Chief Secretary and Development
VALUES and
of the RSS as a believer as well as an opponent. Commissioner, Kamataka
INFLUENCE
But objectivism is easier said than achieved. In Mr of RELIGION Values and Influence of Religion in Public
Kelkar's case, the opponent's viewpoint resembles in PUBLIC Administration is focused on delineating the
that of a mother, bitterly disappointed in her ADMINISTRATION reasons for the rapid decline of values in the Indian
child but unrelenting in her support and affection Administrative Service (IAS), especially after the
nonetheless. So expect a historical account of a 1980s and offers some plausible solutions. Her
"misunderstood" organization and a loyalist's take book also examines the widespread and rampant
on the way forward. corruption pervading in Indian society of which
Business Standard
elite civil service is an integral part..!. Shanthakumari Sunder's book is a welcome
Lost Years of the RSS is a historical analysis of the events that have shaped theaddition to the existing academic discourse on Public Administration in general and
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in its 85 years of existence. Written from an Ethics in particular. This book would be of immense value to scholars, policymakers
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deep into its sociopolitical history. 2011 • 332 pages • ? 795 (Hardback)
2011 • 392 pages • ? 350 (Paperback)
Margins of Faith Post-Hindu India

Dalit and Tribal Christianity in India A Discourse on Dalit—Bahujan,
Edited by Rowena Robinson Jawaharlal Socio-Spiritual and Scientific Revolution
Nehru University, New Delhi and Joseph Kancha llaiah Osmania University, Hyderabad
Marianus Kujur Georgetown University, The book is a reflective account of [the author's]
Washington D C journey through castes and communities and
highlights everyday clashes of caste cultures
The book begins with the detailed and insightful
and conflict between "the productive ethic of
Introduction by Rowena Robinson and Joseph
Dalit-Bahujan castes and the anti-productive
Marianus Kujur. In a very useful way, it puts the
and anti-scientific ethic of Hindu Brahmin ism"...
Individual contributions in a proper perspective. It
The contents page would catch the fancy of any
successfully points out to the generalities running
reader with its catchy phrases like "nteliectual
through the articles. The chapters in the book
goon das" "spiritual fascists" used for Brahmins and
are largely based on the original fleldwork and
"subaltern scientists"meat and milk economists"
are sort of ethnographic accounts combining the
perspectives of anthropology, history and political sociology.... this research study for the Dalit-Bahujans.... The value of Karjcha
lliah's book lies. ..in the richness of its observations not only on the castes of India,
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also on the many people and events in the world.
significant response to the struggles and challenges presently facing the tribal and Dalit
Tehelka
Christians in the country.
E-Social Sciences
2009 • 340 pages • ? 295 (Paperback)
2010 • 320 pages • ? 695 (Hardback)
www.sagepub.in
42 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i B2E3 Economic & Political weekly
Plural Societies and Imperatives of Change:

Interrogating Religion and Development
in South Asia
SURINDER S JODHKA
and plural, making it difficult to ignore religious and communi

has dominated the political landscape of countries in the tarian identities.
Development hastheirbeen
South ever since an mostly
decolonisation, attractive
after the and powerful idea. It The trends have been reinforced by emerging social and
second world war. Notwithstanding criticisms and condemna political processes in countries like India, where issues relating
tions it continues to be an important component of state policy in to deprivation and citizenship are raised by identity movements
most of these countries. Poverty-related programmes are still of historically deprived collectivities such as the dalits and
among the most heavily-funded government schemes. Interna adivasis, or religious minorities such as the Muslims. Interest
tional funding agencies and charities in the developed North also ingly, while "new" social movements representing such groups
spend a significant proportion of their resources on development often critique mainstream notions of development, they are
related activities in low-income countries. Even in popular not against the idea of development. On the contrary, the
political rhetoric, development is invoked by almost everyone. core thrust of their demands is invariably more inclusive and
This is particularly so in democratic societies like India, where just development.
absolute poverty and disparities have persisted despite high rates It is perhaps in response to these processes that we see a per
of economic growth. ceptible shift in state policy towards questions concerning
However, over the years, the concept and its practices have religion and religious communities over the last two decades or
undergone some profound changes. The old notion of moderni so. With the grass-rooting of democracy and the expanding
sation and the evolutionist theories of social change based on social base of the political elite in countries like India, the old
binaries such as traditional/modern, in which the process of secular-communal dichotomous way of thinking is becoming
economic development was seen as being inevitably linked to a increasingly meaningless. Social policies dealing with issues of
process of cultural change and the emergence of a completely marginality and exclusion are invariably framed using "social
new set of values, has slowly lost its appeal. Development is no group" variables. Though the Government of India had in the
longer seen as being inevitably tied to, or premised on, a process past "group targeted" programmes for the scheduled castes and
of secularisation. It is now widely recognised that cultural tradi scheduled tribes, religion had not been a part of the Indian
tions and religious beliefs do not simply disappear from public discourse on development. The publication of the Sachar Com
life with the onset of economic change. Religious identities or mittee Report in 2006 opened up a new window for debate
beliefs may be important constitutive elements of the notion of and brought the question of religious communities into the
well-being that people have in a given context. Similarly, com discourse on development. Based on analysis of official data
munity identities are not always based on "irrational" collectivist sets, the report convincingly showed that members of the
ideologies; they can be a source of security and sustenance for Muslim religious minority in India have often experienced
individuals and groups located on the margins. Nor do they exclusion and discrimination, resulting in their being disadvan
necessarily represent the past. The process of development can taged compared with other "socio-religious" categories of the
also produce collective identities based on religion and other Indian population.
forms of ascription. The historical context of the division of the subcontinent on
Over the years, these shifts have been acknowledged by social religious lines in 1947 and the accompanying large-scale vio
scientists working on the subject and can be seen in the shifting lence made it difficult for a long time to talk about religion in
trends in empirical research in various social science disciplines. relation to the processes of nation building and/or develop
Internationally, religion has increasingly begun to be seen as a ment. Even though the Indian version of secularism accom
"normal" sociological phenomenon, without any teleological modated the idea of religious diversity and provided space to
presuppositions about its pasts or futures. In addition, much re religious communities to express and advance their faith
cent research and many policy dialogues have centred on ques values, the involvement of religion with politics and economics
tions of citizenship and entitlements in relation to cultural and has always been looked upon with suspicion. The Sachar Com
group identities. With growing movements of people, nation mittee Report was an attempt to transcend this popular view
states everywhere are becoming ethnically and culturally diverse by bringing the question of religious communities into the
Economic & Political weekly TZT71 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 43
domain of state policy. It generated a lot of popular interest and religious values and development concepts and practices clearly
was extensively discussed by civil society groups. It has pro reveals the close proximity between popular notions of "well
vided a context in which other religious groups and communi being" and religion, but separating the religious element from
ties have been able to raise questions about their development, others was not easy. Religion is so deeply embedded in everyday
or lack of it. life and cultural practices relating to different dimensions of life
While questions of development and citizenship in relation to
that it is simply impossible to focus exclusively on religion. It has
been noted that institutions that propagate religious values
culture and religious beliefs or communities have become impor
tant in the public and political spheres, social science research oninvariably work with specific notions of society based on their
own social and political attitudes, such as patriarchy or caste
the subject is still at a nascent stage. Funded by the uk Aid of the
hierarchy. Similarly, though the crucial role of religion in
Department for International Development (dfid), a comparative
research programme around the theme of religions and develop
shaping the moral order is widely recognised, the role of reli
ment was launched in 2005-06 with a series of interconnectedgious institutions or leaders in eradicating corruption from
projects in five countries of the South, namely, India, Pakistan,
public life was mostly viewed with suspicion and doubt because
Bangladesh, Nigeria and Tanzania. of the low popular credibility of religious institutions and their
lack of accountability.
Objectives of Programme Our research on faith-based organisation also produced mixed
Broadly, the programme focused on three overarching themes:
results. In most cases "faith affiliation" is only one aspect of their
(i) how do religious organisations, states, societies and economiesidentity and not the only source of their motivation. Many of
relate to each other at local, national and international levels?those identified in the Indian context work with specific political
How are those relationships changing in the contemporaryideologies which influence their activities and focus. While some
world? What influence do they have on governance, policies and
work with the poor and marginalised, others focus on the middle
the achievement of human development goals? (ii) how do reli
classes. Their political orientations also vary. While some are
gious values and beliefs influence the ways in which individuals
openly "right-wing" and pursue exclusionary agenda (such as the
and social groups see their own situation? How does religion in
Hindu nationalist organisations), others (such as Buddhist dalit
fluence their actions? What are the common elements and differ organisations) work with positive and inclusive notions of deve
ences between religious values and those underlying mainstreamlopment. Context also shapes their activities. In post-conflict situ
development policies and practices? and, (iii) how do people on ations, for example, Muslim community organisations played an
the margins view religion? Do they perceive it as a resource to be important and positive role even when some of them clearly had
mobilised for their well-being, or a cause of their exclusion froma sectarian agenda.
the social mainstream? What has been the nature of religion Notwithstanding secular development and more than six dec
based or religious mobilisations on questions/issues related toades of democratic politics, religion continues to be an impor
development and social change? tant source of identity for most people in south Asia. Even those
These broad objectives were broken down into concrete empiricalon the margins of religious and social life tend to see religious
questions and were addressed through a series of research identity as an important aspect of their lives. For the ex
projects. The research programme was housed in the Indian untouchable communities, the dalits of India, a dignified reli
Institute of Dalit Studies in New Delhi. Empirical studies with gious identity is as important as any other aspect of develop
similar aims and methods were carried out in one or more of the ment or well-being. Our studies on dalit communities show that
programme's focus countries, with a coordinator who also
in their perspective on well-being or development, poverty is no
provided a comparative perspective on the subject. worse than the indignities of caste in the Hindu system of
hierarchy. Religion thus remains an important element in social
Complex and Diverse Findings movements of the marginalised. Even when they move out of
As might be expected, the findings of the research are complex
their social and national political contexts, marginal groups
and diverse. While they clearly show the importance of may adopt strategies for development that centre on religious
understanding the relationships between religions and deve
symbols and institutions to mobilise or evolve modes of digni
lopment in their different dimensions, they do not produce easy
fied self-representation.
Some of the studies are presented in this special issue of
answers in terms of whether religion plays a positive or negative
role. For example, the research on the relationships between
epw. Most of the work presented here focuses on India, but
some of our researchers also worked in other countries in south
Asia like Pakistan and Bangladesh, and two of the papers are
The papers presented in this special issue are all based on research
comparative.
studies carried out as part of the collaborative research programme
on "Religions and Development" between the University of
I am grateful to Carole Rakodi, of UK Aid of DF1D, for her constant
Birmingham, the United Kingdom and the Indian Institute of Dalit
Studies, New Delhi. involvement with the work and comments on the papers.
The research was funded by UK Aid of the Department for
Surinder S Jodhka (ssjodhka@yahoo.com) is with the department of
International Development (DFID), United Kingdom.
social systems, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 EH559 Economic & Political weekly
Religions, Democracy and Governance:

Spaces for the Marginalised in Contemporary
GURPREET MAHAJAN, SURINDER S JODHKA
This paper examines the dynamics of religion and

democratic politics by looking at political mobilisationsnent. The creation of Pakistan - a separate homeland for the
India's Independence
Muslim population - and the communalcame with
violence that followedthe Partition of the subconti
of marginalised groups in Punjab and Maharashtra. It
the "transfer of populations" drew attention to the presence of
argues that even when religious identity remains the
strongly etched religious identities and communities. If Partition
bedrock of social life and individual experience, made it difficult to ignore the concerns and demands of these
communities, it also pointed to the violence that might ensue as
democratic politics brings out new configurations and
they sought recognition of these identities or protested their non
alignments, in which neat boundaries of religious
recognition and made claims on that basis. A crucial issue facing
difference are occasionally blurred or overwritten by
independent India, then, was how to deal with these communi
other identities. The Indian experience also reveals that
ties and their concerns. It was clear that religion could not be re
stricted simply to the private domain, but in what way should re
religious groups are not homogeneous. While political
ligion and religious communities be accommodated? This was
mobilisation tends to unite them as communities with
the crucial question upon which the unity of India and the viabil
common interests, development policies have invariably
ity of her democratic system depended.
The Constituent Assembly deliberated at length on this
disaggregated them, reinforcing the internal divisions
and diversities within religious communities. issue and eventually devised a framework that neither adopted
the American model of secularism, which separated religion
from politics completely, nor followed the path of many other
countries in the region, which endorsed and privileged a par
ticular religion. At the time of independence religious com
munities, particularly minority communities, needed assurance
that they would be equal partners in the emerging democracy,
and would enjoy the freedom to pursue their religious and
cultural way of life. However, members of these communities
also had development-related concerns and these surfaced time
and time again, sometimes through popular ground-level mobi
lisations and sometimes through initiatives by the government
in office.
While deliberating on matters of religion, the framers of the

Indian Constitution also noted the presence of caste and the role it
played in determining a person's identity and position in society in
India. In particular, they noted the presence of caste-based dis
crimination and exclusion within the Hindu community and tried
to eliminate this form of discrimination by abolishing the practice
of untouchability and opening all common public places, such as
drinking water wells, inns and restaurants to members of all castes
and communities. In addition, they reserved seats for members of
the erstwhile excluded populations, the scheduled castes (scs), in
legislative assemblies. The Constitution also included an enabling
provision under Article 16 that permitted the State to reserve seats
Gurpreet Mahajan (gurmahajan@hotmail.com) is with the department for members of the scs in government jobs. Since then, caste has
of political science, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi; Surinder
been an important basis for group mobilisations and focus of pub
S Jodhka (ssjodhka@yahoo.com) is with the department of social
lic policy. Initially, policies involving reservation of seats were in
systems, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
tended to target identified groups within the Hindu community,
since the practice of "untouchability" or forced exclusion

which was
meanta that community institutions and codified commu
consequence of the caste system associated with the nity
Hindu
lawsreli
would decide all matters relating to family, such as
marriage,
gion. In post-independence India, however, similar policies inheritance, divorce, maintenance, adoption and the
have
targeted "Other Backward Classes" (obcs) - that is, different reli
custody of children. Assessing positively the work done by differ
gious and community groups that are said to be socially and eco institutions in various spheres of social life, as for
ent religious
nomically deprived, including Muslims and Christians. Seats are
instance, setting up educational institutions, fellowships, free
currently reserved in the field of education, including higher inns for travellers and provision for drinking water,
dispensaries,
education, posts and jobs in the public sector for members of26the
Article of the Constitution gave all religious communities the
scs, scheduled tribes (sts) and identified obcs (Sheth
right 2004;
to "establish and maintain institutions for religious and
Mahajan 2008a). charitable purposes". In addition, Articles 29 and 30 gave all mi
There are today groups within all the religious communities in right to set up their own educational institutions to
norities the
protect
India that consider reservations to be a major asset that their language and culture and to impart education of
can give
them access to prized public goods in a situation of acute
their compe
choice. To make this an effective option, the Constitution
tition and scarcity of resources. Caste identities remain a critical
included an enabling provision that allowed such institutions to
receive
basis for mobilisation and offer an alternative basis for funds from the State (Mahajan 1998,2008b).
solidarity
both within a religious community and across different Each of these rights was subject to a few restrictions, but
religious
communities. The institutionalisation of constitutional and secu collectively they provided a fair degree of religious and cultural
lar democracy in a society marked by religious diversity andliberty to all religious communities and offered some safeguards
caste hierarchy has therefore yielded a peculiar dialectic of
against cultural assimilation. They also provided space to
religion, caste and politics. This paper explores this relationship
religious communities, in particular the minorities, to continue
through a study of two popular caste-based mobilisations in
their own distinct cultural and religious practices. The scope of
Punjab and Maharashtra. More specifically, it looks at mobilisa
some of the provisions, such as the right to establish educational
tions by the lower castes in different religious groups, the Hindu
institutions given to all minority groups, has been interpreted
majority as well as Sikh and Muslim minorities, to understand generously by the courts in independent India. Today, minority
the space granted to religion/religious organisations in the public
educational institutions impart education at various levels, from
arena to articulate their interests and the modalities that govprimary and high school (where the major concern is to protect
and promote one's language and culture) to professional and
ernments and the State have adopted to reach out and respond to
technical colleges (where protecting one's culture is not the
the development-related needs of the different communities and
main concern).
marginalised groups. The fieldwork for this study was mostly
carried out during April and November 2007. At a more substantive level, religion entered into the public
domain, as individuals who shared a religious identity could
Religion and Politics: Constitutional Framework come together and form political organisations and associations.
There were two choices before independent India. As a separate
Based on the view that members of a religion may have shared
homeland had been created for the Muslim population, it might
concerns and even interests, they were at liberty to organise
have been possible to make India the homeland for the Hinduthemselves, campaign with existing political parties, or form
community. Alternatively, it could opt to become a secular demo their own political party to pursue their demands and concerns.
cracy, equally hospitable to people of different communities. India
Religious political parties claiming to speak on behalf of a com
chose the latter path. There was a general consensus that the State
munity could, therefore, coexist with "secular" parties that were
would have no established religion of its own and would treatnot bound to the interests of any one religious community. Both
members of different communities as equal citizens. There were,
kinds of parties could voice the demands of a community, so long
however, significant differences of opinion about what equal treat
as they did not encourage inter-community hatred or refer to a
ment would entail. It was agreed in the initial stages of the delib
candidate's religion in order to seek votes for themselves.
erations that each of the recognised religious communities (along A range of political organisations claiming to be the voice of
with the scs and sts) would receive separate representation ina given religious and cultural way of life existed even in pre
proportion to their share of the population. However, the division
independence India. In the post-independence period, different
of colonial India on the basis of religion and the communal con
regions saw the emergence of specific religion-based parties,
such as the Akali Dal in Punjab, the Shiv Sena in Maharashtra
flicts that followed made many wary of treating religious commu
nities as the basic units for political participation. The discussions
and the Indian Union Muslim League in Kerala. The constitutional
eventually led the religious minorities to withdraw their demand
framework provided the space for the emergence of religious par
for separate representation (Bajpai 2000). ties. But how are these parties different from the "secular" par
A consensus emerged that equal treatment for all religious
ties and how has their presence structured the nature of demo
communities would be assured by protecting the religious liberty
cratic politics in the country? In particular, how has the presence
of all. To ensure this, three kinds of fundamental rights were
of such parties affected the ability of the marginalised sections to
given by the Constitution. Article 25 gave each individual equal
access development goods? These questions are examined in the
liberty to "profess, propagate and practise" their religion. The
next section by taking a closer look at the Akali Dal in Punjab and
personal laws of different communities were also protected, Shiv Sena in Maharashtra.
Religious Parties and Democratic Politics higher than that of the Akali Dal, irrespective of who won the
elections. In its bid to compete with the Congress in the assembly
Akali Dal
elections in 1972, the Akali Dal campaigned around the slogan of
"Sikh Panth in danger". This attempt to mobilise the community
The Akali Dal was born in pre-independent India, in the movement
for freeing Sikh gurdwaras from the control of the mahants.on religious lines received little support and its vote share in fact
Since
declined.
then, it has claimed to represent Sikh interests and aspirations, ini Sensing the mood of the people, and their desire to
have a government that focused on development concerns, such
tially seeking a separate state for the Sikh community. However,
when this demand did not receive sufficient support from as
theindustrialisation
peo and better irrigation facilities, in 1977 the
ple of the Punjab region and the central government too was Akali
averseDal placed the religious agenda in the background. Instead,
it raised other economic and political concerns, focusing on
to according a separate state/geographical territory to a religious
greater
community, it instead sought a separate state within the Indian Un autonomy for the region within the federal system and
advocating changes in centre-state relations. The new agenda
ion - "Punjabi Suba" - on the ground of a shared linguistic identity
- a claim that the central government had already recognised
not only won the party popular support in the elections, it also
when it set up the States Reorganisation Commission. received the support of other non-Congress state governments
If its demand for recognition of a linguistic identity gave
likethe
the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and the Left Front, each of
Akali Dal a political platform to compete in electoral politics, thewas seeking changes in centre-state relationships.
which
creation of Punjabi Suba in 1966 gave its political career a The
firmcompulsions of electoral politics dictate that all parties,
base. The Sikhs constituted almost 60% of the total population
even of
those that claim to speak on behalf of a community that is a
the newly constituted state, and this yielded a new set of oppor in a region (as was the case of Akali Dal in Punjab), need
majority
tunities to the Akali Dal and the local regional elite. Yet,
to even
reach out to different communities and take up issues of devel
though contemporary politics in the region revolves almost en (or at least issues other than those relating to religion and
opment
tirely around the Sikhs, almost all the major national parties
identity)
- if they wish to win successive elections. More impor
Congress, Jan Sangh/Bjp and the communist parties - have been perhaps, even when a community is mobilised around iden
tantly
present in Punjab and they continue to enjoy a reasonable tity
degree
issues, it does not necessarily vote as one. In other words, cul
of electoral support from the people. tural and religious homogeneity does not translate into political
To understand the democratic and electoral politics of Punjab,
homogeneity of the same order. Hence, even though identity may
specifically its capacity to reach out to the most marginalised
be a unifying element, there is not a one-to-one correspondence
sections, the lower castes, two facts need to be noted.between
First, the cultural/religious and the political. Thus identity pol
Punjab has the highest percentage of sc population ofitics
all the
does not occupy all the space for what might be termed "secu
states of the union. Second, thanks to the success of thelar
green
parties". All through the 1980s, when identities were strongly
revolution, Punjab has been one of the most prosperous states in
mobilised by the different factions of the Akali Dal, the Congress
independent India. Party retained a significant percentage of the total vote. Neverthe
Yet, and contrary to the expectations of modernisation theorists,
less, the presence of religious parties does make a difference to the
nature
economic well-being did not bring with it an eclipse of religious and of democratic politics: it invariably makes identity issues
central
cultural identities. Instead identity-based mobilisations grew and to the political discourse, compelling all actors (political
gained strong roots. Such mobilisations had occurred even parties)
in pre to address them, if not to foray into that area themselves.
independence days and in the post-independent period they be
ShivSena
came manifest in three forms: (a) the emergence of a political party
- the Akali Dal - that was closely associated with the Sikh A
religion
similar story unfolds when we turn to the Shiv Sena in
rashtra.1
and politics; (b) the demand for a Punjabi Suba (literally implying a In the 1980s, the party was able to extend its su
base beyond Mumbai and other urban centres by combini
state for the Punjabi linguistic community, though it was simultane
ously to be a state where the Sikhs would constitute a majority);
communal rhetoric (which reified religious community iden
and (c) a militant movement for autonomy which eventually de
and interests) with the need to address the lack of developm
manded secession (for an overview of the literature on the rise
the and
rural areas of Maharashtra. In other words, it successfu
decline of the Khalistan movement, see Jodhka 1997,2002).ploited local level contradictions to its own advantage, produ
a new
In mobilising the Sikh religious and linguistic identity, thekind of what Hansen described as "vernacularised Hin
dutva"
Akali Dal tended to speak in the name of "the community", often (Hansen 1996). This new rhetoric also appealed to the
overlooking the internal differences that existed within Punjab.
lower middle classes in Bombay city, who were affected by rising
urban
Its attempt to mobilise the people of Punjab along identity unemployment (Palshikar 2004). The strategy of the Shiv
lines
provided limited gains. In the period before the creationSena
of the
was to consolidate the Hindu vote through an anti-Muslim
"Punjabi Suba", it polled less than 13% in state assembly elecHowever, it was more successful in weaning away the
tirade.
tions. However, its share of votes increased substantially after thecastes from the Congress/Nationalist Congress Party, while
middle
reorganisation of the state boundaries and the creation of upper
Punjabcaste voters alternated between support for the Congress/
in its present form, varying from 20 to 32%. While identity Nationalist Congress Party or the Shiv Sena/Bjp, depending upon
their of
politics certainly benefited the Akali Dal, the percentage share assessment of which would best serve their interests
votes for the national Congress Party had always remained

(Palshikar and Deshpande 1999).
Economic & Political weekly B5E3 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 47
migrated
Thus, even in this case, when the religious identity-based party to cities like Mumbai and Pune from north Ind
was able to set the political agenda, the dominant religious com a large proportion of Muslims in Maharashtra are loc
However,
Marathi-speaking groups, mostly from a relatively poor ba
munity did not act as a homogeneous entity in the electoral process.
ground
The point again is that a religious majority does not readily trans and in traditional occupations. As a result, they identi
late into a political majority, placing some constraints with the local backward caste communities. In other words,
on reli
Muslims
gious and cultural majoritarianism. To some extent, these limits of Maharashtra can be divided into two categories,
occur because all communities are internally divided along the
ajlafs (upper castes) and the ashrafs (lower/backward castes).
lines of caste and gender, which are important because they The
oftenajlaf Muslims have been gradually moving away fro
influence the capacity of an individual to access resources and
traditional Muslim organisations and seeking to educate the
opportunities. Hence, even when voters share religious children
and cul in English medium private schools rather than Ur
tural concerns, they may differ on other counts and suchmedium
differ schools. Their realisation that they are socially and
ences can be important in competitive electoral politics; cationally
indeed, backward (Hansen 2000: 261) has given rise to a n
in India, all the political parties use the spaces provided set of mobilisations for recognition as obcs along with the Hin
by such
multiple identities to consolidate their electoral support.obcs,
In this
a recognition that would entitle them to apply for reser
quotasbein jobs, higher education and other such benefits fr
respect, there is little difference between the political parties,
thewhen
they secular or religious. This becomes even more evident State.
we turn to lower caste mobilisations among different religious

The Muslim obc movement emerged shortly after the subm
communities in Punjab and Maharashtra. sion of the Second Backward Classes Commission Report in 198
The report, popularly known as the Mandal Commission repo
Caste-Based Organisations identified socially and economically backward groups across
As noted above, the active presence of different community idenferent religions. Accepting the possibility that there are caste-l
tities provides the context for democratic politics and offers dif structures (Sikand 2004; Ahmad 1973) and ensuing forms of
ferent kinds of opportunities for voicing and taking up the concernsrivation and backwardness within all the religions, the comm
of the marginalised sections. While religion-based mobilisationssion identified certain groups among Muslims and Christians
and political parties homogenise and attempt to speak of a single "backward", and recommended special dispensations in the fo
community, caste identities offer modes of differentiation withinof reservation of seats for them in education and public jobs.
this community. Indeed, caste yields a different set of groups andpossibility of Muslim groups being identified as backward
communities, allowing political parties of all hues to consolidatethereby eligible for the benefits of reservation and other form
themselves and challenge the hegemony that may be exercisedaffirmative action was something new and took much of the Mus
by a religious party in a region. Even more importantly, this createscommunity by surprise. As Mohammed Iqbal Ansari, preside
space for the marginalised to articulate their demands and be New All India Muslim obc Organisation (aimobco) explained:
heard and counted in the political domain. The story of caste mo After the Mandal Commission report was submitted and it created s
bilisations in Punjab and Maharashtra reveals two different ways much of fury, we were forced to think about it.... Never had any M
in which the marginalised have entered into the political dis lim religious leader or group staged a 'dharna' or demonstration
course and political parties have attended to their concerns. issues of economic and social development of the community. Th
never take up [the] issue of education, jobs, loans, roads and electrici
The Muslim OBC Movement in Maharashtra What they have touched upon are always emotional issues of religio
such as Muslim Personal Law, triple Talaq, Babri Masjid, etc. The
Maharashtra is the third largest state of India and is second only
fore in all our meetings we used to say that if you have to think of you
to Uttar Pradesh in terms of its total population. Cities likedevelopment,
Mumbai you have to come out of the old ways of thinking.2
and Pune have made it one of the most urbanised regions in the
Emergence
country. Its religious demography is similar to the national of Small Muslim Groups
demography, with an overwhelming Hindu majority (80.2%)
It was with this understanding of the needs of the Muslim c
while Muslims (10.6%) and Buddhists (6%) are the main minor
munity that small groups began to emerge in Maharashtra. O
ity communities. Christians too have a presence in thesuch
state,
group
con that emerged in 1983 was the Ansari Welfare Socie
(later in
stituting around 1% of the total population. Though small renamed
nu the Muslim obc Council), under the leadership
merical terms, Maharashtra is also home to the largestMohammed
number ofParvez Iqbal, who is still actively involved with the
Jains, Zoroastrians and Jews of any Indian state. Muslim movement and is known to everyone in his locality as t
Politically Muslims have been quite marginal in Maharashtra
right to al
information (rti) man.3 Over the years, the Ansari W
fare Society/Muslims
though they constitute more than 10% of the total population of obc Council has organised jalsas (pu
the state and have an even larger presence in the city gatherings)
of Mumbai with a view to enhancing awareness among Musl
about
(previously Bombay) -17% - and their marginalisation the
seems toneed to obtain caste certificates, and the advanta
have grown over the years. As is the case with most religious com accrue to them as obcs. Jalsas of this kind were org
that might
munities, the Muslims of Maharashtra are internally ised in Mumbai, Pune, Bhiwandi, Malegaon and several ot
heterogene
places.
ous and differentiated. The older communities like Bohras, In Mumbai, the group usually met at the Gareeb Naw
Khojas
Madarsa,
and Memons were wealthy traders with extensive family which is located in the central part of the city. Par
networks
Iqbal was
within and outside the country. In addition, some Muslims initially helped in this work by his friend, Fat
have
48 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i QEE3 Economic & Political weekly
Mohammed Ansari,4 but later the society arranged a small work

listen to us but we tried our best to satisfy them in all their queries,
both
ing team of seven to 11 people, who distributed pamphlets andrationally and religiously... As a result, today there are more than
250 mosques all over Maharashtra (20 in Mumbai alone) where every
visited several villages around Mumbai.
Friday in the sermon, after offering prayers, the Imams tell community
Small organisations of this kind grew over time. In 1984, for
members to apply for their obc certificate for education and employ
example, Shabbir Ahmed Ansari from Jalna established the
ment of their children.10
Maharashtra Muslim obc Organisation, which held a large rally
In addition, Mohammed Iqbal Ansari told us that:
on 5 February. In 1986, as a result of this and similar mobilisations,
the right to issue caste certificates in Mumbai was transferred The
fromother means that we used in those days were using public figures
the metropolitan magistrate to the collector or the tehsildar.5 for our purpose. Veteran actor Dilip Kumar (an obc) and later Kader
This was a small but significant gain, the benefits of whichKhan could(a non-OBc) and poet and lyricist Hasan Kamal (a non-OBc)
became our voice.11
accrue only if people were made aware of and persuaded to apply
Their efforts were carried forward when Shabbir Ahmed Ansari
for caste certification. Once again, the task was to raise aware
ness about this benefit among members of the Muslim commu
and Sonawane organised several conferences in different parts
of the state where leaders tried to tell the common Muslims
nity. Shabbir Ahmed Ansari, along with Hasan Kamal, therefore
to understand the significance of getting certified as obcs.
focused on mobilising castes and sub-castes amongst Muslims,
which was by no means an easy task. According to HasanPamphlets
Kamal: and posters were distributed to make obc Muslims
aware of the benefits that they could avail from the government
When we started travelling across Maharashtra, we found that Muslims
after
too were divided along professional lines and like Hindus their getting their caste status certified. Soon afterwards, in
caste
was identified along their working pattern, e g, Malis in Hindus werethe first national convention of the aimobco was held in
1996,
Baghbaan in Muslims, Dhuniyas were Naddafs, Badhais were Nazzafs,
New Delhi. It started to carry out surveys of organised occupa
etc. So when the Mandal Commission report was accepted, we thought
tional categories and assist others to become organised.12
that if Muslims too were included in its fold, it could be part of the solu
tion to the problems that large sections of the community face.6
Response of the Government
Muslims as OBCs
Following the aimobco conferences, the Akhil Bhartiya Muslim
The obc Muslim movement received a fresh impetus with theSahitya Parishad continued campaigning through meet
Marathi
formation of Akhil Bhartiya Muslim Marathi Sahitya Parishad inrallies in different parts of Maharashtra and sending
ings and
delegations
1989. Vilas Sonawane (one of the most important leaders in the to meet relevant state ministers. As a result of all
movement) told us that nearly 100 writers and poets attended its
these efforts, on 7 December 1994, the Maharashtra government,
first conference in the same year.7 under Sharad Pawar passed a Government Resolution (gr) that
included 36 Muslim communities (out of 118 identified by the
The decision of the then Prime Minister V P Singh to implement
aimobco) for inclusion in the obcs list.
the recommendations of the Mandal Commission by reserving
seats for obcs in all central government jobs gave a renewed
This resolution was the second great success of the movement,
reason to mobilise the Muslim community and make them
butaware
the task ahead was even more challenging; it had won recogni
of the opportunities that were now available to them. tion
On 1from
Maythe government but now faced a reluctant bureaucracy,
1994, Shabbir Ahmed Ansari, Vilas Sonawane, Hasanthe
Kamal,
people who were supposed to issue obc certificates. In the course
Faqruddin Bennur and many others launched the aimobco in
of this study, Sarfaraz Arzoo (the editor of Hindustan Daily) stated:
Jalna. Shabbir Ahmed became its president and all the members
When the movement picked up, the bureaucracy started creating
of the Akhil Bhartiya Muslim Marathi Sahitya Parishad obstacles
became in the way of issuing caste certificates. Caste certificate was
members of the new organisation. Hasan Kamal and Vilas
theSona
ticket to prosperity. Therefore, they stopped helping at that stage
wane described how: and started eliminating at the bottom level itself. This is now the big
gest problem that the obc movement in Mumbai faces.13
To create caste awareness and identify different caste groups among
Muslims, we started travelling to different towns and organised smallGiven that normally Muslims do not mention their caste in any
and big meetings. But this attempt was vehemently opposed by the official document, claiming caste certificates was very difficult.
established political and religious leadership of the community every
They therefore had to demand a separate process for certification
where. We were presented as conspirators against Islam.8
of obc status for Muslims. The Maharashtra government conceded
Almost all the leaders of the movement that we met confirmed that
this demand and, in October 1995, passed another gr which
made the process of certification simpler. "Now, if a Muslim
they had had similar experiences, although these did not deter them
from continuing their work. "The ulemas spoke and wrote against
wishes to claim the benefits of being an obc, s/he needs only the
this move in all possible ways. From our side, we tried to clearapproval
all of the sarpanch or the approval of the local school".14
suspicions and made them understand that this was a positive oppor Interestingly even the Shiv Sena-Bjp government, which was
tunity to get out of the age-old bondage with specific occupations."9
known for "Muslim bashing", apparently continued to facilitate
The leaders used different strategies to overcome the oppo
the process of Muslim obc certification. As Mohammad Iqbal
Ansari told us:
sition that came from within the community. For example, Hasan
Kamal explained that:
When in 1995, we sat on a hunger strike in front of the office of the
Since we were being opposed by the Imams and Maulanas, we startedcollector at Kolhapur, the cm of that time Manohar Joshi, ordered a
visiting the mosques and tried to convince them. Initially they did notcircular that 'if a Muslim obc is not able to produce his/her caste in the
Economic & Political weekly latiyj January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 49
school certificate, then the tehsildar will make a home inquiry and along lines of caste, community and language, mean that
cleavages
provide him/her so'.15 no party can win by representing the interests of a single commu
With the passage of time, members of the Muslim community
nity and each must reach out to other identities. As noted above, in
have become increasingly aware of the benefits that can accrue
the case of the Shiv Sena and the bjp, political parties that openly
pursue
from claiming obc status and today many more are applying foran agenda of cultural/religious majoritarianism, margin
the necessary caste certificates. The movement continues alised
to playoccupational and caste groups among the Muslims never
a facilitating role in obtaining caste certificates. Different occu
theless are a possible source of support.17 It is therefore not sur
pational groups that are eligible for obc status have also that when these political parties were in government, they
prising
organised themselves for the objective. They work through their the certification of caste within the Muslim community.
facilitated
Since
biradari (community) network. In one case, a directory has beenreligious mobilisations and institutions usually voice
prepared by the Tamboli community of Sholapur, listing shared community needs and demands, they focus on religious
all their
members who are eligible to receive certificates. and cultural concerns. Development concerns, particularly issues
Maharashtra is not the only state to witness the obc Muslim
of access to such basic amenities as good education, jobs, health
movement. It has gained momentum in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh,
care, and social security benefits, are raised and pursued in the
public
Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Tamilarena by political parties and other social and political
organisations.
Nadu. However, unlike many other states, it has grown and had a Democracy, and especially competitive electoral
politics, pushes all parties to seek electoral support among all
measure of success in Maharashtra. As many of our respondents
told us, in part this is because successive governments in Mahargroups and creates space for the articulation and pursuit
religious
ashtra have been open to and accommodative of their demands.
of development agendas in different ways. This becomes even
Some went so far as to say that the state governments have never
more evident when we turn to Punjab and consider the strategies
acted "adversely to their demands". For example, the state gov
used in that state for extending the benefits of reservations to
ernments have, from time to time, adjusted and altered the rules
marginalised sections of lower caste vulnerable communities.
by passing new grs or modifying the existing ones. We were told
that to date almost 39 grs have been passed with regardThe Balmiki-Mazhabi Movement in Punjab
to the
obc and dalit Muslim issues.16 The scs are the most marginalised sections of Punjabi society and,
This analysis of the mass mobilisation of marginalised groupslike most other caste clusters, are internally differentiated.
within the Muslim community to access resources and opportunities Within the category, there are different communities with dis
reveals three significant elements. First, the collective assertion had tinct social identities and experiences of economic development.
a complex relationship with the religious institutions and leadership The official list of scs in Punjab enumerates 37 different commu
of the community. The desire to obtain caste certification to accessnities, which political sociologists have tended to group into two
benefits granted by the government to identified obc communitiesto three broad clusters. The first cluster, comprising the Mazhabi
did not initially win the support of the religious leadership. Because Sikhs and the Balmikis/Bhangis, constitutes a total of 41.9%
the leaders of the movement felt that the religious leadership had(30.75% and 11.15% respectively) of the total sc population. The
never attended to the development needs and concerns of memberssecond caste cluster is made up of the Ad Dharmis (15.74%) and
of the community, they began to work outside the available religiousthe Chamars/Ravidasis/Ramdasi Sikhs (25.85%), who together
forums and organisations. Yet, they recognised that to succeed they constitute 41.59%. The remaining 33 caste groups constitute only
would have to gain the support of the religious professionals, both16.51% of the total sc population of Punjab.18
because through them it would be possible to reach a much larger For various historical reasons, groups from the second cluster
section of the community and also to allay any misgivings individuof Punjabi scs have been much more mobile and politically active
als might have about asserting a caste identity than the rest (Juergensmeyer 1988; Jodhka 2002) and have
Second, the emergence of an assertive obc movement outsideexperienced much more social mobility than the first cluster of
the framework of recognised religious organisations and institucaste groups.
tions has not weakened the religious identity of its members, which In contrast, the Chuhrah cluster of the dalit castes (Balmikis and
gains centre stage during periods of communal violence. WhileMazhabi Sikhs) has been far less mobile. In rural areas the Mazhabi
taking up the issue of development and better access to publicSikhs have been closely associated with agriculture, mostly as
goods, the obc movement has not raised the question of women's wage labourers or tied servants of the big landlords. Rarely did
subordination and continued marginalisation within the commuthey own any agricultural land and only a few cultivated land as
nity, although its concern for better education and other developtenants in Punjab. As the official data show, less than 5% of all dalits
ment goods has yielded some indirect spin-offs for women. are listed as cultivators and, given their status, the proportion of
Third, as discussed above, democratic politics could also createMazhabi Sikhs among this group would be even lower.
space for the articulation of development concerns. As in the case
Balmikis
of other successful movements, political parties have tried to win
over some of the leaders of the Muslim obc movement by giving Many have migrated to urban areas because of the limited oppor
them tickets to contest elections and have tried to consolidatetunities available to them in rural areas, in response to the grow
their votes by reaching out to sections of the "apparent other".ing urban demand for scavengers, especially in middle class
This is certainly the case in India, where the existence of multiple localities. While employment, some with regular salaries and
50 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i DEES Economic & Political weekly
Hence the question: how do we reach out to the most margin

pensions, was therefore relatively easily available, urbanisation
alised?
did not necessarily bring social mobility. In practice, How do their interests get factored into the political dis
the pro
portion of urban Balmikis engaged in scavenging work
course? The story of Punjab reveals that competitive democratic
politics
increased after migration from the villages, where only creates a peculiar situation where apparently "secular"
a small
political
proportion worked as scavengers. Their local identities were ofparties like the Congress target the most marginalised
and try
kammi or sepi, meaning regular farm workers, a secular to wean them away from "religious" political parties
occu
pation, even though their status was invariably determined
(namely,by
Akali Dal) by granting special benefits to them.
their position in the caste hierarchy. Given all these limitations
The Politics of Reservation
on the mobility of Balmikis and Mazhabi Sikhs, their achieve
ments in education have also been limited. The assurance of The Mazhabi Sikhs who constitute nearly 31% of Punjab's sc pop
lation, were the single largest group of dalits in the state. Co
employment in municipalities as scavengers had only discour
aged the Balmiki families from pushing their children towards
pared to the dalit caste groups of the Chamar cluster, the Mazha
education. As a leader of the Balmiki community told us were
in anfar more enthusiastic about the Sikh religion and Akali po
interview in Ludhiana: tics. At the time of independence the Akali Sikh leadership played
critical role in ensuring that the lower castes among the Sikhs wer
Surprisingly those who get jobs in the government sector at a relatively
included in the list of identified scs for receiving the benefits
senior level from our community invariably come from rural areas.
Among the urban Balmikis there has traditionally been no aptitude
reservation. This was a significant achievement for the Sikh lead
for education.19
ship, as lower castes in other religious communities (besides H
According to Ram Rattan Ravan, another important leader duism)
of did not receive the benefits of reservations.
the Balmiki community, Mazhabi Sikh support translated into an advantage to the Akal
over the Congress Party. But Balmikis with a substantial presen
The Municipal Act has worked against our community. It blocked our
in urban Punjab mostly went along with the "Hindu" politics of th
development and kept us attached to the traditional occupation of
Jan Sangh. It was against this backdrop that the Congress Part
scavenging. Our people started getting secure jobs without any educa
tion and therefore they did not feel the need of making any effort to get
introduced sub-quotas within the seats reserved for the scs by t
themselves or their children educated. In the city of Ludhiana where
Constitution. On 5 May 1975, Chief Minister Giani Zail Singh se
we have several colleges and a university and all possible facilities for
a letter to various departments directing them to offer "50% of
education, only two students from the Balmiki community could quali
the
fy to be doctor in more than 30 years. This mentality of depending on vacancies of the quota reserved for Scheduled Castes...
Balmikis and Mazhabi Sikhs, if available, as a first preference fr
the municipality service was rampant in our community and therefore
has been the biggest challenge for us. Our struggle is not only against
amongst the Scheduled Caste candidates."22 However, this su
the other communities but also against our own traditions.20
quota was to apply "in direct recruitments only and not in prom
tion cases".23
In contrast, the Chamars had an inherent advantage over the
Chuhras. As R L Sabberwal, a retired officer of the Punjab governLearning from the Punjab experience, the state government
Haryana too decided in 1995 to divide its sc population into t
ment and an ideologue of the Balmiki movement, explained to us:
blocks, A and B, limiting 50% of all the seats for the Cham
The Chamars have had an advantage over us. Their involvement with
(block B) and offering 50% of the seats to non-Chamars (block
leatherwork and shoe-making naturally made them entrepreneurs
and traders. They were quick to exploit the new opportunities that
on preferential basis.
came with urbanisation and reservations. We have had no such tradi
This arrangement worked well until 2005 when the Punjab an
tion. Our occupation kept us backward.21
Haryana High Court responding to a writ petition by Gaje Singh
However, over the years things have begun to change Chamar
for the from the region, decreed the action of the two state g
Balmikis as well. Secure employment as scavengers in the urban as illegal and in violation of the provisions of the Con
ernments
municipality is increasingly becoming a thing of the past. TheThe petitioner had cited the Supreme Court judgment di
tution.
newly emerging scavenging contractors pay very lowlowing
wages.the sub-classification of scs in the case of Andhra Prades
With no education or specialised skills, the Balmiki youththe
do not
high court took note of this decision and terminated the su
have many options. Even those who get educated are invariably
classification within the reserved quota of seats.
When
the first generation of the educated in their families. It is not easythe termination of the classification of quotas was ordered
for them to compete with the relatively more mobile Chamars
on 25 July 2006 by the Punjab and Haryana High Court, there w
and Ad Dharmis for reserved quotas in government jobs. a sense of anger and agitation among the Balmikis and Mazhabis
Punjab.
The point that needs to be highlighted here is that group cohe They were quick to organise themselves and formed
siveness breaks down when we use development/capacities
groupascalled the "Balmiki and Mazhabi Sikh Reservation Bach
the criterion and examine the ability of a community to access
Morcha".24 In the months that followed, the Balmiki communi
organised
available resources. In religious terms the Sikhs are a majority in bandhs and protests seeking the restoration of s
the region but within that community there are specific quotas
sections
within the existing regime of reservations for the scs.
that are worse off on many development indicators. WithinAs elections to the state assembly were near, the Congre
this
government
marginalised section too there are vast internal disparities and responded to the Balmiki-Mazhabi movement
differences, which can offer alternate axis of mobilisation and a legislation to convert the "1975 directive" into an "Ac
framing
policy formulation. and presented it in the state assembly on 17 September 2006, t
Economic & Political weekly January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 51
last day of its session. The bill was passed unanimouslythis

by is
theused as a way of bringing the people together and creating
legislative assembly, and it became an Act on 5 October awareness
2006, for their collective cause.
after being approved by the governor.
Conclusions
Interestingly enough, it was not the Akali Dal (and its many
factions) that addressed the needs of the most marginalised sec at these two case studies, it is evident that democracy cre
Looking
tions. As and when particular formations of the Akali Dalspaces
raised that can at times work to the advantage of marginalised
development concerns they focused on such matters astions
better
or create opportunities that may help them to articulate
prices for agricultural produce, irrigation facilities and pursue
regional
their development-related concerns. Democratic politics h
autonomy. These matters affected the fate of the more dominant
ever operates in complex ways. On the one hand, it provides space
castes - the Jats - in the region. In an attempt to breakmarginalised
the con populations to mobilise and voice their demands, whi
solidation of Sikh votes in favour of the Akali Dal, it was the Conother it compels political parties to woo groups by raising
on the
gress Party that raised the issue of the Mazhabis receiving the to their demands. In the case of obc Muslims in Mahara
attending
benefits of good education and public posts available through
tra, the
their collective mobilisations compelled the attention of t
system of reserved seats. political leadership across the board, including the Shiv Sena, wh
The awareness and subsequent group mobilisationisof the
otherwise hostile to the Muslim community In Punjab, the deve
Balmiki-Mazhabis was consolidated and strengthenedment
by the
needs of marginalised sections were raised by the secular po
policies pursued by the Congress Party in office. And, when the
cal parties in order to fracture the supposed unity of the Sikh com
sub-quotas in reservations were withdrawn due to the interven
nity and win electoral support from at least some sections of it.
tion of the court, these mobilisations gained greater potency.
Both cases illustrate that the development needs of margi
The link between these mobilisations and prevailing religious
ised sections can only be addressed by disaggregating individ
organisations were weak, if not non-existent. The emerging lead
religious communities. Religious identities remain important,
ership of these marginalised communities did not turnreligious
to reli groups are internally differentiated and unequal. T
gious organisations for support; and even the existing religious
role of religion cannot be discounted in the pursuit of collecti
political party was not seen as an ally in this struggle. Nordevelopment
did the needs, but there are occasions when a shared r
religious political parties take up the issue of sub-quotasgious
for the
identity may distract from, and even camouflage, the dif
most marginalised sections within the category of Mazhabis.
ences of power and access to opportunities that exist betwe
Religion, or the religious idiom, enters into the picture in members
a differ of the same community. As a result, conceptions o
ent way. Separate celebrations are organised on important reli community as a single collective whole are unlikely
religious
gious festivals/events by the Balmiki-Mazhabi leadership and the concerns of equality, development and governance.
further
NOTES
the northern part of India. We, so many times, - (2ooo): "Predicaments of Secularism: Muslim
requested
1 Shiv Sena was founded on 19 June 1966 in the community leaders and people Identities and Politics in Mumbai", Journal of
Bombay by Bal Thackeray, who has since there
beento identify their caste, but there were no Royal Anthropological Institute, 6, 255-72.
its patriarch. initiatives (Personal interview March 2007). Jodhka, S S (1997): "Crisis of the 1980s and Changing
2 Personal interview, February 2007. 17 Indeed, the Shiv Sena has over the years wooed Agenda of 'Punjab Studies': A Survey of Some
and received the support of OBCs. Recent Research", Economic & Political Weekly,
3 In the last few years he has filed more than 100
18 (RTI)
All these 32.6, 273-79.
petitions under the right to information in figures are based on 1991 Census and
several departments on issues that were of were collected from the office of the department - (2002): "Caste and Untouchability in Rural Punjab",
concern to the Muslim community. He is a teacher of social welfare, Chandigarh, Government of Economic & Political Weekly, 37.19,1813-23.
in a government school by profession and has Punjab. Juergensmeyer, M (1988): Religious Rebels in the
also published a booklet of rules and procedures 19 Personal interview, August 2007. Punjab: The Social Vision of Untouchables (Delhi:
regarding the issue of caste certificates in Mumbai. 20 Personal interview, August 2007. Ajanta Publications).
4 Since 2005 he has also been the vice president of21 Personal interview, August 2007. Mahajan, G (1998): Identities and Rights: Aspects of
the Pune-based AIMOBCO which is headed by22 Official Directive, Government of Punjab was col Liberal Democracy in India (Delhi: Oxford Univer
Mohd Iqbal Ansari. lected from the office of the department of social sity Press).
5 Interview with Parvez Iqbal, February 2007. welfare, Chandigarh, Government of Punjab. - (2008a): "Higher Education Reservations and India's
6 Personal Interview, February 2007. 23 Official Directive, Government of Punjab was col Economic Growth: An Examination", Working
7 Personal Interview, February 2007. lected from the office of the department of social paper No 36, Centre for International Governance
welfare, Chandigarh, Government of Punjab. Innovation, Waterloo, Canada.
8 Personal Interview, February 2007.
24 The morcha was headed by Darshan Ratan - (2008b): "Religion and the Indian Constitution:
Rawan, the president of the Adi Dharm Samaj. Questions of Separation and Equality" in Rajeev
Some of the other active members were G K Shab Bhargava (ed.), Politics and Ethics of the Indian
11 Personal Interview, February 2007. Constitution (Delhi: Oxford University Press).
harwal (Rtd ADC) and Chandan Garewal (presi
12 Personal Interview, February 2007. dent of the Jalandhar Safai Mazdoor Union). Palshikar, S (2004): "Shiv Sena: A Tiger with Many
13 Personal interview, May 2007. Faces", Economic & Political Weekly, 39, 3 April,
14 Personal interview, February 2007. 1497-1507
15 Personal interview, February 2007. REFERENCES Palshikar, S and R Deshpande (1999): Maharashtra:
16 There are probably other reasons. But the reason Electoral Competition and Structures of Domina
expressed by Hasan Kamal was no less important: Ahmad, Imtiaz, ed. (1973): Caste and Social tion
Stratifica
(Pune: University of Pune, Department of
The Muslims in Maharashtra were never very tion among the Muslims (Delhi: Manohar).Political Science), Occasional Paper Series 2, No 1.
Sheth,Debates
strong and rich. There were no Muslim land Bajpai, Rochana (2000): "Constituent Assembly D L (2004): "Caste, Ethnicity and Exclusion in
lords in Maharashtra unlike other states, viz, and Minority Rights", Economic & PoliticalSouth Asia: The Role of Affirmative Action Policies
Weekly,
Bihar, Uttar Pradesh. Therefore, there was no 35,21-22,1837-45. in Building Inclusive Societies", Background Paper
fear from feudalism. Also, Maharashtra wit Hansen, T B (1996): "The Vernacularisation of for HDR, Human Development Report Office, UNDP
nessed a strong cooperative movement and it Hindutva: The BJP and Shiv Sena in Rural Sikand, Yoginder (2004): Islam, Caste and Dalit
was successful. So, we did not face much oppo Maharashtra", Contributions to Indian Sociology,Muslim Relations In India (New Delhi: Global
sition from within. But this was not the case in 30.2.177-214 Media Publications).
52 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i EH23 Economic & Political weekly
Religious Transnationalism and Development

Initiatives: The Dera Sachkhand Ballan
GURHARPAL SINGH
This paper examines the general assumption that

transnationalism is creating new divisions andPunjab, popular among Ravidassis of Chamar caste (dalits/
iniquitous
The Dera Sachkhand
former "untouchables"), Ballansubaltern
which propagates (dsb)1
religi is an organisation in
social hierarchies in caste-based social movements. By
osity within Sikhism. On 24 May 2009 six Sikh militants armed
drawing on a detailed case study of the Dera Sachkhand
with guns and daggers attacked the congregation at the Guru
Ravidass templesuch
Ballan, Punjab, it argues that for organisations in Vienna. Their
as targets were Sant Niranjan
Dass,
the dsb, which are engaged in modes of subaltern head of the dsb and his second in command, Sant Ram
anand; while the former survived the assault, the latter suc
religiosity, transnationalism can be a powerful agent of
cumbed to his injuries. The assailants were believed to be Sikh
religious and social change. By cultivatingfundamentalists
its who were offended by the heterodox religious
transnational links, especially in the United
practices Kingdom, the
of the dsb which include, among other things, irrever
dsb has now emerged as the main driver ence

oftowards the Guru Granth Sahib (the holy book of the Sikhs)
Ravidassi
and worship of a living guru (cf Lum 2010). Inevitably the
identity in Punjab. This achievement would not have
Vienna incident triggered disturbances in Punjab by followers of
been possible without the material support
the dsbof overseas
and other dalit groups. In the event, the Punjab govern
followers for whom the building of social
mentand
managed toreligious
maintain law and order in the aftermath, but
institutions in Punjab has been intimately thelinked

incident was to have
with profound long-term implications: on
29 January 2010, at the Ravidass temple in Gowardhanpur,
the search for a separate Ravidassi identity and the need
Varanasi, the spiritual home of the dsb, Sant Niranjan Dass pro
to demonstrate to higher castes in Punjabnounced
their the birth sense of
of a new religion. The new faith, Ravidass
collective achievement. Transnationalism has
Dharm, is thus been
to have its own religious book (Amrit Bani Guru
Ravidass), symbolthe
central to a process of differentiation between (Har) and greeting (Jai Gurdev) (Times of
India, 1 February 2010 (online edition). In short, the Ravidass
followers of the dsb and Sikhism and has accelerated this
Dharm, which had been almost a century in the making, had
trend since the Vienna incident in 2009.
come of age.
These dramatic developments have been interpreted vari
ously - as a schism within Sikhism or the manifestation of a
long overdue dalit assertion in Punjab (Ram 2010; Jodhka
2009). Absent from such accounts however is a serious under
standing of the importance of transnational links in the trans
formation of the Dera Sant Sarwan Dass, Ballan (dssdb) into a
leadership role from which it has been able to spearhead the
birth of the Ravidass Dharm. This paper aims to uncover this
dimension by focusing on the transnational networks of the dsb
and how these have contributed to realising its long-term goal
of social equality. It also questions the argument, put forward
by Steve Talyor, Manjit Singh and Deborah Booth (2007: 330),
that "with a particular focus on caste...contemporary Eastern
Punjabi transnationalism is creating new divisions and sustain
ing age-old inequalities, both across international borders and
Research assistance in India was provided by Charlene Simon and within East Punjab". The research on which this paper is based
United Kingdom by Darshan S Tatla.
was undertaken simultaneously in the West Midlands (United
Gurharpal Singh ([gurharpal@yahoo.co.uk) is at the department of the Kingdom) and dsb sites in Punjab. We begin by clarifying
study of religions, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of
the concept of transnationalism for our study; after a brief
London.
overview of the dsb, we discuss the role of transnational
Economic & Political weekly E323 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 53
networks and how these links have become the drivers of a low levels of income and social status; (ii) they are driven by
separate Ravidassi identity. This is followed by an assessment
religion/caste identities as a "social vision" in which these identities
of dsb's institution-building in Punjab funded by transnational
underpin the material and social development of the members of
devotees. The paper concludes by reflecting on the significance
the group in both the host and homeland societies; (iii) they are
of new spaces created for subaltern traditions by transnational
not engaged primarily in conventional forms of religious philan
ism and the potential they offer for realising equality and but rather use religious-caste identity mobilisation of
thropy
social recognition. resources in the north for enhancing a group's social status,
thereby enabling it to achieve its quest for equality; and, above
A New Form of Religious Transnationaiism all, (iv) they are committed to using religious-caste identities to
The economic, political and social contexts within which the the public sphere, advocate inclusionary governance
redefine
lives of migrants from the South in the North are situated,and combat religious-caste discrimination in both the host and
it has
been persuasively argued, are now better understood within the countries.2 In sum, the paradigmatic shift from ethnic
homeland
framework of transnationalism (Vertovec 2009). But what is
and racial studies to transnationalism in the study of migrant
transnationalism? groups has opened up new perspectives for examining previously
According to a leading theorist of the concept, transnationneglected, marginalised, excluded and low income communities
within these groups, especially the ways in which they are now
alism is characterised by "high intensity of exchanges, new modes
of transacting, and the multiplicity of activities that requireutilising growing transitional social networks to undermine
established hierarchies and promote development. For these
cross-border travel on a sustained basis" (Portes et al 1999: 219).
Transnationalism understands the lives of traditional migrants as communities,
"a religious/caste identities remain the mainspring of
continuous flow of people, goods, money, ideas that transgress
"social visions" for development in their homelands in ways that
national boundaries and in so doing connects physical, social,
have been seriously overlooked by the literature on remittances
economic and political spaces" (Mazzucato 2005: 2). These
or the more pressing policy objectives related to managing the
exchanges "involve individuals, their communities and broader
transnational lives of migrants (e g, immigration, security, com
structures such as local and national governments" (Portes et al
munity cohesion). In addressing some of these concerns, our case
1999: 220). Although in the past ethnic diasporas, often with study
a offers some new insights into how and why these groups
specific "homeland agenda", resembled proto-transnational com
are promoting self-development by using religious/caste identities
to mobilise resources in the North.
munities, contemporary transnationalism refers to broader pat
terns of exchange that are transforming economic, political and
Dera Sachknand Ballan
social structures. At the heart of this change are new and dense
social networks which are creating new spaces, imagining new
The dsb is located in the village of Ballan, 12 kilometres
communities, and are peopled by non-state actors and organisa
city of Jalandhar in Punjab. It comprises the original shr
tions. Portes et al also suggest an important distinction between
lished by Sant Sarwan Dass, a langar (communal kitche
transnationalism "from above" (that which is promoted, for ex
dispensary, outbuildings, a recently constructed congreg
ample, by multinational corporations and established transna
that can accommodate 25,000 devotees and a charitable ey
tional organisations) and "transnationalism from below" (thatIn addition to these institutions, the dsb directly manages t
which remains unregulated, deinstitutionalised and at the mar
Ravidass Mandir at Gowardhanpur, Varanasi, a charitable
gins of national and state structures). in Adda Kathar, and a model school in Phagwara, and i
Although transnationalism "from above" has been well re supports a whole host of organisations in the region,
searched (Held 2003), "transnationalism from below", partischools, colleges, training institutes and other Ravidass dera
of gathering centred around religious shrines). As we
cularly of migrant communities of southern origin, and especially
those which define their identity in terms of religion, has only
large portfolio, the dsb exercises powerful cultural and p
recently become the focus of academic interest (Levitt 2001 and
fluence in the region and abroad, a fact attested by its i
2003; Ballard 2003). Not unexpectedly, much of this research has recognition as the premier organisation of Ravidass
been stimulated by the new security challenges arising from theachievements have been almost a century in the making
growth of religious radicalism since 9/11 (Saggar 2009; Modood
the culmination of a strategy of quomic (national) dev
2005). It has also been sustained by policy initiatives, notably in
first envisaged by the founder of the dera. Yet the current
Europe, where the emphasis has shifted from multiculturalism
development has been reached after a difficult journey
towards community cohesion and integration (cf Klausen 2005).
involved withstanding the challenge of rival organisati
This policy shift has tended to overshadow more interestingcoming the pressure of other religious traditions amon
examples of new forms of transnational activity "from below"
lowers and sustained efforts to "reimagine" the cult of R
among migrant communities, in which religious/caste-based net Today Punjab has the highest proportion of schedul
works provide the foundations of social and material develop(sc) population in India. Against the national average
ment in the homeland. These groups are distinctive in that:according to the 2001 Census, nearly 29% of its popula
(i) they are rooted in marginalised and subaltern groups among
listed as scs. In the Doaba region (the central districts of Ja
migrants from the South, who have remained as marginal actorsHoshiarpur, Kapurthala and Nawanshahr), this perce
within both the host and homeland societies because of their much higher; and of this figure a significant propo
Chamars, a caste of leather workers/agricultural labourers. The overseas since the late 19th century. This began with colon
Chamars form the mainstay of the dsb's constituency, though its recruitment into the armed forces but soon expanded to volunt
appeal also extends to other sc groups. migration to the Far East, North America, Europe, Afri
Historically, many of these groups have been attracted to west Asia, Australia and New Zealand. Most of this moveme
non-Hindu traditions such as Islam, Sikhism and Christianity as a occurred in waves: before 1914, after 1945, during the 1970s a
form of theological "liberation", but their incomplete integration 1980s, post-cold war, and the 1990s and 2000s (Singh and Ta
into these traditions has always left open channels for "inventing" 2006). Traditionally, the migrants were middle peasants,
and "reinventing" new traditions. Thus in the case of Chamars, movement by those lower down the social hierarchy, such
their embrace of Sikhism has been mediated by two factors: the agricultural workers, artisans, and former "untouchables",
fraught caste relations within Sikh society between Jats (land also been significant (Kessinger 1974; McLeod 1986). The Chama
holding peasants, cultivators who make up nearly two-thirds of of Doaba have, therefore, always shared the migration culture
Sikhs) and Chamars, and appropriation of the teachings of the region. In addition, their specialisation in the leather in
Chamar religious icons like Ravidass by Sikhism, while denying try in and around Jalandhar following the setting up of a milit
formal theological or social equality. It is these sociological and cantonment in the 19th century has underpinned their attem
theological considerations that have provided the inspiration for to secure social mobility. Even today, large numbers are employ
organisations like the dsb, which have traditionally shared a vari in leather work in the Jalandhar area, where their importanc
egated Sikh universe, to seek what Jodhka has called "disassocia attested by the political and social power that they exercise in
tion", "distancing" and "autonomy" (2004:189). city and its immediate surroundings.
To be sure, this change has been under way since the 1920s. The overseas settlement of Chamars from the Doaba has
The Ad Dharm (ancient faith) movement of the 1920s and followed a pattern similar to all other migrants from the region
1930s was a powerful symbol of Chamar autonomy in Punjab in that they have tended to cluster together in areas of Punjabi
in the face of aggressively reformist Hinduism and Sikhism strength, whether it is California, Vancouver, Toronto, the West
(Juergensmeyer 1979). But paradoxically the very success of this Midlands, the Greater London area, Dubai or Barcelona. In the
movement was the cause of its decline: the Poona Pact (1932) United Kingdom (uk), for instance, the major areas of Punjabi and
between Mahatma Gandhi and B R Ambedkar and the recogni Sikh concentration are also areas where Punjabi sc communities
tion of the scheduled list by the Government of India Act (1935) are to be found. The gradual religious differentiation within these
delivered to it a source of reservation and patronage but at communities over time, of which the most symbolic dimension is
the cost of returning it nominally into the Hindu fold. Sub the construction of a separate place of worship, is a phenomenon
sequently, it was renamed the Ravidass Mandal (1946), but that has been explored in some detail (Ballard 1994; Singh and
thereafter its political representation has dissipated among the Tatla 2006: ch 5). In Britain today, the Ravidassi population is
Republican Party of India, the Congress and, more recently, estimated to be between 60,000 and 70,000, with about 21 places
the Bahujan Samaj Party (bsp). At the same time, the spiritual of worship, variously referred to as mandirs, temples and bha
void left by the Ad Dharm movement has been filled by a revival vans (Singh et al 2010). Each of these institutions is a testimony
of interest in the teaching and cult of Ravidass, a 14th century to the collective efforts of a local community, which was often
sant of Chamar caste from up, who is traditionally associated motivated to create its own place of worship because of caste
with the Bhakti movement and whose verses are to be found discrimination or humiliation suffered at the hands of higher
in the Guru Granth Sahib.3 This innovation uniquely combines
castes, typically Jats. Indeed, the "principal importance of Punjabi
the social reformist legacy of the Ad Dharm movement with the
sc migration to Britain", it has been convincingly argued:
religiously radical message of Ravidass. In cultivating and nur .. .was that it was rural and provided a caste-based frame of reference
turing this link, the dsb has provided important psychological to counter the ambiguous boundaries of the Sikh faith dominated by
succour for the scs of Punjab. In fact, according to some, the dsb Jats. The fraught caste relations of the Punjabi village were thus trans
ferred to the British factory, the pub and even the school playground.
today has become the principal propagator of Ravidassism, a
In the development of British Sikh society over the decades these ten
radical "dissident socio-religious ideology" (Schallar 1996: 94). sions were to play a not inconsiderable part in the struggle for control
of Sikh institutions such as gurdwaras, trade unions and political par
Dera Sachkhand Ballan and Transnationalism ties (Singh and Tatla 2006: 41).
Although there are many Ravidass deras in Punjab whichThe

cater to
persistence and pervasiveness of such discrimination has
what has been termed subaltern religiosities, it is the dsb
beenthat has
highlighted in recent research for the Equalities Act (2010)
captured the public imagination. Its rise to prominence is to
which hasbe
recognised caste as a source of discrimination (acda
found not only in its devotion to Ravidass, who is revered as aRavidassis in particular, who share many aspects of
2009). For
guru, but also the material transformation that the organisation
broader Sikh society, social mobility in their host land has often
has been able to undertake as a result of its transnational netin social dissonance because the option of acculturation
resulted
works. The outward migration of the devotees of thewithin
dsb to the society is still qualified by negative reinforcement
British
west and their renewed commitment to redefining of
itscaste
mission
stereotypes that are compounded by visits to Punjab. As
remains the untold story of the success of the dera. one key informant told us: "The younger generation [of Punjabis]
Located in the district of Jalandhar, most of the devotees of the
is being socialised into the system where there is caste...We get
dsb come from a region which has seen high rates of migration
feedback from 20+ age group going to universities - the third
Economic & Political weekly mavj January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 55
generation - who say people still ask them about their caste" and was registered in India under the Foreign Contribution Reg
(interview, 15 August 2009, Medway). Despite generalisations to ulation Act (1976) with the Ministry of Home Affairs. Separate
the contrary, it seems that contemporary Punjabis in Britain still trusts have been created for other initiatives such as religious
practise caste endogamy extensively (Dhanda 2009). One response institutions. The major landmark development in Britain was the
has been to make a positive assertion of Ravidassi identity through formation in 1997 of the Sant Sarwan Dass Charitable Trust, uk
support for religious and social structures in Punjab that challenge (ssdctuk), which coordinates fundraising among devotees and
the traditional negative social constructions of Chamar identity. the wider Ravidassi and Punjabi sc communities. In addition to
"By financing religious places and social structures, which are the ssdctuk, an array of professionals and dedicated supporters
acknowledged as Ravidassia patrimony", concludes Simon (2010: provide community development services, often drawing on their
54), "these upwardly mobile Chamars try to project their own experience in inner city community development programmes
[positive] perception of their caste to Punjabi higher castes". in the uk, which sometimes include multi-agency programmes
In tapping into these social anxieties, the dsb has adroitly involving multinational funding (e g, from the European Union).
melded the personal angst of devotees in a transnational setting, These highly articulate individuals have significantly profes
to whom it aims to provide dedicated individual pastoral support, sionalised the activities of the trust and the dsb and its associ
to the collective practice of seva (service) to the organisation ated organisations.4
(ibid: 55-60). In this way it has been able to construct a powerful Interviews conducted with some of the donors and supporters
message of community building and caste pride which chimes of the dsb highlighted the familiar themes of caste discrimi
with the everyday personal dilemmas of migrants and their off nation, caste pride, and the need for community development.
spring. Central to this initiative has been the role of dsb sants According to one of the largest donors, his motive for giving was
who have provided the charismatic leadership for galvanising the need to build pride in Ravidassi identity:
resources as well as sustaining the dedication and commitment We should be proud as Ravidassis. Whenever we go to a gurdwara we
of close followers and devotees. are called Ravidassi Sikhs, if we go to a Hindu temple, they call us
Chamars. But we should be proud of what we are. As we revere Guru
Pride in Ravidassi Identity Ravidass, we should call ourselves Ravidassis...I would say that Sant
Sarwan Dass ji at the dsb has given us dignity. He and his successors
Since the early 1980s, these sants have made regular visits to their
have made us equal to others. We had the Guru Granth Sahib before
congregations overseas, events which have almost become annual
but we had none of our own religious tradition, or our own guru.
rituals. When, in the early 1980s, the dsb began to receive signifi Now we have Guru Ravidass. This new tradition was given to us by the
cant funding from these devotees, a Sant Sarwan Dass Charitable Ballan sants [who] have done so much for us and our community
Hospital Trust (ssdcht) was established to channel these funds (interview, 15 August 2009, Chatham).
Inter University Centre for Social Science Research and Extension
Mahatma Gandhi University, School of Social Sciences

Pullarikunnu, Malloossery P.O, Kottayam,Kerala - 686041
email: iucssre@amail.com. Tel-0481-2392383. Citizens Call Centre-0471/155300,2115054/98
IUCSSRE-ICHR Three Day National Seminar - INBOFA 2012

Inter University Centre for Social Science Research and Extension, Mahatma Gandhi University, Kottayam,
Kerala, in association with ICHR is organising a National Seminar
on
New History: A Critical Appraisal - January 19 - 21, 2012

The Seminar seeks to provide a critical appraisal of what is generally labelled as New History as distinguished from the history that
is widely imagined, conceptualised and practised. Histories of gender, race, society, subalterns, women, everyday life and the present
written as ethnography exemplify the new approaches and objects of historical analysis. The purport of the seminar is to familiarize young
researchers with new approaches to history, the rethinking they enable, and the writings they render plausible. It seeks to educate the
researchers through reviews of controversies and debates that surround historical thinking today, and equip them with the means to
produce new knowledge. The seminar will involve ontological and epistemological presentations for and against new approaches. Eminent
scholars will present papers and lead the discussions.
We invite Juniorfaculties and researchers to participate in the Seminar from Universities and College Departments.
For more details and Registration form see the link http://www.inbofa2012.mQU.ac.in
Applications should be sent to the Co-ordinator, via email, to radhikaparakkat@amail.com on or before 10"1 January 2012
So/
PR0/1/Advt/38/2011-12 Co-ordinator
56 fanuary 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i EHXiS Economic & Political weekly
Similarly, according to another: Table 1: Sant Sarwan Dass Charitable Hospital Trust: Public Donations (Rs)
Donation Received
You can't understand the Ravidassi community without taking
Year into Local Foreign Contribution Total
account the negative heritage that lies in our caste identity. For several Institutional Individual FC Total
years I tried to hide my caste. I was ashamed to be a Chamar.

2004-05I don't
1,20,17,400 43,10,453 30,93,268 74,03,721 1,94,21,121
want my children to face the same denial. I want them to be proud to 9,17,601
2005-06 43,75,630 12,89,100 56,64,730 65,82,331
be Ravidassi (quoted in Simon 2010: 55). 2006-07 74,13,954 47,29,169 19,93,266 67,22,435 1,41,36,389
2007-08 36,49,056 54,53,575 8,77,569 63,31,144 99,80,200
One large donor responded positively to the call to establish an
2008-09 29,53,361 15,84,570 13,70,724 29,55,294 59,08,655
eye hospital at Ballan, and in 2004 gave Rs 10 million Source:
(£140,000)
DSB.
for the project. A few years later the same donor was called to
contribute to a "spectacular building" in the form of a trusts: the Shri Guru Ravidass Janam Asthan Public Charitable
congrega
Trust
tion hall at Ballan. Again he responded enthusiastically (sgrjapct), a religious trust which has overseen the con
by donat
ing family land which had been purchased some time before:
struction of religious buildings in Punjab, Uttar Pradesh and else
where,
This land measured 20 Kanals and was priced at Rs 6.5 and the ssdcht, a development trust, which manages a
million
(£90,000). In fact we gave away not only our land but further added
general hospital and an eye hospital. According to the secretary
Rs 1,00,000 (£1,400) as a donation. A spacious grand congregation
of ssdcht, foreign contributions have been crucial to the deve
hall was constructed... This unique building is perhaps the most beauti
lopmental
ful of all such congregational halls in India (interview, 15 August projects of the dsb.
2009,
Chatham, emphasis added).
It is true that nothing much will happen without the contribution of
For another respondent it was important that the resources
foreign donors. There is no doubt that without receiving donations
we can't afford such projects. Donations from India are regular but
given contributed to the welfare and prestige of the community.
these
For him, entrusting the resources to the sant ensured that come only in small denominations (interview, 31 August 2009,
they
Jalandhar).
would be effectively used:
The overriding
When someone gives... one million or three thousand dollars for importance of foreign donations can be seen
building something, he gives it for a reason and knows thatfrom
it is the data available from ssdcht accounts for the last few
going
to be directly used. It is going to be instrumental in raising ourMore
years. com than half of the total funds for the trust have been
munity. Before, we did not have any means to do something for our
coming from overseas donors. Fluctuations in foreign donations
community: to whom could we give our money? I cannot give my money
are probably due to fundraising drives, as well as the way dona
to a Sikh gurdwara, neither to a Radhasoami dera, nor to Nirankaris,
tionsDass
because they are not going to do anything for me! Sant Niranjan are Ji
collected and deposited in the trust. Thus a high propor-'
tion oftothe
is doing something for the community, so people see DSB as outlet ex local donations, sometimes approaching 45%, are in
fact from overseas donors.
press their frustration at not being able to do something as Ravidassiafor
more than i,oooyears (quoted in Simon (2010:58), emphasis added).
Together, these two trusts have undertaken several religious
In general, the support given by Ravidassis in Britainand
and else
developmental projects, which are seen as part of the quomic
where has been considerable, if not crucial to the success of the of the Ravidassi community, and as such are more
development
dsb. As one Ravidassi businessman observed: than merely religious enterprises: above all, they aim at estab
lishing the self-worth of the community and equality among
It is the brethren from the West who first understood the value of our
dera and the need to strengthen it. They gave huge donations when other social groups and castes. Central to this enterprise have
they came to pay a visit. The number of visitors from abroad and the been the efforts to establish the lineage of Ravidass as the spirit
frequency of their visits also increased during the 1990s. They invitedual mentor of the community and the creation of service institu
the local sants to their countries. All this gave a boost to the Ravidassi
tions (school, hospital, eye hospital) that cater not only to the
movement (interview, 10 October 2008, Jalandhar).
devotees of the dsb but are open to all castes and communities.
These overseas donations, moreover, tie the donors into a bond Given this emphasis, it is perhaps to be expected that a major
of complex reciprocal obligations. Foreign donors are regularly
effort has been devoted to building an institution in the memory
of Ravidass. Since the mid-1960s, the dsb sants have sought to
honoured by the dsb sants, with their names and works recognised
create a suitable pilgrimage centre for the community at the
within the community. They, in turn, accrue "izzat" - an emotionally
charged value which in Punjabi culture translates into honour,
birthplace of Ravidass at Seer Gowardhanpur village near
respect, reputation, prestige, and status. Some of the large donors
Banaras Hindu University in Varanasi. In 1972, a small mandir
have become part of the inner circle of the advisors of the dssdb,
was built at the site, but the current impressive structure came
which is a major source of solace for them and gives them personal
into being only with the flow of resources from overseas devotees.
satisfaction. Nevertheless the religious leader of the organisation,
In June 1994, as the temple was nearing completion, overseas
the sant, remains a charismatic figure for the developmental devotees were asked to join in special celebrations at Varanasi,
and almost 300 devotees from Britain chartered an aircraft to
project because, if he is "not motivated enough, then a new idea
will not get implemented" (interview, 31 August 2009, Jalandhar).
attend the event. Subsequently, extensive facilities have been
built for the increasing number of pilgrims: a golden Kalsh (dome)
Dera Sachkhand Ballan in Punjab was also installed by Kanshi Ram, the founder of the bsp; an im
Resources raised from transnational networks by the DSB-led
posing gate to the mandir - financed by the ssdctuk - was for
organisation have been utilised for several high profile projects mally
in inaugurated by the President of India, R K Narayanan; and
Punjab and other states. These have been channelled through two
the growing popularity of the mandir has also been noticed by
the bsp government of the state, which has sponsored acost over Rs 6.5 million. Land for both these institutions was
special
donated
ghat (steps leading to a river for bathing) on the bank of the Gan by two families, one of which lives locally and the other
in Birmingham,
ges and renamed the adjoining bridge as Sri Guru Ravidass Setu uk. The construction of ssdms was started in
(bridge). In brief, the construction of the mandir at Varanasi
2001,has
with the first pupils admitted in 2004. It is maintained by
marked a decisive act of religious demarcation: Ravidassis, who
the sgrjapct. Currently the ssdms provides classes from nursery
to 12th
for so long have shared many aspects of the Sikh universe, now standard, using the cbse (Central Board of Secondary
look towards Varanasi rather than Amritsar as the spiritual
Education, New Delhi) syllabus. The total investment in the
centre of the community. school is nearly Rs 30 million, and its annual budget is Rs 6 mil
Whereas the creation of the mandir has been a necessary
lion.
act Its
in infrastructure consists of 36 rooms, an assembly hall, a
creating new religious boundaries, efforts directed at community
computer lab, library, exhibition hall and utility rooms and it em
ploys 50 teachers for 800 students. The school also operates
development also underpin this drive, though their immediate
objective is to demonstrate Ravidassi achievement. Thusbuses
one to
of collect pupils from their homes.
the flagship projects of the dsb has been the Sant Sarwan Dassthe hospital, dsb administrators regularly evaluate the
Like
Charitable Hospital at Adda Kathar in the district of Jalandhar.
school's record in providing access to poor sections of the com
This hospital dates from 1982 when, to commemorate the munity.
memory They believe that the performance of the pupils is com
of Sant Sarwan Dass, a small dispensary was established parable
on land to other private schools in the state. However teachers
donated by two local devotees. Initially the dispensary was that they have struggled with motivating pupils to learn
reported
the English
expanded to an eight-bed hospital, but following fundraising in language (the main medium in the school) and feel
the UK from the 1980s onwards, a new hospital was opened in
that, despite their best efforts and the aim of the school to impart
February 1992. Since then there has been both continuous expaneducation to children from poor families, the students
quality
sion of its buildings and the provision of new equipment,suffer
such asbecause they come from an impoverished learning envi
an auto-analyser for the laboratory, and an ultra scanningronment
system at home (interviews with ssdms, 2 September 2009).
and cardiac monitors for critical heart patients. A us follower
Overall, the reach and limited numbers of pupils at this school
donated an x-ray machine and an ambulance was giftedmeans
by the
that it is unlikely to make a significant dent in the prevail
Ravidass congregation in Wolverhampton, uk. ing lack of educational opportunities for disadvantaged pupils.
As its
Since opening, the hospital has become one of the major senior administrator observed:
pro
viders of healthcare in the region, with three operating theatres
We don t claim to be able to reduce poverty or to have a great impact
and a capacity of 150 beds. It now has departments of medicine,
on development. Our contribution is small but whatever we can do,
we are trying our best to do it. It's better than nothing! (Interview,
dentistry, orthopaedics, eye, gynaecology, paediatrics, emergency
31 August 2009, Jalandhar).
and an intensive care unit with over a dozen doctors in attendance.
The of
It has more than 100 employees and a current annual outlay ssdms operates a graded fee structure for poor pupils:
Rs 15 million. Its monthly operating costs are Rs 1.2 million, of
only a quarter of pupils pay full fees, others get some concessions
which only about 75% are covered by patients' fees, with and
the nearly
rest one in eight has free education. The fee structure of
being met from public donations to the dsb. According to this
a senior
school is significantly lower than that of nearby schools affili
ated to
administrator, charges for medical services are determined bythe cbse. In addition, a number of pupils have been
adopted
the ability of the users to pay and the principle that running by patrons from India or abroad, who pay a lump sum to
costs
should not rely solely on donations. the Trust and in return receive progress reports on their adopted
pupils. Fee concessions are independent of caste membership:
At dsb's hospitals fees are nominal compared to those prevailing in the
during 2008-09 academic year, 21 students from scs and two
market. For instance, an operation that costs Rs 5,000 in this hospital
from "upper castes" were given 100% concession, while three
may cost Rs 10,000 at Hoshiarpur, perhaps Rs 25,000 in Jalandhar,
scs, 54 obcs and 26 "upper-caste" pupils received 40% reduction
and even more in Ludhiana. The Trust normally keeps the hospital
charges about half the rates than those in the market. In some in
case it is(interview, 2 September 2009, Phagwara).
fees
just one third or even less. The idea is to benefit the people (interview,
The final project that we examined was the Sant Sarwan Dass
31 August 2009, Adda Kathar).
Charitable Eye Hospital (ssdceh) at Ballan. This project has been
funded
Admission to the hospital is open to all irrespective of caste orby one overseas donor (see above) who has become one
social background. Patients surveyed during the study included
of the biggest donors to the dsb. A native of Ballan, he and his
Sikh Jats, scs, Hindus, obcs and Christians. Such religious/caste
family have had a long association with Sant Sarwan Dass, whose
diversity was confirmed by the doctors, one of whom commented
blessing he received when he decided to migrate in 1962 and, as a
that about half of the patients come from the scs, with the rest
consequence, feels an obligation towards the dssdb. As his wife
explained
from other social groups (interview, 31 August 2009). Patients gener in an interview:
ally laud the quality of the services, with one commenting Our"It's
wealth is due to Sant Sarwan Dass Ji's blessing! When my husband
not a question of money; if I come here it is in order to getdecided
good to go to England, he asked Sant Sarwan Dass Ji to bless him. At
that time, Sant Sarwan Dass used to encourage many of his disciples to
health services" (interview, 31 August 2009, Adda Kathar).
go abroad. But in the case of my husband Sant Ji refused and only after
As well as the hospital, the dsb runs the Sant Sarwan Dass
asking for the third time, Sant Ji acceded to my husband's request. Then
Model School (ssdms) in Phagwara. The ssdms is adjacent
Santto
ji told my husband not to accept factory work.... So only after four
the Shri Guru Ravidass Mandir, a three storey building which
months, my husband found a job with a Jat property dealer. After
working there for two years, my husband established his own business. their contribution, this pride is most evident among overseas
Now we own fifteen houses in England. Our success is due to the grace of Ravidassis on the basis of whose support the dsb has become
Sant Sarwan Dass Ji and that's the reason we are donating as much to
an icon of communal progress, the undisputed leader of the
the Dera. Without sant's blessing, we could never dream of having such a
Ravidass Dharm.
wealthy life! (interview, 12 June 2007, Ballan).
Assessment
This hospital became operational on 15 February 2007 and is
well equipped to deal with various kinds of eye ailments, with a For many subaltern groups in India, especially low caste g
yag laser and photo emulsification machine and other facilities. At new distinct religious identity is a necessary precondition fo
the time of the research, over 200 patients of all social backgrounds equality and recognition. Yet this choice is especially oner
were being seen every day and several operations performed. The groups at the boundaries of the main traditions, who have
senior administrator of the hospital observed: "even people from pete not only with these traditions but who also often l
abroad get operated on in our hospital, as operations are under resources or support for their enterprise. Seen in this light,
taken at nominal rate" (interview, 31 August 2009, Jalandhar). is an exceptional example of an organisation that has sk
drawn on transnational networks to create a distinctive re
A Sense of Achievement
identity separate from Sikhism. Two factors have been ce
While a complex array of motives and considerations determines
this exercise: the piecemeal differentiation from mains
the actions of donors, for dsb administrators and its Sikhism
leading through the nurturing of the cult of Ravidass - a
followers, these projects are not primarily a means to improve
accelerated by the Vienna incident - and the self-confidenc
the living standard of the Chamar inhabitants of the Doaba
dsb, re
which derives from its leadership of development p
gion. Admission policies reveal that patients at the hospital
Theseandhave intersected in a dramatic way to launch the R
pupils enrolled at the ssdms belong to all sections of society.
Dharm, a final parting of the ways between Ravidassis and Si
Each dsb-run organisation attempts to fulfil the ideal of being a own discourse, the dsb projects itself as the author
In its
high quality charitable organisation. As one of the doctors at
repository of the vision of Ravidass which historically
ssdch commented: within a plural Sikh universe. But since the Singh Sabha
In Punjab, there are many charitable hospitals, which are charitable movement of the late 19th century, it is claimed that the a
of a Khalsa identity as the Sikh identity has increasingly
just in name. If you look at their fee structures, you realise that they
are not charitable at all (interview, 30 August 2009, Jalandhar). alised the spaces for traditions such as that represented
The same observation holds in the field of education. As onefollowers
of of Ravidass. When this has been combined with the
the teachers noted: dismal failure of major Sikh institutions - such as the Shiromani
There are lot of differences between that school (ssdms) and the ones Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee - to meaningfully accommo
I was working for before. I think that these other private schools, date the mission of the dsb and socially open up Sikhism to effec
whether they claim to be charitable or not, are just like commercial tive democratisation, such movements have been left with little
shops where the individual interest of the chairman is the only aim. alternative but to pursue the path of religious differentiation.
They are just in it to earn money. But here it's not so. Here the aim is
This choice, the dsb leadership insists, was not strategic: rather it
totally different. Here the aim is to give education to poor families,
was a consequence of the refusal by mainstream Sikhism to
who belong to any castes (interview, 2 September 2009, Phagwara).
accommodate the difference of its followers. Speaking before his
Despite the undoubted achievements of the service providing death, Sant Ramanand was very clear about this:
organisations, it needs to be recognised that their total impact on
There is no difference between our religion and Sikhism. Actually, the
the welfare of the most deprived sections of the scs in the Doaba bani of Guru Ravidass Ji is in the Guru Granth Sahib and we are fol
region is probably very limited. If this, indeed, is the case, then lowing all the teachings, which are in this sacred book. However, upper
we need to ask why these projects have been undertaken at all. castes Sikhs have always denied the right of the Ravidassis to become
members of the managing committees of their gurdwaras. This is the
In reality, the dsb projects do not merely provide services to
reason why Ravidassis have started to build their own institution. By
their devotees and the poor: rather they demonstrate a sense of
restoring the prestige of Guru Ravidass and by leading prominent devel
achievement to other social groups and castes. Thus Ravidassi opmental institutions, this dera is providing to its followers a new source
community leaders now provide services to Jats, who are patients of pride. This dera is thus asserting the capacity of the Ravidassis to lead
in their hospitals and students in their schools, if not dependent as impressive institutions as the Jat Sikhs. In this sense, it contributes to
upon them - a neat reversal of the roles which Ravidassis redefining the Ravidassi identity in a positive way (interview, 16 July
2007, Ballan, emphasis added).
and other scs have had to endure for centuries. This reversal of
social status is an essential outcome of Ravidassi efforts to secure In this process of differentiation, the sants of the dsb have
social recognition through achievement, because these institu gradually adopted a new set of rituals and beliefs, based on their
tions are both symbols of equality in a caste-ridden society and sampradaya and the teaching of Ravidass. These differentiate their
distinctive markers of communal success. They have helped to organisation from mainstream Sikhism, with the intention of de
instil among the Ravidassis a new social confidence which cele fining more sharply the ambiguous boundaries between Sikhism
brates their achievements in leading and effectively managing and Ravidass Dharm in ways that make the selective appropria
social development projects, as well as a deep sense of personal tion of the message of Ravidass by mainstream Sikhism much
and collective pride in their Ravidassi identity. Naturally, givenmore problematic. This strategy of de-Sikhisation is therefore a
Economic & Political weekly rzm January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 59
conscious effort to strengthen the claim for a separate cultural

effect, instilling a sense of self-respect through the remittance of
new ideas and social investment in major institutions which can
and religious heritage. Although the new religious conventions
become
still share much with Sikh religious ceremonies, there is a dis symbols for challenging their subordination in their
home and host lands. In this way marginalised groups can gain
tinctive feeling among followers that they are part of a separate
religious tradition, the Ravidass Dharm. community pride and overcome an historic sense of inequality. In
Finally, it is unlikely that these developments would
thehave
case of the dsb, transnational links have provided the organi
occurred in the way that they have without the impact sation
of tranand its followers with the moral and social courage to
snational networks. The efforts of the dsb to use these networks challenge the culture of exploitation and subordination perva
sive in high and low caste relations among fellow Punjabis. In a
to promote social equality, dignity and social mobility illustrate
that for marginalised social groups from the south, transnational
deeply hierarchical society, this is the first serious step towards
connections have a significant "liberating" and empowering
genuine social equality.
NOTES
Klausen, Jytte (2005): The Islamic Challenge: Politics Punjab", Journal of Punjab Studies, 16.1:1-34.
1 The dera is also referred to as Dera Sant Sarwan and Religion in Western Europe (Oxford: Oxford Saggar, Shamit (2009): Pariah Politics: Understanding
Dass, Ballan (DSSDB). University Press). Western Radical Islamism and What Should Be
Levitt, Peggy (2001): "Transnational Migration: Taking Done (Oxford: Oxford University Press).
2 These groups are not adequately captured by the
Stock and Future Directions", Global Networks, Schallar, Jospeh (1996): "Sanskritization, Caste Up
growing literature on the remittances of migrants
or transnational activism. For a discussion of the 1.3:195-216. lift, and Social Dissidence in Sant Ravidas Panth"
literature on migration and remittances, see World - (2003): "You Know, Abraham Was Really the First in David N Lorenzen (ed.), Bhakti Religion in
Bank (2006). The groups also need to be distin Immigrant: Religion and Transnational Migration", North India: Community, Identity and Political
guished from activist groups, such as Anti-Caste International Migration Review, 37.3: 847-73. Action (New Delhi: Manohar).
Discrimination Alliance (UK) or Caste Watch, which Lum, Kathryn (2010): "The Ravidassia Community and Simon, C (2010): "Dera Sant Sarwan Dass of Ballan:
espouse transnational causes but are not engaged Identity(ies) in Catalonia, Spain", Sikh Forma Invention of New Form of Community Assertion
in the business of institution building. For an tions: Religion, Culture and Theory, 6.1: 31-49. Experienced and Perceived as an Individual
insight into religious philanthropy in Punjab, see Mazzucato, Valentina (2005): "The Study of Transna Quest", Sikh Formations, 6(1), 61-62.
Dusenbery and Tatla (2009). tional Migration: Reflections on a Simultaneous Singh, Gurharpal and Darshan Singh Tatla (2006):
3 For a discussion of the importance of Ravidass to Matched Sample Methodology", Paper presented The Sikhs in Britain: The Making of a Community
the recent imagining of Ravidassi identity, see at the SSRC, ESRC, and IOM-OM conference on (London: Zed Books).
Ram (2010). "Migration and Development within and Across Singh, Gurharpal, Charlene Simon and Darshan
4 Space precludes a more detailed discussion of the Boarders" held at the Century Association, New Singh Tatla (2010): New Forms of Religious Tran
contribution of such experience to the remittance York, 17-19 November, 1-32. snationalism Initiatives: A Case Study of Dera
of ideas. Suffice it to say that many of the individ McLeod, Hugh (1986): Punjabis in New Zealand: A Sant Sarwan Dass, Ballan, Punjab, Religions and
uals interviewed had successful professional History of Punjabi Migration, 1890-1940 (Amritsar: Development Research Programme, Birming
careers; engaged in community building through Guru Nanak Dev University Press). ham, Working Paper.
civic, national and internal action; and, perhaps Modood, Tariq (2005): Multicultural Politics: Racism, Talyor, Steve, Manjit Singh and Deborah Booth
most important of all, knew how to raise resources Ethnicity and Muslims in Britain (Edinburgh: (2007): "Migration, Development and Inequality:
from public and non-public sector organisations. Edinburgh University Press). Eastern Punjabi Transnationalism", Global Net
Portes, Alejandro, Louise Guarnizo and Patricia Landlot works, 7.3: 328-47.
(1999): "Introduction: Pitfalls and Promises of Vertovec, Steve (2009): Transnationalism (Oxford:
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6o January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i EE222 Economic & Political weekly
Social Constructions of Religiosity and Corru
VINOD PAVARALA, KANCHAN K MALIK
Religion coexists with what may be described as a

liberalised, cosmopolitan and global outlook among different things to different people. However, there is no
Notionsdenying
of "religiosity" varyrolegreatly
that religion plays an important in the and religion means
Indians and remains an indispensable part of the cultural
everyday lives of people in India, both inside the home and in the
ethos and social fabric of Indian society. However, public domain. It is also looked upon as a potent tool for promot
interpretations of both religion and corruption are ing moral and ethical conduct and for inculcating discipline in
extremely diverse. Notwithstanding the existence of the lives of individuals. In countries where religion plays a vital
role in the lives of most people, it has often been assumed that
deep-seated faith with strong moral values, religion is
many persons, including public servants, derive their ethical
not seen as contributing to the moral or spiritual fabric of
framework from their religion. Faith does indeed provide many
the nation in present times, while corruption is regardedwith a language of ethics and, often, an actual "list" of rules to
as pervasive. Very few of the respondents canvassed in live by, some of which can be interpreted as being of particular
importance in fighting corruption.
this study thought that we should count on religion to
In India, neither the prevalence of corruption nor anxieties
make a difference in people's general attitudes towards over it are new. A number of public officials, politicians, corpo
corruption. Respondents indicated that their confidencerate executives and so-called spiritual leaders - amongst others
in the accountability of religious organisations is low, - implicated in corruption scams and scandals continue to make
regular headlines, even as we approach the 65th year of our inde
and it is therefore problematic to assume that religious
pendence. Corruption is a taken-for-granted reality, and one with
organisations are likely to be either appropriate or a strong multi-sector presence in India. One cannot help but em
effective vehicles forfighting corruption. In fact, pathise with the views of the former Central Vigilance Commis
religion is looked upon as a discredited entity by many, sioner of India, N Vittal (2003: cover page) that the average Indian
citizen "cannot go to any public organisation or office today and
largely due to a sense of popular disillusionment with
get the services which they are supposed to get without either
its "caretakers".
paying [a] bribe or bringing influence by way of recommenda
tions or references from vips".
Academic scholarship on the issue of corruption draws on

theory from economics, public administration, and political science.
Such approaches have produced a materialistic understanding of
corruption, resulting in a focus on issues of good (or bad) govern
ance, bureaucratic (inefficiency in postcolonial state formations,
political scandals that erupt from the politics-business nexus,
and rent-seeking behaviours. Although such understanding may
prove to be a basis for policy formulation, it does not adequately
capture the complexity of the field beyond paying lip service to
how cultural factors embodied in religion, morality, ethics, and
notions of modernity and tradition determine the nature, con
tent, and context of corruption.
This paper seeks to address this oversight. It explores the
hitherto uncharted relationship between religion and corruption,
before examining related concepts of morality, ethics, modernity
and tradition. The idea is that corruption cannot be understood
as a purely political and economic phenomenon; nor is religion
merely a set of textual tenets, but is rather a "lived reality" embo
Vinod Pavarala (vpavarala@gmail.com) and Kanchan K Malik teach died in social and cultural practices. We explore the terrain of beliefs,
at the department of communications, University of Hyderabad,
ideas, and meanings embedded in constructions of "religiosity"
Hyderabad.
and "corruption" in order to understand socially constructed
Economic & Political weekly 0253 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 6i
Broad/moralistic definitions, on the other hand, include

realities, as well as locally contingent and emergent meanings
when people categorise themselves as "being religious" or others
aspects identified by the law as corruption, but often go beyond a
as "being corrupt". We seek to understand the influences that
legalistic view, articulating an abstract, amorphous morality.
shape the value systems of people, to assess the extent to list
They which
a large number of acts under the category of corruption:
gift-giving,
the patterns of thought and behaviour of our respondents are un nepotism, cheating, fraud, lying, lobbying, and
adulteration
derwritten by religion and to what extent non-religious factors of food. Some definitions even include "intellectual
shape their personal and professional codes of practice,corruption",

and to as "corruption of the soul" and "moral corruption".
certain whether people believe that religion can play anyHeidenheimer
role in et al (1989) have organised definitions of
promoting more ethical conduct in public life. corruption available in the social science literature around three
basic models: "public-interest-centred", "public-office-centred"
Religious Values and Corruption in India and "market-centred" (see also, Pavarala 1996; Sandholtz and
The recurrent theme in the literature on religion andKoetzle
morality,
1998; Amundsen 2000). Sangita (2000: 91), for example,
and specifically in Hindu thought, is the concept of dharma,
providescom
a definition of corruption concerning public interest:
monly translated as "duty" and "righteousness". Its significance
"public-interest centred definition stresses the violation of com
resides in texts that prescribe a moral course of actionmon
andinterest
a code that provides direct or indirect benefits to the public
of conduct that advances an idealistic prescription for how one
officials." Guhans and Samuel (1997), in summing up a critique of
definitions
should lead one's life. The most widely cited text that offers that tend to be either too broad or indeterminate
Hindu perspectives on dharma is the Bhagavad Gita, (misuse,
a dialogue
violation), or too narrow (bribery), stress the need for
between Lord Krishna and Arjuna in the Mahabharata,
anthe great rather than an abstract definition.
operational
Indian epic. Manusmriti, Arthashastra, Rajatarangini, These
and Har
classification schemes may be helpful in sorting out an
shacharita are some other examples of ancient Indian works
often confusing variety of activities considered by many to be
which give insights on the history of corruption (Johncorrupt,
2000: 61).
but they tend to impose an order on things that may
According to McGregor (1973: 70), "dharma tells usinherently
what ourbe less orderly in real life. As a consequence, classifi
duties are, both social and religious. It tells us what vices
cation to
schemes are likely to have limited value in comparative
avoid, mainly those flowing from Kama (lust), Lobha (covetous
and cross-cultural comparisons (Pavarala 1996). Understanding
ness) and Krodha (anger)". Thus dharma, as expressed of
in corrupt
religionbehaviour needs to be culture-specific, as practices
or religious texts, becomes a code of conduct to be followed in
that one society may disapprove of and label as corruption may
routine actions by human beings. Sheth (1995) drawsbeupon
considered
the acceptable in a different sociocultural context
(Sandholtz
Bhagavad Gita to offer a similar definition. According to thisand Koetzle 1998).
source, whenever dharma (collective behaviour guided by
values) is in jeopardy and society is dominated by Findings
adharmafrom the Fieldwork
(violation of values), there is a human incarnation of This
a god whofocused on two religions - Sikhism and Hinduism -
study
comes to the rescue.1 chosen partly because of the research team's cultural and linguis
There has been a reasonable amount of research and theorising
tic familiarity with these traditions, and partly because of the na
on corruption in India and this has produced several definitions,
ture and scale of influence these religions exert in Punjab and
explanations, taxonomies and typologies for public discourse around
Andhra Pradesh. Research was carried out at Amritsar, a major
the problem. Given the nature of corruption, there is city
rarely any
in northern Punjab and home to the Golden Temple, Sikhism's
agreement concerning the concept - except, perhaps, with regard
holiest shrine; Chandigarh, the capital of the region; and finally,
to bribery - and the interpretations of corruption tend toHyderabad,
vary withthe capital city of Andhra Pradesh in southern India.
specific social contexts and archetypical knowledge. While schol in-depth interviews and 11 focus group discussions
Thirty-nine
ars seek to provide a working, "universal" definition of were
corruption,
conducted with a total of 120 representatives from a variety
our literature review suggests that we are unlikely to find a defini
of social groups, including the media, bureaucracy, academia, the
tion that is universally applicable across and between cultures.
corporate world, development organisations, youth/students, and
In his study of a variety of definitions given by the elites from
religious associations. The majority of our respondents were, thus,
the state of Andhra Pradesh in India, Pavarala (1996) demon
urban, English-speaking, and to an extent, cosmopolitan. In this
strated that corruption is "indeed a site for contested meaning".
paper, the views of the respondents of both religions in general,
Narrow/legalistic definitions list a limited number of acts under
and their own religiosity are presented first, followed by their
the category of corruption and approximate the definition of cor of corruption and their perceptions of how their
conceptions
ruption as established by the law. While these definitions are are shaped. Before concluding the paper, the views
ethical codes
mainly a simplistic reflection of existing legal provisions,
of the more
respondents about the potential for religion to be harnessed
commonly they are an expression of the spirit of the law, and areto reduce corruption are summarised.
in attempts
therefore fundamentally legalistic. Although legal codes are usu
On Being
ally products of complex negotiations among dominant 'Religious'
elites
over issues of morality and moral boundaries, narrow/legalistic
Not a single respondent among those we interviewed or held dis
definitions are often expressed in language that is instrumental,
cussions with claimed to be an "atheist", although a majority said
rational and even amoral. they were not religious in any "dogmatic", or "narrow" way. One
62
January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i ESQ Economic & Political weekly
interviewee, an anthropologist and a public servant, claimed, "I bureaucrats, corporate executives, media persons and
Hindu
academics from Hyderabad were also liberal in terms of their
have never really been a religious-minded person" as he "challenges
the opinions, beliefs and ideas propagated by religion and analyses
interpretation of religiosity and wanted to be identified as going
them very critically". However, he clarified, "I am an agnostic;
beyond the ritualistic aspect of religion. They regarded religion as
I'm not atheistic". Our interaction with representatives from dif reality not limited by "rules which define a particular reli
a higher
ferent social groups (both Sikhs and Hindus) revealed considera
gion". A dynamic woman civil servant was quick to confess that,
ble diversity in the interpretation of "religiosity", as wellalthough
as "be she believed in "prayer", she was a "quintessential cos
ing religious". Professionals such as bureaucrats, corporate exec
mopolitan", and did not take going to temple regularly as "being
utives, media persons, and academics wanted to be categorised
religious": "I go there because it is a place which has a particular
as "partly" or "moderately" religious (which they did not think in I could find the same energy in a mosque or a church. ...It
energy.
any way meant being "less" religious), as they are not particularly
is not as though I must go there. It is not a dogma." A young pro
ritualistic in their outlook. Still others in the same categories em of an it company in Hyderabad was clear that religion is
prietor
phasised the spiritual and values dimensions of religion. Those
aboutinrealising oneself and not about rituals. In the long course of
the development sector insisted that it is only by the "practice" of he suggested, people have forgotten the real meaning of
history,
teachings that one justifies a claim that one is religious. Respond
religion and mistake the rituals that they practise for religion.
ents who are traditional business people were emphatic in Some
high or the bureaucrats and several corporate executives, in
lighting the importance of both the ritualistic and symbolic both
as well
Punjab and Andhra Pradesh, also regarded religiosity per se
as the values and ethical characteristics of religion and made no
as relatively unimportant, while emphasising the need to be "spir
bones about defining the role that religion plays in their lives.
itual"The
and follow the underlying philosophy and values professed
responses from among the youth and students on professional
by religion. A former chief secretary of the government, in his late
courses were wide-ranging and many of their interpretations
70s, stated that he did not have any faith in rituals or what he
reflected one or the other of the four viewpoints mentioned called
here. "superstitions". For him, every religion has a spiritual basis,
leading him to prefer to follow the teachings of those gurus who
Religious vs Ritualistic were, in his opinion, "mystics of the highest order". Religion for
A majority among the bureaucrats, young corporate executives,
him was a thing of personal faith and spirituality.
media persons, and academics preferred not to be categorised as
Similarly, an ias officer and a managing director of a public
"very" religious, at least if a "strictly" ritualistic sense of the term
sector company in Hyderabad did not equate religion with ritual
were adopted. Sikh respondents indicated that they may
ism,not
saying "I don't run from temple to temple and perform all
strictly follow some religious practices, such as visiting the gurd ceremonies". In addition, he claimed to believe in what
religious
wara regularly, reciting the holy scriptures, baptism, and he
wearing
called "humanitarian religion, where one human being is not
of religious symbols. Among Hindus, rituals like templepitted
attendagainst another in the name of religion", a view that was
ance, fasting on holy days, doing pujas (special prayers), going onby a radio producer from the state-controlled All India
echoed
pilgrimage, and wearing of bottu (vermilion) on the forehead
Radio, Hyderabad, who was of the opinion that: "We must be reli
were suggestive of a person's religious inclination. gious in a very broad sense. Religion interests me in a cultural
Although it was evident from the appearance of manysense,
of thebasically as a thing which defines the way people behave
Sikh respondents that a majority displayed the prescribed and
symbols
live. In India culture and religion are not separate things."
of their religion, clearly many felt that this was not enoughThe
to be
development workers interviewed largely attributed their
called religious. As one bureaucrat who is the managing director
inspiration to work in the social sector to have come from religion
of a public sector company claimed, "I am religious by appearance
and its teachings. As a doctor by profession and social worker by
because we have some [overt] symbols, and so I display thosethe woman president of an internationally acclaimed home
choice,
symbols". But he did not want to be categorised as "stringently"
for the destitute called her institution "a laboratory of the teachings of
religious, as he felt that his actions are not guided by ritualism. He Granth Sahib". The main thing in the book, she asserted, is
the Guru
claimed instead to be religious to the extent that he consistently
to work for the well-being of all creatures - Sarbat-da-bhala. She
follows "the basic tenets of every religion - humility, service to rituals to be important because if one does not go to the
thought
humanity, and welfare of the needy and downtrodden". gurdwara, it would be difficult to know what the gurus have writ
A Sikh media person who considered himself religious said
ten,that
but, she argued, if one only follows ritual and forgets ethics, it
"at the very crux of it, it means accepting and trying to understand
is of no use: "Do not just chant wahe-guru wahe-guru [the name of
certain core values of religion as a part of your life and atGod];
a very
act according to the written rules and follow ethics".
superficial level it means adhering to the various symbols". A public
A physician and social worker in a renowned medical centre in
servant and president of a trade association in Punjab suggested
Punjab believed that his values come from his religion, and as
that there are two types of religious Sikhs: first, the person who
serted that Sikhism was unique in many ways -
looks Sikh, i e, is externally religious (by way of dressing), and sec
the tenth guru gave us the tag 'Khalsa' and he gave us this form, he
ond, the person who follows the path set by the gurus. The second,
gave us this particular appearance. So, he said that with this appear
he asserted, is more important, but he also emphasised the need to
ance you can't hide anywhere and every Sikh is the messenger of the
be a Sikh of the first kind, as outward symbols, in his view, inculcate
Almighty - that itself alters your behaviour and everything, in per
sonal and official life.
the discipline of learning about and understanding the religion.
Economic & Political weekly may* January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 63
Interviews with some young managers working at different

Andhra Pradesh. Borrowing from Pavarala (1996:60), the defini
levels in international ngos in Hyderabad confirmed our and interpretations that shape our respondents' under
tions
standing of corruption are grouped into two general categories:
observation that those working in the social sector derive practical
guidance in their lives from religion, underlining that narrow,
religion or legalistic, and broader and more moralistic, which, as
must be reflected in the way people live their lives and Pavarala
not just recommends, should be seen more as "definitional ten
praying to God: "We need to be good citizens and help others".
dencies" than fixed categories. As noted above, there is a certain
A total identification with religion and the Guru's bard amount
(words) of ambiguity in what people consider to be "corrupt", as
or god by two of the traditional businessmen interviewed in by these definitions, which suggest that a community
illustrated
of shared meanings is unlikely to exist. The wide range of reac
Amritsar and Hyderabad stood in striking contrast to the moderate
tions
stance that we have discussed so far. These respondents were that our interviews and discussions elicited confirm this,
out
revealing
spoken concerning their faith in god, the religious scriptures, and what Pavarala (1996:53) describes as fluidity in mark
rituals, which they considered to form an indispensable part ing the boundary between corrupt and non-corrupt acts and con
of their
personal and community lives. Although they claimed that being his contention that the concept of corruption is "fixed
firming
religious had nothing to do with business as such, we might inferin time nor space; rather, it evolves".
neither
that such a close identification with religion might also have been
necessary in order to build up an image of good conduct'Narrow'
among and 'Legalistic' Definitions
members of the society and their credibility among customers.
In this study, almost three-quarters of the bureaucrats, two-thirds
of busi
The first businessman, a senior citizen with a flourishing the corporate executives, nearly half of the academicians/
ness in the central market of Amritsar, declared unequivocally:
media persons and two development workers offered some form
"Of course, I am religious, with God's grace!" He asserted that he
of a narrow legalistic definition. The young students and profes
sionals
was religious and that his faith brought meaning to his life. The also came up with legalistic definitions, but an equal
businessman we interviewed in Hyderabad was equally positive
number defined corruption within a broad, moralistic idiom.
about the influence of religion in his life: Among those who gave a narrow legalistic definition of corrup
tion, the vast majority identified acts that involve "monetary
I am very religious and I frequent temples very often. I have faith in
exchanges" as "corrupt". Bribery, misuse of office, and misappro
God. I don't need a philosophy to believe in God. I like to be absorbed
priation
in rituals. Religious beliefs are totally a part of me -1 go to temples for of public funds and donations were the most frequently
citedand
satisfaction, nothing linked to business. It makes me feel happy examples of corruption. These respondents were also of the
peaceful towards life. view that corruption involves the use of public office for private
gain and is in violation of the public interest. However, it was
Different Meanings interesting that none of those who gave a narrow/legalistic defi
Among the youth, young Sikh women were "okay" with not being
nition identified gift-giving, adultery or nepotism as a form of
corruption
"too religious". They seemed to think of themselves as religious, but (Table 1).
there was clear discomfort with some of the restrictions that reli
Table 1: Social Groups That Offered a Narrow/Legalistic Definition
gion imposes: "I am religious, but I do not compromise on my looks.
Social I Offered a Narrow/Legalistic Definition
Groups That Examples of Corrupt Acts Cited by Them
like cutting [my hair]. And I like Western outfits, although,Bureaucrats

my par (75%) Bribe (monetary exchange)
Corporate executives (60%) Use of substandard material
ents are very much against it. This does not make me less religious."
in construction
In contrast, young professionals from management and engineer
Academics/media persons (50%) Misuse of discretionary powers
ing departments in a higher education institution in Punjab were
Youth (50%) Siphoning off money
quoting verbatim from the book and flaunting their grasp of the
Development workers (30%)
essence of the Sikh religion. However, even they were sceptical about
the practicability of some religious teachings in their personal
All and
the respondents were asked to define/explain what for them
professional lives: "Many people think I don't go to Gurdwara, so I to corruption. As is clear from the samples of definitional
amounts
statements
am not religious. As students of technology, we have such busy sched given below, these individual responses relate to the
ules and no time to go to Gurdwara. But, I have wahe-gum professional
[God] in social roles of individuals and do not include activi
my heart and that is more important than going to Gurdwaras."
ties within the private realm of life, such as the family:
In Hyderabad, the youth tended to endorse spiritual interpre
(l) In public office, corruption is when you are demanding
tations of religion. Both young men and young women favoured
something from somebody or pressurising the other person to
universalist and supposedly more "progressive" or individualistic
make payment before his or her routine job is done (A senior Sikh
interpretations of "being religious": "For me, religion is for doing
bureaucrat and head of a public sector enterprise in Chandigarh).
(2) Supposing
good things. It just shows you the path for good things. Every re I have to get a birth certificate made, I have
ligion is [the] same to me". to make 10 rounds [visits] for it. This is corruption. When a
medical representative from a pharmaceutical company asks a
Definitions and Perceptions of Corruption doctor to prescribe drugs manufactured by their company for
In this section, we focus attention on the different ways in which
two or three years and in return they give him/her a car or a
the problem of corruption is constructed by members sponsored
of the trip abroad, (this is corruption) (A middle-aged Sikh
various social groups with which we interacted in Punjab and
public servant).
64 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i E323 Economic & Political weekly
(3) In the engineering field, there is cheating in qualitytheir

of con
view, gift-giving, nepotism, womanising, tipping and dowry
struction work by contractors to make profit (A 40-year old to corruption. In addition, some more unusual types
all amount
woman engineer of the Government ofAndhra Pradesh). include "psychic corruption" and "moral corruption".
There
(4) Basically, giving a person a favour s/he is not entitled to, orwas a general feeling among the respondents that per
disfavouring somebody using your discretionary power for
sonal
your
agendas have taken over from the public good. Today, it is
self-interest - that is corruption (Woman bureaucrat, Greater
claimed, people proudly admit how much they get as a bribe.
Hyderabad Municipal Corporation). Some blamed the non-implementation of strict rules and laws for
corruption.
(5) Although I am a god-fearing person conducting my busi One would expect bureaucrats to advance more
restrictive
ness honestly, I gave five lakh rupees for admission of my daugh and legalistic definitions of corruption because they
are it
ter because they were demanded from me -1 had to arrange steeped
by in the norms of public office. However, as noted
hook or crook (A Sikh businessman in Amritsar). above, although not representative of all bureaucrats among the
(6) Anything which is not legitimate, offering to get respondents,
certain some in this category favoured broad/moralistic
things done by taking money, taking a favour is corruption.
definitions (Table 2), of which a selection is given below:
(i) It
Something that is damaging for the system, for the taxpayers andmeans gratification of one's needs. It can be a physical
ultimately for our work culture (Director of hr in an it company
need, womanising or illegal gratification of any kind - bribery. It
in Hyderabad). includes gratification, in all senses of the word - physical, mate
rial,off
(7) I think there are two things, one is, you are siphoning tangible, intangible and all (A senior civil servant, Govern
the money meant for welfare and secondly, you are not
ment per
ofAndhra Pradesh).
forming your duty sincerely (A Sikh 30-year old woman lecturer
(2) Corruption essentially is when you give something and get
from Punjab). a favour in return. But there is also moral corruption (A female
(8) If you want to gain more than what you are entitled to
bureaucrat, Andhra Pradesh).
legally, it is corruption (A media person from Hyderabad). Table 2: Social Groups That Offered a Broad/Moralistic Definition
(9) The private auto fellows in my village have goneSocialto the
Groups That Offered a Broad/Moralistic Definition Examples of Corrupt Acts Cited by Them
depot manager of rtc (Road Transport Corporation) andBureaucrats

asked (25%) Not dispensing your duty
him to reduce the bus service as it is affecting their livelihood.

CorporateHe
executives (40%) Nepotism/favouritism
agreed to reduce the bus service by 50% if they can pay him
Academics/media persons (50%) Flirting
Rs 3,000 a month. It was done (Head of Legal Affairs withYouth (50%)

an ngo Tipping
Development workers (70%) Corporate corruption
in Hyderabad).
Womanising/sexual favours
Other acts which were considered to be corrupt by both the
Defamation
Sikh and the Hindu youth, represented by young college and uni
Exploiting the helpless
versity students from diverse educational and family back
Bias based on looks/caste/religion
grounds, include:
Dowry
(io) Bribing to get even registration of birth done or to get a Fake certificates for admission
death certificate - you have to bribe the panchayat. Bribing god
(n) When you are driving and do not have your vehicle papers
or your helmet, instead of giving fine on a chalari (.ticket)
(3) Itof
is the total destruction of the administrative system,
Rs 500, you can give Rs 50 to the cop and escape. justice, ethics (A retired Sikh civil servant).
(i2) I wanted to have a licence, so we went to the Road Trans
(4) Corruption is - when one's thought is corrupt. In Punjab,
port Organisation office and wrote a test that one has to write
people proudly admit how much they get as bribe. And people
before you get your licence. The person there failed me who
anddo
the
not accept such money are said to have "khushki" [some
second time I went, he demanded I give him Rs 500 and disease]
he will (A middle-aged public servant from Punjab).
get me the licence. (5) Corruption is when you do not do your duty. Like, in my
profession
(i3) To give a bona fide certificate, the office superintendent in at the health centre, if someone comes to me with a
the college office is asking us for money - even if it is justprescription,
Rs 5-10 and I am continuing to chat on the mobile phone,
- we have to pay. ignoring my job, this is corruption (A middle-aged public servant
from Punjab working in a Primary Health Centre).
Broad/Moralistic Definitions
(6) If I use my official vehicle outside of the office, it is corrup
tion.
Broad/moralistic definitions include aspects identified by theIf law
I use my position to do some favour to a relative or a
as corruption, but go beyond a legalistic view, articulating an
friend, which is also corruption (Bureaucrat in a central govern
ment
abstract, amorphous morality, and listing a large number of service
acts in Andhra Pradesh).
as corrupt. (7) Corruption may be of the psyche, of the mind, of the
Almost one-quarter of the bureaucrats, one-third of the corpo situation, of intent, of process - corruption takes on lots of things
rate executives, nearly half of the academicians/media persons/ and forms, just like violence (A 50-year old senior Sikh marketing
youth and a significant number (three-quarters) of the develop professional).
ment workers interviewed presented broad/moralistic defini (8) Beda garkkeetahoyahai [It is ruining everything!] - Those
tions of corruption, listing several different acts as corrupt. In who are corrupt cannot be religious. You would think in a
Economic & Political weekly »*ayj January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 65
medical college named after Guru Ram Das [everyone] would codes of conduct indicated that most regard a value
regarding
system as a composite idea or belief-set, although it is difficult
follow some ethics, but it is only in name (A Sikh woman president
of a ngo in Punjab). to identify a systematic and unambiguous list of factors that
(9) When you make a conscious decision which is not fair
dictate the personal as well as professional codes of ethics of a
towards somebody, for example in journalism, when I amparticular
writing person.
anything where I am not being fair, it is a kind of corruption.
This section presents a collage of factors that our respondents
Corruption is something that corrodes the core valuebelieved
system were the important influences that have shaped their
(A senior Sikh editor of an English daily in Punjab). value systems. Understandably, almost all the respondents were
(io) Bias based on looks/caste/religion is also corruption.
non-committal in attributing their value system to any single
sourceyou
Human rights violation is also a form of corruption - when of influence. For most, codes of behaviour are a combina
trample on someone's life, when people are discriminated tion
against
of several ideas and stimuli - "it is not possible to segregate
(A 45-year old Sikh advocate and a human rights activist). the important influences - as one grows, one imbibes them from
Other acts falling within the broad/moralistic range ofall around". However, from among the numerous factors that
defini
overand
tions which were considered to be corrupt by both the Sikh loo people interviewed named/listed as influencing their
the Hindu youth represented by young college and university
moral or
stuethical behaviour, the analysis clearly indicates that the
dents from diverse educational and family backgrounds include:
dominant category was "family ideals" and "principles taught by
(li) Teacher who is teaching in the school is engaged as a parents",
tuition followed by "religion". It was interesting that although
bureaucrats
teacher. By giving him/her extra income as a tuition teacher, you and other professionals like media persons, corpo
want extra marks for your children. rate executives and academics did quote from the code of con
(i2) If the deserving do not get what is due to them -duct
that is
booklet they follow in their service, they also cited other
corruption. sources from where they draw their personal and professional
(i3J A person gets his hand injured, he goes to a hospital. Even codes of conduct.
though it is a small thing, nowadays what most hospitals are

doing, they are giving a whole list of scans just so they can earn Family Ideals and Upbringing
money. It is not necessary but they are like, you need this operation, Family values emerged as exercising a big influence even on
that operation. That is corruption. those pursuing professions with ethical guidelines: "We have to
(i4) So there is accepting gifts because that is part of Japanese face them [parents] if we indulge in corrupt practices and they
culture is all about gift giving and gift accepting. And if you would not tolerate it". This senior Sikh bureaucrat felt that once a
don't, you are not building relationships. But if you take too much bureaucrat gains a reputation as an honest person, he/she maybe
of a gift, now you are at their mercy. You have lost leverage. You given "bad" postings, but because of the importance of integrity,
have lost power for your company. this had to be accepted. A similar response came from a dynamic
As is apparent from the definitions above, corruption takes on woman bureaucrat in her early forties, who believed herself to be
various forms and explanations. Even within the two definitional brutally honest in her dealings. She felt that more than profes
tendencies identified here, diverse views were expressed both by sional training, "where nobody advises you to be corrupt", what
those who offered narrow legalistic definitions and by those who helps those in public life to make ethical choices when in a posi
had a broad/moralistic perspective. The notion of corruption pre tion of power is one's family and upbringing.
sented by different respondents in the study appears to have A middle-aged Sikh corporate executive in a senior manage
come out of their experiences during the course of their working rial position felt that his value system came "essentially from
lives and their day-to-day interactions with other members of the my middle class background; parents have the maximum
society. The choice of definition depended on both practicalities influence". Similarly, a director of projects at a corporate non
and the assumptions of the respondents about the social world governmental organisation (ngo), whose father was a freedom
and their place in it. It may be futile to assume that a consensus fighter, also felt that the value system "definitely comes from
can be achieved about the norms and values that specify what home and depends on how you have been brought up".
can be called corruption. In addition, responses among youth attributed the basis of
their value systems to family: "For me it's from home. They have
Religions and Value Systems: Ethical Codes of Conduct put our ideologies in our mind." Some regarded the behaviour of
One of the central objectives of the study was to investigate how some people associated conspicuously with religion as undesira
people relate religion to their personal values and to their profes ble, but others were quick to point out that a family may have
sional conduct and aspirations. An important sociological point been influenced by religion, "So, what we are imbibing may be
reiterated by many respondents was that values are rooted in a coming indirectly from religion".
multiplicity of culture-specific factors, such as family ideals,
upbringing, religion, education, social status, etc, which mani Religion Is 'Fairly Important'
fest their influence in varying degrees in the lives of different Sikh as well as Hindu bureaucrats, media persons, and academ
individuals. Moreover, it emerged that values governing human ics also listed religion as a major factor that had shaped their
behaviour may differ according to the context, i e, personal, value systems and influenced their personal and professional
professional or sociopolitical. The responses to our enquiry conduct. However, the nature, extent and mode of influence of
66 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i EEE9 Economic & Political weekly
religion differed from person to person, depending on their

Manyinter
of the respondents in this study did express their faith in
pretation of "being religious". the potential of religion to act as a powerful force in the fight
A Sikh bureaucrat from Chandigarh who had joined public
against corruption. Many respondents strongly felt that, "If peo
service in 1974 and claimed that he had remained honest even
ple follow religion, there will be no corruption". They were, how
ever,
when there were difficult times in managing his family wasquick
sureto emphasise that this can happen only if the "true
meaning"
that, "I have imbibed my core values of sacrifice and of being religious is understood: "If anyone really
humility
from the Sikh religion." However, he admitted that hefollows
has come
religion and knows the values through religion, there
across people who while appearing very religious, were
should disap
be no corruption in the country or the world." If religion is
given the place it deserves in the lives of the people and moral
pointing when their value system is examined at close quarters.
For the Sikh editor of a well-established English daily,
valuesbeing
and ethics embedded in it are not just preached, but also
followed,
born into a religion and into a certain value system was "definitely religion can settle our problem and make
enough
to believe that religion and its value system had played
thisaplace
fairly
a better place to live in". They were also strong in their
prominent part in his life - "you just imbibe it", he told us.
viewAthat
phar"No religion tells you to be corrupt. No faith tells you to
macist in a government health centre emphasised the importance
be corrupt."
of religious teachings and stated that his values had However,
all come while claiming that religion can introduce disci
from religion, although only after he had developedpline,
a deep
manyun
respondents also noted that "we have become very
pragmatic;
derstanding of the scriptures. For a female development workerwe are not actually practising what the religion
from Punjab, her value system had come from the teachings ofdisregard ideas of the religion which do not suit us
teaches us; we
the guru and from parents who were also deeply religious. She
- then, how can religion help? If we bend the rule once, we can
attributed to religion the inspiration for her work at the do
home forThey contended that, "if somebody calls themselves
it again."
the destitute that she runs: "When God is in the heart,religious,
goodness and is still corrupt, they are not following the religion
comes in a natural way". in spirit". They believed that religion today emphasises rituals
This level of certainty that value systems do emanate and
from
"doesreli
not inspire a change in heart to take man closer to
gion was also expressed by the director of the Anti-Corruption
God", so that religion or spirituality does not curb greed. Many
Bureau of Andhra Pradesh: shared the view of a development worker from Hyderabad, who
was unsure if people understood the "true spirit" of religion now
Religion plays a very important role in most people's life, giving them
a good value system. But it does not mean that people who are reli adays: "Religion has also become one of the sources of income.
gious have a good value system - it cannot be a linear relationship You become a God-man or God-woman and exploit the senti
between being religious and having a very strong value system. ments of the public."
Thus nearly all the respondents in this study agreed with a
Codes of the Organisation or Profession media person who felt that, "in the present times, religion is a
A central belief that prevailed in discussions with respondents discredited entity - organised religion has become politicised:
about personal morality and public roles was that personal values and does not have force of the word behind it."
have a bearing on integrity in professional life and provide the A majority of the respondents, especially youngsters, expressed
strength to stay away from unethical behaviour. However, a disillusionment with what is termed religious and with those
majority of the corporate executives and many young profession who claim to be religious. They considered female foeticide as a
als regarded the idea of ethical conduct as being incompatible glaring example of how people are not following religious
with a fiercely competitive environment. The corporate execu values. In fact, they regard overly religious persons with suspi
tives articulated that, although the idea of corporate ethics cion, alleging that extreme religiosity generates doubts in the
reflects some of the same values as those promoted by most reli minds of observers about a person's true character and purpose
gious teachings, there is a big gap between precept and practice: as, in their view, such people "are the most corrupt and most
"It basically depends on the character and expectations of the inhuman persons".
organisation you are working with - nothing to do with religion Another example of the disappointment felt by respondents
or values." Even the businessman from Hyderabad who was with the standing of religion in contemporary times was that
deeply religious in personal life expressed his inability to carrypeople tend to use religion to misrepresent themselves as spirit
all the values that his religion preaches into his business code ofual beings while being engaged in unethical practices. For exam
conduct, "I have to be flexible, I have no choice". ple, a corporate executive from Hyderabad observed, "Is there
any religion that can claim that nobody from among them is
Religion: A Discredited Entity? involved in corruption? People of all religions are directly or indi
As discussed in the introduction, it is sometimes suggested thatrectly a part of corruption. So, religion has no role in stopping
an appeal to the values associated with religion might increase corruption." In particular, they expressed anguish over the fact
the effectiveness of anti-corruption initiatives, and it is clear that some leaders of religious bodies are corrupt: "most religious
from the evidence presented so far that religion is an important, institutions are now managed by the moneyed people and the
if not the only, source of ethical values for middle class Indians. type of people (of whom it is reputed) that they have made money
In the Indian context, therefore, could it be a resource to bethrough wrong means and some of them are suspected of even
drawn on in efforts to combat corruption? misusing God's money". Despite their belief that religion offers a
potential weapon in the struggle to reduce corruption, proliferation

therefore, of a "culture of corruption" which is "corrupting the
culture"
respondents in this study were sceptical about whether in India.
it can
play a positive role in practice. Although there is a deep-seated faith that, if harnessed,
religion has the potential to be a powerful moral force to fight
Conclusions
corruption, in present times, religion is not seen as contributing
to the even
Religion forms an important part of people's lives in India, moral or spiritual fabric of the country. Very few respond
ents in the
if interpretations of "religiosity" and what is considered asstudy thought that religion can be counted on to
"being religious" are interpreted in diverse ways. Religion
make a difference in people's general attitudes towards corrup
coexists with what may be described as a liberal, cosmopolitan
tion. They have limited confidence in the accountability of reli
and global outlook among middle class Indians andgiousforms an
organisations. It is, therefore, problematic to assume ei
indispensable part of the cultural ethos and social fabric of appropriateness
ther the the or the effectiveness of religious organi
country. It emerges from this study that value systems
sationsare
in an
fighting corruption. In fact, religion is looked upon as
amalgamation of several factors and influences thata cannot be entity by many, largely due to a sense of popular
discredited
tidily isolated, and which may be rooted in a multiplicity of
disillusionment with its "caretakers". Religion is perceived as
being
culture-specific factors, like family ideals, upbringing, in the wrong hands, misused by "powerful" people, and
religion,
education, social status and socialisation. Respondents con
overemphasising ritual and fanaticism rather than the "true
firmed that in their view, human behaviour is governed
spirit" ofnot
religion.
only by value systems but also by personal, professionalThe
or perception
socio of respondents of a moral vacuum at the heart
of organised
political circumstances and the environment. A common under religion is not surprising in the light of recent
standing was that those who profess to be "religious" are not
scandals associated with religious organisations, maths (spiritual
necessarily morally and ethically strong. Religiosity is not
ashrams) a temples of worship, which point towards a lack
and
guarantee of virtuousness. of any moral engagement whatsoever on the part of religious
The exercise of defining "corruption" by membersleaders and the priestly class. Rarely does one find a religious
of various
social groups from Punjab and Andhra Pradesh did not point or leader articulating a stand against corruption in
organisation
towards a shared meaning. The concept of corruption public life.2
is fluid and They no longer seem to exert moral influence over
citizens,
indeed a site for multiple and even contested meanings. especially young men and women, who commonly
The mis
use of public office for private gain was the dominantexpress cynicism towards those who preach the importance of
conception
accountability
of corruption among the respondents, although some simply whilst themselves remaining unaccountable.
defined it as deviation from a code of conduct laid down in However, if religion were to be a practised art - rather than the
any walk of life. While a significant majority identified acts
performative one that it has become in modern times, perhaps
that involve "monetary exchange" as deserving of the label and religion-based morals and narratives could contribute in
specific
excluded gift-giving, adultery or nepotism, an equal number
subtle ways to curbing corruption and generating an environ
defined corruption in a broad, moralistic idiom. In general, thein India in which honesty, integrity and hard work are re
ment
warded
researchers sensed the prevalence of a view that suggested the and celebrated.
NOTES
N Narayanasamy, M P Boraian and MSangita, A Jeyaraju
S N (2000): "Corruption in Administration:
1 For more discussion see Mohapatra 1998; (ed.), BardhanCorruption at the Grassroots: The Shades
Causes and Consequences" in N Narayanasamy,
1997; Padhy 1986; Chakravarti 1998; Caiden and1988;
Shadows (New Delhi: Concept Publishing N,MP Boraian and M A Jeyaraju (ed.), Corruption
at the Grassroots: The Shades and Shadows (New
Dwaraki 2000; Widgery 1929; Tatla 2008. Company).
Guhan,about
S and Paul Samuel, ed. (1997): Corruption in Delhi: Concept Publishing Company).
2 A recent article, "Don't Hindu Gurus Care
Corruption?" by Amrit Dhillon in OpenIndia: dated Agenda
8 for Action (New Delhi, Mumbai Sheth, N R (1995): "Values in Search of an Identity"
January 2011 http://openthemagazine.com/artiHyderabad: Vision Books). Journal of Human Values, 1: 75-79.
Heidenheimer, Arnold J, Michael Johnston and Victor T
cle/nation/don-t-hindu-gurus-care-about-corrup Tatla, Darshan S (2008): "Sikhism and Development:
tion specifically questions Hindu religious Le Vine, ed. (1989): Political Corruption: A Hand
leaders A Review", RaD Working Paper 21. International
book
for not speaking out against corruption in (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books).
public Development Department, University of Birming
John, Valampuri (2000): "Political and Cultural
and critiques Hinduism for being apathetic. ham. http://www.religionsanddevelopment.org/
Causes of Corruption", N Narayanasamy, M P Bo index.php?section=47
raian, and M A Jeyaraju (ed.), Corruption at the Vittal, N (2003): Corruption in India: The Roadblock
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Buddhist Engagements with Social Justice:

A Comparison between Tibetan Exiled Buddh
in Dharamsala and Dalit Buddhists of Pune
ZARA BHATEWARA, TAMSIN BRADLEY
This paper contrasts two forms of Buddhism in India and

western observers through a decidedly Judeo-Christian
their respective engagements with concepts of social
Buddhism (likewords,other
lens; in other eastern
it is assumed to be a singlereligions)
philo is often viewed by
justice. It highlights the phenomenon of pluralism within
sophical entity, definable by specific religious teachings (Bradley
religions, arguing that subtle differences often exist in 2005; Tomalin 2006). As a result, it is hardly surprising that,
how different branches of one tradition relate to and despite rhetoric about appreciating cultural specificities, the
international development community still has an extremely
express concepts of rights and equality. In this regard we
limited understanding of the varied ways in which any one
present two case studies: in Dharamsala, Tibetan
religion may impact upon the development visions and
Buddhists are embedded in a struggle for national approaches of poor communities. As researchers in the fields
freedom, while in Pune, the sociopolitical context of of both anthropology and development, we are particularly
caste means that dalit people have sought to find a interested in the intersection of religion and approaches to
social justice within the broader development context. This
coherent strategy to fight the injustices they suffer. In
paper aims therefore to draw attention to the disparities that
Pune, Navayana Buddhism provides a practical system exist within a single religious tradition, by presenting two
of morality which supports a strong sense of social case studies of Buddhism in India. It will highlight the ways in
justice and human dignity, underpinning political action.which different interpretations of Buddhism contribute to diver
gent views on and approaches to rights and equality. Religion is
In Dharamsala, Tibetan interpretations of spirituality
thus conceptualised in this article not as distinct from, but
bolster welfare activity, but do not lend themselves wellrather, as a core facet of the sociopolitical environment of
to the struggle for Tibetan sovereignty. particular communities.
The first case study deals with Tibetan Buddhists in Dharam
sala, political exiles from Chinese-occupied Tibet. Many of these
refugees have brought with them gruesome tales of injustice,
including extreme levels of exclusion from social and economic
opportunities in their own country, in addition to experiences of
religious suppression and torture. Naturally, the Tibetan refu
gees in Dharamsala are driven by these experiences to fight for
sociopolitical justice, with the ultimate aim of returning home to
Tibet as full citizens and practising Buddhists. However, it will be
argued here that their specific form of spirituality, while it con
tributes to welfare activity, does not lend itself well to a vigorous
campaign for sociopolitical justice.
This scenario is contrasted with that of dalits in Pune, who
provide the second case study. In Pune, the historical sociopoliti
cal context of caste has driven dalits to seek a coherent strategy
to fight the injustices that they have long suffered. Buddhism as
interpreted by dalit leader B R Ambedkar provides a practical
system of morality which underpins a strong sense of social jus
Zara Bhatewara Czara.bhatewara@gmail.com) is at the School of tice, thereby fortifying struggles for caste eradication. It will be
Oriental and African Studies, University of London. Tamsin Bradley argued that the distinct applications of Buddhism in Dharamsala
(f.bradley@londonmet.ac.uk) is at the Faculty of Applied Social Sciences,
and Pune have had notably divergent effects on local political
London Metropolitan University.
campaigns for social justice.
Economic & Political weekly laavi January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 69
The paper is based on ethnographic research conducted

a senseby
of self-esteem and autonomy amongst untouchables, who
had
both authors between November 2008 and October 2009, traditionally
and is been oppressed in economic, physical and
psychological terms by higher caste Hindus (which effectively
structured as follows. The first section provides a basic introduc
means everyone else) (Keer 1962; Zelliot 1992). He attacked
tion to the communities studied. The second, more substantial
part of the paper presents the ethnographic findings from discrimination of every kind, including economic
caste-based
Dharamsala and Pune. Specifically we discuss core Buddhist
and cultural
con facets of caste inequality (Ambedkar 1936, 1948).
Hiswhich
cepts of spirituality, human interconnection and karma, own conversion to Buddhism, followed by the conversion of
innumerable
have very different outcomes in terms of the development visions dalits, is by now so well documented that it seems
and approaches to social justice adopted by Buddhists in these
unnecessary to repeat the details here. However, it must be em
two contexts. phasised that Ambedkar's approach to Buddhism was extremely
focused: he drew out only those aspects of the teachings that
Introduction to the Field Sites
applied directly to his political struggles, and made those aspects
into the fundamentals of his own religious interpretation (Beltz
Dharamsala: The largest Tibetan Buddhist community in
2004;
India
Queen 1996). In particular, he aligned himself absolutely
is based in Dharamsala, situated in the Kangra Valleywith
of the
thetraditional Buddhist stance of anti-brahminism.
Dhauladhar mountains of Himachal Pradesh. Dharamsala is home
The Buddha's teachings responded to Indian brahminism by
advocating a system of social equality and moral reasoning that
to the Tibetan government in exile (including its leader, the Dalai
Lama), and the majority of the exiled Tibetan population of north
facilitates humanity's need to progress towards spiritual enlight
enment, without subjecting people to the personal and social
India.1 After the Chinese occupation of Tibet in 1959, Nehru's
government gave newly exiled Tibetans a piece of land, which menace
at that dogma can create. Ambedkar synthesised these
Buddhist
that time was little more than forest. They gradually carved out a teachings with a focus on rationalism, which served to
town and established a local Tibetan community, which now
promote his vision of a secular, free and classless society. Above
comprises approximately 20,000 people (coi 2001). The word
all, he presented his Buddhism as founded on egalitarian
morality and ethics (Ambedkar 1957; Contursi 1989; Fitzgerald
"Dharamsala" itself is appropriate: it means "spiritual dwelling"
1999, 2000; Queen 1996; Sumant 2004; Zelliot 2004). In an
or "sanctuary" in Hindi, and is commonly taken to refer to the
resting place of spiritual pilgrims (Goldstein 1997). effort to concretise the Buddhism that he promoted for his poor
followers, Ambedkar compiled a book entitled The Buddha and
Some core beliefs of the Tibetan Buddhist tradition, including
His Dhamma (1957), which is clearly intended to provide an
those which distinguish it from Ambedkarite Buddhism, will be
reviewed in later sections. What must be noted at this juncture,
all-encompassing guide for dalit converts. In it, he very effec
however, is the highly politicised environment in Dharamsala,
tively presents his own interpretation of Buddhist teachings, an
interpretation that is clearly geared towards enabling dalits to
which is sustained by the presence of 50-plus non-governmental
organisations (ngo), all of which campaign for/work on aspects
pursue social action.
of the free Tibet campaign. Some organisations are primarily
Findings of the Ethnography
welfare-oriented, seeking to help newly arrived Tibetans adjust
Following this brief introduction to the sociopolitical back
to life in exile, and to overcome the physical impact of the gruel
ling journey from Tibet to India. Other organisations seek to
grounds of both case studies, the remainder of the paper will
publicise the human rights atrocities suffered by Tibetans living
focus on the findings of the ethnographic research. Before turn
under Chinese rule. Lastly, some organisations seek to garner
ing to the specifics of each location, however, it is important to
international support for a free or autonomous Tibet. What
highlight an issue relevant to the research in both Dharamsala
became clear during the fieldwork conducted for this studyand is Pune. This concerns the discrepancy between academic and
that the population of Dharamsala maintains an intense - indeed
non-academic understandings of what constitutes "religion". Def
initions of religion within the fields of religious studies or
all-encompassing - focus on the need to correct the injustices
inflicted on the Tibetan people by the Chinese occupation. There
anthropology describe it as multifaceted and constantly shifting/
changing (Bowie 2000). Religion is certainly not thought to be
is little sense that they should adapt to a long-term life in India;
rather, the focus remains almost entirely on how to regain their
limited to the material or practical sphere, and thus cannot be
Tibetan homeland. understood simply by witnessing overtly religious practice or dis
course. "Religion" in these academic fields is broadly understood
Pune: In Pune, our case study focuses on dalit Buddhists influto include beliefs and values which shape people's world views,
enced by the teachings of B R Ambedkar. As is well known, and which fashion the ways in which adherents/believers under
Ambedkar, who was born in late 19th century Maharashtra into
stand their place in the world. "Religion" also includes an institu
the untouchable Mahar caste, spent his life trying to challengetional dimension which regulates the translation of belief into
the dominant social processes that sanctioned untouchability.
everyday practices and which generates a structure to guide
He was undoubtedly the most influential political leader of theadherents in how they ought to live (e g, dharma). Importantly,
dalits, a highly successful political figure, who was even moreover, "religion" in academic usage includes an experiential
involved in drafting the Indian Constitution, and continues tosphere in which individuals focus on their personal journeys
be revered by dalits throughout India today. He aimed to foster
through life (or indeed through multiple lives); an experience
70 january 7, 2012 vol XLVii no i E352J Economic & Political weekly
which for many people involves a relationship with a sourcecompassion

of comes, and these values then guide our work."
What emerged from various conversations like this was that it
divine authority. Within the study of religion and anthropology,
this personal, internalised, experiential sphere is usually
is not religious teachings per se that inform the political activ
encompassed within the term "religion". In contrast, in lay ity
ter of many Tibetan Buddhists, but rather their personal con
nection with what informants described as a "collective con
minology in both the east and the west, this internal dimension
of a feeling of connection with the sacred is often referred to sciousness"
by or "spiritual unity" that links all human beings,
promoting the belief that all people are worthy of care, consid
a different name altogether: in English it is commonly referred
eration and fair treatment.
to as "spirituality," whereas in Hindi (for example) some people
refer to adhyatma. This distinction proved to be very importantSimilarly, staff of the Tibetan Women's Association (twa)
stated that the separation between spirituality and religion
for gathering information in Dharamsala and Pune. While ques
helped them to deal with gender inequalities rife in Tibetan
tions related to the possible intersection of "religion" and socio
political action elicited almost exclusively negative responses,
Buddhist traditions. They asserted that many aspects of religion
questions about "spirituality" and sociopolitical struggles forsupport
jus patriarchy, through the male-dominated leadership
structures and institutions. However, for these women spiritu
tice brought forth eager and lengthy replies. This is particularly
relevant to international actors who seek involvement in local ality "represents the essence of life", and the religion/spirituality
development issues. The widespread assumption that religion isdistinction allows them to separate unequal religious gender
not important in development is utterly flawed, and is based on ideology
a from their self-worth, and from personal connections
failure to conceptualise spirituality as being highly influential,with what one woman termed "the great force". Moreover, it
even in the absence of obvious religious activity. In what follows,emerged that when they choose to engage with religious ritu
therefore, we address Buddhist spirituality in Dharamsala andals, they do so based on their understandings of their own spiri
Pune and its impact on local struggles for social justice. tuality, thereby disconnecting patriarchal traditions from the
more personal, non-elucidated aspects of worship. In addition,
Understanding 'Spirituality' in Dharamsala any ritual that they believe to be endorsed by the Dalai Lama is
Initially, in Dharamsala, numerous informants rejected the relalso believed to be essentially free of the patriarchal aspects
evance of religion for social justice. For example, informantsthat may have been associated with it over the years, for the
based at an ngo named lah, which works for the rehabilitationwomen almost universally believe that His Holiness (the term
of refugees, insisted that religion did not influence their work.by which the Dalai Lama is most commonly referred to) sup
During one interview with staff of this ngo, we were told in ports and promotes gender equality. These female informants
frank terms that the organisation is thoroughly secular, with noemphasised that they are capable of offering assistance to
religious interests. However the same informants went on tofemale refugees primarily because of their faith, and in particu
describe their personal histories, recounting their arduous lar their spiritual belief in the unity of all beings. Although reli
night journeys through the treacherous Himalayan mountainsgion had no impact on their work, they said, their sense of
to reach the Indian border. With great enthusiasm, they describedinnate connection to other people enabled them to deal with
their arrival in Dharamsala, giving an emotional account ofthe horrific tales of torture and abuse that many female refu
their first meeting with the Dalai Lama there:2 "every Tibetan's gees bring with them. One staff member of the twa wondered:
dearest wish fulfilled." Upon hearing this heartfelt account, we"without the spiritual awareness of being joined to all people,
enquired further about the importance of the Dalai Lama and and without the trust in the great force, how could I listen to
his teachings to their work. The response seemed to contradictthese stories of torture? One simply cannot listen to the horrors,
their earlier statements about religion: "our faith in His Holinessagain and again, without faith."
is everything...everything we do is connected with our faith." The connection between acting compassionately in everyday
After this, when we asked the staff of other ngos the samelife and the personal spiritual journey of an individual was also
questions, this time replacing "religion" with either "faith" orevident when other informants discussed the provision of
"spirituality", every respondent claimed eagerly that spiritualitywelfare. In fact, informants did not instinctively talk much
plays a fundamental role in the work that they do for the welfareabout local development in terms of satisfying basic needs.
of the exiled Tibetan community, and for their national struggleWhen questioned directly about welfare assistance, however,
for social and political justice. In short, spirituality both motivatesall the respondents stated that this was important, and that it
and steers the work of many in this community. was given to all new refugees in need of support. However,
Respondents in Dharamsala were clear that religion and spiriwelfare work is referred to as a given - as an innate part of
tuality within Tibetan Buddhism are markedly different. Religionbeing a Tibetan Buddhist - and is not singled out either as
encapsulates dogma and ritual, while spirituality involves per remarkable or even as a conscious choice. Clearly welfare is the
sonal connections with the divine,3 or with the desirable state ofmost pressing part of the daily development work that goes on
"nothingness" that is beyond the trappings of human life. Thusin this community, but it is not singled out as a fundamental
one man stated: "religion is our practice, expressed throughexpression of compassion.4 As one shop owner put it, "Tibetans
rituals and in our texts. Spirituality is deeper and internal...inbelieve that all division is illusion...we are all one. Believing
the sense that everyone must develop their own inner consciousthat there is no division between us, how is it possible to allow
ness. It is from our spirituality that a sense of morality and[the] suffering of others?"
Economic & Political weekly [3353 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 71
All Tibetan refugees with whom we spoke had efforts

initially
that they could make. Without the preservation of monas
ticism, many
required some support in order to re-establish themselves in exiled Tibetans believe that neither the
their new place of residence, and it is assumed that,
independence
once on struggle nor the development efforts directed
their feet, former recipients of assistance will do what towards
they canrefugees
to will succeed. Without the spiritual contribution
support the welfare needs of others. This ongoing cycleofofmonks and nuns, an informant told us, "the blessed nature of
provid
ing and receiving welfare equalises the experiences of
theTibetans
Tibetan people will be in peril".
in exile. They have all been in need, and then later attained a po for Tibetan Buddhists the achievement of devel
In summary,
sition of being able to contribute towards the basic needs of oth
opment goals involves the pursuit of spirituality as well as a prac
tical
ers. There is no obvious division between the givers and and political reversal of their fortunes. Spirituality and
receivers
sociopolitical action are inextricably linked. We will now con
of welfare, since all involved have experienced or will experience
both roles. Nonetheless, personal spirituality was also
sider empha
the impact of spirituality on ideas about development and
sised in this context. Informants stated that their faith encour social justice in Pune.
aged them to help others because of the Buddhist recognition
Ambedkarite Buddhism and Practical Spirituality
of the oneness of the universe and all living beings. However they
usually went on to say that this was either a "side-effect" of
Fitzgerald (2000) notes that as a soteriology (doctrine of salvation),
spiritual progress, or a precursor to it. In other words, to offer
Buddhism has traditionally been geared towards the liberation
help to others may lead one to realise the "truth", namely, that
(nirvana) of the individual from the cycle of rebirths (samsara)
there is no difference between oneself and others; acting com
through his/her adherence to the four noble truths and the eight
passionately can thus encourage the development of genuine
fold path. However, in contrast to the Tibetan focus on the inter
compassion in one's own heart. Alternatively, if an individual nal
al spiritual journey, Ambedkar sought a religious tradition that
ready has genuine compassion, which is achievable only through encouraged social activism, and therefore had little sympathy
for the traditions of Buddhism dominant in south and south-east
the spiritual experience of (as distinct from belief in) the indivisi
bility of all sentient beings, then helping those in need is a natuAsia, which emphasise individual detachment from worldly
ral consequence of that spiritual attainment. In such cases, wel
processes. For Ambedkar, his soteriology had to include socio
fare work need not be praised beyond the recognition that it political
is aspects, and thus for him the "spiritual man" should be
simply the enactment of "truth". "socially and politically committed to justice" (Fitzgerald 2000:
A link between spirituality and humanitarianism is to be found
128). Indeed in his (1957) philosophy, a focus on social and political
in numerous publications of the Dalai Lama. His emphasis on the
justice is generally considered to be the height of spirituality.
internal journey, demonstrated in the passage below, suggests
Ambedkar felt that popular religions tended to remove them
that rather than prioritising the external struggle for social
selves from humanistic morality and reason in favour of tran
justice, for Tibetan Buddhists the quest starts with the individual,
scendental concepts and dogma (Sumant 2004). Liberation - or
who must cleanse his/her mind and reach a state of non-duality
salvation - was therefore seen by Ambedkar as the achievement
in which compassion for all can be experienced and acted out: of an egalitarian society that would free untouchables from the
clutches of their oppressors. The words of a dalit ngo worker
Broadly speaking there are two types of happiness and suffering, men
serve to summarise this point: "all we Buddhists are dalits. This
tal and physical, and of the two I believe that mental suffering and
happiness are the more acute. Hence, I stress the training of the mindreligion is the first step in our struggle."
to endure suffering and attain a more lasting state of happiness. How
This interpretation of Buddhism as embodying what may in
ever, I also have a more general and concrete idea of happiness, a com
bination of inner peace, economic development and above all world
the west be termed secular morality (Fitzgerald 2000) is clearly
discernible among Ambedkarite (Navayana) Buddhists today.
peace. To achieve such goals I feel it is necessary to develop a sense of
During interviews and informal conversations, both slum
universal responsibility, a deep concern for all irrespective of creed,
colour, sex or nationality (Dalai Lama 1991: 8). dwellers and Buddhist ngo workers explained to us their under
Despite this spiritual outlook, however, many Tibetan Buddhists
standings of spirituality in terms of helping others and spreading
justice. One staff member of the ngo Manuski stated, for exam
do nothing practical to help their fellow refugees. For example,
many monks and nuns choose to focus on religious practice and
ple, that Buddhism ought to be understood primarily as a system
spiritual development rather than working for a political or
of "practical spirituality". Although prayer and ethereal thoughts
welfare organisation. Although they generally confine their lives
are not unworthy, he argued, there is little value in them while
to meditation, prayer and religious debate, the activities of
the world is suffering. Buddhists believe in the primacy of human
monks and nuns are nevertheless believed to contribute to the beings and their needs, he explained. "Untouchables, dalits, or
development/freedom effort. During interviews and conversa we may say the Buddhists, understand real spirituality. Real
tions with lay people, we explored the issue of whether the large spirituality is about making people human and activating them
numbers of exiled Tibetans who opt for ascetic lives are failing to for the social cause." Virtually all our informants in Pune echoed
prioritise others, to be "compassionate". We asked whether, in the these sentiments. In the slums, men and women, old and young,
eyes of lay people, they should aim to help more with practicalall stated that while prayer is an important and desirable part of a
matters. The response was that the energy created by their "good" life, it should not be considered the essence of spirituality:
prayers, and even by their enlightened presence was equally if"a begging sad.hu is less spiritual than I am, if he does not help
not more beneficial to the Tibetan population than any practicalothers, and thinks only of his own self, his own enlightenment,"
said one 30-year-old woman during one of our visits to her slum,
substantially improved. They insisted that Buddhism had provided
much to the appreciation of other listeners. A very small them
proporwith an elevated, caste-free position in society and thereby
tion of our informants (three out of more than one hundredhadinter
opened up various new avenues for socio-economic advance
viewed) stated unprompted that the more orthodox aspects
ment.ofHowever, such statements were generally contradicted in
Buddhism (prayer, meditation, etc) provide them with hope and conversations, as people went on to bemoan the contin
the same
strength, which are undeniably important in both the
uedcaste
oppression that they faced as dalits. Although they claimed to
struggle and the related war on poverty. The rest, however,
have caste no longer, they told stories of continued discrimination
stated that Buddhism is a tradition of practicality, politics
withand
passionate fervour. Indeed discussions of discrimination,
social change. Spirituality in this context is understood to repre
from extreme examples like the Khairlanji massacre5 to common
sent compassion for people generally, rather than quiet self of low-level "everyday" discrimination, seem to form the
accounts
reflection. It is displayed through activism and the struggle
basis for
of an identity of oppression in the Pune slums.6 Conversion
the elimination of suffering. to Buddhism has clearly effected a shift in their own senses of self,
What our dalit informants explained as spirituality isbut
there
this has not yet translated into a shift in how they are viewed
fore markedly different from the common understanding
byofsociety
the at large.7 The term "dalit" remains an important self
term, and moreover is completely distinct from "religion",descriptor
which that carries political intent, enabling these people to
informants in both locations described as ritual or dogma. The
distinguish themselves from others who do not participate in the
dalit practical view of spirituality is clearly founded on the essen
same fight for social justice. Numerous slum-dwellers, as well as
tial Buddhist belief in equality and compassion for others;employees
a belief of Buddhist ngos, stated that untouchability operates
which, in this context, has been interpreted in the lighton
ofmany
the levels; thus they do not put all of their faith in religious
struggle for caste equality. The Tibetan approach is notably
conversion. However, they do see conversion as the first and most
different: while that tradition also emphasises human unity, the
important step in their battle for social equality. It represents an
spiritual aspect of life is ultimately a personal, inner path. That of their views, a demand for their rights and a promise
assertion
this leads to a tendency to care for others is incidental, whereas
that they will persist in their struggle.
for slum-dwelling dalits this is foundational: spirituality
Thusis our research findings pointed, perhaps predictably,
primarily external. towards a more subtly positive effect of conversion than straight
forward/outright
In the sections to follow, we highlight two important aspects of caste eradication. Conversion is a political
Buddhist belief in order to demonstrate at a micro level how
statement of intent on the part of dalits, that through their
different interpretations of one religious tradition can have a very affiliation they challenge caste discrimination. As has
religious
different impact on approaches to social justice. been noted above, the frequent, almost scripted assertions that
people make that Buddhism has eliminated their caste and
The Interconnection of All Living Beings saved them from subjugation can seem contradictory, because
following on from the preceding discussion, the first Buddhist
they are also extremely vocal about their ongoing oppression.
belief that is considered here is the concept of interconnection.
Nevertheless, their comments are extremely meaningful.
There is significant emphasis within all Buddhist traditions on
The purpose of aligning oneself to Buddhism, we suggest, is
the idea that individuality is an illusion. Spiritual liberation is the
more to do with psychological than practical freedom. This
ultimate realisation of oneness with everything, or the interpretation
recogni is borne out by Joseph D'Souza, international
tion that nothing really exists (exemplified by the widespread
president of the Dalit Freedom Network, who states that "Chang
belief that Buddha's first words after his enlightenment ingwere
their religion means they - and more important, their chil
sarvam shunyam shunyam). In light of these ideas, it is dren
perhaps
- think of themselves differently...This mental change
unsurprising that there is a strong Buddhist rejection of the idea on their behaviour as they attempt new careers or fight
impacts
for dignity by embracing their legal rights" (quoted in Duke
of social stratification. This rejection of stratification or hierarchy
2008).
also feeds into the Buddhist focus on loving kindness (metta) andThus, for many Ambedkarite Buddhists, conversion
compassion for all beings (karuna). However the influence that to be less about immediate practical change and more
appears
these core values have on attitudes to social justice varies. about
In thisa deeper shift in attitudes related to self and community
context we will consider first the Navayana relationship with this(Singh 2008). These feelings of increased self-esteem are
worth
concept, which is essentially an expansion of the argument
likely to affect (at least to some degree) the final outcomes of
presented in the previous section. We will follow this however
their struggles in relation to the economic, political and social
with a contrasting overview of the influence of the notion of of life.
spheres
interconnection/equality on Tibetan social activism. We would argue, therefore, that Ambedkarite Buddhism, as a
system of "practical spirituality", provides people with hope and
The Impact of'Interconnection' in Pune strength. This strength does not generally come from an inner
During our fieldwork, dalit Buddhists stated at every given
peace or quietude gained through meditative practices, as we
opportunity that "Buddhism erases caste, [and] because might
of Budexpect from something that people refer to as "spirituality".
dhism, we are not untouchables anymore". Repeatedly, we were
In practice, the primary achievement of Ambedkarite Buddhism
told that opportunities had increased for our informants because
is arguably the provision of a socially respectable language with
of their religious conversion, and that the quality of their lives had to argue for social justice. Although this could be explained
which
promotes
in academic terms, it may be more revealing to cite the rather than informs Ambedkar's politics. In contras
words of
Pradeep,8 a well-educated dalit ngo worker: the long-established Tibetan interpretations of Buddhist teac
ings
You see, Indians have a long history of religion. Hinduism have
is the old provided this community with a lens to view (an
methods
est religion in the world, and the Indian people have always with which to address) injustices as they have emerge
been
pious people. Now, some say this is changing... maybe it is, in
butthe
not last
as 60 years. In practical terms, therefore, ancient
quickly as they say. In fact the respect that Indians have for religion
interpretations of Tibetan Buddhism have shaped the languag
still goes further than anything else. In that way, Buddhism has given
of the Free Tibet campaign and determined the actions taken
us [dalits] a way to fight fire with fire. If we fight caste with just our own
Understandably, these new and old frameworks have led t
words, will they listen? No. But thanks to Babasaheb [Ambedkar],
ratherhim
we can fight it with Buddhism, with words coming from Buddha different psychological and practical frameworks fo
social
self. Even Hindus say Buddha is Vishnu, so they must respect action.
what he
says. We put our trust in these words. They are everything for
Our us;
Tibetan informants often mentioned the term tenpa. This
they will eventually help to save us from the evils that we face as
may be understood as the Tibetan understanding of Buddha's
dalit people.
doctrine, stipulating a way of life for Tibetans that is grounded in
From statements such as this it is clear that the general inter compassion for all sentient beings, which are thought to be inher
pretation of Ambedkarite Buddhist values (despite what Ambed ently interconnected. This world view thoroughly rejects any
kar may or may not have intended) can reasonably be likened to a notion of duality or divisive identities, and according to our
pragmatic approach to achieving secular morality (Fitzgerald Tibetan informants, it was this world view that led the Dalai
2000). In other words, there is nothing distinctly Buddhist about Lama in 1979 to forgo the pursuit of an independent Tibetan
the vision of social equality for which dalit Buddhists aim, but nation. Despite the fact that Tibetans are clear about the validity
Buddhism enables them to demand that vision. of their claim to Tibetan nationhood, the official position of
What is clear from the Pune case study is that Navayana Bud their government-in-exile now is that coexistence with the
dhism is geared specifically towards addressing issues of social Chinese would be acceptable, with the much-reduced require
injustice in an active fashion. Since Ambedkar deliberately con ment that Tibet be granted status as an autonomous region of
structed his Buddhism with social justice in mind, he made sure China. The Dalai Lama calls this the "middle way" approach, in
to emphasise that non-duality should be recognised by all people. which relative autonomy rather than full independence is sought
As a result, low-caste people who experience discrimination are (and moreover no significant reparations are demanded). As
encouraged to protest actively; to demand equal and fair treat numerous monks and lay people explained to us during our
ment, in addition to the compassion of others. Dalit Buddhists time in Dharamsala, this approach springs from the Tibetan
cite this reasoning regularly to justify their vocal activism, and to interpretation of non-duality which states that, since all sentient
justify their assertion that the rest of society should assist in beings are equal and unified, they must also be loved and
socio-economic development of dalits. treated compassionately as one's own family. One informant, a
The notion of spirituality was thus refashioned by Ambedkar minister of the Tibetan government-in-exile, described the es
and his followers to take on an inherently active character which sence of Buddhist spirituality as "all living things treated as the
criticised the "selfish" notions of self-reflection and personal mother of oneself". The Bodhichitta (mind of the Bodhisattva) is
enquiry believed to be associated with spirituality in Indian only ever focused on others - even the Buddha achieved enlight
traditions. However, this spirituality remained decidedly Buddhist enment by thinking of others, not by concentrating on himself
inasmuch as it is based on a belief in compassion and the inter and his own spiritual progression. The motivation to act in
connectedness and equality of all beings. Tibetan Buddhism is either practical or spiritual ways should come, this minister
constructed around similar central Buddhist values. However, said, from an awareness of how it will benefit others.9 According
the belief in equality, non-duality and the innate connection of to the minister therefore, "Tibetan Buddhists must learn to
all beings has led to a very different political philosophy in the think of others only: this is considered to be the essence of the
Tibetan context. Bodhisattva's way of life".
Thus to insist on the sovereignty of the Tibetan nation, which
Interconnection in Tibetan Buddhism
would necessarily involve separation from the Chinese, would in
This part of the paper builds upon the earlier section oneffect be declaring an inherent division between the people of
Tibetan
spirituality, demonstrating that while Tibetan spirituality
the two nations, to all intents and purposes contradicting the
encourages welfare activity (as shown above), it is lesscore Tibetan
useful in Buddhist principles. The impact of this belief on
Tibetan politics was described precisely by a researcher working
the wider "Free Tibet" campaign for sociopolitical justice.
Like the Ambedkarite interpretation, the Tibetan Buddhist
for the Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy,10 who
view of social justice is shaped by experiences of oppression and
talked extensively about the importance of spiritual non-duality
marginalisation. However, although both communities claim
for to of Tibet. According to this researcher, the Dalai Lama
the fate
base their reaction to injustice on Buddhist discourse, their
has effectively declared that he will "allow the Chinese to take
responses differ significantly. Central to understandingadvantage
this is aof Tibet, as long as there can be some level of dignity
consideration of temporality. Ambedkar fashioned hisand
Buddhist
equality which, at the moment, is non-existent". Similarly,
teachings and philosophy in order to construct a distinct cam
a group of ex-political prisoners, who had been brutally tortured
by Chinese soldiers, told us that these experiences had helped
paign for social justice, and so Navayana Buddhism essentially
74 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i ixm Economic & Political weekly
that at the time of death, a person's soul is separated and

to strengthen their spirituality. They explained that witnessing
the Chinese disdain for the health and happiness of amalgamated
others with parts of other souls, to be reborn as a sepa
rateand
had increased their own resolve to pray for a more connected entity. In this way, Ambedkar eliminates the assumption
that one deserves one's present circumstances because of
compassionate human race. Thus numerous informants claimed
karma from past lives. By defining karma as a condition of the
that their difficult experiences, from hazardous escape journeys
present
to horrific forms of torture, had inspired them to pray for the lifetime, Ambedkar effectively justifies a focus on social
well-being of all human beings, and to focus their energies
awareness and change.
on improving the spiritual state of the world through prayer
and meditation. Tibetan Buddhists and Karma
In some cases however, including to some extent in Tibeta

