Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
This is essay seeks to outline the roles of women in two broad spheres: in
the abstract, and in reality. These two spheres are intertwined – the role
that women played in the public sphere displayed how women were
understood in the ideology of the time and also how the latter affected the
former, mostly negatively. In looking at women before, during, and post the
Revolution, we can trace the changes in their position in reality and in the
abstract – this we see in the way they were written about in the literature
of the time – which included, most importantly, the writings of Rousseau, as
well as what can be called the publications of the “Rousseaus of the
ruisseau” – and their depictions in art. What needs to be keep in mind while
doing so is that the position of women did not fluctuate radically – that is to
say, the dominant patriarchal ideology remained intact through the entire
period of revolution in France, tumultuous as it was in terms of doing away
with old ideas and instituting new ones that supported increased political
participation and representation of the people. Thus, what this essay tries
to underscore is the manner in which women were, over the course of the
Revolution, completely pushed out of public life even while the female
image came to play a central role in the allegorical embodiment of the
revolution.
During this time the court was, in fact, quite patriarchal – unlike in England,
a queen could not rule without a king in France, and the only time that
women ever played a substantial role in governance was when they ruled
as regents for their minor sons. Madame du Pompadour’s role in Louis XV’s
rule was never looked at with approval, and it contributed negatively to his
image. However, the criticism and hostility against women being involved
in ruling the country reached fever pitch only during Louis XVI’s reign.
Since prostitution was one of the most visible ‘public’ roles that women
played, Rousseau characterised all women who ventured into the public
sphere as prostitutes, and painted salons as places where all manner of
sexual perversion was celebrated. Salonnieres and other women in the
public sphere were viciously attacked as women of loose morals who
contributed to the degeneration of society, and the only way in which
virtue could be restored is if they were pushed back where they belong.
Keeping this in mind, the extreme hatred that the people had for Marie
Antoinette can be better understood; not only was she unpopular for being
a foreigner and for her alleged involvement in the Diamond Necklace Affair,
she was the epitome of a public woman. Thus, she became “a rallying point
for male bonding against all outbreaks of women's exertion of power”, the
face that the people associated with the effeminizing force in court. She
corrupted the “body politic either through ‘liaisons’ or ‘intimacies’ with
criminal politicians or through her ability to act sexually upon the king, his
ministers, or his soldiers.” The idea that the Queen used her ‘feminine
wiles’ to acquire power and work against the people of France was
reinforced over and over again in the pornographic libelles that were
published about her, connecting her to just about every other influential
male at that time in France, which included the King’s brother and his
grandfather. She was also accused of failing her ‘natural’ duty as a mother –
for the ultimate crime that was attributed to her was that of committing
incest with her son. While none of these stories about her were true, Marie
Antoinette came to symbolize the corruption and moral degeneration of the
ruling class.
While aspersions are cast on the Queen’s character and virtue, what is
interesting to note is that the King was never written about in the same
light. The libelles that were written about the King were quite tame
compared to the consistent and vicious slandering of the Queen: he was
only ever depicted as a cuckold, or at most, a pig. Thus, even while
overthrowing the monarchy, the revolutionaries continued to uphold the
king as a symbol of power – by doing this, they aimed to maintain the
virility of his position, the seat of the ruling power, while doing away with
the institution of monarchy itself.
Even while, in the prevailing ideology of the time, women were consistently
told stay within the confines of the domestic sphere, there were those who
fought against this clear delineation of male/female roles, public/private
duties, right from the beginning of the Revolution. Writers, both male and
female, took up the cause of feminism. Jane Abray’s article on Feminism in
the French Revolution looks at the various demands that they made in
pamphlets they wrote, which included the right to vote, higher pay,
equality in marriage and the right to education. If Rousseau argued that
men and women were born with different duties, the feminists argued that
since all people were born equal, sexual discrimination was a man-made
construct. They argued that women deserved to be treated as citizens
because they performed all the duties that were expected of a citizen – they
contributed to the struggle against the monarchy, and displayed the same
patriotism that their male counterparts had, and, as child bearers, all
mothers made a special contribution to the state in guaranteeing its
survival. Women also saw their continued fight for liberty as an extension
of the fight that the Third Estate waged against the aristocracy. Abray also
describes how, between the years 1789 and 1793 women formed
delegations and approached the National Assembly to argue for the
equality of the sexes in terms of legal, political, economic and social rights.
The main issues that these women rallied around were that of education
and citizenship. Education was the one aspect generally agreed upon by
both feminists and anti-feminists – the real contention lay in the nature of
education that was to be given to girls. While the feminists wanted both
sexes to receive the same knowledge, a large majority of people supported
the idea that girls should be taught things that would help them better run
their homes and care for their families. On the issue of citizenship for
women, while those who supported it pointed out the ways in which
women fulfilled the necessary criteria, other such as Abbé Sieyès argued
that women (also children and foreigners) contributed nothing to public
institutions and therefore did not deserve to have the right to vote or the
right to utter the civil oath of citizenship. In arguing that mothers deserved
to be citizens, however, citizenship continued to be treated as a privilege
granted to a select group of women and not as a right.
Among the most visible of the feminists was the Marquis de Condorcet,
who was the first to point out the need for the emancipation of women. He
was one of the first, and among the few, men who supported the equality of
rights for women – according to him, since women paid taxes they
deserved to be represented in the government. Olympe de Gouges was
another important figure among the feminists; in 1791, she declared the
‘rights of women’, which read the way the declaration of the ‘rights of man’
did. It included the right to equality, the right to representation, and a call
to put “an end to male tyranny generally”. Although Olympe de Gouges was
sent to the guillotine because she opposed Robespierre, her execution was
also significant as a government reaction to the feminists. Other important
figures included Théroigne de Méricourt and Etta Palm, also known as
Baronne d’Aelders.
Also, as we have seen, there were many different movements led by women
during the course of the Revolution. The lack of homogeneity in, and more
importantly the lack of solidarity between, women’s movements meant
that their position could not, and did not, change drastically. Many women
fought for change, while others fought against it, holding on to that which
had been part of their way of life for centuries. And while there were
women who participated in protests and in acts of patriotism (as seen in
the role women played in public demonstrations between 1790 and 1793),
they only heightened the anxiety of the government and thus served to
further repress their own gender, even though that was not their aim.
Despite the rigidly conservative views on women that the French Republic
had, however, women never stopped their political activity – in whatever
limited capacity it existed; they continued to publish newspapers in the
1830s, and they also were important in the revolutions of 1848.
Bibliography: