THE INFLUENCE OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION ON

LEGAL AND JUDICIAL REFORM

J a c k Lawson Oates

B.A., U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1949

LL.B., U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1971

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF

THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

MASTER OF ARTS

i n t h e Department

of

History

@ J a c k Lawson Oates 1980

S I M O N FRASER UNIVERSITY

F e b r u a r y 1980

A l l r i g h t s r e s e r v e d . T h i s t h e s i s may n o t be
r e p r o d u c e d i n w h o l e o r i n p a r t , by photocopy
+ o r o t h e r means, w i t h o u t p e r m i s s i o n o f t h e a u t h o r .
 APPROVAL

Name : Jack Lawson Oates

Degree: Master o f A r t s

T i t l e o f Thesis: The I n f l u e n c e o f t h e French R e v o l u t i o n on Legal

and J u d i c i a l Reform

Examining Committee:

Chairperson: R. Koepke

C.R. Day
Sen i o r Supervi sor

r r , - - - -
-
J. Hutchinson

- - .
C . Hamilton 1 '

/,

4 c i r i a
E x t e r n a l Examiner
Professor
Department o f P o l i t i c a l science+
Simon Fraser U n i v e r s i t y

Date Approved: A -
2
b , , T $3
 P A R T I A L COPYRICHT LICEhSE

I h e r e b y g r a n t t o Simon F r a s e r U n i v e r s i t y t h e r i g h t t o l e n d

my t h e s i s o r d i s s e r t a t i o n ( t h e t i t l e o f w h i c h i s shown b e l o w ) t o u s e r s

o f t h e Simon F r a s e r U n i v e r s i t y L i b r a r y , and t o make p a r t i a l o r s i n g l e

c o p i e s o n l y f o r s u c h u s e r s o r i n r e s p o n s e t o a r e q u e s t from t h e l i b r a r y

o f a n y o t h e r u n i v e r s i t y , o r o t h e r e d u c a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n , on its own

b e h a l f o r f o r one of i t s u s e r s . I f u r t h e r agree t h a t permission f o r

m u l t i p l e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may b e g r a n t e d

b y me o r t h e Dean o f G r a d u a t e S t u d i e s . It i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g

o r p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t b e a l l o w e d

w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n .

T i t l e of T h e s i s / ~ i s s e r t a t i o n :
The I n f l u e n c e o f t h e French R e v o l u t i o n on Legal and J u d i c i a l

Reform

Author :
V

(signature)
Jack Lawson Oates

(name )

February 6, 1980

(date)
 ABSTRACT

THE INFLUENCE OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION ON LEGAL AND JUDICIAL REFORM

The main impact o f t h e evolution on France and Europe may we1 1

have been p o l i t i c a l , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and l e g a l r a t h e r than s o c i a l and

economic. There have been a m u l t i t u d e o f p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r i e s o f t h e

French R e v o l u t i o n , b u t few on t h e i m p o r t a n t q u e s t i o n o f l e g a l reform.

The purpose o f t h i s work i s t o p r o v i d e a s y n t h e s i s of t h e p r i m a r y

and secondary sources, i n French and i n Engl i s h , on a s u b j e c t which

has r e c e i v e d 1 it t l e a t t e n t i o n .

The t h e s i s i s designed t o analyze t h e process through which t h e

i d e a l s o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y p e r i o d were t r a n s l a t e d i n t o important l e g a l

and j u d i c i a l reforms. However as these reforms came about as a r e s u l t

o f continuous demands f o r change, t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e cannot be a c c u r a t e l y

e v a l u a t e d w i t h o u t reference t o t h e s i t u a t i o n which p r e v a i l e d p r i o r t o

the Revolution. Accordingly, t h e f i r s t p a r t o f t h i s t h e s i s describes

those aspects o f t h e j u d i c i a l system o f t h e o l d regime which provoked t h e

most vehement c r i t i c i s m . T h i s i n v o l v e s an examination o f t h e d e f e c t s i n

the administration o f justice, t h e c o n f u s i o n r e s u l t i n g f rom t h e absence

o f l e g i s l a t i v e u n i f o r m i t y , and t h e b r u t a l i t y and inequa 1 it y o f t h e

c r i m i n a l law and procedure.

 The d e f i c i e n c i e s o f t h e e x i s t i n g l e g a l and j u d i c i a l system gave

r i s e t o many demands f o r reform before 1789, e s p e c i a l l y d u r i n g t h e

l a s t decades o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h century. Therefore, t h e t h e s i s concerns

i t s e l f w i t h t h e p a r t p l a y e d by those i n d i v i d u a l s whose e f f o r t s l a r g e l y

i n s p i r e d t h e reforms c u l m i n a t i n g i n t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y assemblies. The

ideas p u b l i c i z e d by these reformers a l s o i n f l u e n c e d t h e r o y a l government,

and a d i s c u s s i o n f o l l o w s concerning t h e l i m i t e d achievements r e a l i z e d by

t h e c o u r t i n t h e area o f l e g a l and j u d i c i a l reform.

The t h e s i s then examines t h e i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y

i d e a l s i n t o o r g a n i c laws, and t h e several attempts made t o u n i f y t h e

c i v i l laws by means o f c o d i f i c a t i o n d u r i n g t h e years 1789 t o 1799.

T h i s i n t u r n leads t o an a n a l y s i s o t h e Code ~ a ~;ono land t h e i n f l u e n c e

upon i t o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y t r a d i t on which formed p a r t o f i t s immediate

heritage.

The e x t e n t o f t h e reforms i n v o v i n g c r i m i n a l law and procedure a r e

then e x p l o r e d w i t h speci a1 reference t o t h e v a r i o u s safeguards i n t r o d u c e d

on b e h a l f o f those accused o f crimes. Although t h e attempts t o c o d i f y

c i v i l l e g i s l a t i o n d u r i n g t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y p e r i o d were i n c o n c l u s i v e , t h e

v a r i o u s assemblies d i d s u c c e s s f u l l y complete t h e c o d i f i c a t i o n o f penal

law and procedure. However as these codes were superseded by those

compi l e d under t h e Consulate and F i r s t Empi re, t h e l a t t e r a r e examined

t o determine whether t h e e s s e n t i a l p r i n c i p l e s o f 1789 were d i s c a r d e d o r

preserved.
 The last part of this thesis concerns the reorganization of t

judicial system which radically altered the method of recruitment of

the magistracy. This reorganization was based upon the principles of

the separation of powers and exemplified the determination of the

Revolutionaries to free the executive from judicial control.

Although Napoleon imposed upon the Codes a characteristically

authoritarian stamp, many of the basic reforms of the Revolutionary

period survived: the uniformity of the law, equality before the law,

the legality of crimes and punishments, trial by jury, and humanized

penalties.
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

APPROVAL PAGE ...............................................

ABSTRACT ....................................................

TABLE OF CONTENTS ...........................................

INTRODUCTION ................................................
CHAPTER I
THE SITUATION UNDER THE OLD REGIME ........................
The A d m i n i s t r a t i o n of J u s t i c e ..........................
The L a c k o f L e g i s l a t i v e U n i t y ..........................
The S t a t e o f C r i m i n a l Law and Procedure ................

CHAPTER I I
THE MOVEMENT FOR REFORM PRIOR TO THE REVOLUTION ...........
The I n f l u e n c e o f t h e P h i l o s o p h e s .......................
Crown and Parlements ...................................
CHAPTER I l l
THE REVOLUTION AND CIVIL LEGISLATION ......................
Ascendant P r i n c i p l e s ...................................
C o d i f i c a t i o n o f t h e C i v i l Law ..........................
The Work o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y Assemblies ............
L e Code Napoleon ....................................
 Page

CHAPTER IV
THE REVOLUTION AND CRIMINAL LEGISLATION .................... 60
The Work o f t h e Revolutionary Assemblies ................ 60
Le Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e o f 1808; and l e
Code penal o f 1810 .................................... 72

CHAPTER V
THE REVOLUTION AND JUDICIAL ADMINISTRATION ................. 85

CONCLUS l ON ................................................... 98

L I S T O F REFERENCES ........................................ 104

BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................. 125

 INTRODUCTION

I n t h i s paper 11 analyze t h e process through which t h e i d e a l s

e Revolutionar i o d were t r a n s l a t e d i n t o i m p o r t a n t l e g a l and

j u d i c i a l reforms. As these reforms came about as a r e s u l t o f continuous

demands f o r change, i t i s necessary t o examine t h e s i t u a t i o n which

p r e v a i l e d p r i o r t o t h e R e v o l u t i o n i n o r d e r t o access a c c u r a t e l y t h e i r

significance. Thus I begin w i t h a d e s c r i p t i o n o f those aspects o f t h e

system e x i s t i n g under t h e o l d regime which provoked t h e most vehement

criticism. T h i s i n v o l v e s a d i s c u s s i o n concerning t h e defects i n t h e

administration o f justice, t h e l a c k o f l e g i s l a t i v e u n i t y , and t h e c r u e l t y

and i n e q u a l i t y o f t h e c r i m i n a l law and procedure.

The d e f i c i e n c i e s o f t h e e x i s t i n g l e g a l and j u d i c i a l system gave r i s e

t o many demands f o r reform before 1789, e s p e c i a l l y d u r i n g t h e l a s t decades

o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h century. Accordingly, a d i s c u s s i o n f o l lows concerning

t h e i n f l u e n c e o f t h e philosophes whose e f f o r t s i n s p i r e d many o f t h e

reforms which culminated i n t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y assemblies. The ideas

p u b l i c i z e d by these reformers a l s o i n f l u e n c e d t h e r o y a l government, and

reference i s made t o t h e 1 i m i t e d achievements r e a l i z e d by t h e monarchy

i n t h i s area.

I then d e s c r i b e t h e i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y i d e a l s i n t o

o r g a n i c laws, and t h e several attempts made t o u n i f y t h e c i v i 1 laws by

means o f c o d i f i c a t i o n d u r i n g t h e years 1789 t o 1799. T h i s i n t u r n leads

P
t o an a n a l y s i s o f t h e Code ~ a p o l g o nand t h e in f 1 uence upon i t o f t h e

R e v o l u t i o n a r y t r a d i t i o n which formed p a r t o f i t s inmediate h e r i t a g e .

The reforms i n v o l v i n g c r i m i n a l law and procedure a r e then e x p l o r e d

w i t h s p e c i a l r e f e r e n c e t o t h e v a r i o u s safeguards i n t r o d u c e d on b e h a l f

o f those accused o f crimes. Although t h e attempts t o c o d i f y c i v i l

l e g i s l a t i o n d u r i n g t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y p e r i o d were i n c o n c l u s i v e , the

v a r i o u s assemblies s u c c e s s f u l l y completed t h e c o d i f i c a t i o n o f penal law

and procedure. However as these codes were superseded by those compiled

under t h e Consulate and F i r s t Empire, t h e l a t t e r a r e examined t o determine

whether t h e e s s e n t i a l p r i n c i p l e s o f 1789 were d i s c a r d e d o r preserved.

The l a s t p a r t o f t h e paper deals w i t h t h e r e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f t h e

j u d i c i a l system which r a d i c a l l y a l t e r e d t h e method o f r e c r u i t m e n t o f t h e

magistracy. T h i s r e o r g a n i z a t i o n was based upon t h e p r i n c i p l e o f t h e

s e p a r a t i o n o f powers and e x e m p l i f i e d t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s

t o f r e e t h e e x e c u t i v e from j u d i c i a l c o n t r o l .

Although t h e Napoleonic Codes were marked by some a u t h o r i t a r i a n

ideas, they i n c o r p o r a t e d many o f t h e b a s i c reforms o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y

p e r i o d , thus e n s u r i n g t h e i r s u r v i v a l : e q u a l i t y b e f o r e t h e law, t h e

l e g a l i t y o f crimes and punishments, t r i a l by j u r y , and humanized

penal t i e s .
 CHAPTER I

THE SITUATION UNDER THE OLD REGIME

The A d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f J u s t i c e

According t o a b s o l u t i s t theory, t h e k i n g was t h e source o f a l l

j u s t i c e i n France. Although he had delegated i t s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n t o

o f f i c i a l s i n t h e many r o y a l c o u r t s throughout t h e c o u n t r y , he had never

a l i e n a t e d h i s r i g h t s i n matters o f j u s t i c e . However, because o f t h e

procedure o f buying and s e l l i n g p u b l i c o f f i c e s under t h e o l d regime,

v e n a l i t y and i n h e r i t a n c e o f j u d i c i a l o f f i c e s had become i n p r a c t i c e t h e

two p r i n c i p a l f a c t o r s which determined t h e r e c r u i t m e n t o f t h e magistracy

o f the sovereign courts.' V e n a l i t y was t h e main d e f e c t i n t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n

o f j u s t i c e and gave r i s e t o most o f t h e abuses: t h e numerous c o u r t s o f

c o n f l i c t i n g competence; t h e m u l t i p l i c i t y o f appeal procedures w i t h t h e

a t t e n d a n t excessive costs; and t h e bestowing o f g i f t s ( & i c e s ) upon judges

by l i t i g a n t s t o e x p e d i t e t h e a r b i t r a r y and d i l a t o r y processes o f t h e law.

The e s s e n t i a l v i c e s o f t h e system a r e c o n c i s e l y enumerated by M. Marion:

"Trop de t r i b u n a u x , e t dans ces t r i b u n a u x t r o p d ' o f f i c i e r s , parce que l a

vente des o f f i c e s & t a i t une grande ressource . . . une j u s t i c e t r & s chhre,

trGs l e n t e , t r g s p a r t i a l e , t r & a c c e s s i b l e l a solicitation, > la

2
recommandation, \a l'intrigue."
 The v a r i o u s c o u r t s were f r e q u e n t l y i n c o n f l i c t over disputed

jurisdictions, and even t h e procureur-q&<ral, J o l y de F l e u r y , complained

i n 1763 t h a t p l a i n t i f f s o f t e n had t o p l e a d t h e i r s u i t s f o r two o r t h r e e

years i n d i f f e r e n t c o u r t s i n o r d e r t o a s c e r t a i n before which judge they

should have t h e m i s f o r t u n e t o appear. 3

The a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of j u s t i c e i n t h e s e i g n i o r i a l c o u r t s , as d i s t i n c t

from t h e s o v e r e i g n c o u r t s , encompassed many of t h e def ic i e n c i e s a1 ready

described. I n a d d i t i o n , j u s t i c e was o f t e n dispensed by persons w i t h o u t

benefit o f legal training. These f e u d a l c o u r t s were r e l i c s from medieval

times and e x e r c i s e d a l i m i t e d , and d e c l i n i n g , c r i m i n a l and c i v i l

4 I n t h e l a s t decades o f t h e o l d regime, t h e i r p r i n c i p a l
jurisdiction.

f u n c t i o n was t o decide d i s p u t e s concerning t h e c o l l e c t i o n and payment o f

s e i g n i o r i a l dues. As t h e judges (bai 1 1 i s ) were appointed by t h e seigneurs,

t h e j u s t i c e dispensed was f a r from i m p a r t i a l . The proceedings o f these

manorial c o u r t s represented one o f t h e w o r s t e v i l s of t h e o l d j u d i c i a l

system. As R. V i 1 l e r s observes: "I 1 n ' e s t pas exag&r6 de d i r e que de

t e l s t r i b u n a u x i t a i e n t une des p l a i e s de l a j u s t i c e d ' a l o r s e t peut-&re

une des p l a i e s du rkgime. 1 5

Thus, i n t h e sphere o f t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f j u s t i c e alone, t h e

proceedings o f t h e sovereign and s e i g n i o r i a l c o u r t s i l l u s t r a t e d many

o f t h e weaknesses o f t h e p r e - r e v o l u t i o n a r y French l e g a l system. This

system, s u s t a i n e d by s e l f - i n t e r e s t and p r i v i l e g e , was seemingly

impervious t o change. As summed up i n t h e words o f A r t h u r Young, " t h e

a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f j u s t i c e was p a r t i a l , venal, infamous ...upon t h e
q u e s t i o n of e x p e c t i n g j u s t i c e t o be r e a l l y and f a i r l y administered,
6
everyone confessed t h e r e was no such t h i n g t o be looked for."

On t h e eve o f t h e Revolution, many o f t h e c a h i e r s demanded t h a t

the j u r i s d i c t i o n a l l i m i t s o f t h e t r i b u n a l s be l i m i t e d i n a c l e a r and

i n v a r i a b l e manner i n o r d e r t o a v o i d c o n f l i c t s o f competence between

t h e judges.7 Several c a l l e d f o r t h e abol i t i o n o f s e i g n i o r i a l c o u r t s

and f o r t h e establishment o f a s i n g l e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e t r i b u n a l throughout

t h e realm. S t i 1 1 o t h e r s demanded suppress i o n o f venal it y and proposed

t h a t judges be nominated by t h e k i n g - from l i s t s presented by l o c a l

assemblies - and h e n c e f o r t h be p a i d by t h e S t a t e .
9

The c o n d i t i o n o f t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f j u s t i c e i n t h e o l d regime

was such t h a t reforms e f f e c t e d by t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y assemblies would

o n l y p r o v e t o be far-reaching.

The Lack o f L e g i s l a t i v e U n i t y

Under t h e o l d regime t h e c o m p l e x i t y and d i v e r s i t y o f French law

was such t h a t no one was a b l e t o know i t w i t h c e r t a i n t y . As a consequence,

many sought p r o t e c t i o n a g a i n s t t h e a r b i t r a r y a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f

j u s t i c e as p r a c t i c e d by t h e c o u r t s by advancing t h e concept o f c o d i f i c a t i o n

o f t h e laws o f t h e realm. They b e l i e v e d t h a t once t h i s was achieved

everyone would be aware o f h i s l e g a l r i g h t s and t h a t no d i s c r e t i o n would

*
be l e f t t o t h e judges i n a p p l y i n g t h e law.

The d i v e r s i t y of laws under t h e did regime was based p a r t l y on

regional t r a d i t i o n s . I n t h e south o f France, t h e governing system o f

law was known as " l e d r o i t e ' c r i t " which was founded upon t h e Roman

law o f J u s t i n i a n as m o d i f i e d by custom and s t a t u t e . I t was c h a r a c t e r i z e d

by i t s u n i f o r m i t y , i t s r e l a t i v e s t a b i l i t y , i t s comprehensiveness, and i t s

emphasis on p a t e r n a l a u t h o r i t y . 1 0 I n t h e c e n t r a l and n o r t h e r n regions

o f France, w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f Alsace, " l e d r o i t coutumier" p r e v a i l e d .

T h i s customary law o f t h e N o r t h , l a r g e l y Germanic i n o r i g i n , comprised

d i f f e r e n t bodies o f law - procedure, p r o p e r t y , and succession - and

displayed great d i v e r s i t y . ' ' However, t h e d i s t i n c t i o n between "pays

de d r o i t k c r i t" and "pays de coutumes" had been m o d i f i e d t o a c o n s i d e r a b l e

degree by t h e c o m p i l a t i o n o f customary law undertaken i n t h e f i f t e e n t h

and s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s .

These two b a s i c systems o f law were complemented by t h e a d d i t i o n

of two o t h e r s o f a general c h a r a c t e r . Feudal law, i n f l u e n t i a l i n t h e

n o r t h of France, i n t r o d u c e d an element o f complexity i n t o t h e laws w i t h

regard t o t h e ownership and use o f land; canon law exercised a dominant

i n f l u e n c e over personal s i t u a t i o n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t h e m a t t e r o f

marriage.

I n t h e seventeenth c e n t u r y , when r o y a l l e g i s l a t i v e power under

L o u i s X I V had a t t a i n e d s u f f i c i e n t r e c o g n i t i o n t o have b i n d i n g f o r c e

throughout t h e kingdom, r o y a l ordinances began t o u n i f y c e r t a i n broad

areas o f t h e law. As a r e s u l t o f C o l b e r t l s i n i t i a t i v e , several "Grandes

Ordonnances" were d r a f t e d by a commission o f c o d i f i c a t i o n appointed by

t h e king.12 O f these enactments, t h e most s i g n i f i c a n t one i n terms o f

t h i s study was t h e "Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e " o f 1670. I t s provisions

were t o govern c r i m i n a l law and procedure i n France u n t i l t h e

Revo 1 u t iona r y decade.

C o l b e r t ' s work o f c o d i f i c a t i o n was continued i n t h e e i g h t e e n t h

c e n t u r y under L o u i s XV by t h e e f f o r t s o f DtAguesseau. T h i s capable

Chancellor i n i t i a l l y contemplated u n i f y i n g t h e e n t i r e c i v i l law o f t h e

realm.13 Although h i s a m b i t i o n was n o t t o be achieved, t h r e e ordinances

were promulgated as a d i r e c t r e s u l t o f h i s labours: Ordonnance s u r l e s

donat ions (1 731) ; Ordonnance s u r l e s testaments ( 1 735) ; Ordonnance s u r

l e s s u b s t i t u t i o n s f idgicommissai r e s (1747).