The different ways in which Ambedkarite and Tibetan tradi
Buddhism, the concern that karma encourages fatalism is no
tions shape concepts of and approaches to achieving social justice
are subtle but sincere. For Tibetan Buddhists, the core beliefs entirely
in unfounded. Tibetan informants often explained thei
attitude towards their exile situation in terms of karma, whic
compassion and non-duality limit the extent to which political
was often translated by English-speaking Tibetans as "fate
action can be taken,11 whereas Ambedkar's version of Buddhism
encourages active protest and demands for fair treatment. Unlike the Ambedkarites, Tibetan Buddhists state that karma
acquired in both the present and past lives, and thus that th
Interpreting Karma problems one faces in the present may be attributable to negativ
Another example in this vein can be found in the conceptkarma
of acquired in previous births. In reality, however, attitude
karma. In western academia, following Max Weber (1966), karma
of absolute fatalism are rare; people seldom accept bad treatmen
simply because they assume that it is their due. In Dharamsal
has often been interpreted as fatalism - the idea that the individual
accepts suffering as deserved, due to unknown negative deeds
Tibetan refugees consistently explained that their belief in karm
helps them to make sense of their current plight, although
committed in a previous incarnation. Thus social scientists from
does not prevent them entirely from struggling for justice. In th
Weber onwards have struggled with the karma concept, believing
it to be counterproductive to development visions. words of one informant (the manager of an ngo which supports
Tibetan political prisoners),
Ambedkarite Notions of Karma: Our Buddhist informants in we cannot throw all blame to fate. We do have to plan for the future
Pune frequently stated that the Hindu interpretation of karma
but understanding the principle of fate helps us to control our minds.
creates a passive acceptance of oppression and poverty becausehelps
it us to accept what has happened to us, so that we can begin t
cope with it and move on in our personal [spiritual] journeys.
promotes the notion that whatever hardships one endures are
Karma for Tibetan Buddhists is therefore used as a means to
direct results of one's actions in previous births.12 In contrast,
understand and reflect upon their situation, but also provides a
Buddhists in Pune claim that their understanding of karma leads
to a very different approach to development. According to their
motivation for the pursuit of a higher level of spiritual growth.
explanations, karma does not span multiple lives. Instead it is
Tibetans often do try to make sense of their struggles in the
conceptualised as a system that ensures that a person will light
reap of the concept of karma, claiming that this makes them
stronger.
what he or she sows, so to speak, in the current life span. Thus it For example, political prisoners who had been severely
tortured
is argued that a belief in this form of karma encourages people to in Chinese prisons told us that they felt peaceful with
behave morally, since the system guarantees imminent punish
the idea that their suffering had alleviated them of the burden of
a great deal of accumulated sin; they had rid themselves of a lot
ment for wrong deeds. In addition, it leaves room for hope, which
is vital for the energy and commitment needed to pursue devel
of karmic debt. This certainly should not be taken to suggest that
they condone what has happened to them, but it is undeniable
opment, including the struggle for social equality. Not only does
that Tibetans often do try to psychologically rationalise their
this understanding of karma allow for the idea that the future
depends on one's actions in the present (as opposed to one's
experiences in this way.
It is clear from this study that even the concept of karma -
activities in past lives), it also creates a deeper sense of assurance
which may, to most outsiders, seem to be similar in all the Bud
that efforts made now will be rewarded later. Thus their interpre
dhist traditions - has distinctive outcomes for Buddhists of differ
tation of karma motivates these Buddhists to persist with poverty
reduction efforts where (they claim) others give up. They doent
notcommunities, depending on its interpretation. Again, we are
accept that they are powerless in the face of a karmic fate of
reminded that every aspect of Ambedkar's Buddhism is geared
towards
which they have no knowledge, or a god over which they have no social action, whereas the older Tibetan tradition
developed without this impetus. While karma encourages activ
control. Rather, they explain that their faith in an impersonal
ism in Pune, it provides Tibetan refugees with a sense of solace,
karmic system that manifests itself during this lifetime encour
ages them to persevere in their efforts to improve their own
and even acceptance.
situations, whether through skills training, health instruction,
Conclusions
schooling or any other medium. This is entirely congruent with
Ambedkar's (1957) own explanation of karma and rebirth, in
Although the communities in both Dharamsala and Pune ide
which he repudiates the notion of a single soul being reborn
tify themselves as Buddhist, it is clear from this research that th
broad tradition has markedly different effects in relation to loc
multiple times. While he accepts that rebirth occurs, he claims
Economic & Political weekly January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 75
visions of sociopolitical justice. As stated in the introduction,

reconstitution of the country as a sovereign nation, or to engage
Buddhism is a facet of and thus inseparable from the wider
in socio
any form of aggressive protest.
political environments in which it is found. In the case of Pune,
Buddhism, as these cases have shown, provides significant
spaces and platforms from which political messages about
Ambedkarite Buddhism was created in a sociopolitical context
social justice are articulated and projected. A nuanced under
characterised by unrest and protest, and functions in this context
to promote bold, unrelenting and potentially even forceful standing
action. of the complex ways in which religious teachings
and the
In contrast, the ancient Tibetan form of Buddhism has shaped interpretations drive agendas for social change can offer out
Tibetan reaction to Chinese occupation in ways that essentially
siders the chance to support responses that have been developed
promote passivity. Although the Tibetans are vocal in their callgrass roots, challenging the top-down power structures
at the
for a free Tibet, the dominant view is unwilling to demand
thatthe
continue to drive the funding priorities of global bodies.
NOTES
- (1948): The Untouchables: Who Were They The
- (2ooo): and
Ideology of Religious Studies (New
Why
1 There are also significant Tibetan settlements inThey Became Untouchables (New Delhi:
York: Oxford University Press).
south India. Amrit Book Company). French, P (2003): Tibet, Tibet: A Personal History of a
2 The Dalai Lama aims to meet personally with - (1984): The Buddha and His Dhamma (Bombay:
Lost Land (London: Harper Collins).
every Tibetan refugee on his/her first arrival in Siddharth Publications), (First pub 1957).
Goldstein, M C (1997): The Snow Lion and the Dragon:
Dharamsala. China, Con
Bahrain, J (2005): "Christian Convert Criticises Tibet and the Dalai Lama (Berkeley,
3 This includes a relationship with the Dalai Lama, version, Caste-Discrimination in Christianity",
London: University of California Press).
to whom divine qualities are attributed. 9 November, http://www.christianaggression.
Kabilsingh,org/
C (1991): Thai Women in Buddhism (Berkeley:
item_display.php?type=NEWS&id=ii3i773339,
Parallax Press).
4 Although the majority of people are keen to assist
accessed 3 March 2010. Kelly, L and C Hendersen (2005): "Does Indian
new refugees personally, the provision of welfare
is considered to be the primary responsibility of Barat, T (2004): "The Dark Side of IndianChristianity
Homes", Allow Untouchability?" http://
the government-in-exile. The home department is India Together; November, http://www.indiato
www.christianaggression.org/item_display.php?
the only organisation/centre to focus primarily type=ARTICLES&id=ii27947i36, accessed 22
gether.0rg/2004/n0v/hrt-d0mhelp.htm, accessed
on basic needs; other organisations may make 2 February 2010. July 2009.
contributions, but concentrate primarily on "longer Beltz, J (2004): "Contesting Caste, HierarchyKeer, D (1962): and
DrAmbedkar: Life and Mission (Bombay:
term development goals", like human rights, Hinduism: Buddhist Discursive Practices in Popular Prakashan).
education or gender. Maharashtra" in S Jondhara and J Beltz (ed.),Moran, P (2004): Buddhism Observed: Travellers, Exiles
5 In 2006, a dalit family was attacked and several Reconstructing the World: B R Ambedkar and and Tibetan Dharma in Kathmandu (London:
family members brutally murdered in Khairlanji, Buddhism in India (Oxford: Oxford University Routledge Curzon).
Press). Moses, B C (1997): "Christian Dalits - Victims of
a village in the Bandhara region of Maharashtra.
Dalit protests against the murders were widespread, Bowie, F (2000): The Anthropology of Religion: An Discrimination", The Hindu, 8 April.
for it was claimed that the killings were based to Introduction (Oxford: Blackwell). Queen, C (1996): "Dr Ambedkar and the Hermeneutics
a large extent on caste hatred. The final court Bradley, T (2005): "Does Compassion Bring Results: of Budddhist Liberation" in C Queen and S King fed.),
verdict was announced in 2008, with eight people A Critical Perspective on Faith and Development", Engaged Buddhism: Buddhist Liberation Movements
found guilty of murder. Culture and Religion, 6:3: 337-51. in Asia (New York: Albany State University Press).
6 In particular these stories tend to highlight the - (2006): Challenging the NGOs: Women, Religion Rege, S (1998): "Dalit Women Talk Differently: A
vulnerable position of poor women, who relate tales and Western Dialogues in India (London: IB Tauris). Critique of 'Difference' and Towards a Dalit
of abuse (usually psychological, although occa - (2010): Gender and Religion in the Developing Feminist Standpoint Position", Economic &
sionally physical) at the hands of their employers World: Faith-Based Organisations and Feminisms Political Weekly, 33:44.
(see also Barat 2004; Rege 1998). in India (London: IB Tauris). Singh, N K (2008): Contemporary Indian Buddhism
7 Other evidence exists to suggest that conversion Col (2001): Census 2001, Officer of the Registrar (New Delhi: Global Vision).
from Hinduism to other supposedly egalitarian General and Census Commissioner, Census of Sumant, Y (2004): "Situating Religion in Ambedkar's
religions does not necessarily eradicate caste dis India, New Delhi, www.censusindia.gov.in, ac Political Discourse." Reconstructing the World:
tinctions (e g, Bahrain 2005; Kelly and Hendersen cessed 21 May 2010. B R Ambedkar and Buddhism in India (Oxford:
2005; Moses 1997). Contursi, J (1989): "Militant Hindus and Buddhist Oxford University Press).
8 This is a pseudonym; this informant preferred not Dalits: Hegemony and Resistance in an Indian Tomalin, E (2006): "Religion and A Rights-based
to be named.
Slum", American Ethnologist, 16: 3. Approach to Development", Progress in Develop
9 This may appear to contradict the earlier argu
Dalai, Lama (1991): Love Kindness and Universal ment Studies, 6: 2.
ment that Tibetan spirituality is essentially inter
Responsibility (New Delhi: Paljor Publications). Weber, M (1966): The Sociology of Religion (London:
nal, a personalised journey to nirvana. However Duke, A (2008): "Thousands of Indians Have Found a Associated Book Publishers).
our informants generally referred to spirituality Way of Escaping Their Destiny as an Outcast", Zelliot, E (1992): From Untouchable to Dalit: Essays on
in both ways simultaneously: they noted that Herald Scotland. The Ambedkar Movement (New Delhi: Manohar).
a person cannot be truly spiritual unless s/he Fitzgerald, T (1999): "Ambedkar, Buddhism and the - (2004): B R Ambedkar and the Search for a Mean
cares for all other human beings, but that Concept of Religion in Dalits" in S M Michael (ed.), ingful Buddhism in Reconstructing the World:
ultimately the path to enlightenment is an indi Modern India: Vision and Values (New Delhi: B R Ambedkar and Buddhism in India (Oxford:
vidual one.
Vistaar). Oxford University Press).
10 This is a research organisation, not connected to
the government-in-exile.
11 Moran (2004), French (2003) and Goldstein (1997) For the Attention of Subscribers and
make similar arguments, saying that although
Tibetan Buddhists do protest against injustice, Subscription Agencies Outside India
they carefully balance what they ask for in their
quest for justice in order to avoid violence.
It has come to our notice that a large number of subscriptions to the EPW from outside the
12 Research on other (non-Ambedkarite) Buddhist
country together with the subscription payments sent to supposed subscription agents in India
communities has reached similar conclusions,
have not been forwarded to us.
indicating that for those Buddhists, the concept of
karma encourages a passive acceptance of depri
vation or abusive circumstances (Kabilsingh 1991; We wish to point out to subscribers and subscription agencies outside India that all foreign
Tomalin 2006). subscriptions, together with the appropriate remittances, must be forwarded to us and not to
unauthorised third parties in India.
REFERENCES We take no responsibility whatsoever in respect of subscriptions not registered with us.
Ambedkar, B R (1936): Annihilation of Caste (Jallandhar: Manager

Bheema Patrika Publications).
76 january 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i GH2I Economic & Political weekly
In the Name of Development: Mapping

'Faith-Based Organisations' in Maharashtra
SURINDER S JODHKA, PRADYUMNA BORA
Based on an empirical survey carried out in two towns in

Maharashtra (Pune and Nagpur), this study provides a faith-based organisations (fbos) as potential partners in their
International
attempts to reach thedonor agencies
poor and needy (Clarke 2005;have
Clarke over the years begun to see
broad mapping of "faith-based organisations". This
and Jennings 2008). Gerard Clarke (2005) argues that fbos are a
paper focuses on the historical context in which the complex set of actors in development that are inadequately un
faith-based sector emerged in India and its involvementderstood because they come in a variety of organisational guises
with development-related activities; the nature of the and have differential effects (both positive and negative). He
identifies five types of fbo: faith-based representative or apex
organisational structure and membership of these
bodies; faith-based charitable or developmental organisations;
bodies; and their perceived visions and values in relationfaith-based sociopolitical organisations, which interpret and de
to development-related issues, with specific reference to
ploy faith as a political construct, organising and mobilising
the historically marginalised groups of Indian society social groups on the basis of faith identities but in pursuit of
broader political objectives; faith-based missionary organisa
and women.
tions, which spread key faith messages beyond the faithful; and
faith-based radical, illegal or terrorist organisations.
A great deal of scholarly research has been done in India on
religion and democratic political processes and religious con
flicts. Similarly, the development activities and other aspects of
the "secular" non-profit sector have been documented by some
scholars (Sethi 1993; Kudva 2005; pria 1991; Webster 2002;
Gellner 2009). However, we know very little about the nature of
work that fbos have been doing at the "grass roots" or their par
ticipation in development activities. Based on an empirical sur
vey carried out in two towns in Maharashtra (Pune and Nagpur),
this paper provides a broad mapping of faith-based organisations.
Specifically, it looks at: the historical context in which the faith
based sector emerged in India and its involvement with
development-related activities; the nature of the organisational
structure and membership of fbos; and the perceived visions and
values of the fbos in relation to development-related issues, with
specific reference to the historically marginalised groups of
Indian society and women.
Historical Context
Notwithstanding the ideological orientation of its modern elite,

religion has always remained an important factor in contem
porary India's quest for development and social change. It was, in
fact, the "modernist" impulse unleashed by British colonial
rulers that played a critical role in shaping contemporary reli
gious formations in the subcontinent. The colonial state gave
concrete identities to religious communities and drew bounda
ries
Surinder S Jodhka (ssjodhka@yahoo.com) is with the department of where previously only fuzzy differences had existed. Census
classifications/enumerations,
social systems, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. Pradyumna colonial history writings and
Bora was formerly research associate with Human Rights and Law Unit,
ethnographic accounts of local communities structured knowl
Indian Social Institute, Delhi.
edge of the "natives" (Cohn 1987; Appadurai 1981; Breckenridge
Economic & Political weekly FfTTl January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 77
and van der Veer 1993). Similarly, Orientalism, one of the west
expanded considerably with the establishment of colonial adm
ern articulations of "eastern" civilisation, "gave religion a privi
istration in the subcontinent. Missionary activities, particula
leged status as the foremost site of essentialised difference
activism in the field of education, were seen by the native elite
between the religious east and the secular west" (vanpart
derof
Veer
the Christian mission. The newly emergent elite respon
2002: 173). One of the more recent examples of this "essentialist
to these "modern" features of Christianity and the colonial sta
byDumont,
othering" of India can be found in the writings of Louis forming faith organisations and initiating internal refor
within
in his theory of the Hindu caste system (Dumont 1980). Astheir
vanown communities. This was not an innocuous devel
der Veer has rightly argued, opment. These reform movements, in a sense, prepared the
ground
...orientalist privileging of religion is not based simply upon for
anthe nationalist movement for independence from co
lonial in
acknowledgement of the importance of religious institutions rule,
theas well as having a political logic of their own.
colonies of the subcontinent; rather, it is directly dependent on mod
Many students of Indian society have pointed to the fact that
ern understanding of religion related to the nationalisationthese
of religion
religious reform movements turned out to be crucial to the
and its new location in the public sphere (van der Veer 2002:173).
development of contemporary Hinduism. Newly educated upper
At a more historical and sociological level, the social reform
caste Hindus evolved new ideas and concepts to enable Hinduism
movements that emerged during the colonial period among
to counter the church and its activities among the poor and the
different communities provided the grounds for religiousmarginal social groups. Through the anti-colonial nationalist
revivalist
movements. These movements played an important role in the
struggle, they not only wished to produce an India which would
reworking of religious boundaries and communityhave identities
a Hindu majority but also an ideology that would give cul
(Oberoi 1994; Thapar 1989). It was around this time that
tural reli
hegemony to the Hindu faith (Copley 2000; Watt 2005;
gions in India began to engage themselves with what we would
Anderson and Damle 1987; Hansen 1999; Ludden 1996; Sharma
now describe as "development activities". 2003; Zavos 2000). It was around this time that ideas such as seva
Influenced by modern western ideas of equality, liberty and
(service) and sanghathana (association or organisation) were
rationality, the "reformers" campaigned against "social evils"
brought into the mainstream of Hinduism (Patel 2007) and it was
and pressed for women's rights. Besides building schools,
only withcol
the acceptance of such ideas that the Hindu leaders
leges, dispensaries and hospitals, members of the newly
could emer
begin to set up faith-based organisations oriented towards
gent middle class were concerned with social reforms, especially
the development of marginal sections of the "community". This
the abolition of child marriage and polygamy, improvement
new foundin
concern for the development of traditionally margin
the social status of women, the promotion of women's alised
education
groups was also born out of the growing significance of
and permitting the remarriage of widows. Though it began in the Hindu elite did not want to lose the "lower"
demographics:
Bengal during the mid-i82os under the leadership ofcaste
thepopulation
social to Christianity.
reformer Raja Ram Mohan Roy, by the 1840s this form of volun
Many of the currently active faith-based organisations in India
tarism had spread to western India as well, to Bombay emerged
and other
during this period. At the same time, the presence of
urban centres in the region. From the 1870s, institutions suchinasthe public sphere increased with the spread of colonial
religion
the Brahmo Samaj, Arya Samaj, Ramkrishna Mission,modernity.
SatyashodThis point is well argued by van der Veer:
hak Samaj and Indian National Social Conference began to
Although the legitimising rituals and discourses of the colonial state
emerge from these social movements.1 were those of development, progress, and evolution and meant to be
The voluntary efforts of Christian missionaries playedsecular,
the rolethey could easily be understood as essentially Christian. The
response
of a catalyst in spurring development-related activities. Theirboth the state and the missionary societies provoked was
also decidedly religious. Hindu and Islamic forms of modernism led to
activities in this phase were concentrated in the fields of educa
the establishment of modern Hindu and Muslim schools, universities,
tion, health, relief and welfare of the poor and neglected sections
and hospitals, superseding or marginalising precolonial forms of edu
of society. Organised efforts of the Roman Catholic missionaries
cation. Far from having a secularising influence on Indian society, the
began in 1885. Missionaries belonging to several denominations,
modernising project of the secular colonial state in fact gave modern
religion
including Baptist, Anglican etc, participated in charity and reforma strong new impulse (van der Veer 2002:179).
activities. The three main Islamic movements, under the names of

After
the Deoband, Firangi Mahal, and the Aligarh school of Independence
thought,
also emerged during the late 19th century. The reasonsThe
for their
postcolonial Indian state declared itself to be secular, though
emergence were: to protect Islamic interests from western-educated
not indifferent to religion. However, even when it recognised
Hindus who were rapidly gaining the status of indigenous elite;
religion as religious communities in different ways, religion and
and
a reaction to Christian missionary criticism of Islam; and ascommunity
religious a organisations were not expected to play any
response to British cultural and political hegemony. role whatsoever in the process of social and economic develop
This "reaction" to the growing activities of Christian mission
ment. On the contrary, the Nehruvian understanding of develop
aries was not confined to Islamic movements. The newly emer
ment was very close to the one propounded by classical moder
gent Hindu and Sikh middle classes also saw a threat to their
nisation theory. The First Five-Year Plan document states this
religious identity from the missionary activities in thequite
context of
explicitly:
the growing influence of the colonial power. Though theThe
colonial
pace of economic development depends on a variety of factors
rulers did not directly patronise the church, its activities
which constitute the psychological and sociological setting within
78 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i B3B3 Economic & Political weekly
which the economy operates. A major element in this settingearlier.

is the As discussed above, a large number of organisations,
community's will to progress and its readiness to develop andmostly
adopt religion-based, had emerged during the late 19th and
new and more efficient methods and processes of production...
early 20th centuries in different parts of the subcontinent.
Certain forms of economic and social organisation are unsuited to or
Motivated by the modern ethos of western culture, they pressed
incapable of absorbing new techniques and utilising them to the best
advantage.2 for internal reforms within their respective faith communities
and set up institutions for strengthening social and cultural
Although faith organisations were not expected to participate
resources. However they were not identified with "development"
until
in the development process, there were no attempts to stop themthe new language of "civil society" became fashionable
from doing the work they were already doing. With theduring
rapid the 1990s.
The non-profit sector has also grown over the years. A recent
expansion of the state sector in different spheres, the influence
and importance of such organisations declined. The statesurvey
made by Srivastava and Tandon (2005) estimated that at the
massive investments in sectors like education and health and turn of the 20th century the total number of organisations which
established a large number of secular institutions as part could
of its be included in this category was somewhere around 1.2
development agenda. This process continued with much enthusi
million. As expected, they are quite diverse and heterogeneous in
asm for more than three decades.3 terms of size, sources and activities. While some have a national or
However, in the 1980s and 1990s the development discourse even global presence, a large proportion is relatively small in size.
in India experienced some interesting shifts. Indian society, asMore than half are based in rural areas and nearly half are un
also Indian social sciences, witnessed many new trends during registered. Nearly 88% of the organisations are so small that they
these two decades. The emergence of so-called "new social employ only one or no paid workers. However, at a macro level,
movements" during the 1980s raised several political and ideo the non-profit sector is quite large, generating employment for a
logical issues that had hitherto been only marginal to Indianlarge number of people: in 1999-2000, it was estimated that the
public life. Perhaps for the first time in the post-independencesector engaged nearly 2.7 million paid employees on a full-time
period, there was a general feeling of unease and doubt about the basis and another 3.4 million as full-time volunteers. Viewed in
paradigm of development planning that the Indian state hadlight of the fact that the total number of employees of the central
adopted after independence from colonial rule. Planning forgovernment of India at the time was nearly 3.3 million, this
development had not been a very successful enterprise in termsnumber seems quite impressive. The survey also found that the
of the promised growth rates. More importantly, perhaps, the sector generates more than half of its resources from its own
Nehruvian philosophy of state-centric development strengthwork: the share of foreign funds was only around 7%, with the
ened bureaucratic control over the economy and produced a rigid remainder coming from individual donations and other local
licence and quota raj, which came to be seen as counterproduc sources. In terms of their activities, the largest single category of
tive for economic development.4 organisations (26.5% of the total) was involved with religion in
In the 1990s, the Indian state introduced a new framework for one way or another. In other words, they could be described as
economic development centred on economic liberalism and the faith-based organisations. Other areas of work included commu
free market. Apart from encouraging private enterprise, this shiftnity or social service (21.5%), education (20.5 %), sports (18%)
in economic philosophy created a new political space for the voland health (6.6%) (Srivastava and Tandon 2005).
untary sector. Non-governmental organisations (ngos) and faith
based organisations began to play a much greater role in the field Regional Context of Maharashtra
of social development. These changes paralleled certain new Historically, Maharashtra has been an important region of India
trends in the social sciences. The "old" modernist theoretical
for faith-based activities. Along with Bengal, Maharashtra
emerged
perspectives gave way to a variety of "post-modernist" ways of as an active centre of western education and religious
imagining the world. reform movements during the 19th century. Early reformers like
The connection between the rise of new paradigms in G the
K Gokhale, M G Ranade and Jyotiba Phule are quite well known
social sciences and the emergence of new social movements
to was
students of Indian history. It was in Maharashtra that Bal Gan
not entirely accidental. Rather, these discourses supported each Tilak successfully transformed the Hindu religious festi
gadhar
other and were in many ways mutually constitutive. This
valwas
of Ganesh Puja into a political event and a source of mobilisa
true in terms of their criticisms of the modern state, which was
tion for the nationalist struggle against the British colonial rul
invariably projected as a villain. In addition, both seemed
ers. to
Tilak's politics transformed a religious activity into a political
action
emphasise a greater role for civil society institutions, which, in and provided a new meaning to Hinduism and its rituals.
As for
effect, meant opening up spaces in the sphere of development an offshoot of these movements, faith-based organisations
the non-profit sector, including faith-based organisations. also emerged in large numbers. Maharashtra has also been a
vibrant educational and cultural centre in the Indian context,
NGOs and Development in India home to several institutions of higher education. Its religious
As mentioned above, until the early 1980s, the development dis
demography resembles that of the country as a whole. Apart from
course in India was mostly state-centric. It was only in the Hindus
1980s (80%), Muslims (11%), Buddhists (6%) and Christians
(1%), the state is also home to the largest number of Jains,
that the non-governmental or non-profit sector began to acquire
some visibility. This, however, is not to suggest that it was Zoroastrians
absent and Jews of any of the Indian states. It was keeping
Economic & Political weekly B2Q January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 79
Figure 1: Faith-wise Branches and Numbers of FBOs Studied
<-Not answered
< -More than 25

-<-11-25
<-6-10
h Single
Hindu Muslim Christian Sikh
All figures are based on primary survey data carried out for the study.
this in mind that we chose Maharashtra for a preliminary interview were the Hindu and Muslim organisations. They were
mapping of the development-related activities of the fbo sector suspicious of our intentions and agreed to interviews with great
in India. reluctance. However, we were able to study a good number: as
Pune and Nagpur are two of the major urban centres in Mahar evident from Table 1, as many as 30 Hindu and 18 Muslim organi
ashtra. Pune emerged as an important centre of social and reli sations were studied. Similarly, we were also able to contact some
Table 1: Classification of FBOs Surveyed gious reform activity during organisations of Buddhists, Jains, Sikhs and Parsis. The difference
by Religion the 19th century and contin between the Christian and Hindu/Muslim fbos can perhaps be
Numbers Percentage ues to be a well-known centre attributed to the differing nature of the faith traditions: Christi
Hindu 30 22.6
of higher education and anity has a long history of professional social engagement, which
Muslim 18 13.5
learning in contemporary In is rarely seen in the same form in other faith traditions.
Christian 70 52.6
dia. With a population of The fieldwork for the study was carried out in April and
Sikh 4 3.0
Buddhist 6 4.5
around 4.5 million, it is the August 2007 in two phases. Most of the data were collected with
Jain 4 3.0
eighth largest city in India. the help of a semi-structured interview schedule. However,
Parsi 1 0.8 Nagpur too is a fairly big city, during the interview we also discussed some questions which
Total 133 100 with a population of 2.1 mil were not asked in the schedule. Before visiting each organisation,
lion. It was the 13th largest we invariably tried to arrange an interview with a well-informed
urban conglomeration in 2001. Both have strong presence of reli member. However, in some cases we just visited the premises and
gious organisations working for development. spoke to whoever was willing to speak to us. Though most of
Unfortunately, there is no comprehensive list of such organisa those we met were comfortable with participating in the inter
tions available anywhere. A visit to the office of the charityview and survey, not everyone was happy with the officious look
commissioner in Pune was of no use. The published directories of ing schedule. The most contentious question concerned sources of
development organisations generally list only the secular ngos. funding. In some cases, the interview had to be abandoned half
We, therefore, proceeded through our contacts in the two cities. way through. Most of our respondents were the full-time employ
None of our informants was able to provide an overview of theees of the organisation concerned and a large majority were men.
sector. Most were only able to introduce us to specific organisaOf all 133 respondents, only 17 were women, which is also a reflec
tions they knew of. We, thus, approached a diverse array of intion of the male-dominated character of the sector in India. The
formants who were familiar with the area, ranging from univer interviews were conducted in English and Hindi. Though the
sity professors to local taxi drivers. local language of Maharashtra is Marathi, our respondents were
Though the representation of fbos selected for mapping was quite comfortable with English and/or Hindi.
quite uneven, we were able to locate organisations from almost all
the faith traditions. The Christian organisations which had been Size, Spread and Organisational Structures
working in the field of education and health for a long time were The fbo sector is quite diverse and varied in character, which is
the easiest to locate and study. They are also run professionally.true of the non-profit sector in general. While some organisa
Many consciously associate themselves with marginalised groupstions have a pan-Indian presence, many are local. As is evident
and can, thus, be more easily seen as development actors. Though from Figure 1, a large majority of those identified are small
Christian organisations are over-represented in our sample, they organisations with a single branch, functioning locally. While
are not the only ones we studied. The most difficult to locate andthis seemed to be the case with organisations from all the faiths,
8o January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i EH5E3 Economic & Political weekly
Figure 2: Community-wise Typology of FBOs
Parsi
Buddhist -►
C tonun »• uuuuujj
n i
Faith-based missionary organisation

Faith-based
Faith-based Faith-based cultural cha
organisation
All figures are
it differences across the faith traditions. The Christian andpa

was Buddhist
whereas
organisations were professionally organised, with a formal con
stitution and a set of office bearers with defined roles and duties.
multiple
In contrast, the Sikh organisations were quite loosely struc
Among t
Ramakri
tured, all operating from the premises of a gurudwara (Sikh
temple). The Muslim organisations too
Gana, were not very profession
Sri
Ramakris
ally organised. They were more oriented to their own commu
large num
nity and seemed hesitant to interact with the outside world.
the renowned Hindu reformer Swami Vivekananda and was Unlike the non-profit sector in general (Srivastava and
Tandon
registered with the local authorities in 1901. Management of 2005), faith-based organisations in India seem less
the math is vested in a board of trustees, who must all be Hindu
likely to be individual-centric.5 Only around 7% of the organi
sations
monks. Apart from working in different parts of the country, the studied appeared to be so, while the rest seemed to be
under the control of some kind of community body. A good
math has centres in Bangladesh, Argentina, Australia, Canada,
Germany, Japan, the uk, the us and South Africa. Its activities
number operated from premises of their own, although, there
include education, health, relief and rehabilitation, and "propa
were significant variations in the size of buildings they owned
and/or worked from.
gation of Indian cultural and spiritual heritage". Trailokya
Bauddha Mahasangha Sahayaka Gana is a Buddhist organisa
Trajectories of Origin
tion established in 1979. It has 22 branches and runs a medical
fbos
project, a balwadi (kindergarten) project, sports, creche actihave proliferated globally since the 1980s. However, as
vities, sewing classes and adult literacy classes. discussed above, India has a long history of faith organisations
actively
In terms of the spread of their activities, a large majority of the participating in the public sphere and demanding state
action
organisations studied focused their activities locally. As high asfor reform and development. Of the 133 organisations
70% reported that the local city was their primary sphere of for the study, more than one-fourth were set up dur
surveyed
activity. They worked through local schools, hospitals or ing
other
the colonial period, during the 19th century or in the first
institutions. However, one in 10 also worked in other parts
halfof
of the 20th century. Interestingly, these older fbos were
the state, and about 15% in different parts of the country.
associated with all the faith traditions. None of the organisa
Further, among the organisations we studied, five had a global
tions had been set up during the 1950s, the first decade after
presence. There were some interesting differences in terms independence.
of the As noted earlier, the Nehruvian state adopted a
geographical spread of activities across the different state-led
faith model of development and presented a secularisation
traditions. Several of the Hindu organisations were globally
agenda as part of the development process during the first two
active. In contrast, none of the Muslim organisations or
had a decades after independence. The major growth in the
three
national or global reach. fbo sector has occurred since the 1980s, at a time when the
All the organisations were formally registered with thenon-profit
Maha sector in general expanded in India. Nearly half of
rashtra government. However, their organisational structure
the organisations studied were set up during this period. Both
varied with their size and spread. Interestingly, morethe
than
growing popularity of identity-based movements in differ
80% of our respondents claimed that they were professionally
ent parts of the country and a general decline of secular ideo
logies
organised. They invariably have a board of trustees, a list ofcreated space for the expansion in the numbers and
activities
office bearers, a brochure and a written constitution. They also of fbos.
had someone working in the office and a list of activities. How
ever, it appeared to us that the bigger organisations wereClassification
more of FBOs
likely to be formally managed, with professional accounting

fbos are not homogeneous. They can be classified on the basis of
and management systems and clear sources of funding, than the criteria apart from the diverse faith traditions with which
various
smaller organisations that worked locally. There were alsothey
clear
are associated and their differing trajectories of origin. One
Economic & Political weekly rran January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 8i
Figure 3: Primary Focus of Activities around educational activities, with most being offs
"Response madrasas. The smaller communities, such as Sikhs, J
Parsis, work with a general notion of community develo
of providing service to humanity at large.
k
Funding Sources
General Social Health

k Percent
Marginal Education
As mentioned above, questions related to funding were t
sensitive. About a quarter of the respondents refused
their sources of funding and objected to the question.
All figures are based on primary survey data carried out for the study.
we were able to develop a broad understanding of the
pattern
way of doing this would be to look at their general in the or
orientation, course of our interaction with respondent
The fbos surveyed generate their funding from a va
the manner in which they present their priority activities.
sources.
Over half of all the organisations studied, including Only
almost all 11% depended on a single source of fun
many
the Christian organisations, preferred to describe as 77% told
themselves as us that they had multiple sources of
(the rest
"missionary organisations" (Figure 2, p 81). They didsee
do not not tell us about their funding source
themselves as development ngos although these include individual donations, mostly from members of t
organisations
faith and community. Many fbos also generate th
do participate in community work, health and education.
About 41% of the organisations identified seeresources through
themselves as running educational institutions an
tals.as
development fbos, while some describe themselves Their involvement with development activities open
charitable
organisations primarily working for the poor and possibility
the needy. of receiving funds from the Maharashtra gov
More
andbegun
recently, a few of these organisations have also the Government
to see of India. For example, Jnana Parb
Hindu
themselves as "development organisations". Of the 55 fbo working in Pune, has its own resources but
organisa
tions which classified themselves as charitable/development
that it also receives funds from the government for pro
lated to watershed
organisations, 25 were Hindu, 16 Muslim, two Christian, three development. Another organisat
received
Sikh, six Buddhist, two Jain and one Parsi. The main funds
activities offor doing research projects in psychol
culture.
these fbos include organising blood donation camps; Bahujan Shikshan Sangh, a Buddhist organisat
spreading
awareness on hiv/aids and providing facilities its to
head office in Ahmednagar in Pune, gets funds f
hiv/aids
patients; organising medical camps; helping the Social
poor byWelfare
provid Department of the Maharashtra gove
ing income and employment generating assetsTheir such main activity is providing education to children fr
as sewing
and socially
machines; helping the physically disabled by providing marginalised groups. Women's Developm
wheel
Educational
chairs and other aids; and organising and participating Centre, a Christian organisation set up in
in relief
and rehabilitation work during disasters. working with hiv/aids patients, also receives funding
Maharashtra
A few organisations represented themselves as government. Sadhu Vaswani Mission, a
sociopolitical
(Hindu)
bodies that also participate in development or relief organisation,
work. They established in 1933 in Pune, repor
it has see
are mostly right-wing Hindu organisations, which received
theirfunds from the state government for
projects.
activities as part of the larger project of building or Several other organisations also received fun
strengthening
the central
the Hindu nation,6 "the promotion of dharma (faith) government.
and rashtra
(nation)", as one of the respondents proudly said. Interestingly,
Several organionly a small number of our respondents
sations classified themselves as faith-based cultural organisa
that their organisations received foreign funding. For
the faith
tions. Though they too emphasise promoting their Missionaries
and cul of Christ Jesus, a Christian fbo based in
tural tradition, their politics is non-antagonistic vis-a-vis
funded by other
the Benefactors, Spain. Their stated priority a
faith traditions. empowering the marginalised. Deep Griha, another C
organisation,
There is a marked difference in the focus of activities receives funds from Inter-Aid, a French
(Figure 3)
tion,
across organisations, depending on their religious and from different church-affiliated institutions
orientation.
Most of those fbos concerned with empowerment
and of
uk.the mar Palace, a Nagpur-based Buddhist fbo, n
Dragon
ginalised are associated with the Christian and it had received
Buddhist faith a one time donation from a Japanese in
traditions. For different historical reasons, they for
havebuilding the Dragon Palace. Their activities include
been closer
to the poor and marginal groups in Indian society, particularly
agation of Buddhism and supporting the physically dis
senior
in Maharashtra. Much of the Buddhist population in citizens.
the state of
Maharashtra is comprised of dalit converts, inspired
Foreign
byfunds
their
for development-related work have generally
beenare
leader B R Ambedkar. The Christian organisations viewed
the with
most suspicion by the State and many political
diversified in terms of their work - as noted above, many
organisations are In 1976, the Government of India enacted
in India.
active in the fields of health and education. Thethe Foreign
Hindu Contribution Regulation Act (fcra), with the
organisa
tions are more focused on health, working within
intention aofgeneral
regulating the acceptance and utilisation of foreign
notion of the social and spiritual uplift of the community
money. This Actand
applies to all kinds of voluntary organisations,
both faith-based
nation. The Muslim organisations are almost exclusively and secular.
focused
such an organisation. Its religious affiliation is rarely fore

We also asked our respondents a question on their perceptions
grounded and some of its core activists are non-Christian. Even
of their relationship with the government. Only 28% described
its name does not reveal its church affiliation. Its stated objective
their relationship with the state system as cordial and active,
is "empowerment of the marginalised through capacity building
although none reported it as hostile. A majority either reported
and sustainable rural and urban development programmes". As
that they have no relationship (11%) or said that their relationship
the brochure of the organisation states:
was cordial but passive (41%). This shows that, even though some
faith-based organisations take funds from the government, the
Deep Griha - meaning 'Light House' - is an independent charitable or
sector works quite independently of the state system. ganisation working to better the lives of people in the slums of Pune.
Through a range of family welfare programmes encompassing educa
Visions and Values tion, health, awareness building and self-help projects, dgs helps
thousands of beneficiaries within Pune and several nearby villages.
What are the visions and values of fbos in India? What motivates
them and guides their activities? Is there a common pattern Most of the fbos included in the second category are Hindu
majoritarian in orientation. Although they too use the language
across faith traditions? Or do their ideologies differ significantly?
These questions are not easy to answer and would requireof universalism, they work closely with right-wing political
formations, which have a sectarian and exclusionary social and
more in-depth studies of fbos. However, a historical understand
ing of the growth of the fbo sector and the mapping work
political agenda.
presented above provides some tentative answers to these A good example of this would be the Sadhu Vasvani Mission,
questions. which calls itself a "humanitarian organisation" that "strives to
We can broadly identify three sets of values and visions that serve humanity in various fields, educational, medical, moral,
appear to guide the activities of fbos in India. First, and most social, cultural and spiritual". The Mission runs several hospitals
commonly, a general humanitarian and universalistic value of and educational institutions and has programmes like "village
serving humanity from a purely non-sectarian perspective upliftment" and "promotion of vegetarianism". It also identifies
emerges from their formal statements about their activities. A itself as a Sindhi7 organisation and lists the promotion of the Sin
second set of values appears to be "right-wing" and sectarian in dhi language among its activities. However, a closer look at the
nature. A third set of values can be termed "internal consolida Mission clearly reflects its agenda of creating "a worldwide Hindu
community" (Patel 2007).
tion of a community" and gaining recognition for the community
by society at large. Some other organisations are more explicit about their sectar
Even though all the organisations identified had a clear
ian orientation. For example, the Pune-based Patit Pawan Sang
hatana (pps) was set up by the right-wing Hindu organisation,
communitarian identity in the sense of being part of a specific
the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (rss), in the late 1960s. Such
faith system or tradition, many of those surveyed had broader
organisations work directly under the control of the rss, which
humanitarian goals. Sri Mata Amritanandamayi Math's booklet
Embracing the World articulates this universalism in the
tries to mobilise the youth from different sections of Hindus and
following words: trains them to be part of the militant Hindutva movement in
order to fight for a "Hindu nation". As Kanungo (2002) argues, one
Everything that exists is a part of god or the Universal Consciousness.
To experience Divinity in everyone and everything is the real goalof of the objectives of such organisations is to bring Hindus together,
each of us in our journey through life. A tangible way of achieving this
as an alternative to hierarchical Hindu society, and to produce a
is to practice selfless service...
sense of unity. Patel, who has studied the organisation, gives a
The brochure also lists a large number of developmental activ
vivid picture of its values and organisational strategies:
ities that the math has been doing in different parts of the counIt propagates a simplistic and highly communal version of the Hindut
try, including building houses for the poor, village reconstruc va that could appeal to poverty stricken, deprived youth to organise
tion, pensions for destitute women, homes for the aged, providagainst what rss perceives as common threats to Hinduism. It cam
ing free food to the poor, special projects for the adivasis (tribal paigns against corrupt politicians, bureaucrats and the police force.
Among its more direct political and symbolic actions are the assaults
people) and various educational institutions and hospitals.
on anti-Hindu politicians and media persons. It also participates in all
A similar set of values guides the Christian mission organisathe agitational campaigns of the Sangh Parivar conducted in Pune
tions. A good example of this is the Pune-based Sarva Seva Sangh city. Its eclectic concerns are related to its extremely localised base
(an organisation in service of all), which claims to be completelyand constituency and to its religious and "moral" understanding of the
non-sectarian and open to all. In its brochures Sarva Seva Sanghrights of the Hindu community (Patel 2007:16).
"pledges to serve people, irrespective of religion, caste, creed, A study of the schools run by the parent organisation of pps,
the rss, in Chhattisgarh similarly found their pedagogical
region, etc". Set up in 1979, this fbo primarily serves marginal
ised groups. It has been working with poor women to develop
programmes to be extremely disturbing because, in the name of
promoting Hindu religious values, they inculcate hatred for
their capacity for better employment and provides health-related
services to the poor. Muslims in Hindu children (Sundar 2004).
A subset of the organisations motivated by universal values While organisations espousing such extreme values, ostensibly
in the name of development, constitute an important part of the
work more like professional development ngos, even though not
faith-based sector in India, this is certainly not the dominant
all of them are run by development professionals. Deep Griha
Society, affiliated to the Protestant church is a good example trend.
of Most organisations fall in between the two extremes, viz,
being completely universalistic or completely sectarian. These

trained in the western system of secular education, paradoxically
began to play
organisations either represent smaller religious communities or a much more active role in shaping the religious
are run by a particular Hindu sect. and social agenda of their respective communities. It was in this
context
For example, the organisations run by smaller religious that the "native" faith communities began to set up for
groups,
such as the Muslims, Sikhs or Buddhists, tend to be more
malfocused.
organisations, which were registered and sanctioned by the
Most present their religious identity strongly, but tendstate system. They also began to get involved with providing
to concen
modern
trate on the work in which they are engaged and rarely services to the masses at large, such as western educa
politicise
their activities. Their main concern is with presenting tion and
their healthcare, and campaigning for women's rights and
reli
gious community in a positive light through theirsocial reforms.
charitable
The nationalist
work. The Sikh fbos in Pune, for example, work from the struggles and independence significantly
changed
premises of the Gurudwara and through their activities, this
seek to social context. Though religion continued to be an
importantofsocial reality, and the secular Indian state did not
present the virtues of the Sikh religion to the local population,
which they are a tiny minority. decry its practice, it was not seen to be of much relevance in the
process of nation-building, at least during the initial years of
Conclusions
planning for development. The numbers and activities of fbos
didin
Religious activity in the public sphere is deeply embedded notthe
grow during this period. It was after the 1970s and during
social, political and historical contexts of a given society. Inand 1990s that they began to grow again.
the 1980s
Thisthe
India, for example, colonial rule and its policies transformed was also the period when India was experiencing an
manner in which different faith communities looked at them important political and ideological shift in relation to notions of
selves and others. Though Christianity has a long history indevelopment
the and secularism. The state-centric model of develop
subcontinent, the establishment of British rule and the new ac began to give way to a more pluralistic notion of how to
ment
tivities that the church initiated during the 19th century achieve
pro development objectives. New categories like civil society
voked other religious communities, who began to see Christian
and citizenship began to be invoked by social movements emerg
ity not only as a threat to their religion but also as a "model ing
reli from India's "grass roots". These movements brought with
them a new language of democratic participation. Participatory
gion" for restructuring their own faith communities. The policies
of the colonial state and its choice of religion as an important
democracy did not necessarily go well with the classical notions
marker for classifying the Indian population for the purposesofof
modernisation and secularisation. Some of these movements
administration and representation had far-reaching implications

created institutions for themselves in the form of new types of
organisation. While some acquired the character of political
and played an important role in shaping the involvement of reli
parties, many became ngos. This shift also created a new space
gious groups in the Indian public sphere. The social and religious
reform movements of the 19th century and later nationalist
for religious activity in the public sphere. With secularism having
mobilisations among Hindus and Muslims completely trans
lost its ideological appeal to the post-Nehruvian political elite of
the country, religion entered India's public sphere in many
formed the political sociology of the two major faith communi
ties of the subcontinent. The new cultural and political elite,
different ways.
REVIEW OF WOMEN'S STUDIES
October 22, 2011
Subverting Policy, Surviving Poverty: Women and the SGSY in Rural Tamil Nadu - K Kalpana
Small Loans, Big Dreams: Women and Microcredit in a Globalising Economy - Kumud Sharma
Women and Pro-Poor Policies in Rural Tamil Nadu: An Examination of Practices and Responses - J Jeyaranjan
Informed by Gender? Public Policy in Kerala - Seema Bhaskaran
Addressing Paid Domestic Work: A Public Policy Concern - Nimushakavi Vasanthi
Reproductive Rights and Exclusionary Wrongs: Maternity Benefits - Lakshmi Lingam, Vaidehi Yelamanchili
Reinventing Reproduction, Re-conceiving Challenges:
An Examination of Assisted Reproductive Technologies in India Vrinda Marwah, Sarojini N
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84 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i EH5E3 Economic & Political weekly
As we have tried to demonstrate through our field study, to use development to consolidate their politics of social exclu
sion and hatred. These mostly tend to be majoritarian organisa
the historical trajectory, growth and orientations of the faith
based sector are closely linked to developments and changes tions working for a strong Hindu nation and spreading hatred
of Muslims. Globalisation seems to be helping them. For exam
taking place in wider Indian society. As a result, fbos in India
are quite diverse in terms of size and reach. While some haveple,
a in the name of development, organisations like rss and
Vishwa Hindu Prishad have started to mobilise funds from the
global presence and link their activities with larger political
processes at the national and international levels, a largethriving Hindu diaspora living in the west (Bhat and Mukta
2000). The money raised from members of the diaspora is
number are small in size and work locally. Their main activities
often transferred to militant Hindu organisations, which may
have focused on the fields of education, health, emergency
organise riots and violence against minority religious groups,
relief and community development. More recently some have
especially Muslims.
begun to get involved with the empowerment of marginalised
Thus, it is important to underline the fact that faith-based
social groups, including women, and with other development
projects. They appear to have strong roots in their ownactivity in a religiously plural society like India can be quite a
contentious process. While it can produce effective and meaning
religious communities. Most have a constitution of their own
ful engagement by fbos with marginal groups, some organisa
and legal registration, with a set of office bearers drawn from
the relevant community. tions may push an exclusionary political agenda in the name of
development. This is not to deny or undermine the important
The contentious aspect of the sector in India is the value
orientation and larger political ideology of some fbos. While
work that some fbos are doing in different parts of the country,
but does counsel caution in engaging with fbos on the part of
some fbos work rather quietly, welcoming all, in the fields
of education, health and community development, others try
other development actors.
NOTES
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rians and Other Essays (Delhi: Oxford University Sethi, Harsh (1993): "Action Groups in the New
1 The enactment of the Societies Registration Act,
Press). Politics" in Ponna Wignaraja (ed.), New Social
i860 was another hallmark of voluntarism during
Copley,
this phase of history. Getting registered with A (2000):
the "A Study in Religious Leadership Movements in the South: Empowering the People
and Cultism", Gurus and Their Followers - New (New Delhi: Vistar Publications).
state gave organisations recognition and legitimacy.
Religious Reform Movements in Colonial India Sharma, J (2003): Hindutva (New Delhi: Penguin
2 See http://planningcommission.nic.in/plans/plan
(ed.), (Delhi: Oxford University Press). Viking).
rel/fiveyr/welcome.html.
Dumont, L (1980): Homo Hierarchicus: The Caste Srivastava, S S and Rajesh Tandon (2005): "How
3 For a broad overview of India's development process,
System and Its Implications (Chicago: University Large Is India's Non-Profit Sector?" Economic &
see Frankel (2005); Rudolph and Rudolph (1987);
of Chicago Press). Political Weekly, 40, 7 May, 1948-52.
Harriss-White (2004).
Five-Year Plan (nd): Government of India, http:// Sundar, N (2004): "Teaching to Hate: RSS' Pedagogical
4 Khilnani (1998); Jodhka (2001).
planningcommission.nic. in/plans/ planrel/ Programme", Economic & Political Weekly, 39,
5 Individual-centric organisations are those whose
fiveyr/ welcome.html. 17 April, 1605-12.
control and vision revolves around an indivi
Frankel, F (2005): India's Political Economy 1947-2004 Thapar, R (1989): "Imagined Religious Communities?
dual, who invariably is also the founder of the
(Delhi: Oxford University Press). Ancient History and the Modern Search for a Hindu
organisation.
Gellner, D N, ed. (2009): Ethnic Activism and Civil Identity", Modern Asian Studies, 23:209-31.
6 The Hindu right-wing has had a long history in India.
Society in South Asia (Delhi: Sage Publications). Van, der Veer P (2002): "Religion in South Asia",
The Hindu revivalist movement began with the
Hansen, T B (1999): The Saffron Wave (Delhi: Oxford
religious reform movements during the 19th century. Annual Review of Anthropology, 31:173-87.
University Press).
However, it took a more organised form with the Watt, C A (2005): Serving the Nation: Culture of Service,
Harriss-White, Barbara (2004): India Working: Essays
establishment of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh Association and Citizenship in Colonial India
on Society and Economy (New Delhi: Foundation
(RSS) in 1925. Over the years, a plethora of sub (Delhi: Oxford University Press).
organisations have evolved around RSS. The strucBooks (for Cambridge University Press)). Webster, N (2002): "Local Organisations and Politi
Jaffrelot, Christophe ed. (2005): The Sangh Parivar:
ture and ideology of these organisations resemble cal Space in the Forest of West Bengal" in Neil
right-wing and fascist groups (Jaffrelot 2005). A Reader (Delhi: Oxford University Press). Webster and Lars Engberg-Pedersen (ed.), In the
7 Sindhis are a Hindu community of migrants Jodhka,
from S S, ed. (2001): Community and Identities: Name of the Poor: Contesting Political Space for
Sindh, Pakistan. They are mostly concentrated inContemporary Discourses on Culture and Politics Poverty Reduction (London and New York: Zed
Maharashtra. in India (New Delhi: Sage Publications). Books).
Kanungo, P (2002): RSS's Tryst with Politics (New Zavos, J (2000): The Emergence of Hindu Nationalism
Delhi: Manohar Publishers). in India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press).
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Complex World of Faith-Based Organisations", (New Delhi: Jawaharlal Nehru University),
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University, Milton Keynes, 7-9 September. in India: A Study of History, Roles and Future Satyam Apts, Sector 3, Jawahar Nagar, Jaipur 302 004
Clarke, G and M Jennings (2008): Development, CivilChallenges (New Delhi: PRIA), Society for Partici T : 0141-265 1748/7006 • E: info@rawatbooks.com
Society and Faith-Based Organisations: Bridging patory Research in Asia. Also at: New Delhi, Bangalore, Hyderabad, Guwahati & Kolkata
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Economic & Political weekly DEES January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 85
Welfare Work and Politics of Jama'at-i-lslami

in Pakistan and Bangladesh
MASOODA BANO
Sceptical of the role of religion in politics, liberal political

theorists interpret investments made by religious of political philosophy.1 Despite the current debates on
Religious political
multiculturalism parties
in most western countrieshave been labelled the "orphans"
(Schuster 2007),
political parties in welfare work as electoral politics. This
the continued presence of religion within the public sphere in
paper examines the extensive social welfare network
most developing countries, and the of
shift of Islamic groups in
the Jama'at-i-lslami, the largest Islamic political party
many Muslim countries towards electoralin
politics, little attention
has been
Pakistan and Bangladesh, and finds this voter-centricpaid to understanding the organised religious groups.
Political philosophy has traditionally focused on the separation
explanation inadequate. Instead, it argues, such
of state and church rather than on the study of organised reli
investment serves a more fundamental purpose, that
gious groups. Little work has been doneof
to analyse the empirical
realities of religious
establishing the religious identity of the party. It political
furtherparties and illuminating the pro
cesses through
shows that religious political parties plan strategically which they build their to
niche within society
(ibid). Given that one of the distinct characteristics of religious
balance their religious commitment and practical
political parties is that most of them invest heavily in social wel
survival needs: the welfare programmes implemented
fare work, this paper attempts to understand the realities of reli
by the Jama'at in the two countries differgious
to political parties through studying their welfare pro
grammes; the focus is on the Jama'at-i-Islami in Pakistan and
accommodate the socio-economic and political
Bangladesh. A study of the Jama'at's decision to invest in welfare
peculiarities of each context. Why the Jama'at, especially
work helps understand what shapes the agenda of religious
in Pakistan, fails to translate this extensive
politicalwelfare
parties, how they areworkorganised, and whether they
into securing more seats in parliament is mould
a religious
question ideology to adjust to the realities of the context.
worthy of further investigation. The answer possibly