C o d i f i c a t i o n o f t h e law on a broader s c a l e was n o t achieved under

t h e monarchy p r i m a r i l y because o f s o c i a l and l e g a l i n e q u a l i t y and t h e

t r a d i t i o n o f l o c a l independence i n t h e provinces. Thus many members o f

t h e robe n o b i l i t y , and t o a l e s s e r e x t e n t o f t h e sword, f e l t t h a t

c o d i f i c a t i o n encroached upon t h e i r j u d i c i a l p r e r o g a t i v e s . l4 The

achievement o f n a t i o n a l l e g i s l a t i v e u n i t y would have meant t h a t t h e

e x i s t i n g d i f f e r e n c e s i n laws and customs o f t h e d i v e r s e regions o f France

had t o be subordinated t o a dominant c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y which i n t u r n was

animated by t h e d e s i r e f o r l e g i s l a t i v e u n i f o r m i t y . This o b j e c t i v e could

o n l y be o b t a i n e d i f t h e c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y was a l s o prepared t o remove t h e

e x i s t i n g l e g a l d i s t i n c t i o n s between persons. Such was n o t t h e s t a t e

o f a f f a i r s i n France u n t i l t h e p e r i o d o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n .

Many o f t h e c a h i e r s expressed t h e d e s i r e o f t h e people f o r l e g i s l a t i v e

unification - "une l o i unique pour t o u t l a royaume" - and f o r c o d i f i c a t i o n

o f t h e c i v i l and c r i m i n a l l a d 5 I n c a l l i n g f o r l e g i s l a t i v e unity, the

c a h i e r s u b m i t t e d by t h e T h i r d E s t a t e of P a r i s s u c c i n c t l y described t h e

u n s a t i s f a c t o r y s i t u a t i o n w h i c h p r e v a i l e d under t h e o l d regime:

"Un assemblage i n f o r m e de l o i s romaines e t de

coutumes barbares, de rkg1emens e t d'ordonnances
sans r a p p o r t avec nos moeurs, comme sans u n i t 6
de p r i n c i p e s , consu dans des temps d'ignorance
e t de t r o u b l e , pour des c i r c o n s t a n c e s e t un o r d r e
de choses q u i n ' e x i s t e n t p l u s , ne peut former une
l d g i s l a t i o n d i g n e d'une grande n a t i o n , e c l a i r d e de
t o u t e s l e s lumihres que l e gdnie, l a r a i s o n e t
1 'exp&rience o n t r6pandues s u r tous l e s o b j e t s . ,116

The S t a t e o f C r i m i n a l Law and Procedure

During t h e l a t t e r p a r t o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h century t h e most i n s i s t e n t

demands were d i r e c t e d , j u s t i f i a b l y , towards t h e r e f o r m o f c r i m i n a l law

and procedure. The code t h a t governed c r i m i n a l procedure u n t i 1 t h e

R e v o l u t i o n was t h e Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e o f 1670, which was regarded by

t h e j u d i c i a r y as "un des p l u s beaux monuments de l a l g g i s l a t i o n " .

17

Although i t was modelled c l o s e l y upon an ordinance o f 1539, t h e noteworthy

f a c t i s t h a t t h e c r i m i n a l law o f France had undergone no r a d i c a l change

18
s i n c e t h e t h i r t e e n t h century.
*
 The procedures s e t o u t i n t h e Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e o f 1670 showed

l i t t l e r e g a r d f o r t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e accused: a person suspected o f

a crime c o u l d be a r b i t r a r i l y imprisoned (imprisonment being, i n theory,'

a mere means of s e c u r i n g t h e e x e c u t i o n o f t h e sentence) 19 ; witnesses

were i n t e r r o g a t e d s e c r e t l y and s e p a r a t e l y ; t h e accused was questioned

p r i v a t e l y by t h e judge and s t r i c t l y p r o h i b i t e d from c o m u n i c a t i n g w i t h

anyone, i n c l u d i n g defence counsel . Unt i 1 t h e accused was c o n f r o n t e d by

t h e witnesses a g a i n s t him, he o f t e n was i g n o r a n t o f t h e offense f o r

which he was charged. As A. D e s j a r d i n s remarks: " I 1 s e m b l a i t que

ceux q u i l ' a v a i e n t r k d i g k e eussent eu 1 ' i n t e n t i o n de rendre t o u j o u r s l a

condamnation i n c h i t a b l e , t a n t i l s a v a i e n t rendu l a j u s t i f i c a t i o n

diffici1e.1'~~

Under t h e Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e t h e accused was n o t o n l y subjected

t o an a r c h a i c and i n q u i s i t o r i a l t r i a l procedure b u t a l s o t o an e q u a l l y

a r c h a i c and i r r a t i o n a l system o f o b t a i n i n g p r o o f . As confession was

t r e a t e d as c o n c l u s i v e p r o o f o f g u i l t , t o r t u r e was p e r m i t t e d d u r i n g t h e

" p r e p a r a t o r y question" t o o b t a i n a confession from t h e accused b e f o r e

sentencing. I t s use was a l s o p e r m i t t e d d u r i n g t h e t 1 p r e l i m i n a r y question"

which was a p p l i e d a f t e r sentencing t o secure i n f o r m a t i o n about t h e accused's

accomplices. Obviously, such proceedings disregarded t h e very r e a l

p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t confessions would be o b t a i n e d from t h e innocent who were

weak b u t n o t from t h e g u i l t y who were strong.

 However,the most loathsome aspect o f t h e c r i m i n a l law o f t h i s

p e r i o d was t h e f e r o c i t y and c r u e l t y o f t h e punishments imposed upon

those c o n v i c t e d o f crimes. C a p i t a l punishments i n c l u d e d b u r n i n g a t t h e

stake, b r e a k i n g on t h e wheel, q u a r t e r i n g , hanging, and beheading.

h he headman's b l o c k took t h e p l a c e o f t h e g a l lows i n t h e case o f persons

of noble b i r t h . ) For minor crimes t h e usual punishments were f l o g g i n g

and c o r p o r a l m u t i l a t ion.

Such punishments, h e l d i n p u b l i c , were doubtless considered an

important means o f p r e v e n t i n g crime and m a i n t a i n i n g law and o r d e r .

However, as R. Anchel observes, t h e d e t e r r e n t p r i n c i p l e d i d n o t work i n

practice: "Mais n i 1 ' a u t o r i te' omnipotente des juges, n i l a s d v k r i te' des

l o i s e t des c h s t i m e n t s , n i 1 ' o r g a n i s a t i o n p o l i c i k r e ne p a r v i n r e n t jamais

21
sous 1 ' a n c i e n rggime a I
une repression e f f icace des d k l i t s c r i m i n e l s " .

Where, under t h e p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e , no

p e n a l t i e s were s p e c i f i e d f o r c e r t a i n crimes, t h e judge was e n t i t l e d t o

make h i s s e l e c t i o n among punishments a p p l i e d t o o t h e r crimes. Even when

t h e p e n a l t y had been s p e c i f i e d , he had t h e a u t h o r i t y t o increase o r

d i m i n i s h i t according t o t h e circumstances. This d i s c r e t i o n permitted t o

t h e judges d i d n o t r e s u l t i n an a l l e v i a t i o n o f t h e s e v e r i t y o f punishment:

"Ni l a miskre, n i l a passion, l'imbe'ci ll i t 6 ou l a f o l i e ne v a l a i e n t A

l e u r s yeux comme excuse. Bien p l u s , i 1s c h s t i a i e n t souvent avec l a meme

r i g u e u r un crime ou un p r o j e t c r i m i n e l . Le p l u s mince l a r c i n , un

v u l g a i r e r e c e l pouvaient v a l o i r l a rnor

e
 The Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e o f 1670 had, by i t s many omissions

w i t h r e g a r d t o d e f i n i t i o n o f crimes and punishments, abandoned much

t o t h e prudence o f t h e judge f o r t h e reason t h a t a separate penal code

c o n t a i n i n g such d e f i n i t i o n s was unknown i n t h e o l d regime. The

h i s t o r i c a l tendency i n France had been t o merge s u b s t a n t i v e c r i m i n a l

law w i t h procedure, and t o regard t h e former s o l e l y from t h e l a t t e r

standpoint.23 Thus, u n t i l t h e p e r i o d o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n , judges and t h e

o f f i c i a l p r o s e c u t o r a l o n e had t h e power t o d e c l a r e what c o n s t i t u t e d a

crime, where t h e Ordonnance was s i l e n t , and t o p r e s c r i b e what penal

consequences should f o l l o w an a c t d e c l a r e d t o be a Such a

s i t u a t i o n n a t u r a l l y gave r i s e t o t h e abuse o f power on t h e one hand, and

a degradation o f t h e c r i m i n a l law on t h e o t h e r . As A . Watt lnne observes:

"La t r o p grande i m p r k c i s i o n des pouvoi r s accord& aux juges k t a i t un

grave dkfaut". 25

On t h e eve o f t h e Revolution, t h e c a h i e r s represented an a c c u r a t e

c a t a l o g u e o f t h e demands f o r r e f o r m o f t h e c r i m i n a l law: a l l proceedings

26
should be h e l d i n p u b l i c ; t h e accused s h o u l d be allowed t h e a s s i s t a n c e
28.
o f counsel2'; t h e powers o f t h e examining judge s h o u l d be r e s t r i c t e d ,
t h e i n t e r r o g a t i o n o f t h e accused should t a k e p l a c e w i t h i n t w e n t y - f o u r

hours29; a system o f J u r o r s should be i n s t T t u t e d f o r t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n

31
o f t h e fact3'; -
l e t t r e s de cachet should be abol ished.
 Other c a h i e r s c a l l e d f o r t h e c o m p i l a t i o n o f a c r i m i n a l code

d e t e r m i n i n g and c l a s s i f y i n g crimes and punishments: "~ktkrminer

exactement l e s crimes, d k l i t s e t peines, de manikre que t o u t l e monde

p u i s s e c o n n a r t r e ses d e v o i r s e t l e danger de l e s enfreindre". 32

Punishment should be more humane, p o r p o r t i o n a t e t o t h e crime, and

applicable t o a l l : It...que l a d i f f 6 r e n c e dans l e s peines ne s o i t

de'termine'e que p a r l a n a t u r e des d d l i t s e t non p a r l a q u a l i t 4 des

personnes".
33

Arbitrariness, confusion, and, above a l l , c r u e l t y were t h e

a t t r i b u t e s o f c r i m i n a l law and procedure i n France under t h e o l d regime.

Reactions a g a i n s t t h i s lamentable s t a t e o f a f f a i r s became more pronounced

as t h e e i g h t e e n t h century progressed. However, few p r a c t i c a l reforms

were r e a l i z e d u n t i l t h e decade o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n .
 \
CHAPTER I I

THE MOVEMENT FOR REFORM PRIOR TO THE REVOLUTION

The I n f l u e n c e o f t h e Philosophes

P u b l i c o p i n i o n i n France was n o t openly c r i t i c a l o f t h e c r i m i n a l

1egal system throughout t h e seventeenth c e n t u r y ; i t s cruelty, its

inequality, i t s a r b i t r a r i n e s s , were a l l deemed by t h e b e s t minds o f t h e

time t o be a necessary harshness. 34 However, d u r i n g t h e e i g h t e e n t h

c e n t u r y t h e a b e r r a t i o n s and shortcomings o f c r i m i n a l law and procedure

were i n c r e a s i n g l y subjected t o c r i t i c a l a n a l y s i s and demands f o r reform.

I n t h e f o r e f r o n t o f t h e movement t o make t h e c r i m i n a l law more r a t i o n a l

/

and humane, t h r e e names i n p a r t i c u l a r stand f o r t h : Montesquieu, Beccaria,

and V o l t a i r e . Although i t would be i n c o r r e c t t o a s c r i b e t o them t h e

a u t h o r s h i p o f spe c i f i c c r i m i n a l reforms subsequently achieved d u r i n g t h e

R e v o l u t i o n a r y p e r iod, i t can be a s s e r t e d t h a t t h e cumulative e f f e c t o f

t h e i r e f f o r t s , by f o c u s i n g a t t e n t i o n on t h e d e f i c i e n c i e s o f t h e e x i s t i n g

system, c r e a t e d a c l irnate o f o p i n i o n sympathetic t o 1 egal re.form.

The f i r s t French w r i t e r i n t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y who can be s a i d

t o have dea I t comprehensively w i t h t h e c r i m i n a l law i n a p h i l o s o p h i c a l way was

Montesqu i e u .35 I n h i s L e t t r e s persanes, which appeared i n 1721, he denied

t h e v a l i d i t y o f t h e d e t e r r e n t t h e o r y which h o l d s t h a t severe punishment

wi 1 1 decrease t h e incidence o f crime: "Dans un E t a t l e s peines p l u s

ou moins c r u e l l e s ne f o n t pas que l ' o n o b k i s s e p l u s aux l o i s . Dans les'

pays o i l e s chatiments s o n t mod&r&, on l e s c r a i n t comme dans ceux o;

i 1 s sont tyranniques e t a f f r e u x " . 36

Montesquieu's views on c r i m i n a l law were developed more f u l l y i n

-
De 1'Esprit des L o i s which was p u b l i s h e d i n 1748. I n t h i s work he

r e f l e c t e d upon t h e meaning and purpose o f penal laws. Among h i s proposals

f o r reform, he advocated t h e n e c e s s i t y o f a r i g h t p r o p o r t i o n between

crimes and punishments: "C'est un grand ma1 , parmi vous de f a i r e subi r

l a meme p e i n e c e l u i q u i v o l e s u r un grand chemin, e t celui qui vole

e t assassine. I 1 e s t v i s i b l e que, pour l a s a r e t d publique, il f a u d r a i t

m e t t r e quelque d i f f d r e n c e dans l a peine".

37

Montesquieu a l s o c a l l e d f o r a r a t i o n a l j u r i s p r u d e n c e and inveighed

a g a i n s t t h e barbarous use o f t o r t u r e : "Tant d'habi l e s gens e t t a n t de

beaux g&ies o n t e / c r i t c o n t r e c e t t e p r a t i q u e , que j e n'ose p a r l e r aprks

eux. J ' a l l a i s d i r e q u ' e l l e p o u r r a i t c o n v e n i r dans l e s gouvernements

despotiques, oh t a n t ce q u i i n s p i r e l a c r a i n t e e n t r e p l u s dans l e s

r e s s o r t s du gouvernement; j ' a l l a i s d i r e . que l e s esclaves, chez l e s Grecs

e t chez l e s Romains ...mais j'entends l a v o i x de l a n a t u r e que c r i c o n t r e

mo i".3 8
 The s e c r e t procedure of t h e c o u r t s was c r i t i c i z e d by Montesquieu

f o r t h e reason t h a t r e p r e s s i v e c r i m i n a l proceedings n o t o n l y c o n s t i t u t e d

a d e p r i v a t i o n o f r i g h t s f o r t h e accused, b u t a l s o made suspect t h e

safeguard o f 1 i b e r t i e s f o r a l l . 39 Two c o n d i t i o n s a r e e s s e n t i a l ,

Montesquieu argued, i n c r i m i n a l proceedings: t h e c e r t a i n t y o f form and

t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f 1 i b e r t y o f defence. I n a d d i t i o n he c a l l e d f o r t h e

n e c e s s i t y o f c l e a r l y framed laws t h a t leave n o t h i n g t o t h e j u d g e ' s

d i ~ c r e t i o n . ~ ' The E n g l i s h system o f t r i a l by j u r y r e c e i v e d Montesquieu's

41
p r a i s e , and he c a l l e d f o r i t s i n c o r p o r a t i o n i n t o French law.

Montequieu's ideas concerning c r i m i n a l law and procedure were

m o t i v a t e d by a sense o f humanity and reason. Although he d i d n o t deal

w i t h t h e s u b j e c t e x h a u s t i v e l y , h i s e f f o r t s caused t h e shortcomings

associated w i t h c r i m i n a l law t o be brought o u t i n t o t h e open, thus paving

42
the way f o r subsequent reforms.

/
The famous book authored by Cesare Beccaria, t h e T r e a t i s e on Crimes -
and Punishments,
- was p u b l i s h e d i n M i l a n i n t h e I t a l i a n language, b u t a

t r a n s l a t i o n i n t o French appeared i n 1766. With t h e p u b l i c a t i o n o f

t h i s t r e a t i s e t h e i n t e r e s t i n penal r e f o r m became widespread i n

France and went beyond concern o v e r i n d i v i d u a l m i s c a r r i a g e s o f j u s t i c e .

43

/
A Milanese j u r i s t , B e c c a r i a was t h e f i r s t t o f o r m u l a t e p r e c i s e l y

t h e c r i t i c i s m s o f t h e e x i s t i n g system o f c r i m i n a l law and t o propose

abuse o f i m p r i sonment pending t r i a l , secret accusation, and t o r t u r e .
45

He c a l l e d f o r p u b l i c i t y o f proceedings and judgments and s t r e s s e d t h e

importance o f t h e n a t u r e o f p r o o f r e q u i r e d t o e s t a b l i s h t h e o f f e n s e .
46 .

#
B e c c a r i a argue d t h a t punishment should be c o n f i n e d t o offenses w h i c h

were dangerous t o p u b l i c o r d e r , 4 7 and t h a t o n l y as much punishment

48
should be i n f l i c t e d as was a b s o l u t e l y necessary f o r d e t e r r e n c e . Using

these p r i n c i p l e s , he proceeded t o a s s a i l t h e grave abuses i n c r i m i n a l

law and procedure: t h e wanton i n f l i c t i o n o f t h e d e a t h p e n a l t y , the

c r u e l punishments, and t h e severe p e n a l t i e s f o r minor o f f e n s e s .

49

A l t h o u g h ~ e c c a r f a ' s t r e a t i s e provoked c o n s i d e r a b l e d i s c u s s i o n

i n France, t h e r e was l i t t l e a t t e m p t by j u r i s t s t o a p p l y h i s t h e o r i e s

s y s t e m a t i c a l l y t o t h e c o n d i t i o n s o f t h e time. I n fact, resistance

by t h e j u d i c i a r y t o t h e ideas c o n t a i n e d i n t h e t r e a t i s e was l i v e l y and

opinionated. As J. D e c l a r e u i l observes: "Les c r i m i n a l i s t e s de l a v i e i l l e

/
e c o l e , Jousse, Muyart de Vouglons, S e r p i l l o n , se r g v o l t G r e n t c o n t r e s l e s

nouveaut& dangereuses de l ' k r i v a i n m i l a n a i s . I 151

I n c o n t r a s t t o t h e a t t i t u d e s o f i n d i f f e r e n c e and h o s t i l i t y d i s p l a y e d
/

by t h e j u r i s t s , V o l t a i r e r e a d i l y acknowledged h i s indebtedness t o B e c c a r i a ' s

t r e a t i s e , and i n t h e l a t e r y e a r s o f h i s l i f e he became t h e r e c o g n i z e d

l e a d e r o f t h e movement f o r l e g a l reform.52 H i s enormous p r e s t i g e and

r e p u t a t i o n , h i s p r o l i f i c l i t e r a r y o u t p u t , and h i s personal involvement

i n many .causes cGlEbres, enabled him t o p u b l i c i ze e f f e c t i v e l y t h e

b r u t a l i t y and i n j u s t i c e which c h a r a c t e r i z e d t h e c r i m i n a l law and

procedure o f t h e o l d regime. He i n t e r e s t e d h i m s e l f i n i n d i v i d u a l cases

o f n o t o r i o u s i n j u s t i c e ( ~ a l a s , Sirven, La Barre), and he a l s o p u b l i s h e d

many works showing t h e n e c e s s i t y f o r reforms. The Calas case, in

p a r t i c u l a r , awakened V o l t a i r e ' s passion f o r l e g a l reform, and focused

on French c r i m i n a l law h i s a v e r s i o n t o i n j ~ s t i c e . ~ )The wide p u b l i c i t y

g i v e n t o t h i s case by V o l t a i r e dramatized f o r t h e French t h e d e f i c i e n c i e s

o f t h e i r l e g a l system. As E. Nixon observes: "The Calas a f f a i r , which

echoed and re-echoed throughout Europe, c o v e r i n g France w i t h shame

and g l o r y , r e v e a l e d f a t a l weaknesses i n c e r t a i n o f t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s of

a c o u n t r y t h a t was t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l hub o f t h e world. 1154

While using h i s influence t o r e h a b i l i t a t e v i c t i m s o f i n j u s t i c e ,

~ o l t ~ i ar l es o pub l i s h e d s e v e r a l works a t t a c k i n g t h e f a u l t s o f t h e

e x i s t i n g c r i m i n a l sys tem. 55 I n "P r i x de l a j u s t i c e --

--- e t de 11humanit6",

f o r example, V o l t a i r e c a l l e d f o r t h e most s p a r i n g use o f t h e death

p e n a l t y and argued t h a t t h e s e v e r i t y o f punishment - f a r from reducing

crime - increased i t .56 Harshness and c r u e l t y were n o t merely inhuman,

he contended, b u t a l s o i r r a t i o n a l and uneconomic; f o r c e d labour should

be p r e f e r r e d as a punishment t o c a p i t a l e x e c u t i o n because t h e c r i m i n a l

should be made as u s e f u l as p o s s i b l e t o s o c i e t y . 57 V o l t a i r e condemned

the use o f punishments f o r heresy, sorcery and s a c r i l e g e , and he d e c r i e d

t h e i n f l u e n c e o f canon law regarding t h e crimes o f bigamy, a d u l t e r y ,

 58
and i n c e s t .