Religious Political Parties in Political Theory
rests in the limited enthusiasm of the Pakistani public for
Religious political parties present a dilemma for liberal-democratic
a society based on the shariah. theory which has paid little attention to religious political parties,
while any attention paid has mostly been negative. Religious
parties are viewed not to be "real parties"; are opportunistic and
not committed to electoral democracy; are intransigently ideo
logical, uncompromising, militant, extremist; their religious
political claims aim at conforming public policy to the imperatives
of a single faith - a religious establishment; are authoritarian in
their organisation and goals; and, their hold on their members
is through the coercion of the faithful by clerical authorities
rather than voluntary identity politics (Rosenblum 2003). Liberal
political theory thus argues for limiting religious parties because
they are incompatible with democratic government, which
demands supremacy of reason, compromise of interests, and
neutrality with respect to private beliefs. Yet liberalism and
democracy also demand that people should be left to live their
lives as they see fit. This implies that religious politics is legiti
mate insofar as it is supported by a part of the population
(Schuster 2007). This proposition, however, has been accepted
only reluctantly within liberal theory.
Masooda Bano (masooda.bano@wolfson.ox.ac.uk) is a postdoctoral Similar suspicions are extended to analysis of engagement of
research fellow, Wolfson College, University of Oxford.
religious parties in welfare work. It is assumed that religious
86 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i nran Economic & Political weekly
parties offer welfare services as part of patronage politics.relief.

Politi Many of the related organisations of the Jama'at specialise
in specific
cal scientists argue that in Israel, for example, the religious par sectors: for example, Al-Hira Trust and Al-Ghazali
Trust focus exclusively on education. The Jama'at's flagship wel
ties attract voters through material benefits like school systems,
housing construction, and political positions (Rosenblumfare
2003).
programme, however, remains the Al-Khidmat Foundation,
which
Nancy Rosenblum, who is one of the few authors to steadily counoperates across the social sectors and also covers disaster
relief
ter these claims and expose the limited understanding of reliwork.
The nature of engagement of mainstream political parties in
gious political parties in current political thought, instead argues
that religious parties are best conceptualised as associational
welfare work is no different in Bangladesh as neither of the two
nexuses: "By means of the associational nexus religious parties
main political parties maintains a formal organisational structure
integrate political activity with social and spiritual life. Seen
to run
as welfare programmes. Even in Bangladesh, Jama'at is the
part of this web of associations with overlapping affiliations,
mostreli
visible political party when it comes to welfare work though
gious parties appear more like membership groups than the
other
nature and delivery of its welfare activities vary greatly from
parties" (Rosenblum 2003: 33). In her view, a necessarythose
condiin Pakistan. In Bangladesh, the involvement of the Jama'at
tion for the inception and sustenance of a religious political
in welfare work is more informal, though no less significant than in
Pakistan: instead of running welfare organisations officially af
party is the conviction that religious doctrine or more abstract
religious values should guide every aspect of life and that faith with Jama'at, in Bangladesh its members prefer to act as
filiated
cannot be privatised. She maintains, it is not necessary toboard
arguemembers of independent Islamic institutions involved in
that religious political identity is independent of concern for work. The question is, why does the Jama'at leadership
welfare
material benefits or social status, nor to disparage "interested"
get involved in welfare work in both these contexts?
reasons for adherence as somehow inconsistent with religious
partisanship, but to recognise that an identity group is Religious
not re Political Parties and Welfare: Why Invest?
ducible to an economic interest group because identity defines
A common assumption within political theory is that religious
political
its interests (ibid). Religious political parties, she argues, play an parties indulge in welfare work as a form of patronage
important role not just in expressing but also in constructing
politics where free services are distributed primarily with a view
to winning votes (Rosenblum 2003). A study of the working of
and mobilising political identity. They transform group identity
into an identity group. Jama'at-i-Islami in Pakistan and Bangladesh reveals the limitation
This paper examines these claims with the focus on Jama'at-i
of these assumptions and supports the work of Rosenblum (2003)
who argues that the motives for engagement in welfare are much
Islami, the largest Islamic political party in Pakistan and Bangladesh.
The analysis is based on fieldwork conducted in the two countries
more complex than material opportunism. It is important to first
discuss
during 2008, which involved interviews with senior leadership of the analytical strengths and weaknesses of the assump
tion on which the initial argument is based before moving to
the Jama'at, senior managers and officials of the welfare organi
sations linked to it, Jama'at members, and beneficiaries empirical
of the evidence about the motives of the Jama'at for engaging
services of Jama'at's welfare work plus visits to the projectinsites.
welfare work. Inherent in the argument that religious political
In addition, interviews were also conducted with academics and undertake welfare work to mobilise votes, is the implicit
parties
assumption that any beneficiary of their services will be so
political commentators familiar with the activities of the Jama'at
in the two countries. beholden to them that he or she will actually translate this com
mitment into a vote in favour of that party at the time of election.
Jama'at and Welfare Work in Pakistan and Bangladesh If we unpack this major assumption then we see that it carries
In Pakistan, none of the mainstream political parties have athree
very second-tier assumptions about the behaviour of the voter
strong tradition of welfare work. The two main political parties,
and the nature of services being provided by the party: one, the
Pakistan Peoples Party (ppp) and Pakistan Muslim League nature
Nawaz of service being provided is significant enough to make
(pml(n)) do not maintain formal welfare networks. Muttahida
the beneficiary base his voting decision primarily on that; two,
Qaumi Movement (mqm), one of the ethnically based parties in
the beneficiary is very honest, in the sense that if he utilises the
Sindh province, has a small welfare set up: its Khidmat-e-Khalq
services provided by religious political parties then he also feels
Foundation (kkf) established in 1998, developed from the welfare
the obligation to pay them back by supporting them at election
committee formed by the party in 1978, and shoulders responsi
time; three, it ignores the temporal dimension by assuming that
bility for welfare functions. The activities of the foundation are,
beneficiaries of a service will owe allegiance to the party even if
however, limited in terms of service areas as well as scale,
theand
elections are not to take place for the next four years. If
focus on one-off activities rather than ongoing programmes.
all As
these assumptions, inherent in the core assumption, are kept
opposed to these, the Jama'at-i-Islami in Pakistan maintains not then it becomes clear that the implied links between
in view
welfare service provision and converting beneficiaries into
only a large but also a complex network of welfare organisations,
which provides a large variety of social services. The Jama'at's
voters are not as given as is assumed within political theory. The
welfare wing was formed in the early 1950s and is particularly
case of the Jama'at shows the limitations of these assumptions;
known for its disaster relief services. The general areas of where
opera converting beneficiaries into voters is a secondary concern,
tion of the welfare organisations established by the Jama'at
and the primary motive for engagement in welfare work is to
include education, health, water and sanitation, and poverty
establish the commitment of the party to the implementation of
Jama'at in Pakistan who has also managed many of its welfare

religious precepts. It will be useful to elaborate on this argument
by starting with an analysis of the party's stated position programmes,
on why "Politics and welfare are actually two sides of the
it engages with welfare work. same coin, both are means to fulfil God's instructions. Both help to
seek God's pleasure." This is also noted in a Jama'at publication:
Social Work and Party Ideology
The Jamaat-i-Islami Bangladesh upholds Islam in its entirety. It aims
The Jama'at-i-Islami (Party of Islam) was established in 1941 by
at bringing about changes in all phases and spheres of human acti
one of the most important Islamic ideologues of the 20th cen on the basis of guidance revealed by Allah and exemplified by
vities
tury, Syed Abul Ala Maududi, and its main objective is tohis Prophet Muhammad, peace be upon him. Thus the Jama'at-i-Islami
work
Bangladesh is at the same time a religious, political, social and cultural
towards establishment of the state on the injunctions of shariah
movement (jib 1999: 4).
(Nasr 1993). The party argues that belief in tawheed ("unity of
God") implies that at "the core of the Islamic religious The question, however, is: does the Jama'at undertake this
experi
ence, therefore, stands God Who is unique and Whose will
workis the
actually out of this ideological commitment to welfare or is
this Mus
imperative and guide for all men's lives". Building on this, just lip service while the real motives remain conversion of
lim political thought affirms that there can be only one
beneficiaries into voters? It is here that the party's engagement in
sovereign and that is god (Maududi 1967). The view is that
welfare
with work cannot be understood without understanding the
importance
out attempting to establish the religion of god in this world salva of the party member (rukri) in the organisation of the
tion in the other world is difficult. The party thus argues Jama'at and how social welfare work is critical to his mobilisation.
for seek
ing political power, but the point to note here is that, in the party
literature, the capture of state power is viewed as only the Social
meansWelfare and Party Members
and not the end. The end, it is argued, is the imposition of
Jama'at-i-Islami
god's by its very organisational structure is dependent
rule, for establishment of a just society. The result is that
forinitsthe
working on a strong base of members. At the time of its
party's philosophy, the emphasis comes to rest on extending
inception, it consisted simply of the office of ameer (head), the
brotherly care towards fellow Muslims till such time thatcentral Majlis-e-Shura (executive committee) and the members
it wins
political power to put this agenda in place (Murrad 2006).
(arkan; singular rukn). These members were drawn from a wide
Jama'at literature repeatedly refers to these ideas and draws
group of adherents and provided the main financial support of
upon verses from the Quran and Hadith to support this position,
the organisation, and did much of the intelligence work and liai
such as: "Momins (true believers) are brothers". One of theson
Jama'at
with the ulemas and politicians. Between 1941 and 1947, sup
publications argues that Islamic tehreek (Islamic movement),
porters were organised on the basis of the extent of their commit
because of the aspiration for a collective revolution, requires
mentthat
to the party. In the resulting hierarchy, those merely intro
duced
its workers connect together and do so on the basis of some to the message were ranked at the bottom and called
core
principles. The relation has to be based on belief and ideological
muta'arif, then came muta'athir meaning those influenced by the
commonality (Murrad 2006). This emphasis, it is argued,message,
ensuresthey were followed by hamdard (the sympathisers) at
that no one is left helpless in society. In this literature,
thethese
top came arkan, the full members. The first three categories
mutual relations are presented as the critical foundation of a joint
played no official role; they only served as a pool from which new
struggle that would lead to Islamic revolution (ibid).members
Mutual were drawn and helped to spread the message. All
disagreement is discouraged to ensure this solidaritycategories
among provided karkuns (workers) employed by the party to
Muslims, which in turn also benefits party discipline. Theperform
follow political and administrative functions and work in party
ing verse of the Quran is quoted frequently: "Hold God's rope
campaigns. The hierarchy was revised in 1950-51 to consolidate
tightly and don't go for dispute" (ibid). Thus, the idea the
of estab
structure. The categories of muta'arif and muta'athir were
eliminated
lishing social justice through showing care for each other is cen and a new category, mutaffiq (the affiliate) was
tral to the stated philosophy of the party. added. Affiliates were those who favoured an Islamic order and
In the 1958 elections in Pakistan, Maududi noted the importance
supported the Jama'at but were not members. They were, how
of welfare work for the Jama'at as follows: ever, under its supervision and were organised into clusters.
Affiliates stood higher in the hierarchy than the sympathisers.
First of all it brings intellectual change in the people; secondly (it) or
ganises them in order to make them suitable for a movement;The Jama'at
thirdly, also devised a rational and centrally controlled
it reforms society through social and humanitarian work; and,structure,
finally which clustered affiliates by organising them into local
it endeavours to change the leadership.2 units and chapters.
From the beginning, the Jama'at has been careful in the selec
As a Jama'at member in Bangladesh added during an interview:
tion of party members. As in case of the Muslim Brotherhood in
Welfare work is the foundation of Islam. This is a critical aspect of
Egypt,
Jama'at's work. Maududi placed a lot of emphasis on it and termed it asthe party has drawn upon educated professionals rather
than madrasa based students. Maududi was primarily interested
one of the principal activities of the Jama'at. Even during 1971-75,
when the Jama'at was banned, its members continued to work in
through
conveying his message to the educated rather than making
engagement in social service activities.
members out of the lay public. According to Maududi, 90% of
Thus, in Jama'at ideology, investment in social welfare Muslims
work is were poor and uneducated, and were deeply devoted
just another route towards the end of establishing the ruleand
of loyal
god to Islam, but did not understand even the basic prin
on earth. In the words of Syed Bilal, a senior member of the
ciples; their love of Islam had been exploited by so-called
88 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i DHS3 Economic & Political weekly
one can become a member till they have read a certain number
"religious merchants" and westernised leaders. Of the remaining
10%, 4 or 5% who had not been contaminated by western
of prescribed books from the Jama'at literature and have con
influence and culture were loyal or practising Muslims. It sciously
is thesemade up their mind that they agree with the ideology.
Muslims that the Jama'at was interested in training as potential
When it comes to establishing the commitment of the party to
leaders and active members who, in its view, would spread realideology, it is thus not done through the published litera
Islamic
ture of the Jama'at. But demonstration of actual commitment
Islam to 90% of Muslims. These members were selected through
a long probationary period during which they were observed at visible action; it is here that welfare work becomes very
requires
study group meetings, in social welfare projects and at prayer.
important to its working.
At the beginning, there were stringent conditions for member
Members
ship. The constitution of the Jama'at-i-Islami of undivided India and Voluntary Engagement
clearly laid down that to become a member it was not enoughMajor
to be investment
a in welfare activities becomes a sign of the
Muslim but that the individual should observe all the practices of
commitment of the party to Islamic emphasis on social justice. It
the Muslim religion. If he were a member of any Constituentalso demonstrates the ability of the party to ensure effective
Assem
bly, he should resign his membership, and if he were connected
social service delivery if it were to ever gain political power. At
the same time, the investment in welfare work serves another
with any un-Islamic government in the capacity of governor,
minister or judge, he should sever his connections withcritical
those purpose: it gives the members a sense of achievement
roles (Sayeed 1957). How rigorously the process of selection was their morale high even when they are not in power.
and keeps
Given the high emphasis placed within Islam on engaging in
pursued may be seen by the fact that at the time of the Partition
there were only 625 members. When the organisationwelfare
of the work, the party members get a sense of personal
Jama'at was divided into its Indian and Pakistani parts, the gain by engaging in welfare activities. This is also
religious
Pakistani chapter only had 385 members. noted in Jama'at's literature (jib 1999): "The aim and objects of
Jama'at-i-Islami Bangladesh is to achieve the pleasure of Allah
Eight years later, the Munir Report produced in 1954 documented
999 members. Starting in 1941 with only 75 members who came
and salvation in the life hereafter by making ceaseless efforts
from all over the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent, the number of
for establishing social order in Bangladesh". Therefore, if the
permanent members (arkanj of the Jama'at rose to 10,330 in of seeking political power is to establish a society
objective
1996 (Punjab: 6,027, nwfp: 2,000, Sindh: 2,019, Baluchistan: 239).
based on god's word and the personal motive for engagement is
There were 795 women permanent members. In addition there god's approval, then the core purpose of the welfare
winning
were 1,261 male and 329 female candidates on the waiting
worklist.
is to establish the commitment of the party to establishing
The growth pattern over 50 years in Pakistan indicates that
a just society. It thus provides members the opportunity to exe
the Jama'at has been very strict in selecting its members.
cuteSince
their religious duties by voluntarily managing and contrib
1997, the Jama'at has also introduced a provision for people to these welfare programmes. During the fieldwork, it was
uting to
become ordinary "members" distinct from the formally recruited
clear that spiritual rewards were the main incentives motivating
members (arkan). As a result, 2.2 million members were regismembers to volunteer to manage the Jama'at welfare
many
tered by mid-August 1997. To build this core group of committed
organisations. Even if the party is out of power, the involvement
members from within the educated middle classes who would in organised welfare work gives the members the confidence
devote their financial resources - the Jama'at requires it mem that they are contributing towards the main goal of establishing
bers to donate 5% of their annual income to the party fund - as social justice.
well as their time to the working of the party. The existing and In order to sustain this spirit of voluntary engagement, the
potential members are individuals who question and who do Jama'at provides meeting points for the members. It hosts
not have blind allegiance to the party. As a senior member infrequent meetings both at the local and national level where
Pakistan argued, personal, local and national issues are discussed and every
The party members have full regard for the system. They have regard
member gives an account of his week's activity to his superiors.
If a member misses these meetings, without a valid reason, he
for Allah. But, they question bluntly and work very confidently. We are
not working for the Ameer (head) though there is respect for him allcould be expelled from the party. Since every local unit is associ
the time. We are working because we believe that the party is commitated with a larger unit, and each holds meetings of its own,
ted to the cause of establishing a just social order.
members can end up attending several meetings each week.
For educated and independent minded individuals, commitThese meetings reinforce the spirit of collective responsibility,
ment to any party which makes demands on their finances asreminding the members of the importance of the work they are
well as time normally requires developing a conviction in the doing. The benefit of engaging in welfare work for the members
commitment of the leadership of the party to work towards thethemselves is also captured in the mission statement of the
stated goal. The Jama'at takes care of the former by introducingAl-Khidmat Foundation:
the potential members to the writing of Maududi. As elaborated
All of us at this forum, volunteers and employees, are grateful to Allah for
by a member, "People joining Jama'at are basically motivated to
selecting us to proceed and to care for our brethren in need. A very large
join it after the reading of its literature. You can't be members number of victims of wars, conflicts, calamities, accidents and mishaps
unless you have read certain books and the Quran and have are innocent people. Most of them are women and children. It is, there
memorised couple of Surahs (verses) and Hadiths as well." No fore, imperative to help them on short term as well as long term basis.
Economic & Political WEEKLY m !*'.'< JANUARY 7, 2012 VOL XLVII NO 1 89
Welfare Work during Political Bans involvement in provision of social services. Here again, entirely
That there is more to the reason for intervening in welfare work
free service was provided only to those who could not afford it - a
than soliciting votes is also visible in the fact that, in both Pakistan
claim subjected to numerous checks before being accepted. Its
and Bangladesh, the Jama'at continued its welfare work evenleadership in both contexts justifies this emphasis on subsiding
during the period when it was banned. Soon after the establish
the services rather than free provision on grounds of sustainabi
ment of Pakistan, the relations of the Jama'at with the govern
lity. The Jama'at therefore places emphasis not on provision of
ment became strained. During Ayub Khan's regime, the Jama'at
free service but on ensuring provision of basic social services of
party and everything associated with it were banned. The
reasonable quality at subsidised rates. This was also explicitly
Jama'at, however, kept its welfare work alive during this time.
stated by a senior member in Pakistan:
Indeed this period saw a further expansion of its associated or
Our contribution is to provide good quality service to people at lowest
ganisations. In Bangladesh, similarly, the party members stayed
possible rate. We recently administrated hepatitis vaccine to over one
involved in welfare activities even when the party itself was hundred thousand people. People trusted us because of our identity.
banned in the post-liberation period. The vaccine was half price and people had the confidence that it was
not fake. Every day more than 400 people took the injections.
Further, during the fieldwork it was very clear that the Jama'at
was increasingly inclined not to openly associate its name with In view of this, the nature of the service provided is not big
its welfare activities. In fact, in Bangladesh, this has been the
enough in itself to win the allegiance of the beneficiary to vote for
case from the very beginning when it was banned after the crea
the party. What the party is doing through this work is to
tion of the country, which made its members participateillustrate
in to the public its commitment to establishing efficient so
welfare work on an individual basis rather than using the
cial service delivery mechanisms rather than promising free serv
Jama'at platform. Due to external pressures linking it with
ices. The explanation for the Jama'at's engagement in welfare
extremist groups, the party has distanced itself from its welfare
work is thus much more complex than simple patronage politics.
groups. As a senior official of the Al-Khidmat Foundation noted,
That the services indirectly make some contribution towards that
Whenever the military came into power, it put restrictions on end
our is, however, not to be ruled out. For example, within the
political work; this also restricted our welfare work. That is whyJama'at
we educational institutions, the students are likely to pick up
thought it is best to make our welfare wings completely separate. More
its ideology and thus are more likely to support it as adults. There
recently, the foreign pressure on the Jama'at has made us make the
fore, arguably there is a potential long-term electoral benefit of
Al-Khidmat Foundation totally independent of the party.
this work in education. Here, however, it should also be borne in
The same point was also made by a senior official at Ibn-e
mind that the children coming to Jama'at institutions often do so
Seena Hospital in Dhaka, which is run by Jama'at members butbecause
is their parents are already sympathetic to its philosophy so
not advertised as a Jama'at institution: "After the banning of the
that they might have voted for the party irrespective of whether
party, it was easier to undertake social service work through
they studied in its educational institutions.
establishment of independent trusts rather than through party
If this analysis of possible motives guiding Jama'at's involve
platforms". Thus, if the party is keen to carry on its welfare work
ment in welfare work throws some light on the working of reli
even when it prefers not to associate its name with this work, gious
the parties, the differing nature of its activities in the two con
purpose of engaging in welfare activities arguably goes beyond
texts shows how religious political parties constantly adopt strat
conversion of beneficiaries into voters.
egies to balance the ideological commitment against everyday
survival pressures.
Nature of Welfare Service
deology
The actual nature of the services provided by the Jama'at in both or Context: Selecting Welfare Interventions
countries further challenges the assumption of a direct The link
paper has so far argued that welfare work is critical to the
between these services and mobilisation of votes. Exceptidentity
for a of the Jama'at due to the emphasis placed on social
few programmes aimed at especially marginalised populations,
justice within Islam. Does this imply that the welfare activities of
the services of the Jama'at's welfare organisations are not entirely
the Jama'at in the two contexts mirror each other? A comparison
free; in most cases they are just subsidised. In Pakistan, across
during
the two countries shows that, while Islamic principles influ
the fieldwork, interviews were conducted in a Jama'at run ence
school,
the prioritisation of specific sectors, the actual interventions
a girls' college, and a mother and children's care hospital,and
and in design is determined in response to the socio-economic
their
all three places, the beneficiaries paid a basic fee. The fee
andwas,
political peculiarities of each context.
however, less than what people would have to pay in the market
Jama'at
and the quality of the services was more guaranteed than other and Welfare Work: Pakistan and Bangladesh
market-based or state-owned providers. Free services were only
To establish the claim made above, it is first important to analyse
provided to those who could not afford to pay at all; such
thecases
nature of Jama'at's welfare activities in the two countries.
were approved after a very detailed review of paper work estab
lishing the legitimacy of their claims. Pakistan
The same was the case in Bangladesh. In fact, here theAs

princi
briefly discussed in the initial section, the Jama'at in Paki
ple of providing good quality service at a rate which is 25% below
stan maintains a more formal network of registered voluntary
the market price was the primary formula guiding Jama'at
organisations openly affiliated with it than in Bangladesh. At the
90 January 7, 2012 vol XLVii no i CEE3 Economic & Political weekly
heart of the welfare work, rests the Al-Khidmat Foundationitof

should
the ensure that it breaks even while providing good quality
services
Jama'at with a mission statement emphasising that it has been at low cost.
given the task of "serving all those who have been deprived
As of
in the case of this hospital, the dominant mode of engagement
their genuine rights to live with dignity". The foundation has members in welfare programmes in Bangladesh is that of
of Jama'at
been involved in relief and philanthropic work for over 50becoming
years; board members of prominent Islamic welfare organisa
tions. as
it set up its branches all over East and West Pakistan as early The nature of activities and programme priorities are, how
ever,and
1951. The foundation took its present name and form in 1992 similar to those in Pakistan, i e, education, health and emer
was registered as an non-governmental organisation (ngo)gency
underrelief work. The Islamic Bank Foundation, an initiative of the
the Societies Act xxi of i860. As stated in the foundation's Islamic Bank Bangladesh, is another good example of the Jama'at
brochure: "By adding up our services at home and abroad, with activities in Bangladesh. The Bank created a charitable fund
welfare
out any fear of contradiction, we can claim to be the biggest
named Sadaka Tahbil on 4 July 1983, immediately after the incep
network of humanitarian services in Pakistan". In addition to tion of the Islamic Bank on 30 March 1983. As the volume of activity
increased, the fund was renamed the Islamic Bank Foundation on
Al-Khidmat Foundation, the party has numerous other welfare
organisations, which work on specific sectors. One of these is 20 May 1991. Most of the committee members of the Islamic Bank
the
Foundation
Al-Khidmat Welfare Society (akws), which is a ngo, engaged in are from the Jama'at: "There are 11 members of the Is
lamic Bank Foundation Committee who oversee the Foundation ac
helping the poor and the destitute. Established in 1995, Ghazali
tivities. Most of the members are from the Bank and Ibn-e-Seena
Education Trust is another major initiative within the education
sector, whose stated mission is "to produce a better society
Trust and are members of the Jama'at", explained an official of the
through value based education". The trust was establishedfoundation.
in He further noted: 'Jama'at officials are running these
1995 by a small group of friends who were also Jama'at mem
organisations so eventually there is some connection that people
bers, and some were professors at the University of the Punjab
make
in between the Jama'at and these organisations".
Lahore. As opposed to the rural education programme of the
The aims and objectives of the Islamic Bank Foundation are to
Ghazali Trust where the emphasis is on increasing access, in promote
the people-oriented mass education, provide health and
case of the read Foundation, another Jama'at initiative, themedical
em care facilities, help the development of culture, art, litera
ture, science, technology, and sports, assist in the research and
phasis is on providing quality education. At the time of the field
work in 2008, the read Foundation had an enrolment of over
propagation of Islamic ideology, creation of facilities for productive
60,000 children in its 323 schools. self-employment and development of human resources for enhanc
ing economic growth and quality of life. Thus, the nature of
Bangladesh programmes is very similar to those supported by the Al-Khidmat
Foundation in Pakistan. The difference is that here the Jama'at has
The welfare work of the Jama'at in Bangladesh, however,
presents a very different scenario. Here it does not run Jama'at no formal links with the organisation managing these activities
owned welfare organisations; but that does not mean that thethough it is its members who are in charge of the policies and pro
emphasis placed on welfare work among its members is any the
grammes. When establishing any project, the Islamic Bank Foun
less. In Bangladesh, members hold senior positions in many dation in Bangladesh requires the local Jama'at leaders in the area
organisations engaged in provision of social services, which
to assess the needs and demand of the community and then
apparently have no formal links with the Jama'at. The only areaapprove the project. Thus, the organisational structure and ground
of welfare activity where the Jama'at in Bangladesh maintainslevel leadership is as involved in approving and monitoring these
its own organisational structure is in emergency relief. The
projects as it is in setting the policy guidelines and overall plan of
philosophy guiding the work is the same as in Pakistan. As action.
a As a senior official at the foundation explained,
publication states: In order to support projects in any area we rely on recommendations
The Jama'at aims at bringing about changes in all phases and spheres of a local committee formed of local prominent personalities and
of human activities on the basis of the guidance revealed by Allah and Islamic figures. At the time of starting our project we select some peo
exemplified by his Prophet. The aims and objects of the Jama'at-i-Islami ple who are Islamic minded and followers of Jama'at. They are promi
are to achieve the pleasure of Allah and salvation in the life hereafter
nent in the locality. They must be honest.
by making ceaseless efforts for establishing the Islamic social order
in Bangladesh. The Sylhet Women's Medical College, supported by the foun
However, as barrister Razzak, a senior Jama'at official in dation and visited during the fieldwork was being led by one
Bangladesh highlights: of the senior Jama'at members from the area. The foundation
The emphasis is not on maintaining a large number of Jama'at owned decided to invest in the college because the low literacy rates in
welfare institutions but on encouraging its members to undertake Sylhet led to a demand within the area for establishment of a
these activities in their individual capacity or through supporting other medical college for girls which could offer them a safe and secure
like minded institutions involved in such activities.
campus, well-protected hostel facilities, well-stocked library
Ibn-e-Seena, a prominent hospital in Dhaka, which provides with it facilities and highly skilled and experienced teachers.
high quality health facilities at 25% below market price, is not a
Jama'at institution but it is run by its senior members. During theConsiderations Shaping Welfare Programmes
fieldwork, the leadership organised a visit to the hospital and itFor the Jama'at, the inspiration for choosing specific welfare
was explained that the hospital was based on the philosophy that activities comes partly from religion and partly from the needs of
Economic & Political weekly 05X53 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 91
sound
the community. Investment in education is explained social and economic base for them on the basic of the Islam
as being
critical because of the great emphasis placed on it inspirit
Islamand
butprinciples. But, the reason why the senior membe
also because it is seen to be an important social anddeveloped
economicthe idea of establishing a network of Muslim mind
organisations
need critical for individual and social development. As a senior had more to do with the sociopolitical conte
official of the Jama'at in Pakistan explained: than to Jama'at Islamic ideology. The critical factor in t
rise of the network was its attempt to compete with secu
When expanding in new areas, one has to prioritise as there are many
areas within the same communities that require help. We,ngos in securing access to development aid. As explained by
of course,
prioritise according to the needs of the community. We trysenior member,
to go there
where the local community is willing to help with donations and
One important factor was that students which were affiliated
volunteer work. Then poverty is another factor. In Chitral we have
Jama'at's student wings in colleges and universities were actively
established a hostel for students as they have to travel from long dis
ferring to big ngo networks like brac, Proshika, and Grameen sayin
tances to study in the schools and colleges in the city.
that these organisations are getting at par with the government
Looking at their activities, the Jama'at students started to say th
The efforts of the Jama'at to make its welfare activities respond
they have to do something. They got disheartened. We were obse
to local needs are also visible in the establishment of the Association
ing this. We thought we must do something to help them. Some
of Muslim Welfare Agencies in Bangladesh (amwab)them
by started
the work with brac but realised that its activities contra
Jama'at members. The amwab is an apex body of Muslimdicted
ngos with
in some of their beliefs. We, therefore, established this net
Bangladesh. Its main responsibility is to coordinate its work to provide support to these young people. Many of them are not
member
part of Jama'at and will never be. However, they share the Islamic
organisations and to provide training and technical assistance to
values that Jama'at holds.
them. The member organisations work in different areas and
Thus, the network came about as a strategic response to the
remote villages of Bangladesh in the fields of poverty alleviation,
socio-economic
health and sanitation, supply of pure drinking water, formal and and political needs of the current environment.
non-formal education, family welfare, fishing culture,The
and poul of the action was indeed to protect Islamic ideology
purpose
try. These organisations work with the poorest segment ofintervention
but the the itself was very context dependent and relied
population of Bangladesh such as destitute women and
onchildren,
strategy and innovation on the part of the Jama'at members
the landless and slum-dwellers, with the aim of developing
rather than a
rigidly adhering to orthodox ways of working. This is
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also reflected in the objectives and actions of the networkmuch

whichmore complex phenomenon than is recognised by poli
aims to shape development in the light of Islamic precepts theorists.
but, in Such a conclusion supports Rosenblum's (2003) cla
order to successfully engage with the donor community, also
thatuses
political parties are "membership groups" that compete w
specialist development jargon. An extract from its 2006 all
annual
other membership groups for citizens' loyalty and resour
report (amwab 2007) summarises this consciousness: The emphasis on creating a cadre of ideologically commi
members, as has been elaborated in the case of Jama'at,
The conventional development concept is changed. Development is
supports
now perceived to be very much participatory, community-led and people Rosenblum's argument that religious political par
cannot survive if they are purely driven by material intere
centred as opposed to top down prescription by the higher echelon.
The conceptual premise as well as ground realities, are putting they
mountmight reap some material benefits, but they must illust
ing pressure on the development organisations to transform their role
their commitment to religious principles if they are to sur
from traditional hierarchical to bottom-up and community-led.
as a religious political party and defend their claim to speak
amwab is also gradually transforming and keeping pace with the
behalf
changing scenario. The amwab is rethinking and revitalising its strat of that religion. The paper thus highlights the limitat
egies and approaches to meet the development challenges weof current
have to political theory in understanding the complexit
confront with. The international communities under the banner of the
religious political parties and the factors these parties have
United Nations have adopted 8 Millennium Development Goals for
consider in mobilising popular following. The need for m
sustained growth and development of global communities.
rigorous empirical work to test the existing assumptions ab
In terms of its activities, the network is following the samethese parties is thus evident.
activities as pursued by secular development networks. For The fieldwork conducted with the Jama'at for this study al
human resource development, it organises training programmes, shows that undertaking welfare work requires a very organ
seminars, symposia and study circles. It also organises workparty structure (Bano 2008), which means that not all relig
shops to share the experiences of the member organisations andparties are necessarily able to maintain big welfare programm
the development ideas of the contemporary world. The Jama'atIt is only the well-organised religious parties that are able
maintains that the programme aims at building capacity andmake this investment. In Pakistan and Bangladesh there
skills of the people working in the member organisations acrossother Islamic parties but none on the scale of the Jama'at
different sectors to deliver efficient services. none with as extensive welfare network. Thus, a sophistica
A similar strategic outlook is also visible in recent decision oforganisational hierarchy and not just commitment to welf
the Jama'at's Al-Khidmat Foundation in Pakistan to dissociate it work is critical for enabling a religious political party mainta
self from the Jama'at and to claim an independent ngo status.
large network of welfare organisations.
During interviews, this decision was explained as being in the Based on the analysis presented in this paper, it appears t
best interest of the foundation. It was explained that the inter
the real puzzle requiring analytical attention when looking a
national pressure placed on the Jama'at since 11 September,
volvement of religious political parties in welfare work has as
because of the suspicion of some international analysts that not
it even been recognised in political theory. Rather than uph
had links with fundamentalist groups, risks the future of the
ing the traditional assumption that religious political par
foundation. Acquiring the ngo title was also seen as a way to invest
at in welfare work in order to secure votes, the Jama'at c
tract more development donors from the west. During inter
has shown that the real question is why, despite maintain
views, current board members of the Al-Khidmat Foundation
quite an extensive welfare network, religious political partie
were keen to present it as "a regular ngo", which did not have
times fail to mobilise voters. Is it that the public does not p
any formal affiliation with the Jama'at, unlike its explicit associa
any premium on welfare service provision by political parties
tion with it in the past. does this reflect the limited appeal among the Pakistani pu
for the call of the Jama'at for a shariah-based society? Study
Conclusions
the Jama'at through this lens can lead to understanding it bet
The numerous factors which shape the Jama'at's engagement
at the same time it could also be an interesting route to study
with welfare work in Pakistan and Bangladesh as analysed
Pakistani in
public's mixed responses to allowing religion to d
this paper thus help illustrate how religious partiesnate
present a
the public sphere.
NOTES Talukaat (Lahore: Irfan Afzal).

Bano, Masooda (2008): "Marker of Identity: Religious
Political Parties and Welfare Work: The Case of
1 A religious or ethnic party is one that appeals to Nasr, Seyyed Vali Reza (1993): "Islamic Opposition to
Jama'at-i-Islami in Pakistan and Bangladesh", the Islamic State: The Jama'at-i- Islami, 1977-88"
voters as the champion of the interest of one eth
WP 34, DIFD Religions and Development Research International Journal of Middle East Studies, 25.2:
nic group, typically but not always to exclusion of
Consortium, University of Birmingham. 261-83.
others. It draws upon already formed identity
Chandra, K (2005): "Ethnic Parties and Democratic
groups and aims at organising and mobilising Rosenblum, N L (2003): "Religious Parties, Religious
Stability", Perspectives on Politics 3.2: 235-52.
them electorally to win office (Chandra 2005). Political Identity, and the Cold Shoulder of Liberal
Islamic
2 Short proceedings of the Second Annual Bank Foundation (2007): Islamic Bank Foun
Confer Democratic Thought", Ethical Theory and Practice,
dation: Welfare Programmes (Dhaka: Islamic
ence, Jamiat-i-Islami, East Pakistan, 14-16 March 6: 23-53.
1958,2. Bank Foundation). Sayeed, Khalid B (1957): "The Jama'at-i-Islami Move
JIB (1999): Introduction to Jama'at-i-Islami (Dhaka: ment in Pakistan", Pacific Affairs, 30.1: 59-68.
Jama'at-i-Islami Bangladesh). Schuster, A (2007): "Religious Political Parties: A Gap
REFERENCES
Maududi, Abul Ala (1967): The Meaning of the Qur'an in Multicultural Theories", paper presented at the
(Lahore: Islamic
AMWAB (2007): Annual Report 2006, Association of Publications). workshop on "Multiculturalism and Moral Conflict",
Murrad,Dhaka.
Muslim Welfare Agencies in Bangladesh, Khurram (2006): Karkoon Kay Bhahimi University of Durham, 21-23 March.
SPECIAL ARTICLE
Anatomy of India's Merchandise Export Growt

1993-94 to 2010-11
C VEERAMANI
1 Introduction
This paper analyses the growth and pattern of India's
merchandise exports during the post-reform period
the structural adjustment programmes implemented by
(1993-94 to 2010-11). The first decade after reforms
Trade India
andsinceexchange ratequantitative
the early 1990s. The liberalisation
restrictions has been central to
(from 1993-94 to 2001-02) was characterised
(qrs) onby a capital goods and intermediates were mostly
importing
relatively low export growth rate of 8% a year, while
dismantled in 1992, although thethe
ban on importing consumer
second decade (from 2002-03 to 2010-11) stands apart until the late 1990s.
goods continued, with some exceptions,
Alongside the removal of qrs, customs duties in the manufactur
for its strong growth of 21% a year. The growth rate is at
ing industries were gradually reduced. Following the new tariff
an impressive 24% per annum during the reductions
pre-financial
introduced in the March 2007 budget, India has
crisis period of 2002-03 to 2008-09. These emerged
trends, based
as one of the world's low protection and open industrial
economies (Pursell et al 2007).
on India's official export data, have been further
The focus of the export policy, by and large, shifted from product
confirmed using "mirror statistics" that have been
specific incentives to more generalised incentives based prima
constructed on the basis of imports reported
rily on the by
exchangeIndia's
rate. It was held that the overvalued rupee
trading partners. The composition of exports
had created ahas
bias against exports and that a more realistic market
determined
undergone consistent changes in favour of capitalexchange rateand
would make exporting activities in
herently more attractive. The government introduced a major
skill-intensive products.
downward adjustment in the rupee exchange rate against the
The lack of dynamism in labour-intensive exports is a in July 1991. In February 1992,
major international currencies
matter of concern because it is this sector athat holds
dual exchange rate system the
was introduced, which allowed
exporterslabour
potential to absorb the large pool of surplus to sell 60% of their foreign exchange earnings at the
free market rate and 40% to the government at the official lower
from agriculture. The analysis shows a major shift in
rate. In April 1993, a further move towards the deregulation of
India's export destination from the traditional
the external sector took place when the government adopted full
developed country markets to the emerging markets
convertibility on the trade account byin
unifying the official exchange
Asia and Africa. rate with the market one. These steps culminated in India adopt
ing full current account convertibility in August 1994.
We consider 1993 as the benchmark for defining the post-trade
reform period since full convertibility on trade account was in
troduced in that year. The reforms, by reducing the anti-export
bias of protectionist policies, were expected to improve export
competitiveness and growth. During the first decade of the re
forms (1993-94 to 2001-02), India's merchandise exports in
dollars grew at the rate of about 8% a year. This is slightly better
than the average growth rate of 7% a year in the 1980s but pales
in comparison with the growth rate of 18% a year in the 1970s. In
stark contrast to the first decade of the reforms, however, India's
merchandise exports recorded an exceptionally high growth rate
of 21% a year during 2002-03 to 2010-11.
I thank R Nagaraj for discussions and EPW for helpful comments on an Services exports grew relatively faster at the rate of 18% per
earlier version. Help from Prachi Gupta with some of the data work is
year during 1993-94 to 2001-02 and at the rate of 25% a year dur
thankfully acknowledged.
ing 2002-03 to 2010-11.1 The increasing importance of services
C Veeramani (veeramani@igidr.ac.in) is with the Indira Gandhi Institute
exports is evident from the fact that its share in India's total
of Development Research, Mumbai.
exports increased from about 19% in 1993-94 to 34% in 2010-11.
SPECIAL ARTICLE
Figure
India exported $132 billion worth of services in 2010-11 while the1: Annual Growth Rates of Exports, India and the World
(Growth rates)
value of merchandise exports in the same year stands at $250 billion.
While India's export success in services has been widely
acknowledged and studied,2 the recent dynamism in India's mer
chandise exports has not been subjected to systematic and detailed
analysis. The present paper focuses exclusively on merchandise
exports and provides a detailed account of its growth and pattern
during the post-reform period (from 1993-94 to 2010-11).3 The
rest of this paper is structured as follows. Section 2 discusses the
export growth performance. The composition and geographical
direction of exports are analysed in Sections 3 and 4, respec
•30
tively. Finally, Section 5 provides the concluding remarks.
1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
Source: Direction of Trade Statistics, IMF.