V o l t a i r e reserved h i s most s c a t h i n g c r i t i c i s m s f o r t h e systems .

o f procedure i n t h e Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e o f 1670 which p r e s c r i b e d

i r r a t i o n a l methods o f i n q u i r y and r u l e s o f evidence. He a t t a c k e d t h e

secrecy o f procedure, t h e d e n i a l o f counsel t o t h e accused, t h e d e t e n t i o n

o f t h e accused pending t r i a l , and t h e use o f t o r t u r e . 5 9 The o b j e c t of

60
a l e g a l proceeding, V o l t a i r e argued, should be t h e d i s c o v e r y o f t r u t h .

However, t h e s e c r e t c h a r a c t e r o f French procedure - which p e r m i t t e d

judges t o g i v e t h e i r v e r d i c t s i n s e c r e t and keep s e c r e t t h e reasons

f o r t h e i r decisions - made t h e d i s c o v e r y o f t r u t h d i f f i c u l t , i f not

impossible.

As mentioned p r e v i o u s l y , i n t h e area most c r i t i c i z e d by t h e

philosophes - that of'criminal law and procedure - t h e c o u r t s and most

o f t h e j u r i s t s were f r a n k l y r e a c t i o n a r y . V o l t a i r e regarded t h e

parlement o f P a r i s as a conservative, f a n a t i c a l body t h a t was plagued

by a l l t h e l i m i t a t i o n s o f c o r p o r a t e s e l f - i n t e r e s t . As A . Wattinne

observes: "Voltaire, comme l a p l u p a r t de ses contemporains, n ' a i m a i t

p o i n t l e s gens de robe. 1 1 j u g e a i t l a GENS TOGATA avec une c l a i r v o y a n c e

r e d o u t a b l e ; m a g i s t r a t s e t avocats r e c e v a i e n t dgalment ses sarcasmes.

61
I1 i g n o r a i t l a science j u r i d i q u e , qu' i 1 semble a v o i r d'edaign6e.I'
 The p h i l o s o p h e s b e l i e v e d t h a t i f s i g n i f i c a n t l e g a l reforms were

t o be achieved i t was necessary t o c ircumvent t h e m a g i s t r a t u r e . This

a t t i t u d e had a c e r t a i n b a s i s i n f a c t . The new n a t u r a l law p h i l o s o p h y

had n o t p e n e t r a t e d i n t o t h e law schools, whose c u r r i c u l a remained

l a r g e l y unchanged and c o n t i n u e d to.emphasize Roman law. 62 Such

works as were produced by t h e j u r i s t s r e t a i n e d t h e b a s i c p r e s u p p o s i t i o n s

and c o n t e x t o f e s t a b l i s h e d law, and from t h e p o i n t o f v i e w o f t h e

r e f o r m e r s f a i l e d t o go t o t h e h e a r t o f t h e problem.63 During t h e

eighteenth century, t h e j u r i s t s , who n e c e s s a r i l y worked w i t h i n t h e

framework o f t r a d i t i o n , f o r f e i t e d l e a d e r s h i p i n t h i s area t o t h e philosophes

who had l i t t l e use f o r t r a d i t i o n and who made t h e major c o n t r i b u t i o n t o

64
l e g a l and j u d i c i a l reforms.

I n c o n t r a s t t o t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e i r colleagues, however, a

few j u r i s t s o f r e p u t a t i o n had adopted t h e n a t u r a l law p h i l o s o p h y o f

i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s and were a c t i v e l y w o r k i n g f o r r e f o r m - especially i n

c r i m i n a l law and procedure. For example, t h e Attorney-General Servan

/
reproduced t h e ideas o f B e c c a r i a i n h i s c e l e b r a t e d address on t h e

" A d m i n i s t r a t i o n de l a j u s t i c e c r i m i n e l l e " , w h i c h caused much

c o n s t e r n a t ion.65 I n t h i s address Servan s e v e r e l y c r i t i c i z e d procedure,

w i t h p a r t i c u l a r r e f e r e n c e t o d e t e n t i o n pending t r i a l , insidious

interrogations, t o r t u r e , and t h e d o c t r i n e o f l e g a l p r o o f s . He threw

doubt upon t h e l e g i t i m a c y o f c a p i t a l punishment and c a l l e d f o r f i x e d

and a c c u r a t e laws. I n conclusion, he demanded t h e amendment o f t h e
66
Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e o f 1670.

I n l i k e manner, Dupaty, pres, i d e n t o f t h e parlement o f Bordeaux, .

appealed f o r reforms o f c r i m i n a l procedure i n h i s w r i t i n g s e n t i t l e d ,

-- --
L e t t r e s s u r l a prockdure c r i m i n e l l e de l a France. His conscientious

e f f o r t s a t r e f o r m were met w i t h i n t e n s e h o s t i l i t y on t h e p a r t o f t h e

judiciary: " I 1 6 t a i t d 6 t e s t 6 de l a p l u p a r t de ses c o l l d g u e s pour

l'indgpendence de ses idkes e t sa passion 3 v o u l o i r rgformer l a procgdure

c r i m i n e l l e . 1 [67

A l t h o u g h j u r i s t s such as Servan and Dupaty were imbued w i t h t h e

p h i l o s o p h y o f n a t u r a l r i g h t s and worked f o r l e g a l reforms, they were

never l e a d e r s i n t h e realm o f ideas. As W.F. Church observes: " ...they

were f o l l o w e r s r a t h e r than leaders. T h e i r r o l e was t o implement and
68
b r i n g t o f r u i t i o n t h e concepts t h a t o t h e r s had developed b e f o r e them."

Thus i t was p r i n c i p a l l y through t h e e f f o r t s o f t h e philosophes

t h a t r e f o r m o f t h e j u d i c i a l system became a prominent s u b j e c t o f

d i s c u s s i o n and s t u d y i n t h e y e a r s p r e c e d i n g t h e R e v o l u t i o n . To s t a t e

t h a t t h e i r i n f l u e n c e was a l o n e r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e s i g n i f i c a n t reforms

t h a t came about a t t h e end o f t h e c e n t u r y wou I d be t o a s s i g n t o ideas

an exaggerated f o r c e . N e v e r t h e l e s s i t can be s a i d t h a t t h e philosophes-

in particular Voltaire - c o n t r i b u t e d i n g r e a t: measure t o a c l imate

o f o p i n i o n f a v o u r i n g t h e c r e a t i o n o f a more reasonable and humane

s o c i e t y w h i c h would no l o n g e r t o l e r a t e an a r c h a i c system o f c r i m i n a l

alw'! As R. Anchel observes: "... l e u r s p r i n c i p e s t r i o m p h & r e n t avec

l a ~ 6 v o l u t i o nquleux-m&mes c o n t r i b u g r e n t 2 p r g p a r e r . I170

Crown and Par 1 emen t s

The new ideas w h i c h were developed and p u b l i c i z e d by t h e

p h i l o s o p h e s had n o t been w i t h o u t i n f l u e n c e i n t h e Court i t s e l f d u r i n g

t h e l a s t decades o f t h e o l d regime. The r o y a l government attempted,

and i n some i n s t a n c e s achieved, j u d i c i a l reforms. Nevertheless, its

most c r e d i t a b l e e f f o r t s tended t o be obscured by t h e charges o f

despotism and extravagance made a g a i n s t i t .

The Crown had e v e r y m o t i v e , i f only i n the interests o f e f f i c i e n t

administration, t o undertake j u d i c i a l reform. However, its ability to

i n i t i a t e reforms, t o govern even, had become e f f e c t i v e l y l i m i t e d d u r i n g

t h e l a t t e r p a r t o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y by t h e o r g a n i z e d o p p o s i t i o n

o f t h e parlements.71 These s o v e r e i g n c o u r t s o f law were c o r p o r a t e bodies,

each a c t i n g as a supreme c o u r t o f law f o r i t s p a r t o f t h e c o u n t r y .

Besides t h e i r j u d i c i a l f u n c t i o n s , t h e y c l a i m e d and e x e r c i s e d c e r t a i n
p o l i t i c a l powers which d e r i v e d from t h e r i g h t o f r e g i s t e r i n g r o y a l

e d i c t s and ordinances. This r i g h t of ' v e r i f y i n g ' and o f demonstrating

a g a i n s t r o y a l l e g i s l a t i o n endowed t h e parlements w i t h t h e power o f

checking and t h w a r t i n g t h e t h e o r e t i c a l l y a b s o l u t e monarchy. Such a

power was one which c o u l d be h e l d i n check o n l y by a s t r o n g k i n g l i k e

L o u i s X I V o r destroyed by an e n l i g h t e n e d despot.
72

The need t o curb t h e i n c r e a s i n g o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e monarchy by t h e

sovereign c o u r t s had been b e l a t e d l y recognized by L o u i s XV w i t h t h e

appointment of Maupeou t o t h e c h a n c e l l o r s h i p i n 1770. I n January 1771,

Maupeou proceeded t o s t r i k e down t h e p o l i t i c a l power o f t h e parlements

by a b o l i s h i n g t h e P a r i s i a n c o u r t o u t r i g h t and by e s t a b l i s h i n g a new

system o f appeal c o u r t s w i t h f u n c t i o n s n a r r o w l y r e s t r i c t e d t o t h e

j u d i c i a l sphere. I n these new appeal c o u r t s t h e purchase and s a l e o f

j u d i c i a l o f f i c e s and t h e t a k i n g o f 6pices were forbidden. 73 in lieu of

a p r o p r i e t a r y r i g h t t o t h e i r p o s i t i o n , t h e new m a g i s t r a t u r e r e c e i v e d a

s a l a r y from t h e government w i t h assurances o f f i x e d tenure.74 The

problem o f c o n f l i c t i n g j u r i s d i c t i o n s among t h e c o u r t s - a continuing

source o f confusion, expense and d e l a y - was removed by means o f a p r e c i s e

r e d e f i n i t i o n o f t h e i r competence. 7 5
 I n s p i t e o f t h e widespread a g i t a t i o n t h a t these changes caused,

t h e newly e s t a b l i s h e d c o u r t s were a b l e t o f u n c t i o n e f f e c t i v e l y and

the reform seemed t o be d e f i m i t i v e . Although Maupeou was s u b j e c t e d t o .

much verbal abuse by t h e e x i l e d m a g i s t r a t e s , who posed as t h e v i c t i m s o f

a d e s p o t i c m i n i s t e r , L o u i s XV continued t o support h i s c h a n c e l l o r . Had

t h i s k i n g l i v e d a few years longer, i t i s probable t h a t s u f f i c i e n t t i m e

would have been gained f o r t h e 'Maupeou' c o u r t s t o c o n s o l i d a t e themselves

on a permanent b a s i s . However t h i s j u d i c i a l r e o r g a n i z a t i o n , which m i g h t .

have been t h e s a l v a t i o n o f t h e French monarchy76, was reversed by L o u i s

X V I upon h i s assumption o f t h e throne. T h i s y o u t h f u l k i n g had a s t r o n g

d e s i r e t o be a p o p u l a r monarch and was persuaded t h a t , by r e c a l l i n g t h e

parlements, he would r e c e i v e u n i v e r s a l approbation.77 I n t h e event, t h e

r e s t o r a t i o n o f t h e parlements i n 1774 has been h e l d t o be t h e monarchy's

f i n a l and f a t a l mistake.78 The r e s u l t o f t h e r e c a l l , as A l f r e d Cobban

observes, was t h a t " t h e r o y a l government l o s t t h e advantages i t had gained

by Maupeou's coup d 1 6 t a t , w h i l e i t continued t o s u f f e r from t h e odium o f

having proved i t s e l f an a r b i t r a r y despotism and from a f u r t h e r l o s s o f

79
p r e s t i g e by i t s c a p i t u l a t i o n " .

I n c o n t r a s t t o t h e r e f o r m i n g e f f o r t s o f h i s predecessor, which came

a t t h e end o f a long and unrespected r e i g n , those of L o u i s X V I were

manifested from t h e o u t s e t and doubtless r e f l e c t e d t h e young monarch's

d e s i r e t o be a 'good' k i n g . As F. P i 6 t r i observes: "I1 a p p a r t e n a i t

a L o u i s X V I d l Z t r e , p a r r a i s o n a u t a n t que par goat, l e premier rGformateur

*
sincGre de l a monarchie e t de j o u e r , dans ce t r a v a i l d'une a c t i v i t 6
8o
insoupsonn6e, a u t r e chose qu'un r61e p a s s i f ou symbollque."

The l e g i s l a t i o n enacted under L o u i s X V I was d i s t i n g u i s h e d by i t s

emphasis on s o c i a l reforms and i t s attempt s t o a m e l i o r a t e the c r i m i n a l

law. As examples o f t h e former, we can c i t e t h e f o l l o w i n g r o y a l

enactments: "L'arrGt du Conseil s u r l a l ib e r t 6 du commerce des g r a i n s

dans l a royaume" - September 23, 1774; "L' E d i t p o r t a n t suppression des

jurandes e t communaut6s de commerce, a r t s e t m b t i e r s " - February 1776;

"L'Edit supprimant l e s d r o i t s de mainmorte dans l e s domaines du r o i e t

l a s e r v i tude personel l e u ' - August 1779; " L ' Edi t concernant l e s

81
protestants e t rgorganisant l e u r k t a t c i v i l " - November 1787.

The r i g o u r s o f c r i m i n a l procedure under t h e Ordinance o f 1670

were m i t i g a t e d by t h e r o y a l " ~ e ' c l a r a t i o n " o f August 24, 1780, a b o l i s h i n g

t h e " q u e s t i o n p r 6 p a r a t o i re" which was designed t o w r i n g a confession o f

g u i l t from t h e accused. T h i s measure was one o f t h e most i m p o r t a n t

undertaken by L o u i s X V I d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d i n which he was i n f u 11

possession o f h i s r e g a l power.82 S h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r , on August 30, 1780,

several ordinances were issued i n t h e k i n g ' s name having as t h e i r o b j e c t

83
t h e improvement o f p r i s o n c o n d i t i o n s .

I t was on t h e eve o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n , however, t h a t t h e r o y a l

government i n t r o d u c e d t r u l y r a d i c a l measures t o b r i n g about j u d i c i a l and

l e g a l reforms. These measures promised such fundamental changes i n t h e

a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of j u s t i c e t h a t they have been h a i l e d as t h e most important

 84
r e v o l u t i o n which France saw b e f o r e t h e f i n a l f a l l o f t h e o l d regime.

The famous s i x e d i c t s o f May 1788, d r a f t e d by Lamoignon, t h e

Keeper o f t h e Seals, were designed t o c a r r y o u t much needed reforms

toward a s i m p l i f i c a t i o n o f j u d i c i a l procedure, a m e l i o r a t i o n o f c r i m i n a l

justice, and a d i m i n u t i o n o f t h e o b s t r u c t i v e power o f t h e parlements.

I t has been argued t h a t , d e s p i t e t h e advent o f a genuine s u p p o r t e r o f

l e g a l reform i n t h e person o f Lamoignon, t h e j u r i d i c changes were engineered

l e s s f o r t h e i r own sake than as a weapon a g a i n s t t h e parlements. 85 The

opposing p o i n t o f view has been argued by M. Marion: " I 1 n ' e s t pas v r a i

que l a rkforme j u d i c i a i r e de 1788 n ' a i t e'te'qu'un e x ~ e ' d i e n tde

.\
" 6 ; and f u r t h e r :
c i r c o n s t a n c e imagine/ pour f a i r e accepter l a cour p l e/ n ~ e r e 8

"La re'forme j u d i c i a i r e de 1788 f u t a u t r e chose e t mieux qu'un appdt

g r o s s i e r tendu au pays pour o b t e n i r sa soumission au despotisme. 1187

Although t h e May e d i c t s were n o t d e s t i n e d t o be a p p l i e d , i t i s useful

t o s u b j e c t them t o a b r i e f review as many o f t h e measures reappeared i n

t h e l e g a l reforms enacted by t h e N a t i o n a l Assembly. The f i r s t e d i c t ,

e n t i t l e d "Ordonnance s u r l l A d m i n i s t r a t i o n de l a J u s t i c e " , created

f o r t y - s e v e n new appeal c o u r t s which were s t y l e d " g r a n d s - b a i l l i a g e s . "

These t r i b u n a l s were intended t o absorb t h e g r e a t e r p a r t of t h e a p p e l l a t e

j u r i s d i c t i o n o f t h e parlements i n b o t h c i v i l and c r i m i n a l cases, and thus t o

render p o s s i b l e a r a d i c a l r e d u c t i o n i n t h e number o f m a g i s t r a t e s . 8 8
 P r i o r t o t h i s e d i c t , c i v i l and c r i m i n a l cases were judged, in

the f i r s t instance, i n courts c a l l e d "bailliages", and on appeal, in

c o u r t s ca1 l e d "pre'sidiaux." Henceforth, "bai 1 1 iages" were t o be

suppressed, t h e "pre'sidiaux" becoming c o u r t s o f f i r s t instance, w i t h t h e

"grands-bai 1 1 iages" r e c e i v i n g appeal s from t h e judgments o f t h e "pre's id iaux. 1189

I n c i v i 1 m a t t e r s , t h e "grands-bai 11 iages" were t o have j u r i s d i c t i o n where

t h e amount under l i t i g a t i o n d i d n o t exceed 20,000 livres; i n criminal

matters, where t h e accused were persons o t h e r than c l e r g y o r n o b i l i t y . 90

The e d i c t thus l e f t t o t h e parlements o n l y c i v i l cases on appeal i n v o l v i n g

amounts i n excess o f 20,000 l i v r e s , and c r i m i n a l cases i n v o l v i n g c l e r g y

and n o b i l i t y . Concerning these two e s t a t e s , E. Glasson observes: "On ne

se d g c i d a i t pas encore $ prononcer 1 '&gal it 6 des F r a n ~ a i sdevant l a j u s t i c e

&press i v e . 1191 The d i r e c t r e s u l t o f these p r o v i s i o n s was t o remove a

s u b s t a n t i a l amount o f j u d i c i a l business from t h e parlements' j u r i s d i c t i o n ,

w i t h a consequent l o s s o f income t o t h e m a g i s t r a t e s .

The p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e "Ordonnance s u r l ' a d m i n i s t r a t i o n de l a

j u s t ice" promised s i m i l a r fundamental changes w i t h respect t o t h e s e i g n i o r i a l

courts. The p o s s i b i l i t y o f suppressing these c o u r t s o u t r i g h t was

momentari l y considered b u t q u i c k l y discarded f o r t h e reason t h a t "On n ' o s a

pas a1 l e r jusque-1; 'a cause du respect dQ a l a p r o p r l e't e'. "92 Nevertheless ,

the e f f e c t o f t h e ordinance was such t h a t t h e s e i g n i o r i a l c o u r t s were

P r a c t i c a l l y l e g i s l a t e d o u t of. e ~ i s t e n c e . ' ~ T h e i r e x e r c i s e o f c r i m i n a l

j u r i s d i c t i o n was made c o n d i t i o n a l on t h e possession o f adequate c o u r t and

+
~ r i s o nf a c i l i t i e s , and on t h e employment o f a l i c e n s e d judge, s c r i b e , and

resident j a i l e r . These c o n d i t i o n s were p r e s c r i b e d i n t h e c o n f i d e n t b e l i e f

t h a t h a r d l y any s e i g n i o r i a l c o u r t s would achieve them. 94

The second e d i c t o f May 8, 1788 o r d e r e d t h e suppression o f v a r i o u s

c o u r t s o f s p e c i f i c competence such as t h e "Bureaux des finances" , "Elect ions1',

"Greniers 2 s e l l ' , "Table de marbre", and "Chambre du domaine." Those

m a t t e r s which had been hand1 ed p r e v i o u s l y by these "t r i bunaux dlexcept ion"

were t o be p l a c e d under t h e j u r i s d i c t i o n o f t h e "pre'sidiaux" and t h e

'Igrands- ba i 1 1 iages. 1195

T h i s r e f o r m represented t h e f u l f i l l m e n t o f d e s i r e s long expressed

f o r t h e suppression o f t h e " t r i b u n a u x d'exception." The d i l a t o r y and

expensive proceedings which c h a r a c t e r i z e d these c o u r t s was t h e o b j e c t o f

b i t t e r complaints by l i t i g a n t s . As E. Glasson observes: "Ceux-ci ktaient

en c o n f l i t s incessants e n t r e eux ou avec l e s j u r i s d i c t i o n s o r d i n a i r e s ,

de s o r t e que l e s p l a i d e u r s ne s a v a i e n t 5 que s'addresser pour o b t e n i r

j u s t i c e , e t que des i n c i d e n t s de compdtence r e t a r d a i e n t 5 chaque i n s t a n t l a

s o l u t i o n des p r o c k . 11g6

The t h i r d e d i c t was d i r e c t e d towards r e f o r m o f c r i m i n a l procedure

which was t o be e f f e c t e d by means o f amendments t o t h e Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e

o f 1670. I n t h e " ~ e / c l a r a t i o n " o f May 1 s t announcing t h e e d i c t s homage was

p a i d t o t h e Ordinance o f 1670, b u t t h e n e c e s s i t y o f a r e v i s i o n was s t a t e d

a t t h e same time: "Malgre' des pre'cautions s i dignes de c o n c i l i e r cette

l o i l e s u f f r a g e u n i v e r s a l , nous ne s a u r i o n s nous d i s s i m u l e r qu'en conservant

*
l e p l u s grand nombre de ses d i s p o s i t i o n s , nous pouvous en changer avan-

tageusement p l u s i e r s a r t i c l e s p r i n c i p a u x , e t l a rdformer sans l ' a b o l i r . '197

I n h i s speech on May 8 t h a t t h e --
l i t de j u s t i c e , Lamoignon was

more p r e c i s e concerning t h e government's i n t e n t i o n s : "La ne'cess it6 de

re'former 1 'ordonnance c r i m i n e l l e e t l e code pe'nal e s t un i v e r s e l lement

reconnue. Toute l a n a t i o n demande au Roi c e t a c t e important de

1 6 g i s l a t i o n e t S.M. a r k s o l u dans ses c o n s e i l s de se rendre au voeu de

ses peuples. However, i t was desi r e d t h a t a general reform should be

the r e s u l t o f lengthy deliberation. The method o f i n q u i r y proposed was

noteworthy: "Tous nos s u j e t s a u r o n t l a f a c u l te' de concouri r 'a

I'exgcut i o n du p r o j e t q u i nous occupe, en addressant 5 n o t r e garde des

sceaux 1 es o b s e r v a t i o n s e t mgmoi r e s qu' i l s j u g e r o n t propres 3 nous & l a i r e r .

Nous 6 l A e r o n s a i n s i au rang des l o i s l e s r g s u l t a t s de l ' o p i n i o n p u b l i q u e ,

apr'es q u ' i l s a u r o n t 6t6 soumis > 1'6preuve d'un m a r e t profond examen.

1199

Pending t h i s general reform, t h e e d i c t repealed several abuses

which r e q u i r e d an immediate remedy: t h e use o f t h e p r i s o n e r ' s k n e e l i n g

s t o o l ( s e l l e t t e ) was abol ished ( A r t . 1 )lO0; judgments o f c o n v i c t i o n had

t o s t a t e t h e reasons t h e r e f o r e ( A r t . 3) lo'
; a m a j o r i t y o f two v o t e s was no

longer s u f f i c i e n t t o s u s t a i n a c a p i t a l punishment - t h r e e were necessary

(Art. 4)lo2; sentences i n v o l v i n g c a p i t a l punishment were, as a r u l e , n o t

t o be executed u n t i 1 a month a f t e r c o n f i r m a t i o n ( A r t . 5 ) I o 3 ; accused

persons, who were subsequently a c q u i t t e d , were g i v e n t h e r i g h t t o r e p a r a t i o n

for I n j u r y t o t h e i r reputation. (Art. 7 ) l o 4 ; the a b o l i t i o n o f the preparatory

 105.
t o r t u r e was confirmed and th'e p r e l i m i n a r y t o r t u r e was a b o l i s h e d ( A r t . 8)

This edict, l i k e t h e o t h e r f i v e , was never a p p l i e d . However, it

1s an i n t e r e s t i n g document as i t represents t h e l a s t t i m e t h a t r o y a l t y . .

exercised, i n c r i m i n a l matters, t h e a b s o l u t e and independent l e g i s l a t i v e

106
power recognized i n i t by t h e o l d regime.

The f o u r t h e d i c t r e g i s t e r e d on May 8 t h reduced t h e number o f

o f f i c e s o f t h e P a r i s i a n and p r o v i n c i a l parlements. As a r e s u l t o f

having "moins d ' a f f a i r e s 2 juger", t h e r e was no f u r t h e r need f o r t h e same

number o f judges. However p r o v i s i o n was made i n t h e e d i c t f o r reimbursement

by t h e Crown t o those m a g i s t r a t e s who s u f f e r e d l o s s o f o f f i c e . Contrary

t o t h e a c t i o n p r e v i o u s l y taken by Maupeou, Lamoignon recognized t h e

10
maintenance o f v e n a l i t y and p e r m i t t e d t h e abuse o f e'pices t o continue.

The f i f t h e d i c t ordered t h e reestablishment o f t h e p l e n a r y c o u r t

-
(cour p l & i k r e ) . The j u d i c i a l component o f t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n was t o cons s t

o f t h e s e n i o r judges o f t h e p a r l e m e n t o f P a r i s and t h e p r e s i d e n t and one o t h e r

m a g i s t r a t e from each o f t h e p r o v i n c i a l parlements. Apart from these

m a g i s t r a t e s , t h e c o u r t was t o be composed o f p r i n c e s o f t h e blood, peers

o f France, c o u r t o f f i c i a l s , and l e a d i n g r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f t h e church,

the army and t h e c i v i 1 s e r v i c e .

The power o f r e g i s t e r i n g r o y a l laws a p p l y i n g t o t h e c o u n t r y as

a whole was t r a n s f e r r e d from t h e parlements t o t h e p l e n a r y c o u r t . It

Was assumed t h a t t h e new c o u r t would prove a p l i a b l e instrument i n t h e

hands o f t h e government: "La l o i de 1 ' e n r g g i s t r e m e n t nous p a r a i t t r o p

*
conforme 5 nos i n t k r E t s e t 5 ceux de nos peuples pour n u s t r e pas i n v a r i a b l e m e n t
maintenue; e t il e s t par c o n s h u e n t indispensable qu' I 1 y a i t h a b i t u e l l e m e n t

dans nos & t a t s une cour t o u j o u r s s u b s t i t a n t e pour y 6 r i f i e r immgdiatement '

nos volon t g s e t l e s t r a n s m e t t r e 5 nos peupl es. 1,108 A l t h o u g h t h e parlements

were n o t abol Ished as they had been i n 1771, t h e e f f e c t o f t h i s e d i c t

was t o d e p r i v e them o f a1 1 power o f opposing t h e monarch's programs o f

j u d i c i a l and f i s c a l reform.

The s i x t h and f i n a l e d i c t o f May 8 t h p l a c e d t h e parlement o f

P a r i s "en vacances." S t a t i n g t h a t a l a r g e amount o f j u d i c i a l business -

by v i r t u e o f t h e implementation o f t h e f i r s t e d i c t - would be t u r n e d over

t o t h e newly organized t r i a l and appeal c o u r t s , t h e k i n g announced t h a t :

"pour &it e r t o u t e c o n f u s i o n dans l e partage des proc'es, l e s parlements

a1 l a i e n t E t r e mls en vacances e t y demeurer j u s q u ' a p r z s 1 ' 6 t a b l issement des

grands-bailliages ...e t l ' e n t i k r e exe'cution du nouvel o r d r e j u d i c i a i r e . 1,109

The r e g i s t r a t i o n o f t h e May e d i c t s evoked a f u r i o u s r e s i s t a n c e

l e d by t h e parlements throughout France. lo The m a g i s t r a t e s , whom many

regarded as leaders i n t h e r e s i s t a n c e t o r o y a l oppression, were j o i n e d i n

t h e i r s t r u g g l e by t h e c l e r g y , n o b i l i t y , and p r o v i n c i a l estates. Although

most o f t h e reforms echoed t h e demands o f e n l i g h t e n e d o p i n i o n , t h e e d i c t s

were represented by t h e s o v e r e i g n c o u r t s as a means t o delay t h e summons

111
o f t h e Estates-General and as an a t t a c k on p r o v i n c i a l l i b e r t i e s .

Against t h i s concerted a t t a c k t h e Crown gave way and on August

8 t h t h e Estates-General were o r d e r e d t o convene'on May 1, 1789. At the

e
same time t h e p l e n a r y c o u r t , which had caused such vehement o p p o s i t i o n ,

was suspended. Henceforth, t h e i n i t i a t i v e f o r r e f o r m would n o t come

from t h e monarchy. As A. Wattinne observes: I'D& ce moment, i 1 n t e / t a i t

p l u s permis 2 l a royaut& de pre'tendre, 2 e l l e seule, rgformer quoi que

ce s o i t . ~ e / jlie p u b l i c , g r i s e ( par l e s grands mots de n a t i o n e t de

re'volution, ne r a i s o n n a i t p l u s ; il v o u l a i t a u t r e chose e t mieux que des

6 d i t s pr&ar&s p a r des m i n i s t r e s . 111 13

The t a s k now f e l l t o t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y assemblies t o overcome t h e

o b s t i n a t e maintenance o f p r i v i l e g e which had confounded a l l attempts t o

achieve fundamental reform.

 CHAPTER I l l

THE REVOLUTION AND CIVIL LEGISLATION

Ascendant P r i n c i p l e s

C e r t a i n philosophical influences e x i s t e d p r i o r t o t h e Revolution

which undeniably had t h e i r e f f e c t upon ensuing l e g a l and j u d i c i a l reform,

n o t a b l y t h e b e l i e f i n t h e e x i s t e n c e o f a n a t u r a l law. T h i s law, o l d e r

than p o s i t i v e law, was founded on God's commandments as understood by

theology and by t h e requirements o f reason. Under these t h e o r i e s i t

appeared t o be p o s s i b l e , by a n a l y z i n g and going t o t h e essence o f human

nature, t o d i s c e r n t h e fundamental r u l e s o f n a t u r a l law and t o deduce

t h e r e f r o m a p o s i t i v e law which, because o f i t s o r i g i n , was b o t h a b s o l u t e

and u n i v e r s a l . Furthermore, i n an age i n which t h e concept o f Reason was

a dominant i n t e l l e c t u a l f o r c e , t h e r e was an o p t i m i s t i c b e l i e f t h a t e x i s t i n g

laws c o u l d be repealed and new ones, r a t i o n a l l y d e r i v e d from unimpeachable

f i r s t p r i n c i p l e s , p u t i n t h e i r place.

These p h i l o s o p h i c a l i n f l u e n c e s found expression i n t h e D e c l a r a t i o n

o f t h e R i g h t s o f Man and t h e C i t i z e n which was adopted by t h e C o n s t i t u e n t

Assembly on August 25, 1789, and which was subsequently p r e f a c e d t o t h e

C o n s t i t u t i o n of 1791. I n t h e words o f t h e D e c l a r a t i o n we f i n d a t once

t h e e s s e n t i a l p r i n c i p l e s of t h e R e v o l u t i o n and t h e d e s i r e d l e g a l and
$
f
j u d i c i a l reforms. The preface r e s t a t e d t h e t h e o r y o f n a t u r a l law which

defined t h e n a t u r a l , i n a l i e n a b l e and sacred r i g h t s i n h e r e n t i n a l l men,

and s e v e r a l a r t i c l e s r e f l e c t e d t h e ardent w i s h o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s

t o e r a d i c a t e t h e abuses o f t h e e x i s t i n g j u d i c i a l system. Arbitrary

a r r e s t and d e t e n t i o n were p r o s c r i b e d : "Nu1 homme ne p e u t E t r e accusd,

a r r g t k , n i dktenu que dans l e s cas dgterminks p a r l a l o i , e t s e l o n l e s

formes q u ' e l l e a p r e s c r i t e s . " (Art. 7) S e c u r i t y would h e n c e f o r t h

r e s u l t from t h e e x i s t e n c e of a s i n g l e l e g a l system, equally applicable

to all: " l a m2me pour tous, s o i t q u ' e l l e prot'ege, s o i t q u ' e l l e punisse."

( ~ r t .6) The law would be administered by c o u r t s i n which innocence

was presumed u n t i l q u i l t was proven. ( ~ r t .9) Cruel and a r b i t r a r y

punishments would no longer be t o l e r a t e d : "La l o i ne d o i t g t a b l i r

que des peines s t r i c t e m e n t e t gvidemment n6cessai res, e t nu1 ne peut

e t r e puni qu'en v e r t u d'une l o i k t a b l i e e t promulgu6e antgrieurement

The D e c l a r a t i o n o f R i g h t s has s i n c e been c r i t i c i z e d f o r i t s

bourgeois c h a r a c t e r ; i t s inadequate treatment o f economic p r i n c i p l e s ;

i t s f a i l u r e t o define s a t i s f a c t o r i l y p r i v a t e property; i t s apparent

n e g l e c t o f t h e r i g h t o f a s s o c i a t i o n ; and i t s i n s u f f i c i e n t a t t e n t i o n t o
118
religious liberty. Nevertheless t h i s s i g n i f i c a n t document, by espousing

t h e a s p i r a t i o n s o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s , heralded t h e end o f p r i v i l e g e -
and so o f t h e o l d regime - and i n t h i s respect i t inaugurated a new age.
119
 A t t h e o u t s e t , then, v i c t o r y appeared t o belong t o t h e p a r t y

which p r e f e r r e d reason t o dogma, l i b e r t y t o a u t h o r i t y , and t h e i n d i v i d u a l

t o t h e State. The r e s u l t i n g c h a r a c t e r o f t h e l e g i s l a t i o n o f these

f i r s t years was thus determined, on t h e one hand, by t h e i n f l u e n c e o f

n a t u r a l law p h i losophy, and on t h e o t h e r , by t h e n e c e s s i t y o f r e a c t i n g

a g a i n s t t h e e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s and r e p l a c i n g them by o t h e r s more

e q u i t a b l e and u s e f u l t o s o c i e t y .

As t h e R e v o l u t i o n progressed, however, t h e emphasis on

i n d i v i d u a l i s m gave way t o t h e need f o r an a l l - p o w e r f u l S t a t e , independent

o f a l l o b s t a c l e s which might h i n d e r i t s freedom o f a c t i o n . This deviation

from p r i n c i p l e was caused by t h e need t o w i t h s t a n d enemies from w i t h i n

and w i t h o u t and t o c o n s o l i d a t e R e v o l u t i o n a r y achievements. As P. Sagnac

observes: "Mis aux p r i s e s avec l e s gvknements, o b l is&de l u t t e r c o n t r e

l e s r k s i s t a n c e s du passC, l e s r & o l u t ionna i res f u r e n t f o r & d'ag i r avec

p l u s de h a r d i e s s e e t de vigueur que l e s m a t t r e s de l a p h i l o s o p h i e ne
/ ',I20
l ' a v a i e n t dgsire.

1! A p a r t from p o l i t i c a l exigencies, t h e p r i n c i p l e s o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s
t
were tempered by another powerful f o r c e : the s p i r i t o f t r a d i t i o n . If

t h e p h i l o s o p h i c a l s p i r i t was a source o f i n s p i r a t i o n t o t h e l e g i s l a t o r s ,

t h e i n f l u e n c e o f t h e c o n s e r v a t i v e j u r i d i c a l t r a d i t i o n tended t o dampen

t h i s enthusiasm and t o i n t e r p o s e c a u t i o n w i t h regard t o l e g a l and j u d i c i a l

reforms. Therefore, throughout t h e p e r i o d o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n b o t h t h e

p h i l o s o p h i c a l s p i r i t and t h e t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s p i r i t were t o e x e r c i s e

t h e i r i n f l u e n c e upon l e g a l reform. On t h e one hand, t h e theory o f t h e

n a t u r a l r i g h t s o f men, which tended t o remove a l l d i s t i n c t i o n s between

persons; on t h e o t h e r hand, t h e j u r i d i c a l t r a d i t i o n , which tended t o

m a i n t a i n l e g a l d i s t i n c t i o n s and t o temper a b s o l u t e e q u a l i t y w i t h c e r t a i n

restrictions.

D u r i n g t h e e a r l y years o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n , however, t h e " e s p r i t

j u r i d i q u e " was dominated by t h e " e s p r i t philosophique" and t h e g r e a t

l e g a l reforms o f t h i s p e r i o d drew t h e i r m a j o r i n s p i r a t i o n from n a t u r a l

law philosophy. l2' Thus, t h e f i r s t enactment o f consequence o f t h e

N a t i o n a l Assembly was t h e a b o l i t i o n o f f e u d a l r i g h t s and usages which

had s u r v i v e d t h e p o l i t i c a l system o u t o f which they had sprung. The

famous August 4 t h Decrees renounced p r e r o g a t i v e s a t t a c h i n g t o p r o p e r t y

122
and may be s a i d t o have t e r m i n a t e d t h e m a n o r i a l regime i n France.

The f i r s t A r t i c l e o f t h e Decrees begins w i t h t h e f o l l o w i n g words:

"L' assemblge n a t i o n a l e d k t r u i t en tilerement l e rkgime fe'odal . E l l e d6cr;te

que, dans l e s d r o i t s e t d e v o i r s , t a n t fgodaux que censuels, ceux q u i

tiennent 2 l a main-morte r k e l l e ou personnel l e , e t 2 l a servitude

personnel l e , e t ceux que l e s r e p r g s e n t e n t , s o n t abol i s sans indernni t6;

tous l e s a u t r e s s o n t d g c l a r g s r a c h e t a b l e s . .. . l t can be observed

t h a t t h e contents o f t h i s document a r e more c o n s e r v a t i v e than t h e tone

of f i n a l i t y i n t h e opening sentence m i g h t imply: q u a l i f i c a t i o n s remain

 36

concerning redemptions and compensation, and t h e r e a r e p r o v i s i o n s f o r

t h e temporary c o n t i n u a t i o n o f c e r t a i n o b l i g a t i o n s ( ~ r t i c l e s1 , 5 , 6 ) . 124
Nevertheless, i t may be s a i d t h a t t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n c o n s t i t u t e d a s i g n i f i c a n t

program o f r e f o r m by emanclpat i n g and disencumbering t h e ownership o f

land, and by i n t r o d u c i n g t h e fundamental p r i n c i p l e o f e q u a l i t y o f

o p p o r t u n i t y t o a1 1 c i t i z e n s ( A r t i c l e 1 1 ) . 125

A second b a s i c reform undertaken by t h e C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly was

the introduction o f the p r i n c i p l e of e q u a l i t y i n the regulation o f

inheritances. The o l d law o f succession had been p r i n c i p a l l y concerned

w i t h t h e maintenance and p r e s e r v a t i o n o f t h e g r e a t landed e s t a t e s . Noble

houses had preserved t h e i r f o r t u n e s by means o f t h e p r i v i l e g e s o f t h e

male l i n e and o f ,primogeniture, and by t h e use o f e n t a i l s t o r e s t r i c t

t h e a l i e n a t i o n o f land. Much o f t h e law o f succession had i t s o r i g i n s i n

t h e system o f l a n d tenure a s s o c i a t e d w i t h feudalism, and w i t h t h e a b o l i t i o n

of t h e f e u d a l regime d u r i n g August 1789, t h e Assembly thereby e f f e c t i v e l y

c u r t a i l e d many o f t h e e x i s t i n g i n e q u i t i e s . However, t h e l e g i s l a t o r s

.also wished t o enact i n h e r i t a n c e laws r e s t r i c t i n g testamentary

freedom and e n s u r i n g equal p a r t i t i o n . As A. Esmein observes: "~'~ssemble/e

c o n s t i t u a n t e 6 t a i t en m a j o r i t 6 h o s t i l e 5 ces p r 6 c i p u t s ou avantages, dont

p r o f i t a i e n t quelques-uns des h g r i t e u r s au d g t r i m e n t des a u t r e s . I 1 126

T h i s e g a l i t a r i a n i s m r e s u l t e d i n t h e decree o f March 15, 1790,

which a b o l i s h e d "primogeniture, preference f o r male o f f s p r i n g ...

and unequal d i v i s i o n s based on t h e s t a n d i n g o f t h e persons concerned. ,1127
I n a d d i t i o n , t h e decree o f A p r i l 8, 1791, proclaimed t h e p r i n c i p l e o f

equal p a r t it i o n among c h i 1 dren: "Toute i n k g a l ite' devant re'sul t e r e n t r e

h g r i t i e r s AB INTESTAT de l a q u a l i t k d 1 a i n 6 ou de put&, de l a d i s t i n c t i o n

des sexes ou des e x c l u s i o n s coutumi6res s o i t en l i g n e d i r e c t e , s o i t en

1 igne c o l l a t g r a l e , e s t abol i e . 1,128

The C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly f u r t h e r demonstrated i t s preoccupation

w i t h i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y and w i t h t h e supremacy o f S t a t e o v e r Church

by i n s c r i b i n g two promises i n t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 1791 r e l a t i v e t o laws

concerning c i v i l s t a t u s and c i v i l marriage: "La l o i ne consid5re l e

mariage que comme c o n t r a t c i v i l . Le p o u v o i r l g g i s l a t i f & t a b l i r a pour

tous l e s h a b i t a n t s , sans d i s t i n c t i o n , l e mode p a r l e q u e l l e s naissances,

mariages e t d&Ss seront constat&; e t il dgsignera l e s o f f i c i e r s p u b l i c s

q u i en r e c e v r o n t e t conserveront l e s a c t e s " i it. I I , A r t . 7).12' This

programme was subsequently f u l f i l l e d by t h e L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly w i t h t h e

enactment o f two i m p o r t a n t laws.