2 Growth Performance
This section deals with an analysis of growth performance using

The first decade of reforms is characterised by a relatively low
two types of data on merchandise exports. First, we use theof
growth data
8% a year, while the second decade stands apart for its
reported by India's official statistical agencies, which strong
is referred
growth rate of 21% a year. In general, the growth rate of
Indian exports
to as the "reported" data. Second, we use the "mirror export data", has been higher than the world exports through
which has been constructed on the basis of imports out
reported by
the post-reform period (see Figure 1 and Table 3, p 97). This is
India's partner countries. While mirror data are generally
in contrast
perto the pre-reform period when the Indian growth
ceived as second-best to own-country reported data,rates
the had
former
been below the world average (Veeramani 2007).
provides us with an obvious way of checking the reliability of the
Looking at the level rather than growth, the value of exports
stood attariff
latter. We may also note that imports, because it generates $23 billion in 1993-94 which increased to $45 billion in
revenue, are usually recorded with more accuracy than exports.
2001-02. In other words, during the early phase of the reforms, it
took as many as eight years to double the value of exports. How
2.1 Analysis Based on Reported Data ever, within a matter of four years, the export value more than
doubled
Using the Reserve Bank of India's balance of payment from $45 billion in 2001-02 to $105 billion in 2005-06.
statistics,
Table 1 reports the average annual growth rates of India's
Further,aggre
between 2002-03 and 2010-11, the value of exports in
gate merchandise exports for different periods and sub-periods.
creased nearly five times from about $54 billion to $250 billion.
The value of exports grew
Table 1: Growth Rates of India's MerchandiseConsistent with this trend, India's share in the world exports first
at the rate of 14.5% aExports (valued in $ billion, %)
increased slowly from about 0.6% in 1993 to 0.7% in 2001 and
Period Growth Rates
year during the 20 years Total Non-Oil then increased relatively faster to 1.5% in 2010 (Figure 2).4
after 1991, which com1970-71 to 1990-91 10.8 10.4 Figure 2: Performance of India's Merchandise Exports (1993-2010)
300 " 1j6
pares somewhat favour
1991-92 to 2010-11 14.5 13.3
1993-94 to 2010-11 14.9 1.4

ably with the performance 13.6 250
1970-71 to 1979-80 18.2 18.3 12

during the 20 years before £
<T3
1980-81 to 1989-90 7.1 7.6 j 200

1991 when exports grew 1
L
World market shares VI
0>
9.8 10.1
at the rate of about 11% a 1990-91 to 1999-2000
•
- OB
2000-01 to 2009-10 20.3
i b
18.1
year. Comparison of per
i
Mirror exports Reported exports
k 06 2
■ 100
1993-94 to 2001-02 8.0 7.7
formance over such a 04
£
2002-03 to 2008-09 24.0 21.1
50
long time horizon, how
2002-03 to 2010-11 20.6 18.4
02
ever, masks some impor

2009-10 -3.6 -4.6 0i
tant decadal variations. 2010-11 37.4 35.4

1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
World market shares are based on reported data.
It is evident that the Source: Direction of Trade Statistics. IMF.
2011-12 (April to November)" 33.2 na
average annual growth

(i) Growth rates are calculated using semi-logarithmic Table 2 (p 96) shows the export growth rates across different
regressions.
rate in the 1970s (18%)
(ii) * Based on revised (but still provisional) data groups of commodities disaggregated at the l-digit Harmonised
released by Department of Commerce in December
was distinctly superior
2011 after correcting for errors. System (hs) classification level. It is evident that the growth
Sources: Data up to 2010-11 are from the RBI (BoP
to that in the 1980s (7%). acceleration since 2002 has been, by and large, broad-based with
statistics); data for 2011 -12 and the data on oil exports
Similarly, the first decade
are DGCIS information from the Department of double digit growth in almost all the commodity groups. How
Commerce (Government of India).
of the 21st century wit ever, the capital-intensive groups such as transport equipment,
nessed markedly better growth performance (20%)machinery,
than the and base metals registered higher growth than the
1990s (10%). traditional groups like textiles. The high growth of mineral prod
The analysis that follows focuses specifically on the post ucts has been driven by petroleum products (hs 27), whose ex
reform period, which has been further divided into two sub ports skyrocketed from $2.3 billion in 2002 to $38 billion in 2010.
periods: (1) the first decade of reforms (from 1993-94 to 2001-02); It may, however, be pointed out that the average annual growth
and (2) the second decade of reforms (from 2002-03 to 2010-11). rate of India's aggregate exports for the post-2002 period is still
SPECIAL ARTICLE
very high even if we do not take into account petroleum oil of the trend since 2002-03 and do not represent a
continuation
exports (Table 1). structural break from the recent past. The exceptionally high
The share of petroleum products in India's export growth
basketrates in the past two years are mainly explained by the
increased dramatically from about 2% in 1993 to as high
lowas 18%
base effect arising from the growth moderation in 2008-09
in 2010. This export surge has been driven mainly by India's and the negative growth in 2009-10 in the aftermath of the finan
private
sector oil refineries. According to the Centre for Monitoring
cial crisis.9 This can be established by comparing the counterfac
Indian Economy's (cmie) Prowess database, Reliance Industries
tual values of exports with the actual values, as done below.
India's exports in 2010-11 would have been $324 billion
had contributed to about 68% of the petroleum exports in 2010-11,
and Essar Oil, another private sector refinery, contributed 8%.5
(against the actual value of $250 billion) had it continued to grow
The data on gross export values, however, should be interpreted
at the same rate as during 2002-03 to 2007-08 (i e, at the rate of
25% crude
with caution for the private refineries import almost all the per annum). Under this counterfactual scenario, the value of
oil that they process. This implies that the net export earnings
exports for 2011-12 should be as high as $406 billion, a figure that
and the domestic value added are much smaller than what the is significantly higher than what the government is hoping to
statistics on gross exports would indicate. achieve (i e, about $300 billion).10 Even if we assume a growth
Reliance had exported about $31 billion in 2011-12 but itrate
conof only 20% per annum, the counterfactuals are still high at
sumed $39 billion worth of imported raw materials, a major $287
partbillion for 2010-11 and $345 billion for 2011-12. The spike in
of the latter would be crude oil.6 According to the United Nations
growth rate in 2010-11 and the first half of 2011-12 is not unique to
India either. A similar trend can be observed in other major
Industrial Development Organisation's (unido) industrial statis
tics, the value added to output ratio for India's "refined petroleum
exporting countries from the developing world.11
That the Indian export sector is not insulated from the nega
products" industry is 0.155/ Applying this ratio, the value added
component of India's petroleum exports in 2010-11 is approxi
tive demand shocks emanating from the world economy is evi
mately $6.5 billion while the gross export value, according todent
thefrom Figure 1, which depicts a comparison of India's annual
official data, is as high as $42 billion. growth rates of exports with that of the world for the period
Table 2: Average Annual Growth Rates of Exports across Sections of Commodities
1993-2010. The co-movement of the two series suggests that the
(1993-2010,$ million)
1993-2001 2002-08 2002-10
fluctuation in India's export growth rate is strongly tied to cycles
Sections Descriptions
1 5.4 10.8 11.1
in the world demand. The correlation coefficient between the an
Live animals and products
II Vegetable products 5.6 16.2 13.2 nual growth rates of exports for India and the world is as high as
Fats and oils 7.4 23.5 20.3
III
0.94. It is beyond doubt that the sustainability of India's ongoing
IV Foodstuffs, beverages and tobacco -0.2 30.7 22.4
export recovery and prospects for further growth are strongly
V Mineral products 6.1 51.5 37.1
contingent on the trends in world demand.
VI Chemical products 11.8 24.8 20.6
VII Plastics and rubber products 6.7 21.1 15.4
VIII Hides, skins and leather 3.4 11.0 7.1

2.3 Export Surge: An Artefact of Over-Invoicing?
IX Wood and cork -5.9 27.0 18.6 The high monthly growth figures during the first half of 2011-12
X Paper and paper products 14.7 18.0 15.6 have been greeted with cynicism by some commentators in
XI Textile and textile products 7.2 12.9 11.0
the business media, who speculate that this may reflect over
XII Footwear, umbrellas, etc 3.1 18.5 14.4
invoiced exports to ship black money back into the country.12
XIII Stone, glass, cement, etc 11.3 19.1 14.5
XIV Natural/cultured pearls, gems, etc 8.4 14.7 17.4
For one thing, given the slowdown in Europe and the United
XV Base metals and products 9.2 32.2 22.5 States, the exceptionally high Indian growth rates appeared
XVI Machinery 11.6 29.2 25.7 "too good to be true" at the outset. Providing further fodder to
XVII Transport equipment 4.1 39.8 36.4
the sceptics, some newspapers reported a sudden export surge
XVIII Instruments and apparatus 20.0 18.1 17.2
to Bahamas, a tax haven, from a modest $2.2 million in 2008-09
XIX Miscellaneous manufactures 7.8 24.4 19.7
to $2.2 billion in 2010-11. In this section, we assess the reliability
Total 7.7 24.5 20.8
Total (excluding HS 27) 7.5 21.2 18.5

of India's officially reported data by comparing it with the
(i) Growth rates are calculated using semi-logarithmic regressions.
mirror statistics.
(ii) Section XIX (arms and ammunition) and Section XXI (works of arts) are excluded. These
sections account for a negligible share (less that 0.1%) in India's total exports.
Figure 2 shows two different time series on export values
Source: Author's estimation using Comtrade-WITS database. ($ billion), one based on "reported data" and the other based on
"mirror data". The mirror export values shown in the figure is
2.2 Impact of the Global Financial Crisis what the world as a whole had reported to the International
During the pre-financial crisis period of 2002-03 to 2008-09, ex Monetary Fund (imf) as imports from India. For any country, its
ports had been growing at an impressive rate of 24% per annum. reported data does not match perfectly with the mirror data for
As a consequence of the financial crisis, the value of exports many reasons. In general, the mirror export values would exceed
declined from $189 billion in 2008-09 to $182 billion in 2009-10. the own country reported values because imports are inclusive
The next two years, however, exports recovered, registering a of cost insurance and freight (cif), while exports are recorded on
growth rate of 37% in 2010-11 and 33% during the first eight a free on board (fob) basis. As expected, India's mirror export
months of 2011-12 (April to November).8 It must be stressed that values are always higher than its reported values and the two
India's export performances in 2010-11 and 2011-12 reflect just a series almost always move together. In 2010, for example, the
96 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i EBQS Economic & Political weekly
SPECIAL ARTICLE
reported value of India's exports was $223 billion, whileresponsible

the for the observed difference in
mirror exports value was $243 billion. on reported versus mirror data in 2009.
Referring to the recent export trends, a popular business news
Note that all countries do not report trade data to the imf (or to
paper
the un) for all the years. Therefore, in order to derive the value of observed that "an amazing surge in India's exports to the
Bahamas has stoked the lingering suspicion that a slice of the
aggregate world imports (and exports), the imf uses estimated/
country's trades is sham transactions done to bring back money
extrapolated data for the non-reporting countries. Alternatively,
stashed in secret accounts with offshore banks".15 According to
the mirror statistics may be obtained by aggregating the import
thisis,report, India's reported data on exports, no way matches the
values of only those countries that had reported the data (that
by excluding the estimated/extrapolated values pertaining todata
the on Bahamas' global imports, which was $2.8 billion in 2010.
A careful examination of data from various sources, however,
non-reporting countries). However, while doing so, it is impor
reveals
tant to keep in mind that the number of reporting countries var that the reported anomaly has been mainly caused by
ies from year to year. In order to make sure that the values are reporting of data by the statistical agencies in the Bahamas.
partial
strictly comparable over time, the mirror statistics should While
be the reported value of imports of the Bahamas from the
world as a whole in 2010 was indeed $2.8 billion, the imf's esti
derived using data from a consistent set of reporting countries.
We notice that a set of 113 countries had consistently reported
mation, based on the partner country records, puts the value at a
much higher $12 billion. As per the data from the un-Comtrade,
import data to the un for every year in the period 2002-10.13
the aggregate export to Bahamas from a set of reported countries
Using the import data reported by these countries, we construct
India's mirror export series for the period 2002 through stands
2010. at $10 billion in 2010.16
The imf's data manual states that the Bahamas does not report
The aggregate mirror export values, obtained this way, are then
"oil to
compared with the aggregate export values reported by India products imported and exported on foreign client's accounts
Figure 3: Performance of India's Merchandise Exports (2002-10) that do not add to the wealth or material resources of the
Values ($ billion)
200 country..This information on the scope and coverage of the
Bahamas' official data holds the key in understanding the reported
anomaly. For petroleum products (hs 27) contributes to 92% of
India's exports to the Bahamas in 2010 (and 95% in 2009) and
much of these imports from India would not have been reported
by Bahamas.17
It is very likely that the Bahamas has been used as a transhipment
point for other destinations, especially in petroleum products.18
While the Bahamas did not report any export of petroleum
products in 2010, other countries have reported petroleum imports
worth $1.5 billion from the Bahamas.19 Similarly, the partner
o.
countries have reported petroleum exports worth $4.4 billion to
2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
the Bahamas
(i) Reported Exports are aggregate exports to 113 countries as in 2010, while
reported the latter
by India. did not report any such
(ii) "Mirror Exports" are the aggregate imports from India reported by 113 countries.
(iii) 113 countries have reported import data consistently during 2002-10. imports. Indeed, these values on world exports and imports,
Source: Author's estimation using Comtrade-WITS database.
based on partner country records, understate the true extent of
the same set of 113 partner countries (Figure
Bahamas' trade since not3). Again,
all partners havethe mir
reported data in 2010.
ror export values are higher than The
thebottom line is thatvalues,
reported India's export
butsurge to Bahamas is real
move
in the same direction. It is clear then
and thatthat India's
the argument official
of over export
invoicing is flimsy.
figures are real, not an artefact of over invoicing
3 Commodity
Table 3 reports the growth rates Composition
of exports using reported as
well as mirror data for different Having
periodsestablished
andthat the official
years. It isexport data are reliable, the
evident
discussion in
that, except for the year 2009, Table 3: Average Annual Growth the remaining part of the paper is solely based on
Rates
of Exports ($ billion)
the growth rates generated the reported data. In the present section, we use disaggregated
Reported Data Mirror Data
by the two series are very India World India World data to analyse changes in the commodity structure of exports.
similar. The reported data 1993-2001 8.6 5.9 7.5 6.2 According to the Heckscher-Ohlin model of trade, a country
shows a negative growth 2002-08 24.3 16.3 26.4 16.3 would specialise and export the products that use its relatively
rate of 7% in 2009, while the2002-10 20.3 11.0 20.3 11.0 abundant resources intensively. Thus, for example, a country
mirror data shows a much 2009 -7.0 -22.9 -22.1 -23.1 with abundant supply of labour has a comparative advantage in
higher rate of decline with2010
a 35.1 20.6 38.6 20.7
labour-intensive products. Viewed thus, it is appropriate to clas
(i) Growth rates are calculated using semi
negative growth rate of 22%
logarithmic regressions. sify traded products according to factor intensities. To that end,
(ii) Figures in parentheses are the growth rates of
for the same year. Observ we
aggregate exports to a set of 113 countries that have
use the factor intensity classification of the International
ing Figures 2 and 3, the year
consistently reported import data during 2002-10. Trade Centre (itc), adapted by Hinloopen and van Marrewijk
Sources: Direction of Trade Statistics (IMF) and
2008 immediately catches Comtrade-WITS. (2008), which distinguishes between five broad factor-intensity
the eye with its large gap between the mirror and reported categories at the 3-digit level of Standard International Trade
Classification (sitc).20 However, as explained below, we make a
values.14 This relatively large difference in the base year value is
SPECIAL ARTICLE
A recent study has shown that the export bundle of India is

slight modification to this classification, but report the results
according to both the original itc classification as well as the increasingly more similar to that of the high-income
becoming
modified classification. Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (oecd)
Table 4 reports the commodity composition of exports, accord countries (Veeramani and Saini 2011). Specifically, an export similar
ing to factor intensity classification, for selected years (1993,ity index (esi), which captures the extent of product structure over
2002 and 2010). Both the original and modified classificationslap between India and the high income oecd countries, has been
show a consistent increase in the shares of human capital and computed using finely disaggregated (10-digit level) us bilateral im
technology-intensive products and a consistent decline in the
port data. The rationale behind the use of the esi is the idea that the
shares of natural resource and unskilled labour-intensive prodoecd countries hold comparative advantages in products that are
most sophisticated and, therefore, an increase in the value of esi
ucts. According to the original classification, the share of primary
products increased significantly from 22% in 2002 to 32% inwould imply catching up by India with the oecd (Schott 2008).
2010, which, at first sight, may appear surprising. A closer look at It has also been noticed that in a majority of the cases, the
the data reveals that the increasing share of primary products is 10-digit level export unit values of India, in the us market, are
explained by the rapid export growth of "refined petroleum prod
higher than that of China. The higher export unit values may reflect
ucts" (sitc 334), which, as per the original itc classification, isIndia's specialisation in capital- and skill-intensive varieties and
included in the "primary" category. The share of sitc 334 inproduction process. For, it maybe argued that, the higher is the level
India's total exports increased from 1.8% in 1993 to 4.5% in 2002 of capital- and skill-embodied in a variety/product line, the higher
and to a hefty 17% in 2010. is the price (unit value) that it commands in the export markets. A
Table 4: Export Composition according to Factor-intensity Classifications higher price that results from "distorted" specialisation, however,
(% shares of total exports) does not translate into an overall higher volume of exports.
Original ITC Classification Modified Classification
1993 2002 2010 1993 2002 2010
Table 5 shows the changes in the shares of exports across nine
Primary 24.9 22.0 32.5 23.1 17.5 15.5 major product groups disaggregated at the l-digit sitc level. Con
Natural resource-intensive 21.8 19.5 16.1 21.8 19.5 16.1 sistent with the observations made above, the table displays a
Unskilled labour-intensive 29.8 26.3 14.8 29.8 26.3 14.8 steady shift in the composition of exports in favour of relatively
Capital-intensive 23.6 32.1 36.4 25.4 36.6 53.5 capital-intensive "mineral fuels and lubricants" (sitc 3), "chemi
ofwhich
13.4 15.2 17.0 13.4 15.2 17.0
cal products" (sitc 5) and "machinery and transport equipments"
Human capital-intensive
10.2 16.9 19.4 10.2 16.9 19.4
(sitc 7). By contrast, it is evident that, the traditional agriculture
Technology-intensive
and labour-intensive sectors such as "food and live animals"
Refined petroleum (SITC 334)
- - -
1.8 4.5 17.1
Unclassified (5) 0.0 0.0 0.2 0.0 0.0 0.2 (sitc o), "manufactured materials" (sitc 6) and "miscellaneous
Total 100 100 100 100 100 100 manufactured articles" (sitc 8) are losing their prominence. The
(i) In the modified classification, the constituents of capital-intensive category are human combined share of traditional sectors (sitc o, 6 and 8) declined
capital-intensive products, technology-intensive products and SITC 334; in the original
classification, SITC 334 is part of the primary category. from 76% in 1993 to 48% in 2010. As noted earlier, the remarka
ble increase in the sitc share 3 from 2% in 1993 to 17% in 2010
Since petroleum refining is a highly capital-intensive process, has been driven by refined petroleum products.
it is appropriate to include this product in the capital-intensive, Table 5: Composition of Exports across 1 -Digit Level, SITC
(% shares of total exports)
rather than primary, category.21 Accordingly, we define the capital
SITC Codes Product Groups 1993 2002 2010
intensive category as consisting of human capital-intensive prod 0 Food and live animals 15.2 11.6 7.0
ucts, technology-intensive products and sitc 334. Thus, accord 1 Beverages and tobacco 0.7 0.5 0.5
ing to our modified classification, the share of primary category 2 Crude materials, inedible, except fuels 5.5 4.0 6.2
is obtained by subtracting the share of sitc 334 from the original 3 Mineral fuels and lubricants 2.2 4.6 16.9
primary category. 4 Animal and vegetable oils 0.5 0.3 0.4
Overall, the most striking aspect of the structural change in 5 Chemical products 7.4 11.5 11.9
India's exports is that while the share of capital-intensive prod 6 Manufactured goods classified chiefly
by materials 40.9 38.2 28.4
ucts more than doubled from about 25% in 1993 to nearly 54% in
7 Machinery and transport equipment 6.8 8.5 14.6
2010, the share of unskilled labour-intensive products halved
8 Miscellaneous manufactured articles 19.2 18.4 12.2
from 30% to 15%. Although not as rapidly as the decline in the 9 Commodities and transactions not classified
share of unskilled labour-intensive products, the shares of according to kind 1.6 2.4 2.0
primary and natural resource-intensive products also show Source: Author's estimation using Comtrade-WITS database.
consistent declines over the years. The increase in the share of A further disaggregated profile of exports, according to the hs
capital-intensive products has been driven by "refined petroleum nomenclature, is shown in Tables 6 and 7 (p 99). These tables re
products" followed by technology-intensive and human-capital port the export shares for the different "sections" of commodities as
intensive products. That India's export basket is biased towards well as for the major 2-digit groups within each section. The major
capital and skill-intensive products is an anomaly given the fact 2-digit groups have been identified as those having at least 1% of
that the country's true comparative advantage lies in semi the total national export value either in 2010 or in 2002. For con
skilled labour-intensive activities (also see Kochhar et al 2006; venience, we have grouped the 21 sections into two broad groups,
and Panagariya 2008). namely, capital-intensive category and traditional category. The
98 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i CEE3 Economic & Political weekly
SPECIAL ARTICLE
capital-intensive category comprises five sections: mineral Table

prod7: Composition of Exports across 'Sections' and Major 2-Digit Groups Traditional
Category (% Shares), HS Classification
ucts, chemical products, base metals and products, machinery
Sections 2-digit Codes 1993 2002 2010
Descriptions
and transport equipment. The remaining sections constitute
1 (1-5) Live animals and products 4.4 3.6 2.0
what is referred to as the traditional category. 3 Fish and crustaceans, mollusc 3.7 2.8 1.0
The export shares of capital-intensive and traditional categories

II (6-14) Vegetable products 8.3 7.5 4.1
are shown in Tables 6 and 7, respectively. It can be seen that the 8 Edible fruit and nuts 1.9 1.2 0.5
9 Coffee, tea, mate and spices 2.8 1.4 0.9

share of the capital-intensive category steadily increased, at the cost
10 Cereals 1.9 3.2 1.4
of the traditional category, from about 26% in 1993 to 56% in 2010.
III (15) Fats and oils 0.5 0.4 0.4
The decline in the share of the traditional category is reflected
IV (16-24) Foodstuffs, beverages and tobacco 4.9 2.5 2.5
across all the major 2-digit groups. Compared to 1993, all the five
23 Residues food industries;
sections within the capital-intensive category show higher export prepared animal fodder 3.4 0.8 1.0
shares in 2010. Between 2002 and 2010, the share of chemical
VII (39-40) Plastics and rubber products 2.4 3.0 2.5
products remained constant while the shares of the remaining four 39 Plastics and articles thereof 1.1 2.0 1.7
sections increased significantly, with the increase being particu 40 Rubber and articles thereof 1.2 1.0 0.8
larly pronounced in mineral products and transport equipment.

VIII (41-43) Hides, skins and leather 4.1 2.7 1.0
41 Raw hides and skins and leather 1.2 1.0 0.4

Table 6: Composition of Exports across 'Sections' and Major 2-Digit Groups,
Capital-intensive Category (% Shares), HS Classification 42 Articles of leather 2.8 1.7 0.7
Sections 2-digit Codes Descriptions 1993 2002 2010 IX (44-46) Wood and cork 0.2 0.1 0.1
V (25-27) Mineral products 5.7 7.6 21.3 X (47-49) Paper and paper products 0.3 0.6 0.5
25 Salt, sulphur, earths and stone 1.2 1.0 0.5
XI (50-63) Textiles and textile products 26.2 23.2 12.5
26 Ores, slag and ash 2.3 1.9 3.2 52 Cotton 6.2 4.4 3.2
27 Mineral fuels, mineral oils; bituminous 54 Man-made filaments 1.2 1.3 1.0
substances; waxes 2.3 4.8 17.6
55 Man-made staple fibres 0.6 1.1 0.8
VI (28-38) Chemical products 7.2 10.3 10.2
57 Carpets and textile floor coverings 2.8 1.2 0.6
28 Inorganic chemicals 0.7 0.8 1.1
61 Articles of apparel and clothing 3.5 4.5 2.1
29 Organic chemicals 1.9 4.1 4.0
62 Articles of apparel and clothing 8.4 6.7 2.8
30 Pharmaceutical products 1.9 2.6 2.8
63 Other made up textile articles 1.9 2.5 1.3
32 Tanning or dyeing extracts 1.4 1.2 0.7
XII (64-67) Footwear, umbrellas, etc 2.3 1.4 0.9
XV (72-83) Base metals and products 6.4 7.6 10.1
64 Footwear, gaiters and the like 2.3 1.3 0.8
72 Iron and steel 3.1 3.0 3.2
XIII (68-70) Stone, glass, cements, etc 0.8 1.2 0.8
73 Articles of iron or steel 1.6 2.2 2.9
XIV (71) Natural/cultured pearls, gems, etc 18.3 18.2 15.0
74 Copper and articles thereof 0.2 0.7 2.5
XVIII (90-92) Instruments and apparatus 0.4 0.8 0.7
XVI (84-85) Machinery 4.5 6.3 7.8
XIX (93) Arms and ammunition 0.0 0.0 0.0
84 Nuclear reactors, boilers, machinery, etc 2.9 3.5 3.8
XX (94-96) Miscellaneous manufactures 0.5 0.5 0.5
85 Electrical machinery and equipments 1.6 2.8 4.0
XXI (97) Works of art 0.0 0.0 0.1
XVII (86-89) Transport equipments 2.7 2.5 7.0
Total 73.6 65.7 43.6
87 Vehicles other than railway or
For each section, shares of only the major 2-digit codes are reported.
tramway rolling-stock 2.5 2.1 4.3 Source: Author's estimation using Comtrade-WITS database.
89 Ships, boats and floating structure 0.0 0.1 2.0
Total 26.5 34.3 56.4 products in the total national exports and the fast growing ones
For each section, shares of only the major 2-digit codes are reported. have been identified as those having at least 0.05 percentage
point increase in the shares in 2010 compared to 2002 (also see
It may be noted that certain specific 2-digit product groups
notesare
under the tables). A total of 68 such dynamic products have
primarily responsible for growth in the respective sectionsbeen
shown
identified, of which 50 belongs to the capital-intensive cate
in Table 6. The phenomenal growth of "mineral products" goryhas
and the remaining 18 belong to the traditional category.
been driven by "mineral fuels and oils" (hs 27) while "organic
Note that these products have been identified from a total popu
chemicals" (hs 29) and "pharmaceutical products" (hs lation
30) are
of 1,202 products with a positive export value in 2010 (of
responsible for the export growth of "chemical products". The
which 556 belong to the capital-intensive category and the re
2-digit groups that show significant growth within the broad group 646 belong to the traditional category).
maining
of "base metals" include "articles of iron or steel" (hs 73)
Theand
combined share of these 68 products in India's total
"copper and articles" (hs 74). The export growth of "machinery"
exports increased from about 13% in 1993 to 17% in 2002 and to a
has been driven primarily by "electrical machinery and equipments"
hefty 50% in 2010. Much of this increase is due to the 50 products
(hs 85) while the growth of "transport equipments" has been to the capital-intensive category, whose combined
belonging
brought about by "vehicles other than railway or tramwayshare
rolling
increased from 9% in 1993 to 41% in 2010. The capital
stock" (hs 87) and "ships, boats and floating structure" (hs 89).
intensive category as a whole contributed to 56% of India's total
Making use of further disaggregated data, at the hs 4-digit
exports in 2010 (Table 6). It is clear that the bulk of this comes
level, we have identified the fast growing export productsfrom
from
the products listed in Table Ai.
India (see Table Ai, p 103 and Table A2, p 104 in Appendix). Spe
Though there are more than 1,200 products with positive
cifically, we computed the percentage shares of differentvalues
4-digit
of exports, it is important to note that just 68 products
Economic & Political weekly IM1 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 99
SPECIAL ARTICLE
account for one-half of India's total exports in 2010. ThisTable

indi8: Geographical Direction of Exports, Traditional Regions (1993,2002 and 2010)
Region Countries % Shares of Total Exports Trade Intensity
cates a high degree of concentration in export activity. The extent
1993 2002 2010 1993 2002 2010
of export basket concentration (or diversification) can be measured 8.1 3.7 2.2 1.5 0.8 0.6
Japan
using the Hirschman-Herfindahl Index (hh), which is defined as
North America 19.6 22.7 11.5 0.9 1.0 0.7
the sum of squared shares of each product in total export: Canada 1.1 1.4 0.5 0.3 0.4 0.2
United States 18.5 21.3 11.0 1.1 1.1 0.8

HHjt = I(sjit)2
i
Eastern Europe 4.6 5.6 4.0 1.8 0.9 0.5
3.8 3.3 2.3 1.2 1.1 1.0

where s it is the share of product i in country j's aggregate exports Belgium
Russia 3.0 1.5 0.6 3.3 1.9 0.5
in year t. The value of this index ranges from o to 1: higher values
Northern Europe 7.8 6.2 4.0 0.8 0.6 0.6
indicate that exports are concentrated in fewer products.
United Kingdom 6.4 4.9 3.0 1.2 0.9 0.8
The hh index has been calculated using data disaggregated at
Southern Europe 4.3 4.9 4.2 0.6 0.6 0.6
the hs 6-digit level.22 The values of the hh index show significant
Italy 2.8 2.6 1.9 0.8 0.7 0.6
increases during the period 2004-10, which might have been
Spain 1.0 1.5 1.1 0.5 0.6 0.5
caused by the major rise in the export share of petroleum products 17.2 9.2 8.7 0.7 0.5 0.5
Western Europe
during the same period. In order to eliminate the influence of France 2.3 2.1 2.3 0.4 0.4 0.6
petroleum products, we have recomputed the hh index after Germany 7.1 4.2 2.8 0.8 0.6 0.4
dropping the export values corresponding to all 6-digit codes Netherlands 2.4 2.0 3.1 0.7 0.6 0.9
within hs 27. These recomputed values of the hh index are also Oceania 1.3 1.2 0.9 0.9 0.8 0.6
Australia 1.1 1.0 0.8 1.0 0.9 0.6

Figure 4: Export Diversification Indices, India and China (1993-2010)
HH index Total 62.9 53.5 35.5 0.9 0.7 0.6
0.070 -
Source: Author's estimation using Comtrade-WITS databas
0.060
the major countries within the grou
shown in Table 9, account for nearly
2010. India's export shares to most of t
increased over the years (Bangladesh
being the major exceptions), with the
pronounced for the uae and China.
0.000 itiiiititi i i i i i i i i i The geographical pattern of exports r
even
1993199419951996199719981999 if we exclude
2000 petroleum
2001 2002 exports
2003 2004 200(
shift of India's export destination from
plotted in Figure 4:the
it emerging
is clearmarkets
that is the
in linepe
wi
deed responsible for the
pattern ofobserved increasi
world demand. It may be not
hh values. In fact, by
exports contrast to
going to the whatmark
traditional wa
original values, 2002 torecomputed
the 62% in 2010.24 hh valu
improvement in India's export
In addition to export diversifi
shares, Tables 8 and 9 also report the
Despite this improvement, the
values of India's trade intensity indices withhh values
different regions and
of concentration in export activity.23
countries. The trade intensity index is defined as: ti = sjh/swk
where sjk denotes the share of destination k in country/s (India
4 Geographical Direction
in our case) total exports and swk represents the share of destina
Table 8 and Table 9 (p 101) presents the data pertaining to the tion k in the total exports from the rest of the world (w).25 Thus,
geographical direction of India's exports. These report the sharesthe ti index is a ratio of two shares. The value of the index indi
of different geographical regions and of the major countries. The
cates whether or not India exports more to a given destination
major countries have been identified as those having at least 1%
(region or country) than the world does on average. A value
of the total national export value either in 2010 or in 2002. Based
greater than one indicates an "intense" trade relationship of
on India's export growth performance over the years, it is con India with the given destination while a value less than one
venient to club the different market regions into two broad
would imply opportunities for trade expansion with the given
groups. The first group is that of the "traditional markets" comdestination. The denominator of the ti index (swk) has been com
prising Australia and New Zealand, Europe, Japan and North puted using the aggregate bilateral export values of 84 countries
America (Table 8). The remaining group, for want of a betterthat had consistently reported export data for all the three
term, is referred to as "emerging markets", which include south
selected years.26
and central America, the Caribbean and the various regions of These tables show that, compared to the traditional markets,
Asia and Africa (Table 9). India holds a more intense export relationships with the emerging
Table 8 clearly shows the declining dominance of the tradi markets and increasingly so. In particular, India's trade intensity
tional markets for India's exports. The aggregate share of these
is the highest with eastern Africa, followed by west Asia (mainly
markets in India's exports declined steadily from about 63% in
uae), south and west Africa, and south and south-east Asia. In
1993 to 35% in 2010, with the decline being reflected across all
2010, none of the regions from the traditional group showed a
100
january 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 DEE2 Economic & Political weekly
SPECIAL ARTICLE
trade intensity index greater than one. This is not surprising

these exports from India. In 2010, the high-income countries
given that the largest share of world trade takes place among accounted
the for only 8% of the Indian exports of passenger motor
countries in the traditional group, which implies that the ti vehicles
index while the sub-Saharan Africa accounted for 11%. In con
trast, the high-income countries accounted for 58% of India's
of any country j that does not belong to the traditional group
would generally be less than one.27 total exports of hs 6105 ("men's or boy's shirts, knitted or
While India's ti value of less than one with the traditional crocheted") - a traditional labour-intensive group - while the
markets is expected, its consistent decline over the yearssub-Saharan
begs Africa accounted for just 1%. Thus, changes in
specialisation have bearings on the geographical direction of
some explanation. A possible explanation for this declining trade
exports. In general, India's movement out of labour-intensive
intensity with the traditional markets has to do with the undue
industries implies loss of comparative advantage in the richer
bias of India's export basket towards capital- and skill-intensive
products, while the country's true comparative advantage country
lies in markets.
semiskilled labour-intensive activities. Arguably, India's product
Values of India's trade intensity indices suggest that the country
specialisation patterns provide it with a comparative advantage
holds a significant potential for intensifying its export relation
in relatively poorer regions (such as Africa) but at the cost
ships
ofwith the traditional markets.29 The general perception,
losing market shares in the richer countries.28 however, is that India should necessarily diversify to new markets
Table 9: Geographical Direction of Exports, Emerging Regions (1993,2002 and 2010)in the developing world if it has to increase its export volume.
% Shares of Total Exports Trade Intensity
1993 2002 2010 1993 2002 2010
Consistent with this perception, the Indian government had re
Central Asia 0.0 0.2 0.1 0.4 1.7 0.5 cently announced an export incentive scheme providing explicit
Eastern Asia financial support for market diversification.30 The general slow
(excluding Japan) 8.3 9.6 14.5 1.0 1.0 1.0
down in the developed countries may provide a short-term
China 1.3 3.1 8.1 0.4 0.8 1.0
rationale for this diversification strategy. Viewed through the
Hong Kong 5.8 4.8 4.4 1.8 1.4 1.2
lens of the Heckscher-Ohlin model, the declining trade intensity
South Korea 1.0 1.3 1.7 0.5 0.6 0.7
with the traditional richer country markets is symptomatic of dis
South-eastern Asia 7.9 9.3 10.9 1.3 1.7 1.7
Indonesia 1.1 1.6 2.1 1.7 3.4 2.2

tortions in India's specialisation patterns. It is important to
Malaysia 1.1 1.5 1.7 1.0 1.2 1.3 remove bottlenecks and policy induced rigidities (for example,
Philippines 0.3 1.0 0.4 0.5 1.6 0.7 labour laws) so that the pattern of India's specialisation can be
Singapore 3.5 2.8 4.2 1.6 1.6 2.4 realigned on the basis of its true comparative advantages. This
Thailand 1.7 1.5 1.0 1.5 1.7 1.0 would result in India's greater participation in the vertically inte
Vietnam 0.1 0.6 1.2 1.0 2.3 1.8 grated global supply chains and a consequent increase in the
Southern Asia 5.0 6.0 6.3 3.9 5.1 2.6
trade intensity with the developed country markets.
Bangladesh 2.0 2.1 1.4 23.6 21.8 8.3
A list of India's fast growing export destinations is provided in
Iran 0.7 1.0 1.2 2.0 4.1 3.5
Appendix Table A3 (p 104). These countries have recorded at
Pakistan 0.3 0.4 1.0 1.3 2.9 5.3
least 0.05 percentage point increase in export shares in 2010
Sri Lanka 1.3 1.7 1.5 14.9 26.6 21.8
compared to 2002 (also see notes under the table). A total of 33
Western Asia 11.0 12.8 19.9 3.1 4.4 5.0
Israel 0.6 1.2 1.3 1.3 2.8 3.6

such dynamic markets have been identified, of which the large
Saudi Arabia 2.4 1.9 2.1 2.6 3.3 3.1 majority (28) belongs to the emerging market regions. The larg
Turkey 0.5 0.7 1.1 0.8 1.2 1.1 est percentage point increase was in uae followed by China. It is
UAE 5.4 6.4 12.7 9.8 10.2 14.0 plausible that some of the export growth to the uae may repre
Eastern Africa 1.7 1.6 2.6 4.8 7.2 8.2 sent transit trade to Pakistan. If we do not take into account pe
Middle Africa 0.1 0.2 0.5 0.7 1.9 2.1 troleum products (hs 27), all the 28 countries from the emerging
Northern Africa 1.0 1.3 1.8 0.9 1.5 1.5
regions remain in the list while three countries from the Euro
Southern Africa 0.2 1.0 1.8 0.4 2.4 3.3
pean region (Netherlands, Malta and Gibraltar) would drop out.
South Africa 0.2 1.0 1.7 0.4 2.4 3.3
The combined share of the 33 markets increased from about 21%
Western Africa 0.9 2.1 1.7 1.6 5.0 2.6
in 1993 to 28% in 2002 and to a hefty 51% in 2010. Table 9 shows
Nigeria 0.6 1.0 0.9 2.9 5.6 3.5
South America 0.7 1.4 2.7 0.3 0.7 0.8

that the emerging markets account for nearly two-thirds of In
Brazil 0.3 0.7 1.7 0.4 0.9 1.3
dia's exports in 2010 and it is clear that the bulk of this comes
Caribbean 0.1 0.3 1.1 0.1 0.5 2.3 from the countries listed in Table A3.
Central America 0.4 0.8 0.5 0.1 0.3 0.2
5 Conclusions
Total 37.1 46.5 64.5 1.4 1.7 1.8
Source: Author s estimates using Comtrade-WITS database

This paper has provided a detailed account of the growth a
India's export pattern of passenger motor vehicles (hs 8703) - pattern of India's merchandise exports during the post-ref
a capital- and skill-intensive product group - is an example that period (1993-94 to 2010-11). The first decade of reforms (fr
may make the above point clearer. India's exports of passenger 1993-94 to 2001-02) was characterised by a relatively low ex
motor vehicles increased remarkably from $151 million in 2002 to growth rate of 8% a year, while the second decade stands a
$4,511 million in 2010, registering a growth rate of 44% a year. for its strong growth rate of 21% a year. The average ann
Low and middle income countries are the major destinations for growth rate stood at an impressive 24% during the pre-finan
SPECIAL ARTICLE
advantage
crisis period of 2002-03 to 2008-09. Though there was a slump in in relatively poorer regions (such as Africa) but at the
costinof losing market shares in the richer countries. The analysis
the aftermath of the financial crisis in 2009, exports recovered
shows
the subsequent years with a growth rate of 37% in 2010-11 and a major shift in India's export destination from the tradi
33% during the first eight months of 2011-12. tional developed country markets to the emerging markets in
Asia
While the growth performance on the export side has been imand Africa. Contrary to the general perception, there exists
a great potential for India to expand and intensify its export rela
pressive, imports have been growing faster than exports through
tionships with the traditional developed country partners. How
out the post-reform period resulting in increasing merchandise
ever, this would necessitate a realignment of India's specialisa
trade deficit. The surpluses in services trade and private transfers
have helped to partially offset the growing deficit in thetion
meron the basis of its true comparative advantage in labour
intensive manufacturing.
chandise trade account. In 2010-11, for example, the merchandise
The performance of India's aggregate merchandise exports
account shows a huge deficit of $130 billion, which was partially
during the last 10 years is laudable compared to its own past
offset by surpluses in services trade ($48 billion) and private
transfers ($53 billion).31 record. The composition of exports, however, shows an increas
ingly disproportionate bias towards capital- and skill-intensive
The commodity composition of exports underwent consistent
changes in favour of capital and skill-intensive products.industries.
The The crucial question for the long term is whether this
share of these products in India's export basket more thangrowth,
dou driven by capital- and skill-intensive industries, can be
bled from about 25% in 1993 to nearly 54% in 2010 whilesustained
the in a capital scarce but labour-abundant economy.
share of unskilled labour-intensive products halved from 30% The
to fluctuation in India's export growth rate had been strongly
tiedis to cycles in world demand. Consistent with the trends in
15%. The lack of dynamism in labour-intensive manufacturing
a matter of concern because it is this sector that holds the poten
world exports, the first decade of reforms was characterised by a
moderate
tial to absorb the large pools of surplus labour from India's agri export growth from India while the second decade wit
culture sector.32 The experience of the successful east Asian
nessed a high growth. What is in store for the next decade is hard
to predict given the uncertain state of affairs in the world econ
countries showed that export-led industrialisation based initially
on labour-intensive industries is crucial for sustained employ
omy. In the short to medium term, the question of sustaining the
ment generation and poverty reduction. India seems to becurrent
skip export growth looms large with the us economy in the
doldrums
ping this important intermediate stage of industrialisation and and the Europe's debt crisis continuing to escalate.
moving directly to the next stage based on capital- andAccording
skill to the imf's latest "World Economic Outlook", the
growth rate of world output started to decelerate on a broad front
intensive industries. This is an anomaly given the fact that India's
in mid-2011 and this slow growth is expected to continue into
true comparative advantage lies in semi-skilled labour-intensive
activities. Due to its idiosyncratic specialisation, India has2012
beenand 2013. It has also been projected that the growth rate of
world
locked out of the vertically integrated global supply chains in merchandise exports would slow down considerably from
many manufacturing industries.33 about 20% in 2011 to 7% in 2012.34 At this stage, it can be said
The undue bias of its export basket towards capital andwith
skill reasonable certainty that India's export growth will moder
intensive products have provided India with a comparative
ate considerably in the immediate future.
NOTES (on a "like-to-like basis") - that is, 25% in Octo data released by the Department of Commerce
ber, 31% in September, 47% in August and 64% in after correcting for errors in the earlier data pub
1 The value of services exports declined from $106
July. The growth rates for 2011-12 have been cal lished through its press releases. It has been
billion in 2008-09 to $96 billion in 2009-10 regis
culated based on revised (but still provisional) reported that software problems and data entry
tering a negative growth rate of 10%. However,
services exports recovered in 2010-11 with a
growth rate of 38% over the previous year.
2 See, for example, a recent analysis by Eichengreen
and Gupta (2011).
3 See Veeramani (2007) for a comparison of the
performance between the pre-reform (1962-90)
INDIA AND THE ILO
and post-reform (1993-2005) periods. March 5,2011
4 Despite this improvement, we may, however, note
that India's performance pales by comparison
India and the ILO in Historical Perspective - Sabyasachi Bhattacharya,
with the phenomenal increase of China's market
J Krishnamurty, Gerry Rodgers
share from 2.5% in 1993 to 10.6% in 2010.
India,
5 The shares of public sector refineries are: the ILO and the Quest for Social Justice since 1919
Indian - Gerry Rodgers
Oil Corporation (8%), Mangalore Refinery (7%),
Indian Officials in the ILO, 1919-c 1947 - J Krishnamurty
Bharat Petroleum (6%) and Hindustan Petroleum
(3%). Employment in Development: Connection
6 These data are taken from the CMIE's Prowess between Indian Strategy and ILO Policy Agenda -TS Papola
database.
Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work: India and the ILO - Kamala Sankaran
7 The ratio (0.155) is the five-year average for 2003-07.
It has been computed using the data pertaining to For copies write to:
"refined petroleum products" (ISIC 2320, Rev 3).
8 Growth rates on a monthly basis, however, indi
cate a gradual deceleration. Compared to Novem Economic and Political Weekly,
ber 2010, the value of exports grew marginally by 320-321, A to Z Industrial Estate, Ganpatrao Kadam Marg, Lower Parel, Mumbai 400 013.
4% in November 2011. However, the growth rates email: circulation@epw.in
had been much higher during the earlier months
102 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i [3353 Economic & Political weekly
SPECIAL ARTICLE
errors resulted in the earlier numbers being in

Appendix
flated by around $9 billion for April-October 2011-12,
Table A1: List of Fastest Growing Export Ptoducts, Capital-intensive Category (% shares in total exports)
which prompted the data revision. Data on engi
Codes
neering exports was inflated by around $15 billion, Description 1993 2002 2010
while export of gems and jewellery and petroleum

2710 Petroleum oils, etc (excl crude); preparation 1.82 4.44 16.95
products was underestimated by $12 billion. The
revised data has been taken from The Hindu Busi 7403 Refined copperand copperalloys, unwrought 0 0.31 2.14
ness Line, 9 December 2011, viewed on 10 Decem
8703 Motor cars and other motor vehicles for transport of persons 0.41 0.31 2.09
ber 2011 (http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/
industry-and-economy/article270i50i.ece). 2601 Iron ores and concentrates 2 1.59 2.84
9 Since 2002-03, the annual growth rates had been8905 0 0.04 1.26
Navigation vessels, floating or submersible
consistently above 20% until 2008-09 when it de
clined to 14%. Thus, there was a significant mod7305 Other tubes and pipes, having CS diameter >406.4 0.05 0.12 1.16
eration in growth rate in 2008-09 before record7202 0.37 0.1 0.97

Ferroalloys
ing a negative growth rate in 2009-10.
8525 Transmission apparatus for radio, TV 0.01 0.04 0.7
10 See, for example, the article in the Hindu Business
Line, viewed on 4 November 2011 (http://www. 2902 Cyclic hydrocarbons 0.01 0.16 0.67
thehindubusinessline.com/industry-and-econo
8803 Parts of goods of headings No 88.01,88.02 0.02 0.18 0.69
my/article2538oi4.ece).
11 For example, India's growth rate of 35% in the 3004 Medicaments of mixed or unmixed products 1.4 1.95 2.38
calendar year 2010 is comparable to that of Brazil
7901 Unwrought zinc 0.01 0 0.3
(34%), China (31%), Indonesia (35%), Mexico
(30%), Philippines (31%), Thailand (29%), Malaysia8419 Machinery, plant or lab equipment for all purpose 0.06 0.07 0.36
(26%), etc (Source: Direction of Trade Statistics,
2707 Products of the distillation of coal 0 0.05 0.31
IMF). In general, the world exports registered a
significant decline in 2009 (-23%) and then recov8704 Motor vehicles for the transport of goods 0.12 0.08 0.33
ered swiftly in 2010 and 2011 registering a growth
8538 Parts suitable for the apparatus of headings 85 0.02 0.03 0.25
rate of over 20%.
12 See, for example, Swaminathan S Anklesaria Aiyar 8904 Tugs and pusher craft 0 0.03 0.24
in The Economic Times, 16 October 2011, viewed on 8906
Othervessels including warships, lifeboats 0 0 0.21
20 October 2011 (http://economictimes.indiatimes.
com/news/economy/foreign-trade/is-the-export 2818 Artificial corundum; aluminium oxide 0.4 0.43 0.63
boom-in-india-really-black-money/articleshow/ 7408 0.01
Copper wire 0.02 0.22
I03779i0.cms) and S Muralidharan in Hindu Busi
ness Line, 24 October 2011, viewed on 20 October 8534 Printed circuits 0.02 0.08 0.28
2011 (http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/opin 8901 0 0.04 0.24
Cruise ships, excursion/ferryboats
ion/columns/s-murlidharan/article25682ii.ece?
homepage=true). 8504 Electrical transformers, static converters 0.11 0.23 0.41
13 The number of countries in the set would de 8708 Parts and accessories of the motorvehides 0.52 0.72 0.89
crease significantly if we consider the longer time
8517 Electrical apparatus for line telephony or line telegraphy 0.03 0.05 0.22
period starting from 1993.
14 For the period 2002-10, the mirror export values8431 Accessory parts sutiable for machinery 0.02 0.04 0.19
shown in Figure 2 are, on an average, higher than
8701 Tractors (other than tractors of heading 87.09) 0.03 0.11 0.25
the reported values by 15% (13% in Figure 1). This
difference is expected since exports are recorded 2901 Acyclic hydrocarbons 0 0.01 0.13
on free on board (fob) basis while imports are 2608
Zinc ores and concentrates 0 0.01 0.11
recorded on cost insurance freight (cif) basis.
However, for the year 2008, the mirror export 8541 Diodes, semi-conductor devices 0.02 0.19 0.29
value ($167 billion) was higher than the reported2704
Coke and semi-coke of coal, etc 0 0 0.09
value ($138 billion) by 21%, which is significantly
higher than the average for the entire period. A2803 Carbon blacks and other forms of carbon 0 0.03 0.12
closer scrutiny of the data shows that this rela 7304
Tubes, pipes and hollow profiles 0.04 0.1 0.19
tively large discrepancy in 2008 is caused by a
significant under-reporting by India of its exports8503 Parts suitable for machines of heading 8501 or 8502 0.01 0.06 0.14
to China in one product group, namely, "ion ore 8483
Transmission shafts, cranks, clutches 0.05 0.08 0.16
and concentrates" (SITC 281). While India report
ed to have exported $5 billion worth of iron ore2915 Saturated acyclic monocarboxylic acids 0.02 0.1 0.18
and concentrates to China in 2008, the value of
8411 Turbo-jets, turbo-propellers 0.08 0.04 0.12
China's reported imports of this product group
from India for the same year is much higher at $138537 Boards, panels, consoles, desks, etc 0.01 0.01 0.08
billion. When this difference ($8 billion) is added
8702 Motor vehicles for the transport of >=10 person 0.09 0.08 0.14
to India's reported value (i e, $138 billion + $8 bil
lion = $146 billion), the mirror value ($167 billion) 3402 Non-soap surface-active agents; washing preparations 0.08 0.03 0.09
becomes higher than the reported value by just 7207
Semi-finished products of iron or non-alloy steel 0.07 0.06 0.12
14%, which is equal to the period average. In any
case, such sporadic discrepancies between re 8414 Air or vacuum pumps, exhausting and compression 0.12 0.16 0.22
ported and mirror data, in specific years and/or8421
Centrifuges, centrifual dryers; filtering 0.03 0.05 0.11
products, are observed for most countries. It does
not pose a problem in our analysis based on re 8536 Electrical apparatus for making connections 0.1 0.13 0.19
ported data for all years.
8711 Motorcycles, motor fitted cycles 0.23 0.29 0.35
15 The Economic Times, 21 October 2011, viewed on
25 October 2011 (http://articles.economictimes. 2607 Lead ores and concentrates 0 0 0.05
indiatimes.com/2011-10-21/news/30306606_1_tax 7801
Unwrought lead 0 0 0.05
offence-black-money-bahamas).
16 Note that the UN-Comtrade data is an underesti 8430 Other moving, grading, machinery 0.01 0.02 0.07
mation since not all countries have reported data 3817 Mixed alkylbenzenes and mixed alkylnaphthalenes 0.03 0.07 0.12
in 2010. For the period 2005-10, the reported im
8544 Insulated wire, cable 0.03 0.13 0.18
port values of Bahamas has been, on an average,
only 27% of what other countries report as ex Total 8.47 12.89 40.47
ports to Bahamas (Source: Estimated using Direc
(i) Five sections (V, VI, XV, XVI and XVII) are included in the capital-intensive sector.
tion of Trade Statistics, IMF). However, for most
(ii) The total number of products, with positive values of export, belonging to the capital-intensive sector increased from 527 in
countries, their reported import values would be 1993 to 556 in 2002 and 2010.
higher than their "mirror" import values (i e, re (iii) HS 7308 (Structures and parts of structures) increased its share 0.14 in 2002 to 0.21 in 2010; however, this product was excluded
ported export values by partners) becausefrom the above list because its 1993 share (0.25) was even higher.
Economic & Political weekly EH353 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 103
SPECIAL ARTICLE
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imports are recorded on cif basis while exports or a consistent set of countries so that the results are
on fob basis. not sensitive to the reporting patterns. Athukorala, Prema-Chandra and Jayant Menon (20
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on the island of Grand Bahama of the north-west China with 30 major countries in the traditional
subhashi Journal of Economics, 2 (2): 62-84.
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Bahamas and just 65 miles off the coast of Florida.
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The Bahamas Oil Refining Company (BORCO), Service Sector as India's Road to Economic
pared to 1993, China recorded a higher value of
the largest oil storage terminal facility in the Growth", NBER Working Paper, No 16757, February,
the TI indices with as many as 26 countries in 2010
Caribbean, trans-ships oil in the region. (http://www.nber.org/papers/w16757.pdf).
while India showed a higher value with only 12
19 For the year 2009, Bahamas reported petroleum countries. The simple average of India's TI index Evans, David, Raphael Kaplinsky and Sherman Robin
export of a paltry $11 million while its partners
with these countries declined from 0.58 in 1993 to son (2006): "Deep and Shallow Integration in
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0.43 in 2010 whereas the average value of China's Asia: Towards a Holistic Account", IDS Bulletin,
Bahamas. index increased from 0.47 to 0.65. 37:12-22.
20 A total number of 240 items, at the 3-digit 29 Within the group of emerging regions, India has Hinloopen, J and C van Marrewijk (2008): "Empirical
level,
have been grouped into five categories (number potential to increase exports to South Korea and Relevance of the Hillman Condition for Revealed
of items in each category in parentheses): prima south and central America. Comparative Advantage: 10 Stylised Facts",
ry (83), natural resource-intensive (21), unskilled
30 See the "Foreign Trade Policy 2009-14", Ministry Applied Economics, 40 (18): 2313-28.
labour-intensive (26), human capital-intensive (43),of Commerce and Industry, Department of Com Kochhar, Kalpana, Utsav Kumar, Raghuram Rajan,
technology-intensive (62), and unclassified (5).merce, Government of India, viewed on 1 Novem Arvind Subramanian and Ioannis Tokatlidis
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The detailed classification is available at: (http:// (2006): "India's Pattern of Development: What
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lion. Within the invisibles account, both services Panagariya, Arvind (2008): India: The Emerging Giant
21 India imports crude oil and specialises in the
(New York: Oxford University Press)
capital-intensive segment (that is, refining) of theand transfers recorded a surplus, while invest
value chain. ment income from abroad showed a deficit of $14 Pursell, Garry, Nalin Kishor and Kanupriya Gupta
billion. During the first eight months of 2011-12, (2007): "Manufacturing Protection in India since
22 At this level of disaggregation, India reported
merchandise trade deficit stands at about $117 Independence", ASARC Working Paper 2007/07,
positive values of exports in as many as 4,460
items in 2010.
Australia South Asia Research Centre, Australian
billion. Overall, the balance of trade and current
National University (http://www.crawford.anu.
account situation seems to be getting worse in the
23 For comparison, we computed the HH indices of recent months. edu.au/acde/asarc/pdf/papers/2007/WP2007_07.
China (not reported). The values of the indices pdf).
32 Agriculture accounts for about 17% of India's GDP,
confirm that, throughout the period, the export
but employs about 52% of the total workforce. Schott, Peter K (2008): "The Relative Sophistication
basket of India is far more concentrated (or less
33 See Athukorala and Menon (2010), who show that of Chinese Exports", Economic Policy, 23 (53):
diversified) than that of China.
India is a minor player in global production net 5-49
24 These estimates are based on the data down Veeramani, C (2007): "Sources of India's Export
works and vertical specialisation based trade.
loaded from the WTO's "Network of World Mer
Evans et al (2006) observe that, in contrast to Growth in Pre- and Post-Reform Periods", Eco
chandise Trade".
China, India's regional and global links are mainly nomic & Political Weekly, 42 (25), 23-29 June,
25 The trade intensity index has been used in a through shallow, rather than deep, integration. 2419-27.
number of studies. See, for example, Drysdale 34 See the IMF's "World Economic Outlook: SlowingVeeramani, C and K Gordhan Saini (2011): "India's Ex
and Garnaut (1982). Growth Rising Risks" (September 2011). The pro port Sophistication in a Comparative Perspective"
26 The number of countries reporting the data varies jected export growth rates can be seen on page in D M Nachane (ed.), India Development Report
from year to year. It is important to use data from number 194. 2011 (New Delhi: Oxford University Press).
Table A3: List of India's Fastest Growing Export Destinations