The Decree Determining t h e Recording o f V i t a l S t a t i s t i c s , September

20, 1792, e s t a b l i s h e d i n France t h e i n s t i t u t i o n of c i v i l marriage; t h a t i s

t o say, marriage b e f o r e t h e p u b l i c o f f i c e r o f t h e m u n i c i p a l i t y w i t h o u t t h e

intervention o f a priest. A l l t r a n s a c t i o n s a f f e c t i n g c i v i l s t a t u s were a t

t h e same time s e c u 1 a r i z e d ; ' t h e w r i t t e n r e g i s t e r s o f b i r t h s , marriages, and

deaths were taken from t h e c l e r g y and e n t r u s t e d t o municipal o f f i c i a l s

it. I , Art. 1). 130.

 The decree s e c u l a r i z i n g marriage was f o l l o w e d on t h e same day by a

Decree R e g u l a t l n g ~ i v o r c e l ~ 'which
, may be considered as a l o g i c a l

accompaniment. I f , under t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n , marriage was o n l y a c i v i l

contract, i t f o l l o w e d t h a t t h e S t a t e had t h e power t o a u t h o r i z e t h e

d i s s o l u t i o n o f m a r r i a g e by d i v o r c e . T h i s l e g i s l a t i o n was another

manifestation o f "les ide'es courantes au X V l l l e s i G c l e s u r l a 1ggitimit6

132
des penchants n a t u r e l s e t s u r 1 ' i n a l i g n a b i 1 it 6 de l a volont; humaine."

The L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly passed o t h e r noteworthy decrees which were

i n s p i r e d by t h e p r i n c i p l e s o f i n d i v i d u a l freedom and e q u a l i t y , as w i t n e s s

t h e one o f August 28, 1792: "LtAssemble'e n a t i o n a l e de/crSte que l e s

majeurs ne s e r o n t p l u s soumis 2 l a puissance p a t e r n e l l e ; e l l e ne s t 6 t e n d r a

que sur l e s personnes des mineurs .It133 U n t i l t h e enactment o f t h i s decree,

i n areas where " l e d r o i t e'cri t" obtained, p a t e r n a l a u t h o r i t y had n o t

been completely r e l a x e d u n t i l t h e a c t u a l death o f t h e f a t h e r . I n areas

s u b j e c t t o " l e d r o i t coutumier", on t h e o t h e r hand, emancipation from

p a t e r n a l a u t h o r i t y a t t h e age o f twenty f i v e had long been t h e r u l e .

Henceforth, those who a t t a i n e d t h e age o f m a j o r i t y were f r e e n o t o n l y i n

respect o f t h e i r person, b u t a l s o i n respect o f p r o p e r t y , i n both northern

and southern France. S h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r , t h e Decree Determining t h e

Recording o f V i t a l S t a t i s t i c s reduced t h e age o f m a j o r i t y t o twenty one

years i it. I V Y S e c t i o n I).134

 39

On August 25, 1792,the Assembly a l s o s t r u c k a rude blow a t t h e

o r g a n i z a t i o n o f a n c i e n t a r i s t o c r a t i c f a m i l i e s by condemning e n t a i l s and

f i d u c i a r y t r u s t s t h a t secured them ( t h u s p r o h i b i t i n g t h e s u r r e p t i t i o u s '

o f b i r t h r ights): "L'Assemblde n a t i o n a l e de'crste qu's p a r t i r

de ce j o u r , il n ' e s t p l u s permis de s u b s t i t u e r . "I35T h i s measure was

subsequently con f i rmed by a decree o f t h e Convention dated October 25,

Notwithstanding the progressive character o f these aws passed by

t h e L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, i t remained f o r t h e l e g i s l a t i o n o f t h e

Convention t o mark t h e complete t r i u m p h o f t h e " e s p r i t ph losophique":

"Consommer l a r u i n e de l ' a r i s t o c r a t i e t e r r i t o r i a l e , morce e r l e s f o r t u n e s ,

ramener l a c o n d i t i o n de chacun 3 une douce m g d i o c r i te/, sans a s p i r e r

cependent 3 un n i v e l l e m e n t absolu, t e l e s t l ' i d g a l des Conventionnels. ,1137

Among t h e s e v e r a l measures passed by t h e Convention which were

i n s p i r e d by t h e i d e a l o f e q u a l i t y , we can c i t e t h e example o f t h e law o f

12 Brumai r e , An I I ( ~ o v e m b e r2, 1793) deal i n g w i t h t h e success i o n o f

i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n , who were g r a n t e d a share equal t o t h a t o f l e g i t i m a t e

children. A. Esmein e x p l a i n s t h e m o t i v e behind t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n : "La

c o n d i t i o n a i n s i f a i t e aux e n f a n t s n a t u r e l s r g v o l t a i t l a s e n s i b i 1 i t 6 des

hommes de ce temps. E l l e p a r a i s s a i t ggalement c o n t r a i r e 3 la justice

( c ' e t a i t une p e i n e i n f l i g g e 5 un innocent) e t aux p r i n c i p e s s u r l e s q u e l s

a l l a i t reposer l e d r o i t de succession."
138
 S i m i l a r l y , t h e l e g i s l a t o r s sought t o a c h i e v e a "me'biocrite' des

fortunes" w i t h t h e enactment o f t h e Law o f 17 Nivbse, An I I (January

6, 1794) d e a l i n g w l t h succession, g i f t s , and bequests. The p r o v i s i o n s

o f t h e a c t c a l l e d f o r an equal d i v i s i o n o f i n h e r i t a n c e among h e i r s ,

i r r e s p e c t i v e o f t h e wishes o f t h e t e s t a t o r - thus r a t i f y i n g t h e decree

o f A p r i 1 8, 1791 (see above). 139 I n a d d i t i o n , t h e law was made r e t r o a c t i v e

to July 14, 1789, i n o r d e r t o " e f f a c e r t o u t e s l e s ine'gal i t & encore

subsistantes, r&ultant de l a l o i ou de l a v o l o n t e ' des hommes, quant au

p a r t a g e des successions. ,1140

Needless t o say, t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y s p i r i t - as e x e m p l i f i e d by these

laws passed d u r i n g t h e f i r s t years o f t h e Convention - was s u b j e c t e d t o

an i n e v i t a b l e r e a c t i o n a f t e r Thermidor. That which had c o n s t i t u t e d

the o r i g i n a l i t y o f " l e d r o i t r6volutionnaire" o f t h e f i r s t three

Assemblies a l s o c o n s t i t u t e d i t s v u l n e r a b i l i t y . The e x i s t e n c e and

maintenance o f t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n was i n t i m a t e l y connected w i t h t h e

R e v o l u t i o n a r y i d e a l s which had a t t a i n e d such potency from 1789 t o 1794.

When these i d e a l s were m o d i f i e d a f t e r 1794 by reason o f t h e i n c r e a s i n g

i n f l u e n c e o f conservatism, t h e subsequent l e g i s l a t i o n , as would be expected,

r e f l e c t e d t h i s change i n dominance.

Thus, d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d o f t h e D i r e c t o r y , s e v e r a l p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e

c i v i l l e g i s l a t i o n o f t h e p r e v i o u s Assemblies were amended, having been

considered t o o extreme o r v e x a t i o u s . D i v o r c e was more s t r i c t l y r e g u l a t e d

 141
by an enactment o f September 17, 1797 ; t h e r i g h t s o f succession o f

i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n were r e s t r i c t e d , and r e t r o a c t i v e e f f e c t was taken

. .
from t h e law which had c o n f e r r e d these r i g h t s upon them (15 Thermidor,

An V , August 5, 1796) 14*; t h e compl i c a t i o n s which had been caused by t h e

Convention's laws on succession were lessened and s i m p l i f i e d (18 PluviBse,

An V , February 6, 1797). 143

I n s p i t e o f these amendments, however, i t i s important t o n o t e

t h a t t h e l e g i s l a t i o n enacted subsequent t o Thermidor d i d n o t abandon t h e

e s s e n t i a l p r i n c i p l e s o f t h e Revolution. 144 By 1799, t a n g i b l e evidence o f

t h e r e a l i z a t i o n o f t h e i d e a l s o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s was p l a i n l y v i s i b l e :

u n i f o r m codes o f law ( u l t i m a t e l y completed under ~ a ~ o l e o nhad

) supplanted
I

t h e e a r l i e r chaos and confusion; an e l e c t e d j u d i c i a r y , t r i a l by j u r y ,

humanized p e n a l t i e s - a l l had come i n t o being; and e q u a l i t y before t h e

law had taken t h e p l a c e of p r i v i l e g e .

C o d i f i c a t i o n o f t h e C i v i l Law

The Work o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y Assemblies I n 1789 t h e r e were no l e s s

than 366 r e g i o n a l codes o f law i n e x i s t e n c e i n France, some o f them

a p p l y i n g t o e n t i r e provinces b u t more u s u a l l y a p p l y i n g t o very l i m i t e d

j u r i s d i c t i o n s . 14' T h i s u n s a t i s f a c t o r y s i t u a t i o n under t h e o l d regime i s

s u c c i n c t l y d e s c r i b e d by P. Sagnac: "Rien de f i x e , r i e n de c o h 6 r e n t , c 1 e s t
un chaos o'u l e j u r i s c o n s u l t e se perd. C ' e s t une d i v e r s i t e ' e t une

confusion q u i rendent, en quelque s o r t e , g t r a n g e r s l e s uns aux a u t r e s l e s

146
h a b i t a n t s du mEme royaume." I t can be assumed t h a t t h e o n l y persons

who p r o f i t e d from t h i s s t a t e o f a f f a i r s were t h e l e g a l p r a c t i t i o n e r s whose

1 i v e l ihood depended upon t h e i r a b i 1 it y t o unravel t h e c o m p l e x i t y o f t h e

laws.

Among t h e most s t e a d f a s t a s p i r a t i o n s o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s ,

t h e r e f o r e , was t h e d e s i r e t o p r o v i d e t h e n a t i o n w i t h a code o f u n i f o r m

c i v i l laws - a d e s i r e w h i c h had many times i n s p i r e d t h e j u r i s t s o f p r i o r

~ e n t u r i e 5 . l ~The
~ French R e v o l u t i o n , w i t h i t s i d e a l o f a r a t i o n a l s o c i a l

order, imparted a f r e s h and p o w e r f u l impulse t o a t t a i n i n g t h i s o b j e c t i v e .

The triumph o f t h e " e s p r i t p h i losophiquel' seemed t o demand a code o f

uniform laws s u i t a b l e t o an e n l i g h t e n e d people, and those o b s t a c l e s which

had h i t h e r t o s t o o d i n t h e p a t h o f l e g a l u n i t y - the tradition o f local

independence and t h e s p i r i t o f o p p o s i t i o n i n t h e provinces, as w e l l as

148
c l a s s and c l e r i c a l p r i v i l e g e - had been swept away.

The C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly, r e a l i z i n g t h e danger posed t o t h e concept

o f u n i t y by t h e numerous codes o f law i n existence, decreed, i n t h e law

o f August 16, 1790, concerning j u d i c i a l r e o r g a n i z a t i o n , t h a t : "The c i v i l

laws s h a l l be reviewed and reformed by t h e l e g i s l a t u r e s ; and a general code

o f laws, simple, c l e a r , and i n harmony w i t h t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n , s h a l l be

drafted ( i i t . II ; A r t . 19)J4' T h i s promise t o achieve simp1 i c i t y and

u n i f o r m i t y i n l e g a l m a t t e r s was subsequently i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o t h e

C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 1791: " I 1 sera f a i t un Code de l o i s c i v i l e s communes a'

150
t o u t l e royaumel1 (End o f T i t . I ).

I n s p i t e o f these promises, t h e f i r s t R e v o l u t i o n a r y assembly was

unable t o r e a l i z e such an immense undertaking. Although o f f i c i a l e f f o r t s

d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d t o endow France w i t h a u n i f o r m body o f c i v i l law went

no f u r t h e r t h a n statements o f general p r i n c i p l e , t h e j u r i s t s d i d attempt

t o e f f e c t a c o n c i l i a t i o n between t h e two dominant systems o f law which

divided t h e country. However, i n t h e j u r i d i c domain t h e p r i n c i p a l

e f f o r t s a t t h i s t i m e were d i r e c t e d , a t p u b l i c i n s i s t e n c e , toward t h e

reform o f t h e c r i m i n a l law. The C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly, i n recognition o f

t h i s f a c t , gave t o i t s l e g i s l a t i v e committee t h e t i t l e o f " ~ o m i t e /de

I k g i s l a t i o n c r i m i n e l l e j ~ ' ~and
~ , a Penal Code was d u l y promulgated i n 1791

as a r e s u l t o f t h e labours o f t h i s body (see below).

The succeeding L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, which s a t from September 30,

1791 t o September 21, 1792, again took up t h e p r o j e c t o f a code o f c i v i l

laws. The l e g i s l a t i v e committee, g i v e n t h e name " ~ o m i t 6 de l e ' g i s l a t i o n

c i v i l e e t criminelle", issued, on October 16, 1791, an i n v i t a t i o n t o a l l

c i t i z e n s t o communicate t o i t t h e i r ideas concerning t h e drawing up o f

a c i v i l code. 153 Although t h i s was heeded, t h e r e s u l t i n g progress towards

c o d i f i c a t i o n proved slow and arduous. Before t h i s Assembly was d i s s o l v e d ,

i t passed i m p o r t a n t o r g a n i c laws concerning marriage, d i v o r c e , and

i n h e r i t a n c e , b u t i t f a i l e d t o devise t h e code.

I n s p i t e o f t h e v i o l e n c i and d i s o r d e r a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e ensuing,
. .
R e v o l u t i o n a r y assembly, "ce f u t l a Convention N a t i o n a l e q u i e u t l a

g 10 i r e de c o n c e v o i r l e code de l o i s c i v i l e s uniformes que l a n a t i o n

dks i r a i t . Le cornit6 de 1 6 g i s l a t i o n e s t l e v g r i t a b l e cre'ateur de Code

C iv i l f r a n g a i s . 111 54

On June 25, 1793, t h e Convention i n s t r u c t e d t h e l e g i s l a t i v e committee,

composed o f f o r t y e i g h t members on a r o t a t i n g b a s i s , t o present a scheme

f o r a c i v i l code w i t h i n one month's time. 155 T h i s remarkable o r d e r was

v i r t u a l l y obeyed when, on August 8, 1793, cambace'rcki, t h e c h i e f draftsman

o f t h e committee, presented a p l a n which encompassed a l l t h e c i v i l

l e g i s l a t i o n o f France w i t h i n 719 a r t i c l e s . This plan followed the

t r a d i t i o n a l d i v i s i o n s o f t h e law i n t h e "pays de d r o i t e / c r i t t l and was

comprised o f f o u r d i s t i n c t s e c t i o n s : o f Persons, o f Things, o f Contracts,

o f Actions. The proposed code i n c o r p o r a t e d many o f t h e laws enacted

s i n c e 1789 and was animated throughout by t h e " e s p r i t philosophique":

"C'est l a v o i x de l a n a t u r e e t c e l l e de l a r a i s o n q u i se f o n t entendre;

on a f a i t l l e n t r e p r i s e de t o u t changer > l a f o i s dans l e s gcoles, dans l e s

moeurs, dans l e s coutumes, dans l e s e s p r i t s , dans l e s l o i s dlun grand

peup 1e. 11157

From August t o October 1793, d u r i n g a t u r b u l e n t p e r i o d o f i n t e r n a l

t r o u b l e s and f o r e i g n war, t h e Convention s t u d i e d i n d e t a i l t h e v a r i o u s

p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e recommended c i v i l code. T h i s i n i t i a l p r o j e c t , which

exempl i f i e d t h e i n f l u e n c e of r a t i o n a l ism a t i t s heightl5*;> was f i n a l l y

r e j e c t e d by t h e deputies f o r being t o o complicated, long and l e g a l i s t i c .

On November 3, 1793, t h e Convention voted t o a p p o i n t a commission o f

p h i l o s o p h e r s who were charged w i t h b r i n g i n g f o r t h a new d r a f t , more i n

c o n f o r m i t y w i t h i t s own s p i r i t : "une commission, formg de s i x membres

c h o i s l s p a r l e ~ o m i t e de
' s a l u t p u b l i c , r g v i s e r a e t retouchera l e code

c i v i l pri5sent6 p a r l e cornit; de l e ' g i s l a t i o n . 11159

A second p r o j e c t , c o n t a i n i n g o n l y 297 a r t i c l e s , was d u l y presented

by ~ a m b a c k r 2 son b e h a l f of t h e committee on September 9, 1794, a f t e r t h e

d o w n f a l l o f Robespierre. The Convention soon p e r c e i v e d t h a t t h i s second

scheme, which o n l y contained t h e p r i n c i p l e s i n v o l v e d and t h e i r immediate

consequences, was more a p l a n o f a code than a code i t s e l f . Cambac6r&

was l a t e r t o remark t h a t t h e p r o j e c t represented "un r e c u e i 1 de prgceptes

o'u chacun p o t t r o u v e r l e s re'gles de sa condui t e dans l a v i e c i v i l e . 1,160

T h i s second d r a f t o f a c i v i l code met t h e f a t e o f t h a t which

preceded i t : i t was discussed b u t n o t promulgated. I t s failure of

a d o p t i o n can be e x p l a i n e d by two p r i n c i p a l reasons: "Avec des l o i s

aussi br&es ... l e s juges deviendraierit fatalement l g g i s l a t e u r s ; puis,

l e s id6es ava i e n t changg, une re'act ion g & k r a l e se man if e s t a it. 1,161

The D i r e c t o r y , i n i t s t u r n , s e t i t s hand t o t h e c o d i f i c a t i o n o f

t h e c i v i l law. On June 14, 1796, a t h i r d p r o j e c t c o n t a i n i n g 1104 a r t i c l e s

was presented t o t h e Council o f F i v e Hundred by ~ambace/re's i n t h e name

o f t h e "commission de l a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n des l o i s . " 162 ~ h l sl a t e s t p r o j e c t

r e f l e c t e d t h e t r a d i t i o n a l view o f t h e purpose o f a code o f laws: it

attempted t o r e s o l v e as many questions, and l e t s u b s i s t as few doubts,

as p o s s i b l e . P o r t a l i s , one o f t h e c h i e f draftsmen o f t h e Code ~ a p o l e b n ,

was l a t e r t o d e s c r i b e t h e code o f 1796 as "un chef-dloeuvre de me'thode

e t de pre'cision.11163 As t o s u b s t a n t i v e c o n t e n t , i t s provisions displayed

a r e a c t i o n i n f a v o u r o f Roman law, away from t h e r a t i o n a l i s m o f t h e

Enlightenment.
164

Although t h e Council o f F i v e Hundred enacted several important

c i v i l laws, e s p e c i a l l y w i t h respect t o t h e r e g i s t r a t i o n o f mortgages,

t h e proposed c i v i l code was discussed b y t h i s body on o n l y two separate

occasions i n 1797. As a r e s u l t o f t h e p a r t i s a n dissensions i n t h e Councils,

t h e d l s t r a c t t o n s o f war, i n f l a t i o n and g e n e r a l l y u n s e t t l e d c o n d i t i o n s , the

165
p r o j e c t f o r c o d i f i c a t i o n under the D i r e c t o r y was d e s t i n e d t o remain i n abeyance.

Thus t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y assemblies d i d n o t succeed i n r e a l i z i n g

t h e enaLtment o f a c i v i l code o f laws, i n s p i t e o f t h e v a r i o u s attempts

t o achieve t h i s end. But t h e s y s t e m a t i c and methodical work o f t h e

j u r i s t s o f t h e l e g i s l a t i v e c o m m i t t e e s h a d n o t been wasted, f o r i t

c o n s i d e r a b l y l i g h t e n e d t h e labours o f t h e draftsmen who u l t i m a t e l y

compiled t h e Code NapolEon. By e l i m i n a t i n g those i n t e r e s t s which had

o b s t r u c t e d u n i f i c a t i o n o f t h e law and by i n t r o d u c i n g reforms o f a

n a t i o n a l scope i n a l l aspects o f French l i f e , t h e men o f the R e v o l u t i o n

had l a i d t h e foundation f o r eventual c o d i f i c a t i o n .

I n assessing t h e reasons why c o d i f i c a t i o n was n o t s u c c e s s f u l l y

achieved p r i o r t o Bonaparte, a s i d e from i t s i n h e r e n t d i f f i c u l t y , it

I s necessary t o t a k e i n t o account t h e g r e a t l e g i s l a t i v e f e r t i l i t y and t h e

h i g h passions and constant changes which c h a r a c t e r i z e d t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y

assemblies. Such an atmosphere i s u n f a v o u r a b l e t o t h e d r a f t i n g o f a

code which r e q u i r e s thorough and d i s p a s s i o n a t e d e l i b e r a t i o n t o accomplish

t h e task. As P. Sagnac observes: "Le code e x i g e a i t des d i s c u s s i o n s t r Z s

longues, e t l e s ~ s s e m b l g e sde l a ~ 6 v o l u t i o ng t a i e n t pressges p a r l e s

La r a p i d i t 6 avec l a q u e l l e se succgdaient l e s Assemblkes, e t ,

/
evhements.

dans c e l l e s - c i , l e s p a r t i s dominants, l e changement cont i n u e l des id6es

e t des passions, f a i s a i e n t que ce q u i a v a i t p l u 1 'annge pr6c&dente

cessai t de p l a i r e 1 'annge s u i v a n t e . ,1166

I n s p i t e o f t h e unsuccessful R e v o l u t i o n a r y attempts t o c o d i f y t h e

c i v i l law, t h e l e g i s l a t i o n o f t h i s p e r i o d was t o e x e r t a s a l u t a r y

i n f l u e n c e upon t h e s u b s t a n t i v e c o n t e n t o f t h e C i v i l Code o f 1804. The

Revolutionary l e g i s l a t i o n , i n i t s t u r n , was a r e f l e c t i o n o f t h e i d e a l s

which made p o s s i b l e t h e u l t i m a t e - r e a l i z a t i o n o f a n a t i o n a l c i v i l

code.
 Le Code ~ a ~ o l g o n *D u r i n g t h e Consulate and t h e f i r s t Empire t h e

c o d i f i c a t i o n o f French law was s u c c e s s f u l l y accomplished. In this

p e r i o d f i v e separate codes were d r a f t e d and promulgated: l e Code c i v i l '

(1804); l e Code de ~ r o c g d u r ec i v i l e (1806); l e Code de commerce (1807);

l e Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e (1808); and l e Code p h a l (1810).

T h i s enormous p r o d u c t i o n o f l e g i s l a t i o n i n a r e l a t i v e l y s h o r t span

o f time has s e v e r a l e x p l a n a t i o n s . I n t h e f i r s t place, t h e v e r y work o f t h e

R e v o l u t i o n had removed t h e vested l o c a l i n t e r e s t s which had o b s t r u c t e d

t h e u n i f i c a t i o n o f t h e law under t h e o l d regime. Secondly, t h e t i m e was

p r o p i t i o u s and c o n s i d e r a b l e groundwork had a l r e a d y been done. The

R e v o l u t i o n had y i e l d e d a l a r g e body o f c i v i l and c r i m i n a l l e g i s l a t i o n and

i t was now o n l y a q u e s t i o n o f d e t e r m i n i n g what should be r e t a i n e d from

168
t h i s p e r i o d and what s h o u l d be r e v i v e d from t h e laws o f t h e o l d regime.

-
* O r i g i n a l l y e n t i t l e d Code c i v i l des f r a n q a i s , t h e t i t l e was changed t o

Code ~ a p o l g o nby t h e law o f September 3, 1807. By r o y a l ordinance o f

L o u i s XV l l l i t became Code C i v i 1 i n 1816. I t r e v e r t e d t o Code ~ a p o&on

l

by decree o f Napoleon I l l i n 1852, and was f i n a l l y r e s t o r e d t o Code C i v i l

w i t h t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e T h i r d Republ i c i n 1870. The term Code Napolgon

167
i s u s u a l l y employed today t o d e s i g n a t e t h e o r i g i n a l form o f t h e Code.
 A f u r t h e r reason f o r t h e e x p e d i t i o u s completion o f c o d i f i c a t i o n

under Bonaparte concerned t h e r e l a t i v e s t a b i l i t y and t r a n q u i l i t y o f

t h e e a r l y years o f t h e Consulate. I f t h e ' c o n s t i t u t i o n o f An V l l l was '

l e s s w e l l disposed t o t h e p r i n c i p l e o f i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y i n comparison

w i t h the Revolutionary c o n s t i t u t i o n s , i t s e f f e c t , nonetheless, was t o

p r o v i d e a more f a v o u r a b l e atmosphere f o r t h e p r e p a r a t i o n o f comprehensive

and t e c h n i c a l l e g i s l a t i o n . T h i s s i t u a t i o n a f f o r d e d t h e draftsmen a unique,

and e s s e n t i a l , o p p o r t u n i t y f o r temperate d i s c u s s i o n and d e l i b e r a t i o n . As

A. Esmein observes: "La C o n s t i t u t i o n de l f a n V I I I , p a r ses d 6 f a u t s rnsmes,

a s s u r a i t en quelque s o r t e c e t t e m6thode de t r a v a i l . "

1 69

I n assessing t h e reasons f o r t h e s u c c e s s f u l completion o f t h e C i v i l

Code under t h e Consulate, i t i s a l s o necessary t o g i v e due r e c o g n i t i o n

t o t h e personal i n f l u e n c e o f Bonaparte whose w i l l and energy proved t o be

t h e c a t a l y s t i n b r i n g i n g t h e t a s k t o a conclusion.170 Furthermore

Napoleon i n t e r v e n e d f r e q u e n t l y i n t h e sessions o f t h e "Committee o f

L e g i s l a t i o n ' ' o f t h e Council o f S t a t e , and h i s a u t h o r i t a r i a n views were t o

171
leave t h e i r impress upon t h e Code.

I n h i s l a s t years a t S a i n t Helena, Napoleon maintained t h a t h i s

g l o r y r e s t e d i n l a r g e p a r t upon t h e Code t h a t bears h i s name: "Ma

g l o i r e n l e s t pas d ' a v o i r gag& quarante b a t a i l l e s ... ce que r i e n n'effacera,

ce q u i v i v r a ( t e r n e l l e m e n t , c ' e s t mon Code But i f t h e g l o r y o f

i t s . comp l e t i o n p r o p e r l y belongs t o him, t h e idea o f l e g a l u n i t y , and t h e

concepts which i n s p i r e d I t s p r o v i s i o n s , belong t o t h e h l s t o r y o f t h e

+
French n a t i o n . As A. Esmein observes: ."A l a le'gende q u i v o i t en l u i

un gminent c o l l a b o r a t e u r dans l 1 o e u v r e du Code c i v i l , il y a l o i n . Le

Code c i v i l e s t l l o e u v r e de l a n a t i o n , non c e l l e des i n d i v i d u s ; I 1 renferme

ce qula p r o d u i t l l a n c i e n d r o i t , e t ce qula p r o d u i t l a Re'volu'tion,

ramen6 2 une commune mesure. 11173

On 24 Therrnidor , An V l l l ( ~ u g u s t 13, 1800), a decree o f t h e consuls

appointed a commission o f f o u r members who were charged w i t h t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y

o f p r e p a r i n g a d r a f t o f t h e C i v i l Code. 174 O f these f o u r members, eminent

1 awyers and judges o f t h e p r e - r e v o l u t i o n a r y era175, o n l y Tronchet represented

" l e d r o i t coutumier"; the other three - P o r t a l i s , B i g o t de ~r&meneu,

Maleville - had been r a i s e d i n t h e "pays de d r o i t 6 ~ r i t . l " ~CambacBrEs,

~
who had been t h e c h i e f draftsman under t h e Convention and t h e D i r e c t o r y ,

was prevented f r o m b e i n g a member o f t h e commission due t o h i s rank o f

Second Consul. 177

The two p r i n c i p a l authors o f t h e C i v i l Code were P o r t a l i s and

.
Tronchet 178 A1 though t h e former championed t h e Roman concepts o f law,

he was a moderate and e n l i g h t e n e d man who r e a l i z e d t h a t u n i t y c a l l s f o r

a t o l e r a n c e o f d i v e r g e n t ideas and a sense o f accommodation. Under h i s

guidance, " l a commission devai t , dans ses travaux, se prgoccuper 2 l a

f o i s de consacrer l e s conquztes de l a ~ Q v o l u t i o ne t d 1 0 p 6 r e r une synthzse

du d r o i t romain e t du d r o i t coutumier, a f i n que l a soci&te/ pGt passer sans

/ ,1179
h e u r t s de l ' a n c i e n n e l e g i s l a t i o n 5 l a n o u v e l l e .
 As b o t h t h e R e v o l u t i o n and t r a d i t i o n were p a r t o f t h e i r immediate

heritage, t h e draftsmen d i d n o t i n t e n d t o c r e a t e a new law, b u t merely

t o r e s t a t e i t , choosing on t h e b a s i s o f experience when " l e d r o i t

r e / v o l u t i o n n a i r e " was a t v a r i a n c e w i t h t h e p r e v i o u s law. I n t h i s regard,

P o r t a l i s w r o t e t h a t "il ne d o i t p o i n t p e r d r e de vue que l e s l o i s sont

f a i t e s pour l e s hommes, e t non l e s homrnes pour l e s l o i s ; q u ' e l l e s

d o i v e n t E t r e adapt6es au c a r a c t z r e , aux habitudes, 2 l a s i t u a t i o n du

180
peuple pour l e q u e l e l l e s s o n t f a i t e s . "

T h i s pragmatic approach e x p l a i n s why i n c e r t a i n areas t h e draftsmen

d e f e r r e d t o t r a d i t i o n , why elsewhere t h e y appeared t o support t h e i d e a l s

o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n , and why on many p o i n t s they attempted t o b r i n g about

a compromise between opposing views. Pragmatic c o n s i d e r a t i o n s alone,

however, d i d n o t d i c t a t e t h e content o f t h e C i v i l Code. I t s provisions

were f u r t h e r i n s p i r e d by t h e concept o f an immutable n a t u r a l law whose

p r i n c i p l e s s h o u l d be enunciated i n o r d e r t o promote j u s t i c e and a b e t t e r

society. As A r t i c l e 1 o f t h e d r a f t o f t h e C i v i l Code said: "There is a

universal, unchanging law t h a t i s t h e source o f a l l p o s i t i v e law; t h i s law

i s t h e n a t u r a l reason t h a t governs a l l peoples o f t h e world. 11181 This

p r o c l a m a t i o n was consonant w i t h t h e ideas o f t h e Englightenment which

sought t o c l a r i f y , and hence t o a degree t o reform, t h e law i n terms o f

n a t u r a l law.
 Thus, i n c o m p i l i n g t h e C i v i l Code, t h e draftsmen were i n f l u e n c e d

by t h e d e s i r e t o p r o v i d e c l a r i t y and s i m p l i c i t y , and t o present t h e

law i n a form r e a d i l y a c c e s s i b l e t o a l l c i t i z e n s . They adhered t o t h e

concept t h a t a code should n o t c o n t a i n t o o many d e t a i l e d p r o v i s i o n s o r t o o

many exceptions t o t h e p r i n c i p a l r u l e s . As P o r t a l i s explained: "L'office

de l a l o i e s t de f i x e r , p a r de grandes vues, l e s maximes ggngrales du

d r o i t; d ' g t a b l i r des p r i n c i p e s fe'conds en consgquences, e t non de

descendre dans l e d g t a i l des q u e s t i o n s q u i peuvent n a t t r e sur chaque

mat i & r e . 11182

"Le Code c i v i 1 des f ransais", enacted i n i t s f i n a l form on March

21, 1804, achieved t h e c l a r i t y , b r e v i t y , and conciseness o f s t y l e

intended by t h e draftsmen. W i t h i n i t s 2281 a r t i c l e s a r e encompassed t h e

law o f "Persons" ( ~ r t i c l e s7 t o 515) which t r e a t s of such m a t t e r s as

marriage, d i v o r c e , t h e s t a t u s o f minors, guardianship, d o m i c i l e , and

absentees; t h e law o f "Property" ( ~ r t i c l e s516 t o 710) which t r e a t s o f

p r o p e r t y , u s u f r u c t and s e r v i t u d e s ; and t h e law concerning "Various Methods

o f A c q u i r i n g Ownership" ( ~ r t i c l e s711 t o 2281). This l a s t section i s a

c u r i o u s m i x t u r e , d e a l i n g w i t h m a t t e r s as d i v e r s e as g i f t s , w i l l s and

i n t e s t a t e succession; o b l i g a t i o n s i n general, i n c l u d i n g c o n t r a c t , quasi-

c o n t r a c t and t o r t ; m a r r i a g e s e t t l e m e n t s , s a l e , lease, p a r t n e r s h i p and

o t h e r s p e c i a l c o n t r a c t s ; mortgates, l i e n s and pledges; and p r e s c r i p t i o n .

The f i r s t s i x a r t i c l e s o f t h e Code c o n s i s t o f a " P r e l i m i n a r y T i t l e " which

embodies p h i l o s o p h i c a l a s s e r t i o n s r a t h e r than enactments o f a l e g i s l a t i v e

nature.
183 ,
 The sources upon which t h e draftsmen r e l i e d i n t h e c o m p i l a t i o n o f

t h e C i v i l Code were very d i v e r s e . "Le d r o i t coutumier" f u r n i s h e d most

o f t h e p r o v i s i o n s deal i n g w i t h t h e community o f possessions between

spouses, and t h e r u l e s r e l a t i n g t o succession.184 "Le d r o i t & r i t 1 '

p r o v i d e d t h e b a s i s f o r t h e general r u l e s governing o b l i g a t i o n s , contracts,

and t h e m a r r i a g e - p o r t i o n system. 85 As t h e 1aws concerning o b l i g a t ions

and c o n t r a c t s had a l r e a d y been e s s e n t i a l l y u n i f i e d through t h e work o f

t h e French Romanists, p r a c t i c a l l y no i n n o v a t i o n s were made upon i n c o r p o r a t i o n

186
i n t o t h e Code. The r o y a l ordinances promulgated under L o u i s X I V and

L o u i s XV were l a r g e l y preserved i n those a r t i c l e s t r e a t i n g o f g i f t s , w i l l s ,

evidence, and t h e redemption o f mortgages. 18' Finally, the influence o f

" l e d r o i t r & o l u t i o n n a i r e t ' was t o m a n i f e s t i t s e l f i n several p a r t s o f t h e

Code, e s p e c i a l l y those s e c t i o n s d e a l i n g w i t h marriage, divorce, and

188
inheritances.

Bearing i n mind t h e d i v e r s e sources employed i n i t s c o m p i l a t i o n ,

t h e q u e s t i o n a r i s e s as t o whether t h e Code Napolgon preserved t h e e s s e n t i a l

l e g a l reforms o f t h e Revolution. T h i s q u e s t i o n can be answered i n t h e

a f f i r m a t i v e i n t h e sense t h a t t h e b a s i c s o c i a l p r i n c i p l e s o f 1789 were

retained: e q u a l i t y b e f o r e t h e law, freedom o f conscience, and t h e

s e c u l a r i t y o f t h e State. H e r e d i t a r y n o b i l i t y was n o t r e e s t a b l i s h e d , and

no a t t e m p t was made t o r e v i v e t h e system o f f e u d a l i s m i n any form.

However, as t h e Code was designed t o r e c o n c i l e opposing p o i n t s o f view,

i t i n e v i t a b l y had t o d i s c a r d p a r t o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y t h i n k i n g .
*
 I n d e a l i n g w i t h t h e i n s t i t u t i o n o f marrlage, t h e draftsmen had t o

decide between t h e two experiences o f France. Although marriage as such

had never been a s s a i l e d d u r i n g t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y years, t h e i m p o s i t i o n

o f s e c u l a r i z a t i o n and t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f d i v o r c e had tended t o d i m i n i s h

i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e . 18' i n recognition o f the d i v e r s i t y i n the r e l i g i o u s

f e e l i n g s o f t h e French people, t h e d e c i s i o n was made t o r e t a i n t h e

s e c u l a r i z e d view o f marriage which reserved t o p u b l i c o f f i c e r s t h e

190
r i g h t t o c e l e b r a t e m a r r i a g e under t h e law ( ~ r t i c l e s63 e t 3.). -
R e l i g i o u s marriages had no l e g a l v a l i d i t y and c o u l d n o t be c e l e b r a t e d

b e f o r e t h e c i v i l ceremony. The reason f o r r e t a i n i n g t h e e s s e n t i a l s o f

t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y m a r i t a l law a r e e x p l a i n e d by P. Lerebour - Pigeonnizre:

'ILes l ' e g i s l a t e u r s de 1804 c o n s i d g r a i e n t certainement que l a l i b e r t 6 de

conscience d e s i r k e p a r t o u t l e monde a pour c o r o l l a i r e nature1 l'indkpendance

de l a l o i v i s - 5 - v i s de l a r e l i g i o n : v o i l a ce q u i j u s t i f i e l a s 6 c u l a r i s a t i o n

du mariage dans l e Code c i v i l , v o i l a ce q u i en dgtermine 1' importance. ,I191

As p r e v i o u s l y mentioned, t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s had a u t h o r i z e d d i v o r c e

w i t h t h e enactment o f t h e "Decree R e g u l a t i n g Divorce" o f September 20,

1792. A f t e r c a r e f u l c o n s i d e r a t i o n by t h e draftsmen, i t was decided t o

p e r m i t d i v o r c e under t h e C i v i l Code, b u t i n more r e s t r i c t e d f a s h i o n than

under t h e Revolution. P o r t a l i s was e s p e c i a l l y h o s t i l e t o t h e i n s t i t u t i o n

o f divorce'92, and t h i s h o s t i 1 i t y was manifested i n t h e narrow grounds

allowed t o p e t i t i o n e r s : a d u l t e r y , c o n v i c t i o n o f a s e r i o u s crime, and

grave i n s u l t s , excesses o r c r u e l t y ( ~ r t i c l e s229 t o 232). 193 Divorce

*
f o r reasons o f i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y was suppressed as being c o n t r a r y t o t h e

theory o f c o n t r a c t : a c o n t r a c t cannot be d i s s o l v e d by t h e wishes o f

o n l y one p a r t y t o t h e agreement. lg4A t t h e i n s i s t e n c e o f Bonaparte 195,.

d i v o r c e by mutual consent was i n t r o d u c e d i n t h e f i n a l t e x t o f t h e Code

( ~ r t i c l e233)lg6, b u t i t was o n l y p e r m i t t e d under s t r i n g e n t c o n d i t i o n s

- 3.).
( ~ r t i c l e s275 e t 197

The d e c i d e l y i n f e r i o r s t a t u s assigned t o women under t h e Code was

p a r t i c u l a r l y evident i n the matter o f divorce. I n t h e case o f d i v o r c e

f o r cause o f a d u l t e r y , t h e a d u l t r e s s c o u l d be c o n f i n e d i n a house o f

c o r r e c t i o n f o r a p e r i o d n o t l e s s than t h r e e months, nor exceeding two

years ( A r t i c l e 298). 19* However, t h e husband was empowered t o m i t i g a t e

t h e e f f e c t o f t h i s sentence by consenting t o r e c e i v e h i s w i f e a g a i n

( A r t i c l e 309). lg9No s i m i l a r p r o v i s i o n s were i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o t h e Code

t o punish t h e e r r a n t husband.

Concerning t h e s u b o r d i n a t e p o s i t i o n accorded t o women, which

represented a d e f i n i t e r e g r e s s i o n from R e v o l u t i o n a r y i d e a l s , J. Godechot

observes: "Ce q u i t r a n c h e s u r t o u t avec l a l g g i s l a t i o n r & o l u t i o n n a i r e ,

c ' e s t 1 ' e s p r i t de t o u t l e t i t r e V I du code, consacrg au d i v o r c e : en e f f e t ,

c ' e s t 13 que 1 ' i n 6 g a l i t &de I'homme e t de l a femme, s i marqu6e dans

presque t o u t l e code c i v i l a t t e i n t un degrk d ' i n j u s t i c e r g v o l t a n t . "200

Whereas " l e d r o i t r g v o l u t i o n n a i re" had attempted t o i n t r o d u c e

t h e concepts o f l i b e r t y and e q u a l i t y i n t o t h e f a m i l i a l u n i t , t h e C i v i l
Code, by c o n t r a s t , p a r t i a l l y r e s t o r e d t h e t r a d i t i o n a l view t h a t t h e head

of t h e f a m i l y was t h e r e a l a u t h o r i t y . P r o v i s i o n s were i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o

t h e Code p e r m i t t i n g t h e f a t h e r t o i n c a r c e r a t e h i s c h i l d r e n w i t h o u t

governmental a u t h o r i t y ( A r t i c l e -
375 e t 3.)201, and t h e m a r r i a g e r i g h t s

o f sons and daughters were s u b j e c t e d t o v a r y i n g degrees o f p a r e n t a l

202
c o n t r o l , depending upon age and sex ( A r t i c l e 148 e t =.). -
The Code e x p r e s s l y subordinated t h e m a r r i e d women t o h e r husband

by c a t e g o r i c a l l y s t a t i n g t h a t she owes him obedience: "The husband

owes p r o t e c t i o n t o h i s w i f e , t h e w i f e obedience t o h e r husband" (Article

213) .203 Furthermore, she was denied t h e c a p a c i t y t o g i v e , a1 i e n a t e ,

pledge, o r purchase p r o p e r t y w i t h o u t t h e w r i t t e n consent of h e r husband

( A r t i c l e 217). 204 I n t h e f i e l d o f p r o p e r t y r e l a t i o n s , t h e husband was

given a b s o l u t e power t o a d m i n i s t e r t h e community p r o p e r t y of h i s spouse

w i t h o u t h e r concurrence ( A r t i c l e 1 4 2 1 ) ~ ' ~ ;and he was a l s o g i v e n t h e

206
power t o manage a l l h i s w i f e ' s personal p r o p e r t y ( A r t i c l e 1428).