Table A2: List of Fastest Growing Export Products, Traditional Sectors (% shares in total exports)
Codes Description 1993 2002 2010 (% shares in total exports)
5201 Cotton, not carded or combed 0.94 0.01 1.38 SI No Countries 1993 2002 2010 SI No Countries 1993 2002 2010
7113 Jewellery and parts of precious metals 1.45 2.82 3.62 1 UAE 5.37 6.38 12.74 17 EastTimor 0.00 0.00 0.25
7114 Articles of gold/silversmiths wares 0.01 0.01 0.53
2 China 1.29 3.15 8.11 18 Algeria 0.13 0.12 0.36
6302 Bed linen, table linen, toilet line 0.03 0.15 0.43
3 Singapore 3.49 2.84 4.21 19 Angola 0.02 0.07 0.28
202 Meat of bovine animals, frozen 0.34 0.52 0.78
4 Netherlands 2.37 1.99 3.05 20 Gibraltar 0.00 0.00 0.20
1005 Maize (corn) 0.01 0.04 0.25
5 Brazil 0.27 0.74 1.71 21 Iran 0.74 1.01 1.17
3907 Polyethers and epoxide resins 0.01 0.1 0.26
6 Bahamas 0.00 0.00 0.93 22 Mozambique 0.10 0.09 0.23
7112 Waste, scrap of precious metal 0 0 0.14
7118 Coin 0 0 0.11 7 South Africa 0.17 0.97 1.70 23 Malaysia 1.15 1.53 1.65
1202 Groundnuts, not roasted 0.25 0.08 0.18 8 Pakistan 0.30 0.39 1.04 24 Romania 0.10 0.04 0.15
9404 Mattress supports, articles of beddings 0.02 0.02 0.1 9 0.33 0.38 0.93 25 Colombia 0.04 0.13 0.24
Kenya
9701 Hand-made decorative materials 0 0.01 0.09
10 Indonesia 1.09 1.58 2.12 26 Israel 0.61 1.20 1.30
804 Dates, figs, pineapples..., etc 0.07 0.04 0.11
11 Vietnam 0.13 0.63 1.15 27 Peru 0.02 0.10 0.19
3921 Other plates, sheets, film, foil 0.04 0.03 0.1
12 South Korea 0.96 1.28 1.69 28 Poland 0.24 0.20 0.29
5503 Synthetic staple fibres, not carded 0.04 0.05 0.11
13 Malta 0.03 0.05 0.46 29 Afghanistan 0.10 0.10 0.18
1605 Crustaceans, molluscs and other aquatic
0.01 0.03 0.08 14 Turkey 0.52 0.71 1.08 30 Djibouti 0.05 0.06 0.14
invertebrates, prepared or preserved
5504 Artificial staple fibres, not carded 0.01 0.02 0.07 15 Nepal 0.45 0.55 0.89 31 Argentina 0.16 0.11 0.17
9403 Other furniture and parts thereof 0.03 0.11 0.16 16 Kuwait 0.49 0.45 0.77 32 Chile 0.06 0.16 0.22
Total 4.39 4.47 9.15 17 0.56 0.58 0.90 33 Ghana 0.08 0.20 0.24
Egypt
(i) All sections except the five capital-intensive sections are included in the traditional sector.
18 Tanzania 0.30 0.23 0.52 Total 21.73 28.01 51.23
(ii) The total number of products, with positive values of export, belonging to the traditional sector is 597,
653, and 646 respectively forthe years 1993,2002 and 2010. A few countries whose 1993 shares were higher than the 2010 sh
(iii) A few products whose 1993 shares were higher than the 2010 shares were excluded from the list even if list even if they had recorded 0.05 or higher percentage point in
they had recorded 0.05 or higher percentage point increase in export shares between 2002 and 2010. 2002 and 2010.
104 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i EUE3 Economic & Political weekly
SPECIAL ARTICLE
A Saga of Three Villages in Andhra Pradesh
S A VIDYASAGAR
A study of the socio-economic situations of three

villages in north-eastern Andhra Pradesh showsintervention
thatof the State, through policies and practices
A question thatof science,
and the inputs ought to bother
has enhanced the quality ofmost people is how the
while times and values have vastly changed, not much
ordinary people's lives. To answer this, and a few other ques
has been transformed in terms of privileges
tions, weand
visited three villages, Kovvada and Maddivalasa in
Andhra
opportunities. Those belonging to landowning Pradesh's north-eastern district of Srikakulam and Piridi
families
in the
have managed to get a good education and neighbouring district of Vizianagaram. Historically, the
secure
three hamlets share some general characteristics but are distinct
good jobs or set up businesses. But those from the
in their own way. In general, agriculture continues to be the
landless or marginal landowning families and
main occupation of the inhabitants. It is therefore interesting to
communities have been left far behind. Thesee how land has changed hands and how the process has
government's schemes and promises haveactually

more helped feed them. The role that caste has played in this
often
context is also an important one.
than not yielded very little.
Land and Landholding

Like peasantry in other princely states of India, the tillers of the
land in the three villages enjoyed possession of the land and
its produce, paying taxes to the king and later the East India
Company. But the Permanent Settlement Act of 1793, formulated
by the then governor general of India, lord Cornwallis, vested the
rights over the lands in these villages with zamindars.
In the case of Piridi, a village near Bobbili, the raja of Bobbili
was the owner of the entire land and collected revenues through
agents from his own caste. The Bobbili raja was a Velama Dora
and that community, alongside brahmins called Pandas in the
Oriya region, was in control of things in the village, both as owners
of the land and cultural determiners. The Koppula Velama (dif
ferent from Velama Dora) and Kapu communities produced
wealth as the actual tillers of the land. Groups of artisans such as
blacksmiths, goldsmiths and carpenters supported them, while
barbers and washermen rendered other services. Dalits were
agricultural labourers, feeding their families by toiling for the

tillers. They and the Kurakulas, who sold vegetables and worked
as diggers of wells, had no land or rights.
Among brahmins, the agraharam in Maddivalasa village
enjoyed a dominant position. An agraharam denoted land that was
gifted to brahmins, which chiefly led to people of the same caste
living on it. Forty-seven brahmin families lived in Maddivalasa
and the caste hierarchy, or varnashrama dharma, was religiously
adhered to. None of the famished poor who lived in thatched
dwellings were fully clothed or wore footwear like the brahmins.
The land in Kovvada village in principle belonged to the raja of
Vizianagaram, a large landowner in his own right. People of the
I am grateful to the people who provided inputs during interviews.
Kapu caste were the raja's agents and often acted as de facto owners.
The views expressed here are mine.
The raja of Bobbili became a member of the council of state in
S A Vidyasagar (velugu_sagar@yahoo.com) is an independent researcher
1925 and the chief minister of Madras presidency in 1932. As chief
based in Visakhapatnam.
minister, he opposed the 1933 agitation for abolition of the
Economic & Political weekly laavj January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 105
SPECIAL ARTICLE
zamindari system and ordered a crackdown on peasants, which

brahmins t
resulted in the police opening fire in many places. The zamindari
legal batde,
system was finally abolished in 1948. The raja had to pause and
was distribu
ponder, and he decided on making as much money as possible
and Chinna
because he was to lose ownership of the land. This needed "sell
ings varied
ing" land in a clandestine manner. Being fully aware of caste
was arid, alo
emotions, he sought the aid of Peddinti Ramaswamy Naidu of Let us look
Piridi, a Koppula Velama, the largest caste in the village. Naidu
the Koppul
was successful in persuading many of his people to purchase landvillage has
and they turned into landowners. Many, because each of them Land has c
was able to buy only a small piece of land. The pride of caste
country, bu
raised its head among these Koppula Velamas, who took a cue
age of landl
from the Velama Doras, as later incidents indicate. The Kapusof servitud
washerme
also acquired some plots of land and their holdings ranged from
0.10 acres to 2 acres (a hectare is 2.45 acres). All the other social
families h
groups were mute and hapless witnesses to this process. Table l, mo
from the v
Clinging to the Land Table 2: Commu
0-0.5 0.5-1 1-1.5 1.51-2 2-3 3-4 4-5 5-7 7-10 >10
In Maddivalasa, an inamdari village, the abolition of zamindari
Social group
42
Koppula Velamas 108 67 67 76 48 21 27 15 7
and inamdari brought the guile of the brahmins to the fore. They
Kapus 27 40 24 14 16 5 5 3
adopted all means to keep as much land as possible in their
Barbers 2
possession, in their names, in benami names and in other guises.
Fishermen 3 2
Ragala Asirinaidu, who realised what the abolition meant, Goudas

tried 13 4 7 3 1
to enlighten and organise the peasants. But ignorance ruled

Kurakulas as 6 1
always. Epics and their ethos echoed in the minds of the peasants
Pandas 9 4 9 3 4 1
Patnaiks
and they were firm that the brahmins should not be "harmed". In 3 1 1
Washermen 14 7 4 2
Kowada, the raja of Vizianagaram personally held so much of
Telukalis 6 3
the land in the village that it was virtually left untouched. The
Vysyas 1 1
raja's agents settled in as owners of large areas of land while a
Velama Doras 2 1 3 1
small part remained with the real tillers.
Carpenters 5 3 6
In line with other states, Andhra Pradesh enacted land ceilingYadavas
laws 10 6 5 1 1
in 1961 and the peasants no doubt expected great change was in
Dalitsthe 10 6 1
offing. But, in Piridi, only 6 acres of land was found to be surplus and
Weavers 4 1
it was distributed among 12 families who belonged to the dalit, Source:

Goud, Form l-B land records register.
Only in
washermen, and Kurakula communities. Nothing much happened Koppula Velama, Kapu and Panda families have land
Maddivalasa. Brahmins tried to occupy the village tank and holdings
Asiri larger than 3 acres and the percentage of such holdings
naidu tried to organise the peasants against this. Scenting danger,
to totalthe
holdings is the highest among Koppula Velamas. All other
Table 1: Community-wise Ownership of Cultivable Land in Piridi communities have very smallholdings and the percentage of
Social Group Total Families Landless Landowners Dryland Wetland smallholdings is the highest among dalits and Yadavas, followed
(Acres) (Acres)
by washermen. As Table 2 shows, of the 17 dalit families, 10 have
Koppula Velamas 550 60 490 286.97 840.40
holdings smaller than 0.5 acres (0.20 hectares), and six less than
Kapus 189 46 143 41.07 156.24
Yadavas 87 64 23 3.17 19.21

1 acre. Only one family has more than 1 acre, but it is less than
Pandas 35 5 30 14.84 60.07 1.5 acres. Of the 23 Yadava families, 10 have holdings smaller
Washermen 62 35 27 3.73 16.07 than 0.5 acres and six more than 0.5 acres, but less than 1 acre. Of
Velama Doras 7 2.41 19.70
five fishermen families, three have holdings under 0.5 acres. Of
- -
Patnaiks 8 3 5 2.16 20.90

the seven Kurakula families, six have less than 0.5 acres. Thus
Carpenters 66 51 15 1.31 13.19
the lower castes and dalits have a very small measure of land in
Fishermen 60 55 5 0.90 3.81
Barbers 20 18 2 0.87 0.57 their possession, both in terms of number of holdings and the size
Goudas 97 70 27 0.81 26.94 of holdings.
Telukalis 8 2 6 0.76 6.84 Most of the smallholdings are unirrigated and rain-fed. Given
Vysyas 34 32 2 0.52 2.42
the nature of the land, a holding of at least 5 acres is necessary to
Dalits 205 188 17 0.50 8.09
make a family reasonably self-sufficient. As can be seen from the
Brahmins 2 1 1 -
2.88
table, such families are very few. The majority of families live in
Kammas (absentee landowners) 2 - - -
13.33
Kurakulas
74 67 7 -
3.29 poverty, of varying intensity and dimension.
Weavers 10 5 5 -
The migration
2.10 of brahmin families from Maddivalasa village
Source: Form l-B land records register. began in the early 1970s and was almost over by the 1980s.
io6 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i E3359 Economic & Political weekly
SPECIAL ARTICLE
Before moving out, they sold the land they were able todistribution
retain among the various social groups in the village is
possession of despite the new laws. They thus disposed shown in Table 5.
off 275
acres of the 400 acres in the entire village. The peasants of this
Water
village could not afford Table
to 3: Community-wise Distribution of
LandinMaddivalasa
buy this land but people from There are 19 tanks in Piridi village and four of them are meant f
Social Group Area of Land (Acres)
nearby villages bought 164.35
Barbers 1.25 irrigation though their only source of water is rain. The dim
acres. In addition, dalits sold
Brahmins 15.98 sions and capabilities of the
Table 6: Irrigation Tanks in Piridi
their smallholdings to local
Fishermen 1.32 four are listed in Table 6. Name Area of the Tank Land Irrigated
Kapus
peasants, notwithstanding the 169.58 The waters of Sitarama (Hectares) (Hectares)
Scheduled castes 16.06 Ranga Sagaram 17.28 74.04

law that the D form titles Sagaram are used for the land
Telukalis 3.64 PolavaniTank 36.34 169.51
were not transferable. The in Embannavalasa, a revenue
Vysyas 9.05 KollivaniTank 9.30 135.49
village now has 206 families village, and the water in the 35.07 122.71
Washermen 12.03 Sitarama Sagaram
and the area of landowned other three tanks is used for Total 97.99 501.75
Weavers 4.22
by each community in acres

Yadavas 19.67 land in Piridi. Apart from rain,
is shown in Table 3. Source: Form l-B land records register. there is no other source of water for agriculture. The government
The landholding pattern among the different communities
has acquired 95.54 acres of wetland and 48.26 acres of dry land
in Maddivalasa village is shown in Table 4. Apart from for
those
construction of the Totapalli reservoir across the Nagavali
in the table, four brahmin families from outside the village
River, which is supposed to feed the fields of Piridi. But the
own 4.75 acres. project still remains a promise. The land was acquired for a
Table 4: Community-wise Landholdings in Maddivalasa (Acres) meagre compensation of Rs 1.52 lakh for an acre of wetland and
Social Group Total Landless >0.5 0.5-1 1-1.5 1.5-2 2-3 3-5 6-10 10-15 >15 Rs 1.12 lakh for an acre of dry land. The sacrifice of farmers has so
Families Families
far only resulted in rendering them landless.
Brahmins 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1
Maddivalasa has two irrigation tanks, the Kalyani and Kotta,
Kapus 87 11 21 17 14 9 6 10 4 1 1
Scheduled castes 62 36 17 4 3 0 0 1 0 0 0 supplying water to 60 acres and 30 acres respectively. In 1962,

Barbers 3 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 the right channel of the Nagavali River was extended to this
Fishermen 4 3 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 village and water was available for the kharif season. This canal
Washermen 6 0 2 0 2 0 0 2 0 0 0 tended to silt up and groups of villagers used to clean it to
Telukalis 2 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 ensure water supply. This went on for quite some time. Mean
6 2 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 0
Vysyas while, the government, in the name of water reforms, formed
Weavers 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0
water user associations and representatives to these bodies are
Yadavas 30 19 0 6 1 0 2 2 0 0 0
elected on the basis of their political affiliation. This caused di
Scheduled tribes 3 3 000000000
visions among the people and the common work of removing silt
Source: Form l-B land records register.
from the canal was gradually disowned by all. The canal has
In Kovvada village, land now
is dried up and has over
spread not irrigated an inch of land
three for more
revenue
Gudem, Ramachandrapuram and
than four years. Kovvada. The 295.2
Gudem and 9378 acres inTheRamachandrapuram belon
Madduvalasa reservoir on the Vegavati and Suvarnamukhi
Kapu community
Patharlapalli
Rivers, subsidiaries ofvillage and
the Nagavali River, of a large
was constructed in 1977 pa
is in various the Gorle
and 90 acres of land, names
family.
which already had Gorle ofSriram
a water source in the
from this clan wielded
Table enor
Thotapalli right
5: Community-wise channel and an assured crop, was acquired for a
Distribution
ofLandinKovvada
mous influence Noand sway
of Families Land in Acres
paltry compensation of Rs 0.64 lakh an acre while the market
Social Group
over the area until 1983, price was around Rs 1.5 lakh. This reservoir has not in any way
Kapus 163 423.44
becoming the zilla1 parishad 3.18
increased the area of land irrigated in Maddivalasa. Falling in
Kshatriyas
chairman, a member
Patnaiks 1
of
3.01
the
line with the Indian paradox, this peninsular village, surrounded
legislative Washermen
assembly2 and
1.08 a Nagavali and Suvarnamukhi Rivers and streams such
by the
state cabinet minister.
Satani Vyshnavas 8 Gudem
27.81 as the Vattigedda, faces acute water shortage in summer and
has a mainly Setti Balijas floating 1 0.1 popu
the women are compelled to walk long distances in search of
lation from Fisherfolk Patharlapalli.
171 407.42 potable water.
Source: www.apland.ap.nic.in
Ramachandrapuram has The a land in Kovvada was primarily rain-fed. Then some big
population of 118 people in 75 households, of which 70 are Satani
farmers from among the Kapus, who had access to the institu
Vyshnavas and five are Kapus. Pedda Kovvada has a population tional credit, dug borewells. This encouraged others to follow
of 1,900 in 700 households and 500 of them are landless. Fifteen
suit and the dependence on groundwater steadily increased.
of them are Goudas (toddy tappers), 15 Satani Vyshnavas, oneNow, both big farmers and sharecroppers struggle. The increase
Vysya and one carpenter. All the others are fishermen families.
in the number of borewells has meant that the output of ground
Chinna Kovvada has a population of 1,650 people in 600 house
water has drastically declined. Wells have now to be bored as
holds, and except for 100, the rest are landless. All of them are
deep as to 250 feet against 50 feet a few years ago. On the whole,
fisherfolk, but for 15 households of Satani Vyshnavas. The land
there are about 60 borewells in operation in the village. Of those,
Economic & Political weekly m?i January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 107
SPECIAL ARTICLE
only six belong to fisherfolk, which, unsurprisingly, mean that

A jute mill was opened in Bobbili and this led to a change of
only six fisher families continue to cultivate land. crops, from groundnuts to mesta. The Rs 2 a kg rice scheme has
also gradually pushed out coarse cereals from circulation and
Other Inputs consumption. A change in the paradigm also helped this. Caste
pride percolated down to create a desire to emulate the eating
In the past, agriculture involved a fair amount of human labour.
Though ploughs and bullocks played important roles, humans
habits of the "upper" castes. Thus the demand for and acceptance
had to direct them. Yadavas (shepherds) reared goats for meat
of and
dry crops such as ragi and ooda fell, almost driving them out
organic manure. Tank silt, sheep excreta and farmyard manure of cultivation.
were
considered valuable. The last was from wastes in farms, houses
Implements
and cattle sheds, which were usually piled up together before
being applied to fields. Farmers also grew green, leaf-yielding
Livestock played a pivotal role in the economic and social life of
plants and the leaves could be ploughed into the soil as manure.
these villages in earlier decades. Even cow dung and the excreta of
Indigenous seeds were used and very rarely did someone have toand goats had an economic value and children of the low-caste
sheep
buy seeds. Agricultural productivity was low, but so was the cost of
communities earned small amounts by collecting it. While children
inputs. The average production of paddy was 15 bags an acre were
and mainly in charge of rearing and grazing livestock, women
made a little income by cleaning and maintaining cattle sheds.
each crop matured in four to five months. Agriculture thus occupied
The dalits and Segidis of Piridi were attached labourers
the people for almost 10 months a year and the produce was mar
keted by local traders. By and large, much of it was self-sufficient.
Cpalerus or kambaris). What they got for their toil was food three
While paddy was the main crop, the other crops grown times
were a day and an annual wage of 5-6 tonnes of cereals, compris
basically dry ones such as ragi (finger millet), ganti (bajra),ing
ooda
mainly dry crops and some paddy. Pulses and oil seeds were
(echinoclca) and sesamum, as also pulses. As mentioned, produc
never a part of their wages. Families of palerus led an almost
tion and the productivity were low but tillers and their families
nude life and squeezed themselves into very small huts that could
hardly
ate two square meals a day. Coarse cereals such as ragi, ooda and shelter two. Some dalits earned their livelihood as rick
bajra needed less investment and more labour. That lattershaw
was pullers. Many of the Koppula Velamas who were landless
available in plenty. According to the 1971 Census, ragi was the
and marginal peasants also worked as agricultural labourers but
staple food in the three villages. they worked as a separate group from the dalits. The work they
The late 1960s and early 1970s coincided with the green undertook
revo was different in nature, as were their returns.
lution. High-yielding variety (hyv) seeds and chemical fertilisers
Children below the age of 14 or 15 years were called chinna
gained great publicity and were seen as a panacea to the ills of
kambaris and the grown-ups were pedda kambaris. Wages for the
Indian agriculture. The increased use of chemicals in fertilisers
two groups of course differed but they were all given a pair of
and pesticides needed more water which was lacking in the three
clothes once a year and food three times a day. Pedda kambaris
villages. As seen, little was done to augment irrigation and thecare of agriculture while the chinna kambaris herded cows
took
and ran errands. They also played the role of sweepers. Some
steps taken were often counterproductive. After the introduction
of hyv seeds, the farmers became dependent on seeds from cor
agricultural work such as transplanting, weeding and picking up
porate entities and had to queue up for them at the revenue the
headremnants of harvests were carried out by women, which
quarters. The cost of seeds skyrocketed from Rs 150 to Rs 375brought
a kg them some income, albeit not on par with the men.
and even sold for Rs 500 a kg on the black market. In 1986, Phal
The dalits of Maddivalasa made mats from jute twine and sold
guna, an hyv seed, was attacked by the ullikodu (a gall midge ofin the market. This work was usually done by women. Two
them
the Cecidomyiidae family) pest and that was a major blow
mats could be made in a day from a kilogram of jute twine.
because the loss of crop was total. Umbrellas made of palm leaves (gubba godugu) were marketed
However, the increase in output was rewarding till the early
by the men for additional income. The Telukalis were occupied in
1990s. But the lifting and reduction of subsidies on seeds extracting
and oils using the traditional rotary process, buffaloes
fertilisers has now rendered hyv cultivation costlier and non moving the pestles around. Clay utensils were used in all house
rewarding. hyv seeds require chemical fertilisers and pesticides
holds and the Kummaris sustained themselves making them.
and the cost of cultivation has touched Rs 7,000 for an acre of
Carpenters eked out a living making ploughs and other agricul
paddy. Given a good harvest, what a farmer can hope to earn is
tural implements while the Kammaras made sickles and other
around Rs 8,000. The peasants cannot afford to pay highercutting implements. Incomes were very low and, in the general
wages and low wages are insufficient for labourers, who havecourse, so were expenses and needs.
more "modern" lifestyles. The overall result is that many farmers In 1999, a rich peasant in Maddivalasa bought a tractor, the
have lost interest in cultivation. They feel that labour is too costly, first in the village, which was followed by two more. The oppor
unavailable on time and input costs have gone up while the sur
tunity cost of using tractors has pushed the wooden plough into
plus, if any, is unpredictable and paltry. The breaking up of thethe dark. While a tractor tills an acre of land in an hour and 15
common family system, which intensified in the 1990s, has
minutes, the wooden plough needs about two days and the
enhanced the need for paid labourers, thus adding to input costs.expense goes up to Rs 600. A pair of good bullocks costs about
The custom of mutual help has faded out in the villagers' pursuit
Rs 50,000 and fodder is hard to come by. Needless to say, the use
of individual earning and "prosperity". of tractors has meant the disappearance of native manure.
io8 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i 0153 Economic & Political weekly
SPECIAL ARTICLE
Machines and unremunerative prices have led to more unem

were exorbitant and the loans took on many shapes, with "rice for
ployment, resulting in the migration of people from the villages.
cash" a common mode of repayment. In 1986, the State Bank of India
Fifty-two families of various communities have already left (sbi)
Mad opened a branch in Sitaramapuram and granted agricultural
divalasa. Of the migrant families, 30 are dalits, five are washer
loans. It was closed in 2005 and "poor recovery" was stated to be
men, five are carpenters, two are fishermen and one each the
Telureason. Now, the sbi has a branch at Vangara but bank finance
is beyond the reach of ordinary tillers and the usurious money
kali and barber. Almost all of them are engaged in the construc
tion sector on a daily-wage basis in various towns such as Vijaya
lender always has his hour. The interest charged is 30% and grains
wada, Hyderabad and Chennai. They visit the village twice a
for cash are still a prevalent arrangement, making loans costlier.
year for festivals and leave with heavy hearts.
As mentioned, labourers were subjugated socially andWelfare eco Schemes
nomically in the old days while the peasants themselves were The villagers of Kovvada were offered houses under the Indir
Awaas Yojana, but they could not take advantage of it because
hardly self-sufficient. The early years of high productivity meant
they did not have the funds to meet the remaining expenditure
an increased surplus for the peasantry, but that did not translate
which would be far more than the Rs 40,000 subsidy. The state's
into higher wages for labourers. The high cost of inputs in recent
years has reduced the surplus to the peasantry. And a spurt in
Apadbandhu scheme offers a compensation of Rs 1 lakh in case o
investment in the infrastructure sector has created employment
the loss of life of a breadwinner. But this does not apply to fishe
folk because they come under another compensation schem
opportunities for labourers in the construction sector, speeding
up migration. implemented by the department of fisheries. According to this,
the next of kin is eligible for an amount of Rs 50,000. Despite th
Credit
formalities and procedures being completed, half the amount
Until the 1970s, the situation in the three villages was similar toreaches the claimant after a year or two.
that in most parts of the country with the farmer fated to be Piridi village got a safe drinking water scheme in 1989 and i
"born in debt, live in debt and die in debt" while usurious moneywas constructed at a cost of Rs 10 lakh. It is now defunct and the
lenders made hay. The cooperative system made an entry tovillage faces a severe shortage of potable water in summer, for
Piridi in 1969. But lack of awareness and proper records inhibiteding women to wake up early and trek long distances. About 75
debt expansion and the dormant society was soon closed. Thetoilets were sanctioned to the village at a cost of Rs 3,200 each
other two villages did not have even this. and a Sulabh complex was also constructed. All of them do no
The fishermen of Kovvada formed a society in 1970 and made function today. However, with funds from the Jawahar Rozga
demands for better facilities but they all fell on deaf ears. How
Yojana and food for work, roads have been laid in the village.
ever, in 1983-84 a fibreglass boat was sanctioned to the society on Piridi had adopted a principle of not allowing arrack or liquor
the basis of a bank loan. It was used for sometime before a shops within it till 1999. But the promotion of liquor by the stat
cyclone in 1986 broke it to pieces. The bank that financed it
inhas
recent years has seen rampant growth of the drinking habit i
refused to give the society any further loans because the
it has
village, endangering social relations. The bid amounts for
defaulted on the first one. The society had no insurance andliquor
there shops in Piridi have been growing the fastest among th
three villages. What was Rs 75,000 in 1999 for a shop is no
is no institution to help them when they most need it.
Alongside machines and the much-hyped green revolution,
around Rs 35 lakh.
came lending institutions. A commercial bank opened a branch
Education and Employment
in Piridi in 1983 and Maddivalasa in 1986. By this time, absentee
ownership of land in the villages had increased. These banks
In Piridi, the economically better-off groups such as brahmin
and Velama Doras sent their children to schools in Bobbili and
concentrated on improving their figures for agricultural advances
given, inspired by stories from elsewhere and following diktats
Vizianagaram. The more prosperous among the peasant commu
from above. Tractors proved to be attractive investments for the Koppula Velamas, saw a purpose and value in this and
nity,
also began sending their children to school. To the dalits and
those taking loans from banks and this displaced labour. Banks
other
have rooted their lending in documents showing ownership of serving groups, schools were part of an alien world.
land. They are neither inclined nor compelled to finance Economic
actual constraints and their ignorance about the reservation
tillers of the land. Many from Piridi who left for jobs and busi saw to it that it remained so for long.
system
nesses elsewhere have leased out their land on a crop-sharing
In 1956, a high school was established in Piridi. The Koppula
Velamas who had become landowners sent their children to the
basis and this has been done through oral agreements. The actual
school
sharecropper cannot access institutional credit and continues to along with brahmins and Velama Doras. The children of
the
be at the mercy of moneylenders. The only notable change is landless and the lower castes, however, continued to work as
that
chinna
many traditional moneylenders and rich peasants have been dis palerus. So, the children of those who owned land and
were
placed by members of the peasant community who reside andable to employ labourers, pursued studies, producing a
work in other places. They save from their incomes to lend section
out at of educated people, who became "social capital" when they
very high rates of interest in their village. found employment. The first employee from the Koppula Velama
The villagers of Maddivalasa depended on usurious lenders
community joined the high school as a clerk in 1956, while quite a
number of Velama Doras had already secured jobs elsewhere.
from among the Vysyas and rich peasants. The rates of interest
Economic & Political weekly 05X53 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 109
SPECIAL ARTICLE
A college was opened in Bobbili on the 6ist birthday of the

andraja
they had the means to send their children for higher studies.
in 1961 and those who could afford to pay labourers for work
A goodon
many of them got jobs in the 1940s itself and one of them
settled
their farms began enrolling their children in it. The college wasin the us as a scientist in 1957-58.
In 1961, a school opened in Sitaramapuram. Nevertheless, uni
set up with money raised from sugar cane growers in the locality
and it followed a system of reserving some seats for this section.
versal education is a distant dream for the people of Maddivalasa
The practice further helped many landowners educate and their
whatever little has been provided has not been all that
children. Later, reservations were extended to backwardhelpful.
classOnly three persons from the Kapu community are
communities and the Koppula Velamas were included in this one as a constable and two in the health department.
employed,
category, again aiding families with land educate their young.
Worse off are the dalits. From among 62 families, only one per
A primary health centre and a veterinary centre wereson
also
is employed as a primary schoolteacher. The lone tribal
opened in Piridi. family has one employee, a constable. Women are still largely
illiterate. There is still no hospital and local "practitioners"
It can be seen from Table 7 that the nsherfolk and Kurakulas
have not managed to get through the door to employmentattending
even on the ailing have at the most been to the primary
health
today despite belonging to backward classes that are eligible for centre at Bitivada.
reservations. Only a few dalits, washermen, barbers, weavers
Kovvada village has no high school and there are no literates.
and Yadavas are employed in the organised sector. Interactions
And it has nobody who is in regular employment. However, a
revealed that almost all from these communities are in low-paid
hostel was sanctioned to the village in 1970 but no building for it
jobs such as anganwadi and health workers, attenders, nominal
has been constructed so far. Children are now provided after
mazdoor roll (temporary) labourers, security guards, and so on,meals in a cyclone relief shelter.
noon
while most Koppula Velamas and Kapus are in secure and reason
Occupational
ably well-paid jobs. Further investigations revealed that some of Pattern
In the
those from families with extensive landholdings, irrespective of three villages, changing circumstances have led to the
community, have good jobs in the west, such as in the software
people adapting to new vocations. For instance, in Kowada, most
of the people used nylon fishing nets. They then began buying
sector. This must have been because of their access to better quality
education compared to those from families with no land or very
nylon thread and making cradles from it. From living, fishing and
smallholdings. The data very clearly denotes that employment,
sleeping in the same place, this has made them travel to find buy
both in number and stratum, has a direct link to the economic
ers for their nylon cradles. Those who cannot afford to do so,
background of families, which in turn is directly linked to thefor others on daily wages and are thus "employed". Buses
work
extent of their landholdings and size. plied only up to Kosta and the rest of the way to Kowada had to
Table 7: Community-wise Employment in Organised Sector in Piridi be covered on foot. Some fishermen saw a livelihood opportunity
Social Group Total Employed Government Public Sector Professional Companies
Families Families (Doctors)
in this and financiers were quick to recognise its potential. About
Koppula Velamas 550 208 101 24 6 144 40 autorickshaws now run between Kosta and Kowada and many
Dalits (mala) 113 17 15 2 0 1 of them are operated by fishermen who have switched trades.
Dalits (maadiga) 92 5 4 1 0 0 In Piridi, many are still dependent on traditional occupations
Washermen 62 1 1 2 0 3 or work as labourers. Dalits find it very difficult to rear cattle as
Kapus 166 28 5 4 0 20 they do not have land and grazing has become nearly impossible.
Barbers 15 2 2 0 0 0
About 200 of them now eke out a living as rickshaw pullers and
Viswa brahmins 42 7 5 2 0 2
some as autorickshaw drivers, many on a rental basis and a few
Telukalis 7 4 3 1 0 2
as owners. Usurious moneylenders remain their only resort in
Weavers 10 2 0 0 0 4
hours of need and interest rates are known to have gone up to
Pandas 9 9 1 4 0 4
33 3 1 0 0 2
120%. A majority of dalits, Kurakulas and fishermen are daily
Vysyas
Telagas 12 2 0 0 0 2
wage earning labourers. The traditional teams of Koppula Vela
Patnaiks 8 8 11 0 0 2 mas have disintegrated and there are now four groups of labour
Scheduled tribes 2 1 0 0 0 1 ers. Two of them exclusively comprise members of the Kurakula
Yadavas 85 3 2 0 0 1 community, whose traditional occupation of digging wells has
Fisherfolk 60 0 0 0 0 0 vanished. The others are led by a dalit and a Yadava. Kapus join
Kurakulas 74 0 0 0 0 0 in both these teams. All the teams mainly work as construction
Source: Household surveys.
workers in nearby towns.
Maddivalasa village had a primary school way back in 1930s The 6o-odd washermen families in Piridi have to serve all
that taught children up to the fifth standard. The school was un the people in the village. Each of them has 30-40 families as
der the aided management of Choppalla Suryanarayana, who clients and their wages are paid in kind, usually 90 kg of paddy
later sold it to Kolluru Satyanarayaana. There were only two from a family for a year's service. Barring a few, they have no
teachers and the students were predominantly brahmins. While rights to land and have to carry the mantle (kagada) during the
children of other castes went to work, almost everyone in the Ramnavami and Ugadi festivals. The washermen wanted rights
brahmin community secured a primary education. Most of the over the water of a tank they had been using for long and the
brahmin families recognised the need and value of education gram panchayat resolved to allot it to them. But a family claimed
110
January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i »aavi Economic & Political weekly
SPECIAL ARTICLE
took
ownership of the tank in court. The sarpanch deposed in court in its toll as late as in 1991 when farmers manhandled a baraka
favour of the washermen and the court verdict endorsed it. But on a petty issue and imposed a social boycott on them. A post
the issue remains unresolved because the right to fish in the tankgraduate from a Koppula Velama family found a solution to the
will follow that to water. So the funds that have been granted for"labour problem" by bringing the first tractor to the village in
a dhobi khana lie idle. 1999. This led to an alienation of agricultural labourers, chiefly
dalits, from the land and they turned to working in nearby urban
In the 1980s, the carpenters pleaded for a hike in their wages.
areas. The dalits, who for long had stood with the Koppula
The Koppula Velamas felt that their "identity and supremacy"
Velamas, felt let down and this has had far-reaching conse
were at stake and the farmers under them stood as one to oppose
quences. In brief, the dalits have made only two concrete gains;
this. The carpenters were boycotted and workers from other vil
lages were employed. Ultimately, the carpenters swallowed their
one, the right to have their haircut and beards shaved in the same
places as all others, and two, a stop to the practice of teashops
pride and continued on the old wages. Even today, washermen
and restaurants serving them in glasses separate from the ones
and barbers have to run around as couriers, inviting relatives and
used for other communities.
friends of the higher castes for feasts and functions. This service
is done gratis. What barbers get for their professional services is
Industrialisation
only 24 kg of paddy a year. These communities get paid sepa
No fish-processing industries or cold storages were set up a
rately if they provide music for marriages and such other func
where near Kowada, a fishing village. Neither was fishing on th
tions. A group of musicians usually comprises five to eight people
reserved or protected list like some other industries. Nor w
and has to play during the Ramnavami and Ugadi festivals. The
remuneration is a ridiculous Rs 10 a year. anything done to encourage fishing cooperatives or create expo
opportunities for them.
Capital and Investment But bulk drug manufacturing factories, so highly pollutin
As can be seen from the discussion so far, people from families
that many in the west have been closed down, flourish. About
such companies exist today in and around Pydibheemavara
with reasonable landholdings in Piridi have ushered themselves
village. Treating their chemical effluent is costly and would
into employment and a comfortable level of life. Such employee
households naturally have some surplus and this finds its way
into profits. So pipelines have been laid from Donipeta to let th
effluent into the sea. Fish die because of this and fishermen are
into what can be called "balloon capital" - mutual funds, share
forced to venture further out if they want to catch anything.
markets, real estate, and the like - because many of them, from
the Velama Dora, brahmin and Koppula Velama communities,
Besides this, large and highly mechanised boats operating on a
now have no strong bonds with the village. But there are
commercial basis from other places are speeding up the process
exceptions to this. A person from the Koppula Velamas has
of driving traditional fishermen away from the sea.
opened a jute factory with his savings as an employee abroad. Let us now turn to another serious issue over which tension is
simmering around Pedda Kovvada and Chinna Kowada villages.
Another individual from the same community makes sanitary
pipes and yet another manufactures engineering goods, bothAt
of a time when campaigns against pollution and ecological de
whom are doing very well. struction have ensured that many countries in the west face
fierce opposition to setting up new nuclear power plants and
Women
older plants are closing down (about 60 in the us alone in recent
The less said about the injustices women have had to put years),
up with the Nuclear Power Corporation of India (npcil) plans to
in the three villages the better. The same families that coulda plant with six light water reactors of 1,500 mw each
establish
afford to send their male children to school at one time or the near Kovvada. The know-how is to come from General Electric
other never considered doing so in the case of their female chil

and Hitachi and the project will uproot people from 12 villages.
dren. This discrimination continued till well into the late 20th Against the present total installed capacity of 4,500 mw of
century. Only in 1983 did the first female student enter the
nuclear energy in the country, the Kovvada plant alone, when
premises of a junior college in this area. However, matters seem
completed, is expected to generate 10,000 mw. If this comes to
to be improving since then and there are about 20 women pass,
em Kovvada village will disappear into the pages of history.
ployed in regular jobs in Piridi today. The villagers are now resisting the idea and at election time, even
political parties assure them of support. But work on the mega
Social Fabric
project is moving ahead.
At about the time of Independence, Kolli Kurminaidu led the dal
its onto the main streets of Piridi village, which they had been Economic&PoliticalwEEKLY
forbidden to use during the rule of the Velama Doras. This sig
nalled the end of Velama Dora hegemony and endeared Kurmi available at
naidu to the dalits, who began rallying around him. Yet, seen
Delhi Magazine Distributors Pvt Ltd
from a long-term perspective, the achievements of those heady
110, Bangla Sahib Marg
days have faded considerably. New Delhi 110 001
Four dalits are appointed as village servants (baraka) to run Ph: 41561062/63
errands besides doing everything for everybody. Caste "pride"
Economic & Political weekly OQ23 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1
SPECIAL ARTICLE
Radical Politics and Environmentalist!!

against Taungya in Dooars
SOURISH JHA
The mainstream paradigm of understanding grass-root

environmentalism in India as "environmentalismstarting
ofpoint
theof the environmental movement in post
The Chipko
colonial India.movement
Ranged between 1973 is commonly
and 1980, it initially appreciated as the
poor" might be challenged by an alternative prototype
started against the "blatant injustice" of allotment of ash trees for
forest movement in the Bengal Dooars prior to purpose
commercial the by the forest department instead of providing
Chipko movement. It was fought against the exploitative
these to the peasants for making their agricultural implements.
The resistance later turned its attention to wider environmental
design of ecosystem governance under the taungya
concerns like protection and management of forests by the com
method of artificial regeneration as invented by colonial
munities against commercial forestry and recourse to environ
foresters during the British rule. The movement is just "alternative technologies" against in
mentally and socially
dustrial-urban orientation
historic and mostly relevant in its radical gesture against of the modern development process
(Guha 1989:152-84).
ecological exploitation through inclusive technique of The movement gave impetus to a series of
popular protests throughout the country around ecological issues
community involvement in the top-down management
and inspired the intellectuals and academics to conceptualise
offorest resources.
Indian environmentalism as the "environmentalism of the poor"
which refers to the struggle of the local communities against
"partial or total dispossession" from their resource base by the
commercial-industrial interests while their "own patterns of
utilisation were (and are) less destructive of the environment"
(Guha and Martinez-Alier 2000: 5). While not underestimating
the practical and theoretical contribution of Chipko, its conven
tional position as the pioneer environmental movement might be
challenged by a historical movement of the forest villagers in
Dooars of North Bengal. The movement started in 1967 and
unlike Chipko it was not a result of "ecological distribution con
flicts" but emanated from the exploitative design of natural
resource governance through co-option of the forest dwellers. It
was indebted to the radical peasants and workers' movement in
Bengal and was essentially inspired by Subhash Chandra Bose's
ideals, techniques and nationalist spirit of struggle. The move
ment is mostly relevant in its focus against ecological exploita
tion while going beyond the paradigm of distributive justice and
principle of recognition, particularly when newer inclusive tech
niques of ecological exploitation through collaboration or coop
eration of the ecosystem people are being employed in the
management of forest resources.
AdventofTaungya
The Dooars Valley in Jalpaiguri district, West Bengal, known as
the gateway to Bhutan and the north-eastern states of India, and
The article is an abridged version of the extensive field-based and which stretches from the Teesta River on the west to the Sankosh
documentary research undertaken by the author on the historic forest
River on the east was the birthplace of this historic movement.
dwellers' movement in North Bengal.
British intervention in the Dooars forest in 18661 and the simulta
Sourish Jha (sourishjha@gmail.com) is with the department of political neous introduction of systematic forestry, which began in India
science, P D Women's College Jalpaiguri, West Bengal.
after 1857 was the ecological impetus to this movement. In
SPECIAL ARTICLE
the historic movement put an end to this exploitative exercise of

Dooars like in other parts of Bengal initially the forest was under
the revenue department and remained open for "indiscriminate
production forestry.
felling". After 1874 with the creation of the forest department the
Political Ecology of Exploitation
forest tracts became "reserved" and were divided into Jalpaiguri
and Buxa forest divisions with the Torsa River as the border Taungya
sepa achieved striking success from the viewpoint of forest
rating them (Karlsson 1997: 97-99). The colonial model ofmanagement
sys as it successfully turned the destructive practice of
tematic extraction of timbre from reserved forests in the region
shifting cultivation into a method of regeneration where natural
for construction of railway sleepers to tea boxes and warshipsregeneration
to has failed due to locational peculiarities in the
office panelling facilitated the rise of resource production ofecosystem.
par It was low cost due to the free labour supply in forest
ticular timbre species and its preservation. Fire prevention plantations.
thus Considering its success, anthropologists perceived
became the main concern of forest conservancy in Dooars taungya
espe either as a revolution in the environmental history of the
cially to protect the sal (shorea robusta) with the objectiveDooars
of (Karlsson 1997) or as a site for recognition of the local
forestry knowledge under the colonial framework of scientific
keeping other biotic influences like grazing out of the identified
forest tract. However, this negatively affected the practice of
forestry (Sivaramakrishnan 2000). These approaches, however,
so-called scientific forestry and soon it was found that thefocused
pre implicitly or explicitly on the structural arrangement of
scribed system of management of sal was not yielding the desired
cooperation as a hallmark of the system where the forest depart
ment accommodates both the shifting cultivators and their skill
result in Jalpaiguri and Buxa divisions due to very different forest
conditions as compared to the other regions of the country in the collaborative framework of natural resource management
(Sivaramakrishnan 2000: 73). In this high rainfall zone the and
pre extends certain privileges and facilities to them in lieu of
vention of fire led to the tremendous undergrowth of a new semi
their service for forest regeneration. But, from the viewpoint of
evergreen species which crowded old sal trees and severely
everyday praxis those assessments on taungya have failed to
impeded the growth of new sal seedlings (Karlsson 1997:108).
understand the political ecology of exploitation inherent as an
essential property of the system where the much projected
Against this backdrop a radical solution was found by the then
British foresters working in Dooars like Hart, E 0 Shebbeare vocabulary
and of cooperation has been transformed into a mechanism
of usurpation.
J W A Grieve who argued in favour of introduction of clearing the
land by fire after clear-felling the forest tract for artificial regen
Under the taungya, no customary rights of the forest dwellers
eration of sal plants. This new method originated from the prac
were recognised in the region. The forest villagers were denied a
tices of the shifting cultivators rather than scientific knowledge
choice in the matter of field crops they were entitled to cultivate
and had been used by Dietrich Brandis in regeneration of teakininbetween plantations. They did not have any authority to
the Burmese Highland where it was known as taungya meaning
choose the species to be planted and there was no scope for nego
hill (taung) cultivation (ya). In this system the woody plant tiation
com with the forest department relating to the facilities and
ponent was burnt to improve soil fertility and plantations were
privileges usually offered to them. The forest villagers had to sign
established in the cleared forestland (Nair 1993: 75). The intro
an agreement with the department to work 90 days free of wages
and up to 275 days on meagre daily wages without any arrange
duction of taungya in Dooars reinforced the necessity for restruc
turing the forest village system as a whole because under the ment
new for their children's education, drinking water and supply of
system skilled labour which knew the technique of slashworking
and implements.2 All the members of the family, including
burn was required. Hence, the indigenous shifting cultivators
the women and children were made to work without any remu
like Rava, Mech or Garo whom the British forester threwneration.3
out In some cases, when the villagers were granted home
from the forests earlier in the fire prevention regime were backstead
in lands under the system, prolonged or permanent occu
the newly established forest villages. In these newly created
pancy of the land was impossible because they had to shift to new
taungya villages the residents were allowed to raise agricultural
locations after every plantation cycle. Hence all those initiatives
crops for two years in clear-felled coups between the linesfor
of incorporation of those useful indigenous tribes and recogni
forest plantation. As soon as the crops grew to shade the space
tion of their knowledge were nothing but to fulfil the gap of the
between the tree seedlings, the villagers had to discontinue culti
colonial knowledge and practice of ecosystem management to
vation and move to a new site of plantation. cherish the empire's interests and purposes.
Along with plantation, the villagers were involved in assoThe political ecology of exploitation under taungya involved
ciated weeding, cleaning, thinning operations and had to save
both the ecosystem and its people. The first kind of exploitation
the plantation from fire and grazing hazards for four to five
manifested in the choice of principle timbre species like sal, teak,
years. In exchange they were entitled to certain privilegesetc,
andfor regeneration as well as conservation at the cost of multi
facilities granted by an annual agreement or bond withspecies
the forest ecosystem which eventually encouraged the mono
forest department like free timbre and other implementscultural
for plantations by destroying the diversity of the forestland.
building quarters, drinking water, limited medical assistance,
The next type of exploitation was that of the service of those
free firewood and fodder in addition to cultivable land of not
ecosystem people in order to extract values from nature to serve
more than five acres and cash payment for extra work. the
Theruling interest. The mechanism of a co-option worked suc
system continued even after two decades of independence cessfully
and behind the usurpation of their service. First, villagers
were encouraged to do intercropping which contributed to the
remained the crux of forest conservation and regeneration until
Economic & Political weekly GEE3 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 113
SPECIAL ARTICLE
movements often coincide with other forms of struggle and vic

preparation of land involving the associated process of weeding,
cleaning and burning for forest plantation without being versa.
paid. In the context of the Dooars, though the radicalism of th
Second, protection of the plantation from the attack of wildforest
ani movement was greatly inspired by the ideals and tec
niques of Subhash Chandra Bose it also got an impetus from th
mals automatically took place with the initiative of the villagers
to save their own crops. Third, the system of uninterrupted,left-radical
com traditions of workers' and peasants' struggles in Beng
pulsory and free labour in lieu of granting certain facilities which
made started on the eve of Independence in the region. There i
no denying that movements like the Tebhaga movement, Ber
the foresters free from headache to carry out their managerial
bari movement, Food movement and the Naxal Bari movement i
success in forestry operation. The nature of exploitation under
the system was beautifully exposed by a former Inspectorthe
GenDooars and the adjoining districts of North Bengal prepare
eral of Forests in India in a report compiled for Food and Agricul
the radical atmosphere as a whole but the single and most impor
tural Organisation (fao) of the United Nations: tant contribution behind the radicalism of the historic forest
movement
In the taungya, the emphasis has always been placed on the success of against taungya perhaps was credited to the tea
the forest planting, more particularly on establishing a forest crop atworkers'
the movement in Dooars which had its direct bearing upon
least possible cost. .. .The system is frankly exploitative in concept and
the awakening of mass consciousness in the forest villages. In the
operation and cashes upon the needs of the landless and poor people to
serve its own ends. The much vaunted incentives are only a cloak for
1950s and 1960s leftist trade unions in tea gardens organised
movements on many different issues, including low wages, heavy
uninhibited exploitation, as the savings affected by the Forest Depart
ment are many times more than the expenditure incurred on elementworkload, low qualities of ration and irregularity in the bonus,
ary conveniences provided to the working force (Seth 1981: 34-35).
provident fund, etc.4 The struggle and success of the tea workers,
This ecological exploitation in taungya became severe particularly
after in the 1955 Bonus Movement left a considerable im
pact on the psyche of the forest villagers and helped to initiate
Independence due to an inept and corrupt bureaucratic atmos
the struggle. The obvious reason was the multiplicity of interac
phere. The villagers were even deprived of their bona fide entitle
ments which they earlier enjoyed under the colonial regime.tion
Thebetween tea gardens and forests on several counts, almost
similar
first onslaught came in the form of denial of nominal wages for characteristics of the ecosystem (as most of the tea gar
extra work beyond 90 days. Earlier the forest villagers weredens
paidfound their place in the forest fringe area) and some com
Rs 1.50 per day for additional work between 90 and 275 days. mon climatic and geospatial hazards like flood, cyclone, elephant
After
attacks,
Independence, they were forced to finish all the works within 90 etc. All these factors contributed to the favourable condi
days by the lower forest officials. Simultaneously, there was con for continuous interaction between forest villagers and tea
tions
garden workers that led to the sharing of their problems and
tinuous threat of eviction if anyone failed to finish his assigned
work within 90 days even due to illness. This denial of entitle
experiences of life. This sharing even turned into learning from
each
ment became regularised alongwith ill-treatment and torture byother for mutual benefit.
the forests officials and staff like the beat officer, range officer
Despite great inspiration from the tea workers' struggle, the
and forest guards. They often asked for free paddy, milk,final
gheeground for the movement was prepared with the formation
and fish from the people and forced people to do free labour in first United Front (uf) government in 1967 in West Bengal.
of the
the homes of the officials. Moreover, they misbehaved withThe
anduf government in its 18-point programme recognised the
insulted the forest villagers. The problem intensified furtherlegitimate
with rights to form unions by the employees of all categories,
including
the increase in population. Despite this there was no initiative by workers and peasants. The pro-labour policy of the
the department to accommodate those second generation settlers
government was anticipated with the legitimising of the gherao
under the taungya who stayed in the forest villages without(surrounding
any an official in protest) by the then Labour Minister
agreement with the department. These second generation set Banerjee (Ghosh 1981: 63-68). This unique technique
Subodh
oflike
tlers were deprived of landholdings and other entitlements protest was adopted extensively throughout the struggle
against taungya.
free firewood, grazing, intercropping, etc. Many villagers stayed
in the premises of their relatives who were agreement holders
and shared the land for cultivation allotted to them. It led toShaping
frag the Resistance (1967-68)
Ramesh
mentation of the agricultural lands albeit unofficially and this af Roy, a ration dealer at Hasimara took the initiative to
organise the forest villagers with the help of the Forward Bloc
fected the basic subsistence economy of the villagers as a whole.
All these factors contributed to increasing grievances among(fb)
thedistrict leadership at Jalpaiguri. Prominent among them
were
forest villagers as their livelihood conditions worsened day by dayBinoy Bhowmick, Nirmal Bose, Satyajoyti Sen, Mukulesh
and so did the oppression and exploitation under the taungya sys and Sudhanshu Kumar Majumder, who were the products
Sanyal
ofnot
tem. However, their aspirations and growing discontent were middle class radicalism in Bengal and had imbibed the ideals
of Subhash Chandra Bose during the freedom struggle. In Octo
crystallised into a struggle until the peasant and workers struggle
ber 1967 Ramesh Roy and his followers started their first cam
took a decisive turn during the 1950s and 1960s in the region.
paign at Kodal Basty followed by Godamdabri, Menda Bari, Hola
Radical Politics
para and other forest villages under the Cooch Behar forest divi
As integral parts of the social life, environmental issues are the resistance started at Kodal Basty it registered its
sion. Though
shaped in the context of larger socio-economic processes.
firstDue to at Godamdabri where the villagers successfully re
success
constant dialogue among different spheres of life, environmental
sisted the eviction initiative of 29 forest villagers, who were the
114 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i EH353 Economic & Political weekly
SPECIAL ARTICLE
second generation settlers and had no agreement with the guards