The e f f e c t o f these p r o v i s i o n s , which r e f l e c t e d t h e i n f l u e n c e o f Bonaparte's

a u t h ~ r i t a r i a n i s m ~was
~ ~ ,t o extend t o a l l areas o f France d i s a b i l i t i e s

p r e v i o u s l y known o n l y i n t h e "pays de d r o i t /ecrit." It i s worth noting

t h a t , except f o r a few changes o f small import, t h e c o n d i t i o n o f t h e m a r r i e d

woman under t h e C i v i l Code was n o t a p p r e c i a b l y improved u n t i l t h e passage

208
o f a law on J u l y 13, 1965, by t h e N a t i o n a l Assembly.
 I n t h e f i e l d of successoral l e g i s l a t i o n , t h e C i v i l Code i n c o r p o r a t e d

t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y p r i n c i p l e s concerning r e s t r i c t i o n o f testamentary

l i b e r t y and e q u a l i t y of shares among h e i r s o f t h e same degree o f kindred.

Article 745 o f t h e Code declares t h a t " C h i l d r e n ... succeed ... w i t h o u t

d i s t i n c t i o n o f sex o r p r i m o g e n i t u r e .... They succeed by equal

portions ... when they a r e a l l i n t h e f i r s t degree ...."209 However,

i n c o n t r a s t t o " l e d r o i t r'evolutionnaire", t h e Code was more p e r m i s s i v e

i n t h e freedom g r a n t e d t o t e s t a t o r s t o dispose o f t h e i r p r o p e r t y by

w i 11: a person who leaves one c h i I d may f r e e l y dispose o f one h a l f o f

h i s estate; i f he leaves two c h i l d r e n , one t h i r d ; i f t h r e e o r more c h i l d r e n ,

one f o u r t h ( ~ r t i c l e913). 210 Although r e l a t i v e l y more p e r m i s s i v e than

t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y l e g i s l a t i o n , t h e d i s p o s i t i o n s a u t h o r i z e d by t h e Code

e f f e c t i v e l y prevented t h e c r e a t i o n o f i n e q u a l i t i e s through i n h e r i t a n c e .

The r e t e n t i o n o f t h e R e v o l u t i onary ban on p r i m o g e n i t u r e and unequal

211
inheritances, and t h e v i r t u a l p r o h i b i t i o n o f e n t a i l s ( ~ r t i c l e896) ,
r e f l e c t e d t h e d e s i r e o f t h e n a t i o n t o prevent any r e t u r n t o t h e s i t u a t i o n

which e x i s t e d under t h e o l d regime. The l i b e r a t i o n and d i v i s i o n o f t h e

land r e s u l t i n g from t h e c o l l a p s e o f t h e "r'egime s e i g n e u r i a l " , and t h e

d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e c o r p o r a t e p r o p e r t i e s , had b e n e f i t t e d t h e m i d d l e

classes i n p a r t i c u l a r . I t was thus i n t h e i r i n t e r e s t t o ensure t h a t t h e

p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e C i v i l Code made I r r e v o c a b l e t h e disappearance o f t h e

feudal a r i s t o c r a c y which t h e R e v o l u t i o n had accomplished. As P.

~ e r e b o u r s - Pigeonn i g r e e x p l a i n s : I' ... l a suppression de t o u t e i n g g a l i t 6

6
e n t r e 1 'a7n6 e t l e s puin& 6 t a i t moins i n s p i r k e p a r I e respect dO 2
l l i n d i v i d u a l i t & des puin6s que par l e d k s i r de n i v e l e r l e s f o r t u n e s , les

s i t u a t i o n s , e t dtemp$cher l e r e t o u r d'une f g o d a l i t 6 f o n c i g r e ... e l l e

vise 3 rgduire un c e r t a i n n i v e a u l e rang qu'une f a m i l l e peut a t t e i n d r e ,

pour consacrer l e c a r a c t & r e dkmocratique de l a n a t i o n . 11212

The i n s t i t u t i o n o f adoption was m a i n t a i n e d i n t h e C i v i l Code, b u t

i t was s u b j e c t e d t o many precautions. The adopter had t o be c h i l d l e s s

and o v e r f i f t y years o f age ( ~ r t i c l e3431213; t h e adopted was n o t

p e r m i t t e d t o sever t h e t i e s which bound him t o h i s n a t u r a l f a m i l y ( A r t i c l e

348)214; n o r c o u l d adoption take p l a c e so long as t h e adopted was a minor

( A r t i c l e 346) . 2 1 5

The p r o v i s i o n s concerning t h e s t a t u s o f i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n

r e f l e c t e d t h e i n f l u e n c e o f Bonaparte who m a i n t a i n e d t h a t s o c i e t y has no

i n t e r e s t i n having n a t u r a l c h i l d r e n recognized. 216 Under t h e C i v i 1 Code,

as under t h e o l d regime, they were i s o l a t e d and excluded from t h e f a m i l y ,

unless a f f o r d e d l e g a l r e c o g n i t i o n . T h e i r s i t u a t i o n was e x e m p l i f i e d by

Article 756 of t h e Code r e g a r d i n g successoral r i g h t s : "Natural children

a r e n o t h e i r s ; t h e law does n o t g r a n t t o such any r i g h t s over t h e p r o p e r t y

o f t h e i r f a t h e r o r mother deceased, except when they have been l e g a l l y

recognized. I t does n o t g r a n t t o them any r i g h t o v e r t h e p r o p e r t y o f

r e l a t i o n s o f t h e i r f a t h e r o r mother. 11217
 The Code r e i n f o r c e d t h e d i s a b i l i t i e s o f i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n

by making no p r o v i s i o n t o f a c i l i t a t e i n v e s t i g a t i o n s i n t o q u e s t i o n s o f

paternity; i n f a c t , s c r u t i n y as t o p a t e r n i t y was e x p r e s s l y f o r b i d d e n

( ~ ri ct l e 340). 218 Thus, i n the matter o f natural children, t h e Code

represented a decided r e g r e s s i o n from t h e laws o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n which

had attempted t o remove t h e i r s o c i a l i n f e r i o r i t y .

I n r e t u r n i n g , then, t o t h e q u e s t i o n posed e a r l i e r concerning

t h e Code ~ a ~ o l g oand
n i t s e f f e c t on t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y t r a d i t i o n , it is

e v i d e n t t h a t t h e draftsmen were n o t prepared t o r e j e c t e n t i r e l y " l e

d r o i t r&olutionnaire." While r e v e r t i n g i n p a r t t o t h e j u r i s t i c

t r a d i t i o n s o f France, t h e Code, i n sum, represented a s e t t l e m e n t by way

of As A l b e r t Sore1 remarks: "Le Code c i v i l , c ' e s t l a

j u r i s p r u d e n c e du d r o i t romain e t 1 'usage des coutumes combings ensemble

e t adapt& 3 l a ~ g c l a r a t i o ndes d r o i t s de l'homme, s e l o n l e s moeurs,

conv6nances e t c o n d i t i o n s de 1 a n a t i o n f ranga ise .. ..11220

A r i s i n g o u t o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n , t h e Code Napoleon succeeded i n

p r o v i d i n g t h e n a t i o n w i t h a u n i f i e d system of law which i n c o r p o r a t e d t h e

h i s t o r i c a l t r a d i t i o n w h i l e p r e s e r v i n g t h e e s s e n t i a l p r i n c i p l e s o f 1789.

Indeed, t h e v e r y a c t o f c o d i f i c a t i o n tended t o consol i d a t e t h e s o c i a l

conquests o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n and t o symbolize i t s accomplishments. In this

sense i t was r e v o l u t i o n a r y .
 CHAPTER I V

THE REVOLUTION AND CRIMINAL LEGISLATION

The Work o f the R e v o l u t i o n a r y Assemblies

As n o t e d p r e v i o u s l y , t h e c a h i e r s which t h e c o n s t i t u e n t s d e l i v e r e d

t o t h e i r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s contained numerous demands f o r r a d i c a l reforms

o f t h e c r i m i n a l law and procedure. The p r e p a r a t i o n f o r necessary reform

had been l a r g e l y accompl ished through t h e w r i t i n g s o f Montesquieu,

0
Beccaria, and V o l t a i r e , and t h e a l l e g e d m e r i t s o f E n g l i s h c r i m i n a l
22 1
procedure had r e c e i v e d wide p u b l i c i t y i n t h e years b e f o r e t h e Revolution.

I t was i n e v i t a b l e , t h e r e f o r e , t h a t t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y assemblies would

be c a l l e d upon t o undertake comprehens i v e r e v i s ions t o laws "6cr it e s avec

du l a i t pour l e s Nobles, avec du sang pour l e peuple. ,1222

The C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly, i n r e c o g n i t i o n o f t h e p r e s s i n g need t o

c o r r e c t e x i s t i n g abuses, proceeded w i t h despatch toward t h i s end. As A.

Wattinne observes: "Une f i h r e de t o u t rknover, q u i touchai t \a la

f r g n k s i e , s 8 $ t a i t emparge des e s p r i t s . La r6forme c r i m i n e l l e f u t l a

premi'ere aborde/e.I1 223 As a r e s u l t o f t h i s i n t e n s e a c t i v i t y , two laws o f

g r e a t s i g n i f i c a n c e were enacted on t h e s u b j e c t o f c r i m i n a l procedure:

t h e Decree o f October 8-9, 1789, and t h a t o f September 16-29, 1791.

 The f i r s t o f these two laws, meekly r e g i s t e r e d by t h e parlement

o f P a r i s on October 14, 1 7 8 9 , ~
was
~ ~intended t o r e c t i f y the graver

abuses which required immediate a t t e n t i o n . However, as the preamble

i n d i c a t e d , t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n was considered t o be p r o v i s i o n a l i n nature,

pending a more comprehensive reform i n t h e f u t u r e : "Although t h e

execution o f the whole o f t h i s reform r e q u i r e s l e i s u r e l i n e s s and the

m a t u r i t y o f the deepest r e f l e c t i o n , i t i s , nevertheless, p o s s i b l e t o enable

t h e n a t i o n t o enjoy t h e b e n e f i t o f v a r i o u s p r o v i s i o n s , which, w i t h o u t

subverting t h e order o f procedure a t present followed, would reassure

the innocent and f a c i l i t a t e t h e v i n d i c a t i o n o f those accused. 11225

Under the p r o v i s i o n s o f the Decree o f October 1789, no attempt was

made t o remove t h e e x i s t i n g c r i m i n a l procedure i n i t s e n t i r e t y . Much o f

the w r i t t e n and complex procedure was retained, such as the information,

the r u l i n g t o the "extraordinary" a c t i o n , t h e c o n f i r m a t i o n and t h e

c o n f r o n t a t i o n , the r e p o r t o f the a c t i o n , and t h e f i n a l i n t e r r o g a t i o n . In

f a c t , A r t i c l e 28 o f the Decree s p e c i f i c a l l y provided t h a t the Ordonnance

C r i m i n e l l e o f 1670 remained i n f u l l force: "The Ordinance of 1670 and

t h e e d i c t s and r u l i n g s concerning c r i m i n a l matters s h a l l continue t o be

observed so f a r as c o n s i s t e n t w i t h t h e present Decree, and except as

otherwise f o r m a l l y ordained. ,1226

Nevertheless, various progressive elements were incorporated

i n t o t h e Decree which provided safeguards f o r t h e accused. These

c o n s i s t e d p r i m a r i l y i n t h e allowance and assurance o f defence counsel,

and i n t h e p u b l i c i t y o f t h e procedure r e q u i r e d : " ... a l l the steps

o f t h e examination s h a l l t a k e p l a c e c o n f r o n t a t i v e l y w i t h him,

p u b l i c l y , w i t h t h e doors o f t h e chamber o f examination open ...

( ~ ri ct l e 11). 227 F u r t h e r amendments t o t h e o l d procedure a l s o

a p p r e c i a b l y improved t h e l o t o f t h e accused: reasons had t o be g i v e n

f o r every condemnation t o a f f l i c t i v e o r degrading punishment ( ~ r t i c l e22);

no sentences i n v o l v i n g degrading o r c a p i t a l punishment c o u l d be

pronounced except by a t w o - t h i r d s o r f o u r - f i f t h s m a j o r i t y , r e s p e c t i v e l y ,

o f t h e votes c a s t by t h e judges ( A r t i c l e 25) ; t h e use o f t o r t u r e and

228
o f t h e p r i s o n e r ' s seat were a b o l i s h e d f o r e v e r ( ~ r t i c l e25).

Although t h e Decree o f October 8-9, 1789, was n o t expected t o

have more than an ephemeral e x i s t e n c e , i t served t h e purpose o f

i n t r o d u c i n g immediate reforms i n c r i m i n a l procedure demanded by p u b l i c

opinion. Reform o f a more fundamental n a t u r e would be forthcoming i n

l e s s than two years w i t h t h e promulgation o f t h e Decree o f September 16-29,

1791, which would o r g a n i z e c r i m i n a l procedure on an e n t i r e l y new basis.

I n t h e meantime, v a r i o u s laws were passed by t h e C o n s t i t u e n t

Assembly d u r i n g 1790 which were intended t o ensure e q u a l i t y b e f o r e t h e

law and t o c o n f i n e punishment t o t h e o f f e n d e r h i m s e l f . Article 1 of

t h e law o f January 21, 1790, p r o v i d e d t h a t "offenses o f t h e same n a t u r e

s h a l l be punished by t h e same k i n d of p e n a l t i e s , ' whatever be t h e rank and

t h e s t a t i o n o f t h e offender. "229 T h i s law f u r t h e r declared t h a t " n e i t h e r

t h e death p e n a l t y n o r any infamous punishment whatever s h a l l c a r r y w i t h

i t an i m p u t a t i o n upon t h e o f f e n d e r ' s family", s i n c e " t h e honour o f

those who belong t o h i s f a m i l y i s i n no w i s e t a r n i s h e d . ,230 , The p e n a l t y

o f general c o n f i s c a t i o n o f p r o p e r t y was h e n c e f o r t h abolished, and t h e

r e c o r d o f t h e accused's death was no longer t o i n c l u d e reference t o

t h e mode o f death. 231

The p o s i t i o n o f t h e accused was a l s o strengthened by t h e Decree

Reorganizing t h e J u d i c i a r y o f August 16, 1790. Article 14 o f T i t l e I I

provided t h a t : " I n every c i v i l o r c r i m i n a l m a t t e r t h e arguments r e p o r t s

and judgments s h a l l be p u b l i c , and every c i t i z e n s h a l l have t h e r i g h t

t o defend h i s case i n person, e i t h e r o r a l l y o r i n w r i t i n g . " 2 3 2 Further-

more, t h e f o l l o w i n g A r t i c l e s t i p u l a t e d t h a t : " T r i a l by j u r y s h a l l t a k e

p l a c e i n c r i m i n a l cases; examination s h a l l be made p u b l i c l y ....11233

T h i s r e f e r e n c e t o t r i a l by j u r o r s i n c r i m i n a l m a t t e r s f o r e t o l d t h e

b a s i s upon which t h e Decree o f September 16-29, 1791, reorganized

criminal justice; namely, t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f t h e procedure by j u r y .

The c a h i e r s o f 1789 had demanded t h e i n s t i t u t i o n o f j u r i e s f o r judgment of

f a c t and had recommended t h e study o f t h e E n g l i s h system where t h e

accused was t r i e d by t w e l v e o f h i s f e l l o w - c i t i z e n s . 234 However t h e

i m p o r t a t i o n i n t o France o f t h e E n g l i s h c r i m i n a l procedure was an arduous

task. I n England, t h e examination p r i o r t o t r i a l was e n t r u s t e d almost

e n t i r e l y t o j u s t i c e s o f t h e peace, and i t formed b u t an i n s i g n i f i c a n t

element i n t h e t o t a l proceedings. I n France, on t h e o t h e r hand, t h e

*
examination by t h e judge had c o n s t i t u t e d t h e g r e a t e s t p a r t o f t h e

procedure and represented t h e f o u n d a t i o n o f t h e whole e d i f i c e . 235

Again, i n England, t h e procedure was e n t i r e l y o r a l and precluded t h e

reading o f w r i t t e n d e p o s i t i o n s t o t h e t r i a l j u r y , whereas a c t i o n s i n

France were judged main l y upon wr it t e n documents.

236

A f t e r prolonged debate, t h e l e g i s l a t i v e committee o f t h e

C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly decided t o s a c r i f i c e t h e t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s

o f France t o t h e p r i n c i p l e s o f E n g l i s h c r i m i n a l procedure which were

f e l t t o be i n harmony w i t h t h e s p i r i t o f t h e evolution.^^^ Theessential

c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e new system, which were i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o t h e Decree o f

September 16-29, 1791, were t h e a d o p t i o n o f t h e " j u r y d ' a c c u s a t i o n " and t h e

" j u r y de jugement" which corresponded t o t h e Engl i s h grand j u r y and t r i a l j u r y .

The Decree p r o v i d e d f o r an o r a l , p u b l i c , and uncomplicated procedure

b e f o r e t h e c r i m i n a l t r i b u n a l and t h e " j u r y de jugement", which was t o be

composed o f t w e l v e j u r o r s . The o r a l c h a r a c t e r o f t h e procedure was

p r e c i s e l y defined: "The examination o f t h e w i t n e s s s h a l l always be made

o r a l l y and w i t h o u t w r i t i n g o u t t h e i r depositions" (Part I I , T i t . V I I ,

A r t . 3) .238
I t was recognized, however, t h a t no s e r v i l e i m i t a t i o n o f t h e

E n g l i s h system was p o s s i b l e and t h a t v a r i o u s p a r t i c u l a r s would have t o

be changed. U n l i k e t h e E n g l i s h t r a d i t i o n , which r e q u i r e d t h e judge t o

r e s t a t e t h e issues t o be s o l v e d a t t h e conclusion of t h e argument, t h e

Decree s t l p u l a t e d t h a t issues should be p u t t o t h e j u r o r s i n w r i t i n g

so t h a t they had o n l y t o r e p l y by "yes" or Furthermore,

t h e Decree d i d n o t adhere t o t h e t r a d i t i o n a l E n g l i s h r u l e r e q u i r i n g

t h e j u r y ' s d e c i s i o n t o be unanimous: "But the opinion of three jurors

ought always t o be s u f f i c i e n t , i n t h e accused's favour, e i t h e r t o decide

t h a t t h e f a c t i s n o t c e r t a i n , o r t o decide i n h i s favour t h e q u e s t i o n s
2 40
p u t by t h e p r e s i d e n t r e l a t i v e t o i n t e n t " - ( p a r t I I , T i t . V I I , A r t . 28).

W i t h t h e enactment o f t h e Decree o f September 16-29, 1791,

e s t a b l i s h i n g t h e " j u r y d'accusation" and t h e " j u r y de jugement", the

C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly achieved a t r u l y r a d i c a l d e p a r t u r e from e x i s t i n g

c r i m i n a l procedure. I n t h e case o f proceedings b e f o r e t h e t r i a l j u r y ,

p r o g r e s s i v e r u l e s were s e t f o r t h t h a t assured t o t h e accused those

indispensable guarantees o f which he had been so long deprived. However,

t h e p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e Decree concerning p r e l i m i n a r y examination b e f o r e

commencement o f t r i a l were less successful. I n t h i s area, an i m p e r f e c t

and inadequate mechanism was s u b s t i t u t e d i n p l a c e o f t h e o l d procedure.

The s e c r e t p r e l i m i n a r y examination, which had been t h e longest and

most i m p o r t a n t p a r t o f t h e proceedings under t h e o l d regime, was reduced

t o a summary examination b e f o r e t h e o f f i c e r o f t h e j u d i c i a l p o l i c e , t o

t h e p o s s i b l e h e a r i n g o f witnesses by t h e " j u r y d'accusation", and t o t h e

i n t e r r o g a t i o n o f t h e accused by the d i r e c t o r o f t h i s j u r y . The j u s t i c e

o f t h e peace, who was p r i m a r i l y t h e m a g i s t r a t e o f d e t e c t i v e p o l i c e ,

 r 66

caused t h e appearance b e f o r e him o f those accused o f crimes by means

o f a "warrant o f product ion. "241 l f , upon i n t e r r o g a t i o n o f t h e accused,

he b e l i e v e d t h e r e were no grounds f o r c r i m i n a l p r o s e c u t i o n , t h e accused

was s e t f r e e ; i f n o t , t h e l a t t e r was imprisoned b y v i r t u e o f a "warrant

o f a r r e s t . ,1242
i

The j u s t i c e o f t h e peace c o u l d i n i t i a t e a c t i o n e i t h e r o f f i c i a l l y

o r by means o f a complaint l a i d by an i n j u r e d p a r t y . 243 ~ h u s ,c r i m i n a l

p r o s e c u t i o n s were no longer e x c l u s i v e l y i n i t i a t e d by t h e S t a t e , and t h e

f u n c t i o n s o f t h e p u b l i c prosecutor were g r e a t l y diminished. Conversely,

p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s were allowed much g r e a t e r and more e f f e c t i v e r i g h t s

o f a c c u s a t i o n than f o r m e r l y . N o t w i t h s t a n d i n g these changes, t h e Decree

unwisely c r e a t e d a c o n f l i c t o f i n t e r e s t w i t h respect t o t h e powers

conferred upon t h e j u s t i c e o f t h e peace. As t h e i n d i v i d u a l occupying

t h i s p o s i t i o n was a u t h o r i z e d t o i n i t i a t e c r i m i n a l proceedings, two

q u a l i f i c a t i o n s were u n i t e d i n h i s person which should have been k e p t

244
separate: those o f p r o s e c u t o r and o f examining m a g i s t r a t e .