de who earlier enjoyed tremendous authority became pow
partment. Following the massive agitation against the beat erless.
and In some cases, the movement took a violent turn. How
ever, in the middle of 1969, the nbfwjcu prepared the historic 17
range officer at Godamdabri along with frequent gheraos, Roy
was arrested and spent 15 days in jail. Despite the fall of the uf charter of demands and placed it before the minister of for
point
ests in Calcutta. The charter included almost all aspects like the
government in November, the success of Godamdabri quickly
abolishment of taungya, introduction of wages of Rs 3 per day
spread to other parts of the Dooars and by the beginning of 1968
the villagers from different divisions started to contact Roy.per
He head, permanent settlement of forest villagers with 15 bighas
had already organised a group of volunteers to carry forwardof arable land per family, introduction of panchayat in the forest
the
struggle. The most well known of them were Emanuel Kujur,
villages among others. The then forest minister Bhobotosh Soren
Nikuddin Kujur, Jogen Narjinary, Sarba Singh Lama, Khudiram
convened a tripartite meeting at Writers Building in the presence
Pahan and Harman Singh. The governor Dharma Vira came
ofto
delegates of the nbfwjcu and the principal chief conservator
of forests on 15 October 1969. A resolution was passed for the
Hasimara around the same time and nearly 1,000 forest villagers
under the leadership of Roy organised a protest rally and met introduction
the of wages of Rs 2.50 per day, allotment of a fund in
governor in a deputation. In that deputation forest villagers for
the next budget for improving the livelihood conditions of the vil
the first time raised their voice against taungya and demanded
lagers, etc. Besides, several issues like land, panchayat and irriga
that it be abolished immediately. Taking the momentum of tion
the were put under active consideration of the administration.
Though the resolution was a remarkable success as it put the
movement into account and the fact that the forest villagers were
peasants and workers both, the organisation for the movement
stamp on the discontinuation of taungya with the recommenda
tion for introducing wages it put the issue of land under the pur
was formed in the first half of 1968 namely the North Bengal Forest
view of the divisional forest officer (dfo), and did not discuss the
Workers and Jaigir Cultivators Union (nbfwjcu). The nbfwjcu
built up their stronghold quickly throughout the Dooars with matter
the of unemployed forest villagers.
formation of village level committees which carried out gheraosThe situation became grave when even after a month follow
and other agitational programmes. The movement was success
ing the resolution no government order was issued by the depart
ful in resisting the departmental eviction measures at Godam
ment to introduce wages in forestry operations. Consequently,
the beat officers/rangers and even dfo's refused to pay wages
dabri. This resulted in annihilating the villagers' fear of the forest
guards and other officials and they started talking against despite
the being shown a copy of the resolution. The executive com
department openly while registering their protest against mittee
all of the nbfwjcu convened an urgent meeting and called
for
sorts of injustice. As a consequence the department failed toan indefinite strike in all the divisions of Dooars in the winter
renew the annual agreement which was considered to beof
the
1969. Despite initial opposition from the department and sev
backbone of taungya. Though the movement lost its momentum
eral confrontations with the departmental contractors the his
a little in the wake of the state's assembly elections, and particu
toric strike continued for more than 18 months until the taungya
larly after the devastating flood of October 1968, which para
system was brought to an end.
lysed both the activities of administration and the unions, itAmidst the strike in 1970 the movement took a new turn. It
regained vigour when the uf came to power on 25 February 1969.
started exerting pressure on the dfos to settle the issue of land.
In Jalpaiguri and Buxa divisions, the dfos placed the proposal
Protect Forest People (1969-71) before the union of providing 2.5 acre of land, i e, 7.5 bigha in ac
The fb was a crucial part of the second uf and led the voices of
cordance with their working plan.6 It was a demoralising pro
the movement to the orbit of power. As a result, in its 32 point
posal because it was half of the demand for 15 bigha and even less
programme, the uf included the issue of protecting foreststhan
and the earlier regime of forest management. In this context, the
forest dwellers as an important political objective of the govern
union placed an alternative demand for three bigha for the non
agreement
ment for the first time in the history of West Bengal and perhaps in holders and the existing amount of land for the forest
the history of India too. Point no 3(c) stated that "The uf Govern
villagers. However, this was refused by the department. There
ment will pay due attention to preservation of forests. It will was
lookno option before the union but to forcibly occupy forestlands.
to the legitimate interests of the people who live in forest areas
The land reform programmes of the second uf government acted
and depend on forests for their livelihood."5 This positive
as ap
a catalyst in the process. Hence under the leadership of the
proach encouraged the forest villagers to carry on their struggle. movement
The villagers started occupying vacant land in almost all
movement immediately spread to different villages under the
Jal divisions and new settlements were established like Bala
Para,
paiguri, Cooch Behar and Buxa divisions with the emergence of a Naya Basty, and Dima Basty along with the occupation of
new group of leaders like Jogen Rava, Lagrus Orao, Avilak
forestland adjacent to existing villages. Finally the deputy secre
tary, Government of West Bengal issued an order introducing
Thakur, Prem Chand Lakra, Sanchu Munda, etc. Several new village
committees were formed while creating women and youthwages
bri according to the resolution and providing 2.5 acre to each
gades where the former acted as a shield against police atrocities
"genuine forest villager". Importantly it asked the department to
in each demonstration and the latter were responsible for mobi
regularise encroachment of land by the forest villagers on or before
lising people around a particular agitational programme 28
and
July 1970 and to take stern action against any encroachment
maintaining a network of information. The routine departmental
of land after the due date even if it meant taking help from the
work was virtually paralysed. The lower grade officials and forest
police.7 However, the department officials at the division level who
Economic & Political WEEKLY ismvi JANUARY 7, 2012 VOL XLVII NO 1 "5
SPECIAL ARTICLE
of cutting down unauthorised and young trees by dishonest forest

were annoyed with the villagers used the order as an instrument
officials and corrupt contractors in the wake of commercial for
to punish them. Accompanied by the police force they claimed
that the occupation of land had taken place after 28 Julyestry.
but The movement raised the slogan - Chor Hatao, Jangal
Bachao
there was stiff opposition by the villagers. These officials also be (Drive out the thief and save the forests). Several corrupt
forest officials were caught red-handed and illicitly cut logs were
gan employing outside labour under forest contractors in forestry
recovered
plantations, which was earlier the sole area of activity of the for by the villagers under the leadership of the union. Vil
lage
est villagers. In 1971, this led to several clashes both between thepatrolling and motivation camps were started as a part of
outside labourers and forest villagers and between the depart
the struggle in different divisions. As a reaction the department
started forceful eviction of the forest villagers, with the help of
ment contractor and the forest villagers. The clash took a violent
the
turn at Gossaihat under Jalpaiguri division. When in the Central Reserve Police Force during the Emergency in 1975.
last
The union moved the Kolkata High Court in 1976 against the
week of May 1971 the department sponsored contractor from
Gairkata started plantation with the help of outside laboureviction.
near Finally, with the injunction from the high court (hc) the
Gossaihat thousands of forest villagers from there, Mela and
department stopped the process and the final verdict of the hc in
1979
Khuklung forest villages marched to the plantation site under thestopped the recurrent eviction drives of the department in
leadership of Prem Chand Lakra and Sanchu Munda. They
the North Bengal forest villages. Nevertheless, the movement
assaulted the contractor and women volunteers put a chain
wasof
not successful in stopping corruption. The forest villagers ac
cused
shoes around his neck. He was forced to sit on a donkey andParimal Mitra the first forest minister in the Left Front in
taken in procession to Khuntimari Beat nearly five km away 1977
fromof opening the flood gates of corruption in Dooars and who
the place. They shouted slogans against the department and
was allegedly involved in illegal trade and encouraged both the
ransacked the beat office and asked the outside labour to leave contractors and forest officials to cut down trees. Despite this, the
the worksite. The department lodged a first information report
movement continued to inspire the forest dwellers in North Bengal.
(fir) against the two prominent leaders of the movement along
The Orange Orchard resistance in Buxa hills during 1993-94, the
with some other villagers. On 10 June 1971 the police from
introduction of the panchayat movement during 1998 and other
movements throughout the 1990s got an impetus from this his
Dhupguri police station went to Gossaihat to arrest these leaders.
The news of Lakra and Munda's arrest spread rapidly and
toric movement. The legacy of the movement continues in the
ongoing forest rights' movement which has started since 20019
ignoring the stormy weather villagers assembled to force their
leaders' release. To disperse the mob the police started firing under
in the leadership of the National Forum of Forest People and
which five villagers were killed.8 The police arrested a number Forest
of Workers (nffpfw). The senior most regional convener Lai
Singh Bhujel happens to be the proud disciple of Ramesh Roy.
villagers and took them to the Dhupguri police station and pro
More importantly what the other resistances including the
duced before the Jalpaiguri court on 11 June 1971. The arrested
present one owes to that pioneering struggle is the method of
persons got bail within a month and a few years later the union
empowering forest people through movements, which are dia
won the case which freed them from all charges. However, the
metrically opposite to the many projected paradigms of partici
martyrdom of the five villagers, namely, Ajman Rava, Jetha Rai,
Mongra Orao, Sadhu Orao and Chhandu Orao had a tremendous
pation under the imposed mechanism of forest management in
the name of forest protection or afforestation programmes
impact on the overall political atmosphere. Within a couple of
days, a deputation was sent to the Jalpaiguri district magistrate
throughout the country.
and several processions were held at Jalpaiguri and Alipurduar.
Impact of Subnash Chandra Bose
The state leadership of the fb demanded immediate introduction
of wages and abolition of departmental oppression and exploita
No account of the movement would be complete without remem
bering the effect of Bose's philosophy of action on the struggle
tion, compensation for the family of the martyrs and punitive action
against ecological exploitation. Nrimal Bose who introduced
against the police and forest department. Deputy Chief Minister
Bijoy Singh Nahar convened a meeting with the union leadersRamesh
at Roy to Bose's ideals was a by-product of the middle class
radicalism in Bengal during the freedom movement when Jal
Writers Building for quashing of terms and conditions under the
heinous agreement of taungya and consequently Rs 3 per day
paiguri was one of the most important centres of struggle in
was introduced along with the consideration of other demands
North Bengal. In 1939 Bose's visit to Jalpaiguri as the president of
the All India Congress Committee to attend Bengal Provincial
like six-hour work. Moreover, the government agreed that the
villagers would not be evicted from the land they occupied. Congress
In inspired a large section of the youth to carry forward
this way, the movement finally brought the taungya system to his
an ideals most of whom joined the fb when it was formed at
Jalpaiguri in 1942. Nirmal Bose played a pioneering role along
end and a new era of forest governance began in North Bengal.
Indeed it was the dawn of people's power in the forest domain
with others in the freedom struggle led by the fb in the district
and which led the movement into another phase of struggle. which continued even in the post-independence period. He
along with the district leadership of the fb extended their full
Drive Out Corruption, Save Forest (1972-76) support to the forest villagers' movement. In Netaji's plan of ac
The later phase of the movement led by the nbfwjcu startedtion
in the "Indian Struggle" of the party would stand for the inter
1972 with the oath taking in front of the Martyr's Monumentests
at of the masses like peasants, workers, etc, against the vested
Gossaihat. The oath was to wage a struggle against the practice
interests and for the complete political and economic liberation
lib January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i EH353 Economic & Political weekly
SPECIAL ARTICLE
of the Indian people (Bose 1981: 349). One of the major demands
Netaji. As a movement of the ecosystem people it adheres to the
of the movement in its 17-point charter was to establish national
panchayinterest while fighting against the exploitation of both
ats in the forest villages, which would have been inspired
natureby
and people. This can be seen in the union's statement be
Bose's programmes for "social reconstruction" to "build upfore the Kolkata hc which "endorsed the policy of effective im
a new
social structure assuming the village communities of the past,
plementation of policy of afforestation in North Bengal to save
that were ruled by the village 'Panch' and will strive toforests
break in national interest and also in the interest of saving na
down the existing social barriers like caste" (ibid: 349-50).
tionalBe
animals".10 The movement was not organised to fight
sides the ideals, the movement was greatly indebted toagainst
Bose's any specific class enemy but the focus was essentially
technique of "active resistance" what he viewed as the only the system of praxis and remained consistent in the
against
method to overthrow the unjust system. Bose was a criticstruggle
of the against taungya as well as corruption. Against taungya
the main
Gandhian technique of passive resistance which could reform but demands were abolishing of the slavery with its "out
datedFol
would fail to contribute to the revolutionary transformation. terms and conditions" and against corruption the demand
lowing the method of "active resistance" the movement took onget
was to a rid of the practice of handing over the responsibility of
logging
militant character in the form of gheraos, strikesetc in order to to outside contractors who are unconcerned about the
bring down the exploitative regime of forest governance. Fur
degradation of forests. The movement explicitly or implicitly
ther, one of the most important reasons behind the spreadrested
of theupon the holistic view of organic interdependence bet
ween the ecosystem and the people where protection of forests
movement was its identification with Bose. During my fieldwork,
the forest villagers often told me "earlier we were the member ofprotection of those very people from all sorts of suffer
implied
Revolutionary Socialist Party but after that when the party ofvice versa. This holistic underpinning led to emphasis
ing and
Subhash Chandra Bose came with its anti-taungya standpoint;
on fair and just governance of forest and its people with due rec
we joined it to end the oppression and exploitation of the ognition
depart of the people's organisation in the overall process.
Theof
ment." Villagers often called Ramesh Roy, seen as the bearer movement posed a challenge to the one sided under
Subhash Chandra Bose's ideals as "Roy Babu" and were inspired
standing of the nature of grass-roots environmentalism in India
by his charismatic leadership and selfless pursuit of politics.
as itThis
was represented by the "environmentalism of the poor". It
was an example of what Subhash Bose described as "toshowedmergethat environmentalism in India did not always arise out
of conflict
one's individual consciousness in mass consciousness" (Bose and over natural resources but often emanated from the
Bose 2004:19). Roy was familiar as the "barefoot leader"ecological
of the exploitation through co-option under an apparent
movement as he walked barefoot mile after mile through the
cooperative gesture of the state agencies in the management of
rough forest patches to organise masses in the extreme ecosystem.
climatic The idea of "ecological distribution conflicts" could
not capture
conditions. Roy believed in the simplicity of life and was living in the inclusive technique of domination over the
an ordinary hut at Rajabhatkahwa with his wife and children
ecosystem people and usurpation of their contribution to the
where he had shifted from Hasimara for the cause of the move ecosystem to further the top-down agenda of resource manage
ment. Though after 1977 with the coming of the Left Front into
ment. The "environmentalism of the poor" therefore, rested on
power a number of left leaders managed to live better. Roy re
the inadequate criteria of characterisation of the struggle of the
tained his frugal lifestyle until his death in 2008. The movement
eco-system people against the oppressive system of resource
which sacrificed the lives of five forest villagers in the strugglemanagement. Secondly, along with the struggle of the ecosystem
against taungya upheld Bose's message in the "Political Testa
people against all forms of displacement and unequal access to
ment". He said, resources the movement is equally critical about the pseudo rec
ognition of their role merely at the local level of implementation
Forget not that the greatest curse for a man is to remain a slave. Forget
in lieu of providing certain incentives while not acknowledging
not that the grossest crime is to compromise with injustice and wrong.
Remember the eternal law: You must give life, if you want to get it. their authority in the arena of policymaking. Thirdly, like the
"environmentalism of the poor" the movement was not limited
And remember that the highest virtue is to battle against inequity, no
matter what the cost may be (ibid: 197). only to the demand for fair distribution of ecological goods and
recognition of rights of the ecosystem people but also demanded
The Alternative Paradigm a fair system of harnessing natural resources free from corruption
The historic forest movement in Dooars which took place beforeand a fair opportunity of employment of those people in the
process of regeneration, felling and maintenance of forests.
the Chipko movement represents the alternative paradigm within
Indian environmentalism both in its content and form. The Finally, the movement raised the fundamental question of ascrib
movement broadly falls within the left-radical tradition of strug
ing a misleading phrase to the struggle of the ecosystem people
gle since it conforms to the general standpoint of the left regard
in India as "environmentalism of the poor" which restricted the
ing "a positive and proactive role of the state in the sustainable
understanding of their struggle merely around the issues of live
harnessing of local resources" (Prasad 2004: 14) and greater
lihood and subsistence while undermining the issues of their
access and control of the ecosystem people over the natural
dignity against humiliation and their desire for a better life
resource base (Gadgil and Guha 2000: 120). However, it differs
against exploitation, which might work as a motive force behind the
considerably from the conventional Marxist position in its
struggle. Further, the issues which the movement upholds are still
approach and looks for inspiration to the nationalist ideals of
relevant in the context of natural resource governance not only at
Economic & Political weekly EH353 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 117
SPECIAL ARTICLE
the regional level but national and global level. Notwithstanding

politics of co-option through the inclusive technique of incorpo
certain progressive legislations like the National Rural rating
Employ people's knowledge and workforce, which continue to ex
ment Guarantee Act, the Forest Rights Act, 2006 at the national
ploit the ecosystem people under the disguise of collaborative or
participatory
level, the problems of unemployment and land rights are yet to resource management at the global level. This ex
be resolved, particularly when the conservation regime has hinders the organic exchange between life forms and
ploitation
choked the regular employment opportunities of theseresults
peoplein defacement of that relation. The lesson that the move
and globalisation has taken away their mineral rich forestlands.

ment has left behind is to build up resistance against the exploita
Villagers have accused the contract system of jeopardisingtion, to find more democratic space for negotiation, alteration
forest
and etc.
preservation through irregular cleaning, thinning, weeding, challenging of the entire process of ecosystem governance
It often deprives them of their legitimate wages guaranteed
for theun
sake of both the forest and its people while innovating
der the Minimum Wage Act. The movement reveals further the to keep the process of organic exchange alive and free.
new ways
NOTES his interview with a single volunteer of the Ghosh, Anjali (1981): Peaceful Transition to Power:
movement, namely, Abhilak Thakur. The account A Study of Marxist Political Strategies in West
1 British annexed "Bengal Dooars" in 1864-65 from
is utterly incomplete in its representation and Bengal 1967-1977 (Kolkata: Firma KLM Private
Bhutanese rule and the boundary separating
contains serious flaws about incidents of Gossaihat Limited).
Bhutan hills from the Dooars were finally demar
and Bala. In this respect in my interview with Guha, Ramachandra (1989): The Unquiet Woods: Eco
cated with the creation of a new district, namely,
Abhilak Thakur he admitted that his speech was logical Change and Peasant Resistance in the
Jalpaiguri in 1869. For details see Karlsson (1997),
misrepresented by Karlsson probably due to the Himalayas (Delhi: OUP).
PP 92-93.
language problem. Moreover, Karlsson failed to Guha, Ramachandra and J Martinez-Alier (2000):
2 See Writ Petition in the High Court of Calcutta.
grasp the significance and context of the move Varieties of Environmentalism: Essays North and
CR No 5i65(W) of 1976, CR 8893 (W) of 1976 and
ment to a great extent. South (New Delhi: OUP).
CR 800 (W) of 1976, p 5.
9 To get a fair picture about the ongoing forest Jha, Sourish (2010): "Struggle for Democratising
3 For further details see agreement between forest
movement in North Bengal see Jha Sourish (2010).
villagers of Bhutri forest village and the Govern Forests: The Ongoing Forest Rights Movement in
10 See Writ Petition in the High Court of Calcutta. India", Social Movement Studies, Vol 9, No 4.
ment of West Bengal as on 1 January 1966, DFO
CR No 5165 (W) of 1976, CR 8893 (W) of 1976 and
Jalpaiguri division. Karlsson, B G (1997): Contested Belonging: An Indige
CR 800 (W) of 1976, p 10.
4 For a detail account of tea workers movement see nous People's Struggle for Forest and Identity in
Sharit (1981). Sub-Himalayan Bengal (Lund: Lund University).
5 See 32-Point Programme of the UF Government Nair, P K Ramachandran (1993): An Introduction to
REFERENCES
in 1969, in Ghosh 1981: C-29, Appendix Four. Agroforestry (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic
Publishers).
Bose, Sisir, ed. (1981): Netaji Collected Works, V0I-2,
6 Under this new policy in the plains' area of wet
cultivation allotted to each household shall not Indian Struggle, 1920-1942 (Kolkata: Prasad, Archana
Netaji(2004): Environmentalism and the
exceed 2 acres, or the total area of land allotted for Research Bureau). Left: Contemporary Debates and Future Agendas in
homestead and cultivation may not exceed 2.5 acres.Bose, Sisir and Sugata Bose, ed. (2004): Subhas Tribal Areas (New Delhi: LeftWord).
See Fifth Working Plan of Kurseong Forest Divi Chandra Bose: The Alternative Leadership, Speeches, Seth, S K (1981): Forestry for Local Community Deve
sion (1969-70 to 1988-89), Vol-1,1976, p 273 and Articles, Statements and Letters June 1939-1941, lopment Programme, India and Sri Lanka (Rome:
the Seventh Working Plan of the Jalpaiguri Forest (Kolkata and Delhi: Co published by Netaji FAO).
Division (1970-71 to 1989-90), Vol-i, 1976, p 172. Research Bureau and Permanent Black). Sharit, Bhowmik (1981): Class Formation in the Plan
Das Gupta, Ranajit (1985): "Peasants, Workers and
7 See "Annexure E", Writ Petition in the High Court tation System (New Delhi: People's Publishing
of Calcutta CR No 5i6s(W) of 1976, CR 8893 (W) Freedom Struggle, Jalpaiguri, 1945-47", Economic House).
of 1976 and CR 800 (W) of 1976, p 30. & Political Weekly, Vol XX, No 30. Sivaramakrishnan, K (2000): "State Sciences and
8 Karlsson (1997) viewed the movement as a Gadgil, Madhav and Ramachandra Guha (2000): Development Histories: Encoding Local Forestry
Forward Bloc Movement in his sketchy account of "Ecology and Equity" in Gadgil and Guha's The Knowledge in Bengal" in Development and
about merely three pages, which are based upon Use and Abuse of Nature (New Delhi: OUP). Change, Vol 31, pp 61-89.
PERSPECTIVES ON CASH TRANSFERS
May 21,2011
A Case for Reframing the Cash Transfer Debate in India - Sudha Narayanan
Mexico's Targeted and Conditional Transfers: Between Oportunidades and Rights - Pablo Yanes
Brazil's Bolsa Famflia: A Review - Fabio Veras Soares
Conditional Cash Transfers as a Tool of Social Policy - Francesco Bastagli
Cash Transfers as the Silver Bullet for Poverty Reduction: A Sceptical Note -Jayati Ghosh
PDS Forever? - Ashok Kotwal, Milind Murugkar, Bharat Ramaswami
Impact of Biometric Identification-Based Transfers - Arka Roy Chaudhuri, ESomanathan
The Shift to Cash Transfers: Running Better But on the Wrong Road? - Devesh Kapur
For copies write to:

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email: circulation@epw.in
DISCUSSION
Differential Spaces
add on a Lefebvrian twist to the "absolute
space" dictum of Harvey. That is to say, for
in a Globalised Era Lefebvre, territorial spaces were not sheer

economic entities, but rather ones that
have cultural, social and political vibrancy
as well. His classic monograph The Pro
ADITYA MOHANTY
duction of Space (1974) sought to compre
hend how the urban itself was constructed
A response to Swapna Banerjee and reconstructed by its leaders and in
Guha's "Contemporary both revelatory and misleading at habitants. Lefebvre's conception of urban
The irony
Globalisation and the Politics of
of polemics
the same is that
time. Much in it
thecan be
same space has been likened to a "flaky pastry...
vein, Swapna Banerjee-Guha's "Contem layered and heterogeneous" through which
Space" (epw, 24 December porary
2011). Globalisation and the Politics of "the city can be understood as a subset of
Space" (epw, 24 December 2011) tends to multiple urban practices and imaginations"
evoke an ideologically provocative but (p vi). It is in this context that he talks of
empirically truncated view of the ways "differential space" in which he views
in which the politics of "absolute space" avenues for resistance to the forces of
has been effectuated by the ongoing pro homogenisation present in "abstract space".
cesses of neo-liberalisation in a globalised Soja (1989) builds on this argument and
era. Adopting a fairly structuralist line hence vehemently says that
of argument, the author tends to strait the created spatiality of social life had to
jacket the very essence of globalisation be seen as simultaneously contingent and
as a mere neo-imperialist endeavour. To conditioning, as both an outcome and a
medium for the making of history - in other
quote Banerjee-Guha, "Buttressed by
words, as part of a historical and geograph
institutional rationality, the capitalist and ical materialism rather than just a historical
statist logics... have overextended them materialism applied to geographical ques
selves to subjugate the indigenous dis tions (p 58).
courses emerging out of the organic prac Even Brenner (1999) on his part con
tices from below" (p 41). Thus "spatialisa tends that though
tion of politics and theorisation of poli
...the contemporary round of globalisa
tical economy hence become intensely tion has radically reconfigured the scalar
material" (p 42). organisation of territorialisation processes
under capitalism, relativising the signifi
Two Academic Flaws cance of the national scale. ..(yet it has been)
simultaneously intensifying the role of both
Having thus put across the problematique,
I intend to elucidate on two academic sub- and supra-national forms of territorial
organisation (p 52).
flaws that accompanies this work: (a) the
"problem of episteme" and (b) the "myopiaHence to sum up, my argument here is
of intricacy". To elaborate further, let that
us in an attempt to entrench the spatio
begin with what I prefer to call as the
temporal exigencies wrought by globalisa
tion, a conceptualisation of "absolute
"problem of episteme". The author prima
rily goes on to toy with Harvey's overtly
space" defeats the very sterility of political
Marxian idea of "absolute space" and negotiation.
in Consequently then one tends
doing so takes recourse to a "marxised"
to think of a "politics" of space, which is
reading of the works of Soja (1989), Lefeb
inherently toothless at the very outset for
vre (1974) and Brenner (1999). No doubt the facet of "political" agency in the ideal
Soja's "socio-spatial dialectic" definitely
of "politics" has been ripped off.
portends the fact that spatial geometries
An 'Absolutist' View
do unsettle the social fabric. Similarly
Brenner does insist on the porosity of
Finally, I intend to reflect on the "myopia
territorial borders to international capital.
of intricacy" problem that afflicts such an
But this is not all that they have to say.
"absolutist" view of contemporary globali
Aditya Mohanty (aditya.mohanty.11@ucl.ac.uk)
Because the very essence of their works sation.
is The illustrative arguments to be
is a Commonwealth Split-Site doctoral scholar.
that they do take the debate forward and
put forth hence, for a change, shall be
Economic & Political weekly E3X3 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 119
DISCUSSION;
principle.
fairly postmodernist. Because it is onlyThe new social movements in a "differential space". It is on this note
such an approach that can help us to green and pirate parties) arethat I intend to conclude that if at all the
(feminist,
also considered
capture the emergent opportunities in a to be an expression of"politics of space" is so discriminatory,
reflexive
post-fordist era that contemporary modernisation.
globali then one does definitely need to rethink as
sation so quintessentially characterises.Thus in the contemporary era, if neo to whether "participation" is all that inno
Ulrich Beck's "reflexive modernisation" American imperialist interventionism, ruthcent a term. Polemically argued then, a
less evacuation of indigenous spaces aretheory of space formulated thus should
thesis for instance squints at the new
emblematic of "absolute space", then thenon-partially gauge the costs and benefits
spaces of empowerment that globalisation
trans-nationalisation of social strugglesinvolved rather than, as they say, sell old
has brought about. Reflexive modernisa
wine in a new bottle!
across the globe and innovative models of
tion, notes Beck, is a process of moderni
sation that is nevertheless characteristic participatory governance, are undoubtedly
of a "risk society" whereby progress isthe hallmarks of "differential spaces". It isREFERENCES
achieved through reorganisation and indeed more than common knowledgeBeck, U (1992): Risk Society: Towards a New Mod
reform. Science and technology as it istoday that even the minutest of exogenous (New Delhi: Sage).
Brenner, N (1999): "Beyond State-Centrism? S
used for the purpose of reflexive modernitransnational intervention cannot bypass
Territoriality and Geographical Scale in Gl
sation is less concerned with expandinga scrutiny by local communities. Similarly sation Studies", Theory and Society, Vol
PP 39-78.
the resource base, than with re-evaluatingwithin the boundaries of the nation state,
Lefebvre, Henri (1974): The Production of Space, trans
that which is already being used by society.the resurgence of parastatal agencies like lated by Donald Nicholson-Smith (Cambridge:
Examples of reflexive modernisation thatGovernment Organised Non Governmental Blackwell).
Soja, E (1989): Postmodern Geographies: The Reasser
have recently gained political momentumOrganisations (gongos) indicates the tion of Space in Critical Social Theory (London:
are sustainability and the precautionary
enmeshed relations of multiple stakeholders Verso).
Economic Reforms and Growth in India

Essays from Economic and Political Weekly
Edited by
PULAPRE BALAKRISHNAN
This volume investigates the nature of economic growth in India, its pace over time, its relationship to changes in the policy regime and the role of
the external sector, and uses data to evaluate the policies that have implicitly underpinned the changes.
Presenting a range of approaches, views and conclusions, this collection comprises papers published in the Economic and Political Weekly between the
late 1990s and 2008 that are marked by an empirical awareness necessary for an understanding of a growth history. The articles reflect a certain
groundedness in their approach in that they privilege content/context over methodology.
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120 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i B3Q Economic & Political weekly
CURRENT STATISTICS EPW Research Foundation
During 2006-07 - 2009-10, Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) growth rates of seven states exceeded the national GDP growth rates by a significant margin.
Maharashtra, Odisha and Uttarakhand. Barring Odisha, all these states showed a similar performance in 2010-11. The data show that the GSDP growth
Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu against the GDP growth of 8.5%. In all these years Jharkhand recorded the highest growth of 20.5% in 2007-08.
Macroeconomic Indicators
Variation (in %): Point-to-Point
Weights 10 December Over Over 12 Months Fiscal Year So Far Full Financial Year
(Base Year: 2004-05 = 100)A
2011 Month 2011 2010 2011-12 2010-11 2010-11 2009-10 2008-09 2007-08 2006-07
Primary Articles 20.1 197.7 -2.1 3.8 16.9 4.9 14.3 13.1 22.4 5.3 9.1 12.9
Food Articles 14.3 191.0 -3.8 1.8 13.2 6.6 14.1 8.9 21.1 7.5 5.8 12.7
Non-Food Articles 4.3 177.4 1.5 1.4 24.8 -7.5 16.2 27.3 19.6 1.8 13.3 13.4
Fuel & Power 14.9 172.4 0.5 15.2 10.8 9.2 6.8 12.7 13.8 -4.9 9.2 0.9
Manufactured Products* 65.0 139.8 0.5 7.7 5.0 3.1 2.9 7.4 5.3 1.7 7.2 6.5
Food Products* 10.0 151.8 -0.1 6.8 1.1 4.6 0.4 2.4 15.1 6.3 8.4 4.3
Food Index (computed)* 24.3 178.4 -1.3 7.9 6.8 8.1 6.9 6.8 18.5 7.3 6.7 9.6
All Commodities (point to point basis)* 100.0 156.9 0.1 9.1 8.2 4.9 5.5 9.7 10.4 1.6 7.8 6.8
All Commodities (Monthly average basis)* 100.0 154.6 -

9.6 9.4 9.6 9.6 9.6 3.8 8.1 4.9 6.5
* Data pertain to the month of October 2011 as weekly release of data discontinued wef 24 Oct 2009. AThe date of first release of data based on 2004-05 series wef 14 September 2010.
Variation (in %): Point-to-Point
Cost of Living Indices Latest Over Over 12 Months Fiscal Year So Far Full Fiscal Year
Month 2011 Month 2011 2010 2011-12 2010-11 2010-11 2009-10 2008-09 2007-08 2006-07 2005-06
Industrial Workers (IW) (2001=100) 19810 0.5 9.4 9.7 7.0 6.5 8.8 14.9 8.0 7.9 6.7 5.3
Agricultural Labourers (AL) (1986-87=100) 62110 0.3 8.9 7.1 6.2 6.3 9.1 15.8 9.5 7.9 9.5 5.3
Note:Superscript numeral denotes month to which figure relates, e g, superscript 10 stands for October and 11 stands for November.
Variation
Money and Banking (Rs crore) 2 December Over Month OverYear Fiscal Year So Far Full Fiscal Year
2011 2011 2011-12 2010-11 2010-11 2009-10 2008-09
Money Supply (M3) 7073261 62700(0.9) 993411(16.3) 573712(8.8) 477118(8.5) 896817 (16.0) 807920(16.8) 776930(19.3)
Currency with Public 972459 4408(0.5) 104875(12.1) 58262(6.4) 100092(13.0) 146704(19.1) 102043 (15.3) 97040(17.1)
Deposits Money with Banks 6098190 56988(0.9) 890208(17.1) 516551(9.3) 376583(7.8) 750239(15.5) 707606 (17.2) 683375 (19.9)
of which: Demand Deposits 651520 7463(1.2) -25215(-3.7) -66139(-9.2) -41234(-5.7) -310 (-0.0) 129281 (22.0) 10316(1.8)
Time Deposits 5446670 49525(0.9) 915423(20.2) 582690(12.0) 417817(10.2) 750549(18.2) 578325 (16.4) 673059 (23.5)
Net Bank Credit to Government 2231635 38791(1.8) 406595(22.3) 248864(12.6) 155854(9.3) 313584(18.8) 391853 (30.7) 377815 (42.0)
Bank Credit to Commercial Sector 4533989 57291(1.3) 658385(17.0) 298582(7.0) 384195(11.0) 743997 (21.3) 476516(15.8) 435904 (16.9)
Net Foreign Exchange Assets 1584776 32998(2.1) 213451(15.6) 191450(13.7) 89857(7.0) 111858(8.7) 367718 (-5.2) 57053 (4.4)
Banking Sector's Net Non-Monetary Liabilities 1290450 66380(5.4) 286077(28.5) 165770(14.7) 153772(18.1) 274078(32.2) -9050 (-1.1) 94672(12.4)
of which: RBI 581505 50721(9.6) 229397(65.1) 213230(57.9) 50493(16.7) 66660(22.1) -86316 (-22.3) 177709(84.5)
Reserve Money (16 December 2011) 1402652 1426(0.1) 159643(12.8) 25770(1.9) 87323(7.6) 221195 (19.1) 167688(17.0) 59696 (6.4)
Net RBI Credit to Centre 437711 22088(-) 166781 (-) 43676(-) 59349(-) 182453 149821 176397
Scheduled Commercial Banks (2 December 2011)
Aggregate Deposits 5710061 55955(1.0) 865271(17.9) 502092(9.6) 351964(7.8) 715143 (15.9) 658716(17.2) 637170(19.9)
Demand 572518 7783(1.4) -31545(-5.2) -69187(-10.8) -41547(-6.4) -3905 (-0.6) 122525 (23.4) -1224 (-0.2)
Time 5137543 48172(0.9) 896816(21.1) 571279(12.5) 393511(10.2) 719048(18.7) 536191 (16.2) 638395 (23.9)
Investments (for SLR purposes) 1743713 12075(0.7) 260131(17.5) 242094(16.1) 98830(7.1) 116867 (8.4) 218342 (18.7) 194694(20.0)
Bank Credit 4235421 54947(1.3) 637820(17.7) 293338(7.4) 352813(10.9) 697294(21.5) 469239 (16.9) 413635 (17.5)
Non-Food Credit 4153577 50566(1.2) 617464(17.5) 275777(7.1) 339814(10.6) 681500(21.3) 466961 (17.1) 411825 (17.8)
Commercial Investments 173319 2760(1.6) 23878(16.0) 25718(17.4) 31370(26.6) 28872 (24.5) 11654(11.0) 10911 (11.4)
Total Bank Assistance to Comml Sector 4326896 53326(1.2) 641342(17.4) 301495(7.5) 371184(11.2) 710372 (21.4) 478615 (16.9) 422736(17.5)
Note: Government Balances as on 31 March 2011 are after closure of accounts.
Index Numbers of Industrial Production October* Fiscal Year So Far Full Fiscal Year Averages
(Base 2004-05=100) Weights 2011 2011-12 2010-11 2010-11 2009-10 2008-09 2007-08 2006-07
General Index 100.00 158.1-(5.1) 164.9(3.5) 159.3(8.7) 165.4(8.2) 152.9(5.3) 145.2(2.5) 141.7(15.5) 122.6(12.9)
Mining and Quarrying 14.157 120.9-(7.2) 122.0-(2.2) 124.8(7.0) 131.0(5.2) 124.5(7.9) 115.4(2.6) 112.5(4.6) 107.6(5.2)
Manufacturing 75.527 165.9-(6.0) 175.1(3.7) 168.9(9.4) 175.6(8.9) 161.3(4.8) 153.8(2.5) 150.1(18.4) 126.8(15.0)
Electricity 10.316 152.1(5.6) 148.8(8.8) 136.7(4.5) 138.0(5.6) 130.8(6.1) 123.3(2.8) 120.0(6.4) 112.8(7.3)
* Indices for the month are Quick Estimates
Fiscal Year So Far 2010-11 End of Fiscal Year

Capital Market
23 Dec 2011 Month Ago Year Ago Trough Peak Trough Peak 2010-11 2009-10 2008-09
BSE Sensitive Index (1978-79=100) 15739(-21.2) 15700 19983(18.2) 15175 19702 16022 21005 19445(10.9) 17528(80.5) 9709(-37.9)
BSE-100 (1983-84=100) 8077(-22.5) 8124 10418(16.4) 7805 10262 8540 11141 10096(8.6) 9300(88.2) 4943(-40.0)
BSE-200 (1989-90=100) 1885(-23.8) 1905 2474(17.1) 1824 2427 2034 2753 2379(8.1) 2200(92.9) 1140(-41.0)
S&P CNX Nifty (3 Nov 1995=1000) 4714(-21.2) 4706 5980(18.6) 4544 5912 4807 6312 5834(11.1) 5249(73.8) 302K-36.2)
Skindia GDR Index (2 Jan 1995=1000) 1979(-39.3) 2031 3257(26.7) 1875 3441 2477 3479 3151(9.3) 2883(134.2) 1153(-56.2)
Net Fll Investment in (US $ Mn Equities) - period end 101550(0.3) 102224 101238(40.6) - - -
101454(31.5)
77159(43.1
51669(-18.6)
October* Fiscal Year So Far Full Fiscal Year
Foreign Trade
2011 2011-12 2010-11 2010-11 2009-10 2008-09 2007-08 2006-07 2005-06 2004-05
Exports: Rs crore 97875 820679(45.4) 564314(22.0) 1118823(32.3) 845534(0.6) 840754(28.2) 655863(14.7) 571779(25.3) 456418(21.6) 375340(27.9)
USSmn 19870 179777(46.0) 123170(28.6) 245868(37.5) 178751 (-3.5) 185295 (13.6) 163132(29.0) 126361(22.6) 103091(23.4) 83536(30.8)
Imports: Rs crore 194636 1251948(31.0) 955937(28.6) 1596869(17.1) 1363736(-0.8) 1374434(35.8) 1012312(20.4) 840506(27.3) 660409(31.8) 501065(39.5)
US$mn 39514 273468(31.0) 208822(35.5) 350695(21.6) 288373(-5.0) 303696(20.7) 251654(35.5) 185749(24.5) 149166(33.8) 111517(42.7)
Non-POL US $ mn (* Provisional figures) 29437 191546(27.1) 150646(39.2) 249006(23.7) 201237(4.2) 210029(22.2) 171940(33.5) 128790(22.4) 105233(37.1) 76772(33.2)
Balance of Trade: Rs crore -96761 -431269 -391623 -478047 -518202 -533680 -356449 -268727 -203991 -125725
US$mn -19644 -93691 -85651 -104827 -109621 -118401 -88522 -59388 -46075 -27981
* Provisional figures.
Variation Over
Foreign Exchange Reserves (excluding
16 Dec 17 Dec 31 Mar Fiscal Year So Far Full Fiscal Year
gold but including revaluation effects)
2011 2010 2011 Month Ago Year Ago 2011-12 2010-11 2007-08 2006-07
Rs crore 1227853 1245284 205449 188018 73038
US$mn -7492 -57821 107324
Figures in brackets are percentage variations over the specified or over the comparable period of the previous year. (-) not relevant.
[Comprehensive current economic statistics with regular weekly updates, as also the thematic notes and Special Statistics series, are available on our website: http://www.epwrf.in].
STATISTICS
Trend in Gross State Domestic Product at 2004-05 Series - State-wise crs Lakh)
2004-05 2005-06 2006-07 2007-08 2008-09 2009-10 2010-11 2005-06 2006-07 2007-08 2008-09 2009-10 2010-11
At 2004-05 Prices At Current Prices
1 Andaman and 181264 190699 225075 247869 283388 287719 na 204420 253839 298977 347985 384082 na
Nicobar Islands (5.2) (18.0) (10.1) (14.3) (1.5) (12.8) (24.2) (178) (16.4) (10.4)
2 Andhra Pradesh 22471316 24620997 27372955 30664543 32205274 34071168 37214300 25594123 30103498 36481270 41583165 47526731 56763700
(9.6) (11.2) (12.0) (5.0) (5.8) (9.2) (13.9) (17.6) (21.2) (14.0) (14.3) (19.4)
3 ArunachalPradesh 348450 357360 375961 420011 461541 527941 na 374335 409371 477698 574103 684400 na
(2.6) (5.2) (11.7) (9.9) (14.4) (7.4) (9.4) (16.7) (20.2) (19.2)
4 Assam 5339772 5521356 5778253 6056750 6469688 6992365 7508207 5938459 6469220 7107620 8122101 9247245 10421770
(3.4) (4.7) (4.8) (6.8) (8.1) (7.4) (11.2) (8.9) (9.9) (14.3) (13.9) (12.7)
5 Bihar 7778116 7835307 9222243 9924347 11383449 12442003 14203067 8354937 10331657 11868716 15070885 17524520 21307277
(0.7) (17.7) (7.6) (14.7) (9.3) (14.2) (7.4) (23.7) (14.9) (27.0) (16.3) (21.6)
6 Chhattisgarh 4786229 4940774 5859816 6364377 6898211 7607792 8487986 5338110 6687489 8025511 9697218 10982343 12971754
(3.2) (18.6) (8.6) (8.4) (10.3) (11.6) (11.5) (25.3) (20.0) (20.8) (13.3) (18.1)
7 Chandigarh 850404 941333 1079499 1158054 1251908 1372686 1575400 1018549 1227608 1366851 1533383 1776541 2070380
(10.7) (14.7) (7.3) (8.1) (9.6) (14.8) (19.8) (20.5) (11.3) (12.2) (15.9) (16.5)
8 Delhi 10032452 11040607 12407958 13796086 15034072 16579599 18325410 11537425 13558365 15794718 18445752 21785112 25880848
(10.0) (12.4) (11.2) (9.0) (10.3) (10.5) (15.0) (17.5) (16.5) (16.8) (18.1) (18.8)
9 Goa 1263584 1362551 1494087 1578156 1727403 1952462 na 1441183 1646674 1934589 2235802 2588212 na
(7.8) (9.7) (5.6) (9.5) (13.0) (14.1) (14.3) (17.5) (15.6) (15.8)
10 Gujarat 20337269 23377596 25339250 28127292 30084677 33163276 na 24473607 28369284 32928461 36774498 42935595 na
(14.9) (8.4) (11.0) (7.0) (10.2) (20.3) (15.9) (16.1) (11.7) (16.8)
11 Haryana 9531918 10370777 11568317 12702472 13796481 15169182 16538526 10846144 13014077 15428278 18291397 21628726 25779262
(8.8) (11.5) (9.8) (8.6) (9.9) (9.0) (13.8) (20.0) (18.6) (18.6) (18.2) (19.2)
12 Himachal Pradesh 2407658 2610733 2848061 3091673 3319192 3588814 3911186 2712735 3027427 3396254 4148310 4328116 5242616
(8.4) (9.1) (8.6) (7.4) (8.1) (9.0) (12.7) (11.6) (12.2) (22.1) (4.3) (21.1)
13 Jammuand Kashmir 2700462 2801240 2967826 3146503 3337588 3553767 3788692 2928267 3226549 3561995 3922877 4323637 4770931
(3.7) (5.9) (6.0) (6.1) (6.5) (6.6) (8.4) (10.2) (10.4) (10.1) (10.2) (10.3)
14 Jharkhand 5975772 5784841 5922572 7137711 6991489 7361760 7804519 6090054 6693475 8394959 8747082 9632745 10669641
-(3.2) (2.4) (20.5) -(2.0) (5.3) (6.0) (1.9) (9.9) (25.4) (4.2) (10.1) (10.8)
15 Karnataka 16632566 18392385 20262680 22789027 24185152 25124407 27135646 19549579 22712551 27024853 30759649 34467022 39889323
(10.6) (10.2) (12.5) (6.1) (3.9) (8.0) (17.5) (16.2) (19.0) (13.8) (12.1) (15.7)
16 Kerala 11926400 13129393 14166669 15408982 16522110 18128912 na 13684176 15378488 17514108 20101975 23031555 na
(10.1) (7.9) (8.8) (7.2) (9.7) (14.7) (12.4) (13.9) (14.8) (14.6)
17 Madhya Pradesh 11292689 11891946 12989612 13598571 14662183 15907516 na 12427599 14457681 16147939 18653517 21695816 na
(5.3) (9.2) (4.7) (7.8) (8.5) (10.0) (16.3) (11.7) (15.5) (16.3)
18 Maharashtra 41382559 47380054 54075011 59906194 64911967 70154960 77501995 48322219 58172499 67900426 75633409 90132973 102962116
(14.5) (14.1) (10.8) (8.4) (8.1) (10.5) (16.8) (20.4) (16.7) (11.4) (19.2) (14.2)
19 Manipur 513336 545906 556775 589952 628659 676735 718409 571758 613722 678253 739936 831419 919814
(6.3) (2.0) (6.0) (6.6) (7.6) (6.2) (11.4) (7.3) (10.5) (9.1) (12.4) (10.6)
20 Meghalaya 655929 707785 762564 798747 866218 942282 1025915 726515 862518 975785 1165550 1278807 1464529
(7.9) (7.7) (4.7) (8.4) (8.8) (8.9) (10.8) (18.7) (13.1) (19.4) (9.7) (14.5)
21 Mizoram 268197 286942 300587 333621 378137 432970 na 297115 328998 381551 457711 563316 na
(7.0) (4.8) (11.0) (13.3) (14.5) (10.8) (10.7) (16.0) (20.0) (23.1)
22 Nagaland 583884 643571 693785 744537 792584 na na 658768 725665 807495 928778 na
(10.2) (7.8) (7.3) (6.5) (12.8) (10.2) (11.3) (15.0)

23 Odisha 7657857 8079799 9129424 10125016 10858421 12005669 12710591 8389120 10022119 12723377 14272818 16232736 18635600
(5.5) (13.0) (10.9) (7.2) (10.6) (5.9) (9.5) (19.5) (27.0) (12.2) (13.7) (14.8)
24 Puducherry 575370 718823 745341 809328 879411 955081 1031750 797723 833510 925143 1005007 1134404 1292907
(24.9) (3.7) (8.6) (8.7) (8.6) (8.0) (38.6) (4.5) (11.0) (8.6) (12.9) (14.0)
25 Punjab 9683850 10219146 11253372 12251501 13028781 14014535 15024570 10848927 12674468 15174993 17242064 19511667 22133211
(5.5) (10.1) (8.9) (6.3) (7.6) (7.2) (12.0) (16.8) (19.7) (13.6) (13.2) (13.4)
26 Rajasthan 12774565 13628496 15218867 16001662 17136527 17872958 19604497 14223614 17104273 19482214 22525353 25529528 30335811
(6.7) (11.7) (5.1) (7.1) (4.3) (9.7) (11.3) (20.3) (13.9) (15.6) (13.3) (18.8)
27 Sikkim 173932 190962 202404 217841 253521 334311 364218 199311 216145 250634 322944 474042 565201
(9.8) (6.0) (7.6) (16.4) (31.9) (8.9) (14.6) (8.4) (16.0) (28.9) (46.8) (19.2)
28 Tamil Nadu 21900322 24956705 28752968 30515680 32008472 35025788 39137245 25783345 31052572 35081864 40133605 47351897 54726662
(14.0) (15.2) (6.1) (4.9) (9.4) (11.7) (17.7) (20.4) (13.0) (14.4) (18.0) (15.6)
29 Tripura 890353 942179 1020245 1098843 1159612 1224781 1294740 982602 1091423 1179707 1310447 1460428 1632789
(5.8) (8.3) (7.7) (5.5) (5.6) (5.7) (10.4) (11.1) (8.1) (11.1) (11.4) (11.8)
30 Uttar Pradesh 26084815 27778149 30005299 32204170 34376860 36778569 39748819 29317730 33604643 38304540 44312128 51882471 58846653
(6.5) (8.0) (7.3) (6.7) (7.0) (8.1) (12.4) (14.6) (14.0) (15.7) (17.1) (13.4)
31 Uttarakhand 2478567 2826766 3226003 3801453 4283541 4780814 5214288 2995138 3679599 4585573 5604095 6668324 7757993
(14.0) (14.1) (17.8) (12.7) (11.6) (9.1) (20.8) (22.9) (24.6) (22.2) (19.0) (16.3)
32 West Bengal 20865636 22178946 23907712 25763218 27034678 29315952 na 23024495 26168187 29948275 34214053 39893302 na
(6.3) (7.8) (7.8) (4.9) (8.4) (10.3) (13.7) (14.4) (14.2) (16.6)
All-India GDP 297146400 325421600 356601100 389895800 416250900 449374300 487784200 338962100 395224100 458142200 528208600 613323000 730699000
(2004-05 base) (9.5) (9.6) (9.3) (6.8) (8.0) (8.5) (14.1) (16.6) (15.9) (15.3) (16.1) (19.1)
na: not available.
Source: Central Statistical Office.
*22 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i 0353 Economic & Political weekly
IN&,
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124

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JANUARY 7, 2012 Vol XLVII No 1

EDITORIALS Learning from the Lokayuktas

■ The 'Precariat' Strikes

■ Enrolment and Dropout Rates

■ Religiosity and Corruption

■ Buddhist Engagements with Social Justice

SPECIAL ARTICLES Religion continues to be an important source of identity for

9788189884697 I HB I Zubaan I ? 695 9788175969155 I HBK 595

The Rise of China: Implications for India

mm an and culture, urbanism and crime, social

9788175968011 I HB I ? 1480 9788175968950 I HB I ? 795

The Circus is in Town..

Lokpal Bill: Lessons from the Karnataka

Anatomy of India's Merchandise Export Growth PERSPECTIVES

A Saga of Three Villages in Andhra Pradesh Interrogating Religion and Development

Differential Spaces in a Globalised Era

69 A comparison between two forms of Buddhism in India. NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS 6

January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i EH253 Economic & Political weekly

Economic & Political weekly laavi January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 5

Category Number of Number of Number of

3,000 More than 10 6,000 More than 10 50 More than 10 410

1,500 Individuals 1,000 20 40

Rates for Three Years (in Rs)

Notes for Contributors

6 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i 0323 Economic & Political weekly

The Circus is in Town

Economic & Political weekly B2E3 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 7

parties. Over the last two decades, India's economychanges.

Corruption and Fairy Tale Elections

8 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i 13571 Economic & Political weekly

Heroic Whistle-blower, Not a Traitor

the rand Corporation, released the Pentagon Papers in 1967 that

FROM 50 YEARS AGO the Reserve Bank and the scheduled20banks in

Economic & Political weekly raüfii January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 9

The 'Precariat' Strikes politicians is indeed surprising. Mumbai,

development. In neo-liberal Six December

Economic & Political weekly 0313 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 11

Lokpal Bill: Lessons from

the Karnataka Lokayukta's

Performance anti-corruption agency (1972).2 These pre

We are grateful to Manavi Belgaumkar, debated. But the idea 6.00

obtained in June 2011 from the public 2.00 I

Sudhir Krishnaswamy (krishnaswamysudhir@ mittees (1996, 1998,

>ution of Cases Initiated

143 tion agency. The incentives for administra

Economic & Political weekly 13321 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 13

1 [ 43.3 41.4 corruption equally, the institutional impact

■ resources will be a serious one.8 Further,

I Investigated Sanctioned Chargesheeted Trial completed Convicted

share of essential functions is likely to Ear to the Ground navayana

three tumultuous decades: on encounter deaths; straggles 0/agricultural labourers; th

14 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i 023 Economic & Political we

As the above discussion shows, if criminal

the centrepiece of our anti-corruption

so far. So, we cannot say if the delay in

and the median case in this category

Economic & Political weekly CEE3 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 15

Jan Lokpal Bill promises to establish,Inadvisability

Kashmir, the north-east, and Maoist

Economic & Political weekly E3E3 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 17

THE K R CAMA ORIENTAL INSTITUTE

Applications are invited for the

January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no i GEO Economic & Political WEEKLY

Economic & Political weekly EH3C3 January 7, 2012 vol xlvii no 1 19