Although t h e n e x t stage o f t h e proceedings was h e l d behind c 1osed

doors, more emphasis was placed on o r a l examination and t h e p u b l i c was

now represented by t h e " j u r y d ' a c c u s a t i o n .I1 T h i s body, c o n s i s t i n g 0f

e i g h t j u r o r s , was charged w i t h t h e d u t y o f d e t e r m i n i n g whether t h e

p r o s e c u t i o n should go forward o r be d i s a l l o w e d . I f t h e j u r y allowed t h e

p r o s e c u t i o n , an " a c t e d'accusation" was drawn up and t h e m a t t e r then

passed t o t h e c r i m i n a l t r i b u n a l and t h e t r i a l j u r y .
*
 Thus t h e p r e l i m i n a r y examination, which c o n s t i t u t e d n e a r l y t h e

whole o f t h e a c t i o n under t h e o l d system, was g r e a t l y reduced i n

importance. I t c o u l d c o n s i s t merely o f summary examination by t h e

j u s t i c e o f t h e peace, and t h e h e a r i n g o f witnesses by t h e " j u r y d'accusation."

Although w r i t t e n d e p o s i t i o n s were taken, t h e i r purpose was o n l y t o serve

as i n f o r m a t i o n ; they were submitted n e i t h e r t o t h e " j u r y d'accusation" n o r

t o t h e " j u r y de jugement. "245 However t h e accused's p o s i t i o n was

p r e j u d i c e d a t t r i a l by t h e f a c t t h a t these "notes d ' i n t e r r o g a t o i re" and

" 6 c l a i r c i ssemen t s par 'ecri t" were made a v a i 1 a b l e t o t h e pub1 ic prosecutor,

246
b u t n o t t o t h e defence.

The system o f p r e l i m i n a r y examination inaugurated by t h e Decree

o f September 16-29, 1791 was n o t d e s t i n e d t o have l a s t i n g success.

D e s p i t e t h e f a c t t h a t t h e new procedures represented a v a s t improvement

o v e r t h e s e c r e t and i n q u i s i t o r i a l methods they replaced, experience showed

t h a t t o o much r e l i a n c e had been placed upon t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s assigned

t o t h e j u s t i c e o f t h e peace. Furthermore, t h e r i g h t o f p r o s e c u t i o n

c o n f e r r e d upon p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s proved t o be unsuccessful as w e l l .

A. Esmein e x p l a i n s t h e reasons f o r these f a i l u r e s : "Le juge de p a i x

franfais 6 t a i t un t r o p p e t i t personnage, un m a g i s t r a t t r o p peu i n s t r u i t ,

pour b i e n j o u e r l e r81e important q u i l u i 6 t a i t d&volu; e t dans n o t r e pays

l e s i n d i v i d u s sont peu e n c l i n s p r e n d r e en mains 1 1 i n t 6 r S t p u b l i c , lorsque

leur intgri3t p r i v 6 n ' e s t pas en j e u . 1,247

 I n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h i t s work on c r i m i n a l procedure, t h e C o n s t i t u e n t

Assembly brought t o completion a Penal Code on September 25, 1791. The

Assembly had p r e v i o u s l y p r o c l a i m e d t h e b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s o f c r i m i n a l l a w

i n t h e D e c l a r a t i o n of t h e R i g h t s o f Man o f August 26, 1789. Article 8

o f t h i s document declared t h a t : "La l o i ne d o i t 6 t a b l i r que des peines

s t r i c t e m e n t e t gvidemment ngcessai res, e t nu1 ne peut E t r e puni qu'en

v e r t u d'une l o i &tab1 i e e t promulgu6e antgrieurement au d6l i t , e t

248
lkgalemen t appl iqu6e.I' These p r i n c i p l e s were d u l y a p p l i e d i n t h e Penal

Code which e s t a b l i s h e d t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f crimes and punishments by

w r i t t e n law. Under i t s p r o v i s i o n s , no person c o u l d be sentenced t o a

punishment o t h e r than t h a t which t h e law had f o r m a l l y s p e c i f i e d f o r a

crime d e f i n e d p r i o r t o i t s commission.

The p e n a l t i e s p r e s c r i b e d by t h e Code, i n c o n t r a s t t o those o f t h e

o l d regime, were n e i t h e r a r b i t r a r y , a t r o c i o u s , n o r p e r p e t u a l . The

i n f l i c t i o n o f t h e death p e n a l t y was l i m i t e d t o d e c a p i t a t i o n , and c o r p o r a l

m u t i l a t i o n was v i r t u a l l y a b o l i s h e d . The p r i n c i p l e t h a t offenses o f t h e

same n a t u r e should be punished by t h e same k i n d o f p e n a l t i e s , irrespective

o f t h e rank o f t h e p e r p e t r a t o r , was exempl i f i e d by A r t i c l e 3 o f t h e Code

deal i n g wi t h capi t a l punishment: "Tout condamn6 aura l a t E t e tranchge. ,1249

I n t h i s regard, M. Foucault observes: "La q u i l l o t i n e u t i l i s g e 3 p a r t i r

de mars 1792, c ' e s t l a mkcanique adgquate $ ces p r i n c i p e s . ,,250

The Code was d i v i d e d i n t o two main p a r t s , t h e f i r s t d e a l i n g w i t h

t h e v a r i o u s punishments p r e s c r i b e d f o r c o n v i c t e d c r i m i n a l s . These

*
punishments were death, l a b o u r i n chains, confinement, t r a n s p o r t a t i o n ,

and c i v i c degradation. 251 The second main p a r t o f t h e Code embraced t h e

d e f i n i t i o n s o f s p e c i f i c crimes and was s u b d i v i d e d i n t o two t i t l e s ; the '

f i r s t t i t l e d e a l t w i t h crimes a g a i n s t p u b l i c i n t e r e s t s , t h e second, w i t h
2 52
crimes a g a i n s t i n d i v i d u a l s .

The general system o f c r i m i n a l law r e s u l t i n g from t h i s body o f

l e g i s l a t i o n was g r e a t l y s u p e r i o r t o t h a t which e x i s t e d p r i o r t o t h e

Revolution. Nevertheless, c e r t a i n d e f e c t s , r e s u l t i n g from a r e a c t i o n t o

t h e p r e v i o u s regime, were apparent. Through a v e r s i o n t o a r b i t r a r y

punishments , t h e p e n a l t y f o r each o f f e n s e was f i x e d s p e c i f i c a l l y and

unalterably. As t h e judge was r e q u i r e d t o a p p l y t h e w r i t t e n l e g a l p r o v i s i o n

w i t h o u t regard t o e x t e n u a t i n g circumstances, h i s f u n c t i o n was reduced t o

t h e reading o f a law. I f found g u i l t y , t h e accused was a t once subjected

t o t h e r i g i d l e g a l punishment w h i c h c o u l d n o t even be v a r i e d between a

minimum and a maximum. The r e s u l t o f t h i s system, observes C. von Bar,

"was t h a t t h e p e n a l t y was f r e q u e n t l y d i s p r o p o r t i o n e d t o t h e deed which i t

aimed t o repress; and t h a t j u r i e s , making a compromise w i t h t h e i r consciences,

p r e f e r r e d t o a c q u i t t h e o f f e n d e r r a t h e r than t o b r i n g upon him a punishment

which they regarded as exaggerated. 1,253

A second d e f e c t o f t h e Penal Code o f 1791 was the a b o l i t i o n o f t h e

e x e c u t i v e power o f pardon f o r a l l o f f e n s e s t r i e d by j u r i e s i it. VI,

Art. 13). 254 T h i s p r o v i s i o n a l s o represented a r e a c t i o n t o p r e v i o u s

abuses, and doubtless expressed t h e confidence t h a t the l e g i s l a t i v e reforms

enacted would h e n c e f o r t h render unnecessary t h e a n c i e n t r i g h t o f pardon.

Nevertheless, t h e d e c i s i o n t o remove t h i s r i g h t was i n e r r o r . As C.

von Bar remarks: 'I... t h e power o f pardon must have a p l a c e i n any

r a t i o n a l system as t h e necessary complement o f s o c i a l j u s t ice. ,1255

A f t e r t h e d i s s o l u t i o n o f the C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly, relatively

l i t t l e was done by t h e succeeding L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly i n t h e f i e l d o f

criminal legislation. The achievements o f t h e f i r s t Assembly had been

considerable i n t h i s regard, and t h e changes r e a l i z e d i n p r o c e d u r a l and

penal laws were now taken t o be s u b s t a n t i a l l y complete. However t h e

Convention, i n i t s t u r n , e l e c t e d t o c o n t i n u e t h e work o f penal reform and,

by t h e Decree of 23 F r u c t i d o r , An I I , commissioned t h e j u r i s t M e r l i n t o
2 56
prepare a comprehensive code on t h e whole o f c r i m i n a l l e g i s l a t i o n .

The new code was t o encompass b o t h procedural and penal l e g i s l a t i o n , and

i t s s p e c i a l purpose was t o p r o v i d e a work a t once s y n t h e t i c and d e t a i l e d ,

2 57
as d i s t i n g u i s h e d from t h e laws o f t h e C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly.

I n pursuance o f t h e Decree, a d r a f t o f t h e Code o f Offenses and

Punishments (code des d 6 l i t s e t des peines) was presented t o t h e Convention

on 3 Brumaire, An I V ( ~ c t o b e r25, 1795). Begun e i g h t e e n months e a r l i e r ,

t h e Code was p r i n c i p a l l y t h e work o f M e r l i n and represented a p r o d i g i o u s

t a s k f o r one i n d i v i d u a l . I t was v o t e d i n t o law i n two s i t t i n g s o f ' t h e

258
Convention which adopted i t i n r e l i a n c e upon t h e a u t h o r ' s sponsorship.

The Code o f Brumaire was p r i m a r i l y a code o f c r i m i n a l procedure;

s u b s t a n t i v e penal law occupied o n l y a l i m i t e d p l a c e i n i t s p r o v i s i o n s .

e
Although some o f t h e p r i n c i p l e s a f f i r m e d i n t h e laws o f 1791 were somewhat

p a l l i a t e d , no changes were made i n t h e broad f e a t u r e s o f t h e p r e v i o u s

l e g i s l a t i o n .259 However s e v e r a l amendments were i n t r o d u c e d which concerned

procedural d e t a i 1s.

Whereas t h e Decree o f September 16-29, 1791, had been exceedingly

b r i e f r e g a r d i n g t h e p a r t t o be played by t h e j u s t i c e o f t h e peace i n t h e

p r e l i m i n a r y examination, t h e Code o f Offenses and Punishments devoted

260
t h i r t y a r t i c l e s t o t h i s subject. S i m i l a r l y , t h e new Code d e a l t more

m i n u t e l y w i t h t h e proceedings b e f o r e t h e t r i a l j u r y . T h i s was a n a t u r a l

e v o l u t i o n r e s u l t i n g from procedures t h a t g r a d u a l l y became more p r e c i s e

and s t a n d a r d i z e d w i t h t h e development o f an i n s t i t u t i o n unknown t o t h e

o l d law.

Again, w h i l e t h e new Code continued t h e p r i n c i p l e o f o r a l i t y i n

c r i m i n a l proceedings, more emphasis was p l a c e d upon w r i t t e n documents

d u r i n g t h e course o f p r e l i m i n a r y examination. Although t h e i r use was

now p e r m i t t e d a t t r i a l , they had t o be p l a c e d a t t h e disposa o f the

261
accused and h i s counsel as w e l l as t h e p u b l i c accuser.

Other t h a n these m o d i f i c a t i o n s , t h e system o f c r i m i n a l procedure

contained i n t h e Code o f 1795 was e s s e n t i a l l y t h e one e s t a b l shed

e a r l i e r by t h e C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly. I n l i k e manner, t h e p o r t i o n of

t h e new Code d e a l i n g w i t h s u b s t a n t i v e penal law d i d n o t depart from t h e

p r i n c i p l e s embodied i n t h e Penal Code o f September 25, 1791. The

p r o v i s i o n s devoted t o t h e enumeration and d e f i n i t i o n o f crimes and

punishments confirmed t h e general system o f penal law i n s t i t u t e d by

2 62
t h e former Code, including the defects r e f e r r e d t o previously.

I n s p i t e o f t h e i r imperfections, t h e c r i m i n a l laws enacted by t h e

C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly and t h e Convention c o n s t i t u t e d a d e f i n i t e break

w i t h t h e past. I n p l a c e o f a procedure t h a t had been s e c r e t , inquisitorial,

and h i g h l y u n f a v o u r a b l e t o t h e accused, t h e r e was s u b s t i t u t e d one which

assured t o him many safeguards. Furthermore, t h e e l i m i n a t i o n o f t h e many

grave abuses which had c h a r a c t e r i z e d t h e penal law o f t h e o l d regime

represented a fundamental r e f o r m o f t h e g r e a t e s t importance.

As no f u r t h e r a l t e r a t i o n s were made t o t h e Code o f Offenses and

Punishments d u r i n g t h e balance o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y decade, i t remained

i n f u l l f o r c e u n t i l t h e e a r l y p e r i o d o f t h e Consulate.

Le Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e o f 1808; and l e Code pdnal o f 1810

The two codes o f t h e Napoleonic p e r i o d concerning c r i m i n a l procedure

and s u b s t a n t i v e c r i m i n a l law continued many o f t h e changes t h a t were

introduced during t h e Revolutionary period. Nevertheless these codes a l s o

c o n t a i n e d r e a c t i o n a r y elements which u n e q u i v o c a l l y r e f l e c t e d t h e

a u t h o r i t a r i a n views o f Bonaparte.
263
 C r i m i n a l procedure, i n p a r t i c u l a r , underwent a r a d i c a l change

a f t e r Napoleon's assumption t o power. An e a r l y amendment t o t h e r u l e s

was c o n t a i n e d i n t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 22 F r i m a i r e , An V I I I , where i t was

decreed t h a t t h e p u b l i c prosecutor was h e n c e f o r t h t o be t h e agent and

nominee o f t h e e x e c u t i v e power: "The d u t i e s o f p u b l i c p r o s e c u t o r b e f o r e

a c r i m i n a l c o u r t s h a l l be performed by t h e commissioner o f t h e Government"

it. V , A r t . 63). 264 Thus t h e stage was s e t f o r t h e r e i n s t it u t i o n o f

t h e o l d o f f i c e o f p u b l i c prosecutor i n i t s e n t i r e t y i n t h e proceedings

b e f o r e t h e c r i m i n a l courts.

L e g i s l a t i o n followed s h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r which marked a d i s t i n c t

r e t u r n t o the past. Under t h e Law o f 7 PluviGse, An I X , t h e p r e l i m i n a r y

examination was reorganized along l i n e s a k i n t o t h e o l d procedure:

witnesses were t o be heard o u t o f t h e accused's presence, and judges were

n o t r e q u i r e d , a t t h e o u t s e t , t o g i v e t h e accused any i n f o r m a t i o n concerning

t h e charges brought a g a i n s t him. 265 I n a d d i t i o n , t h e new l e g i s l a t i o n

m a t e r i a l l y a l t e r e d t h e proceedings b e f o r e t h e " j u r y d'accusation" w i t h

t h e s u b s t i t u t i o n o f w r i t t e n f o r o r a l procedure. 266 However t h e p r o v i s i o n s

o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y laws were p a r t l y r e t a i n e d i n t h a t t h e accused was

a l l o w e d t o review t h e d e p o s i t i o n s placed b e f o r e t h e " j u r y d ' a c c u s a t i o n ' ,

267
a f t e r which he c o u l d i n s i s t upon a second i n t e r r o g a t i o n by t h e judge.

The Law o f 7 P l u v i a s e a l s o c a l l e d f o r t h e appointment of deputy

governmentcommissioners i n every arrondissement , and gave them power

t o imprison pending t h e r e p o r t o f t h e " j u r y d'accusation." These

C
deputies, a p p o i n t e d by t h e F i r s t Consul, were t o r e c e i v e denunciations

and c o m p l a i n t s and t o prosecute a l l manner o f crimes. Justices o f the

peace were h e n c e f o r t h placed under d e p u t i e s ' o r d e r s and thus became

2 68
mere ass i s t a n t s o f t h e pub1 ic prosecutor.

T h i s l e g i s l a t i o n , then, showed a d e f i n i t e r e t u r n t o t h e o l d system

o f p r e l i m i n a r y examination w h i l e t h e r u l e s o f t h e Codes o f 1791 and

1795 were, i n t h i s respect, abandoned. However as no changes were made

i n t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y laws concerning procedure b e f o r e t h e j u r i s d i c t i o n s

o f judgment, i t was e v i d e n t t h a t a compromise between t h e o l d and t h e

new was s t i l l d e s i r e d . The Law o f 7 P l u v i a s e t h u s represented a t r a n s i t i o n

between t h e codes o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y p e r i o d and t h e "Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n

c r i m i n e l le" o f 1808.

The C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 22 F r i m a i r e , An V I I I , l i k e those which had

proceeded i t , guaranteed judgment by j u r y f o r a l l a c t i o n s determined t o

be crimes: " i n t h e case o f crimes e n t a i l i n g c o r p o r a l o r ignominious

p e n a l t i e s , a f i r s t j u r y s h a l l admit o r r e j e c t t h e i n d i c t m e n t ; i f i t be

admitted, a second j u r y s h a l l t a k e cognizance o f t h e f a c t s , and t h e

judges f o r m i n g a c r i m i n a l c o u r t , s h a l l a p p l y t h e p e n a l t y ...I1 i it. V,

A r t . 6 2 ) . 269 i n s p i t e o f t h i s constitutional provision, the retention

o f t h e j u r y system was by no means assured. T h i s i n s t i t u t i o n was t h e

o b j e c t o f c o n t i n u i n g c r i t i c i s m on t h e p a r t o f t h e magistracy and, more

2 70
importantly, i t was looked upon w i t h d i s f a v o u r by t h e F i r s t Consul.
 I n p r a c t i c e , t h e t r i a l j u r y had n o t proved e n t i r e l y e f f e c t i v e

because o f reasons o f i n t i m i d a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l p r e j u d i c e . The problem

o f brigandage, i n p a r t i c u l a r , had c r e a t e d an environment i n which t h e

j u r y was hard p u t t o p e r f o r m i t s d u t i e s adequately. J u r i e s were

c r i t i c i z e d f o r b e i n g t o o timorous, f o r a l l o w i n g two many crimes t o go

27 1
unpunished, and f o r being t o o s u s c e p t i b l e t o p o l i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e .

However as any suggestions t o d e s t r o y t h e j u r y sys tern met w i t h

s t u r d y r e s i s t a n c e by many o f t h e l e g i s l a t o r s , Bonaparte r e s o l v e d t o reduce

i t s i n f l u e n c e w i t h t h e establishment o f a c o n c u r r e n t c r i m i n a l j u r i s d i c t i o n .

Two j u r i s d i c t i o n s were proposed, t h e one e n t a i l i n g t h e use o f t h e j u r y

f o r o r d i n a r y c r i m i n a l cases, t h e o t h e r i n v o l v i n g t h e use o f s p e c i a l

c o u r t s w i t h o u t j u r i e s t o deal w i t h cases o f armed r e b e l l i o n o r t h r e a t s

t o t h e i n t e r n a l s a f e t y o f t h e State.

A f t e r much acrimonious debate, t h e l e g i s l a t u r e allowed t h i s d u a l i t y

t o e x i s t i n t h e Law o f 18 P l u v i 8 s e , An I X . 272 Many members o f t h e

T r i b u n a t e were s t r o n g l y opposed t o what they considered t o be t h e

r e e s t a b l ishment o f t h e " p r & o t a l " c o u r t s o f t h e o l d regime. Assurances

by t h e government t h a t these were temporary measures d i d n o t assuage t h e i r

concern, f o r they r e a l i z e d t h a t p r o v i s i o n a l m a t t e r s tend t o become d e f i n i t e .

I n fact, t h e newly created system was d e s t i n e d t o pass i n t o t h e "Code

d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e " which m a i n t a i n e d t h e s p e c i a l c o u r t s as a

273
permanent i n s t i t u t i o n i it. V I , Book 1 1 , A r t . 553 t o 599).
 Several o f t h e p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e Law o f 18 P l u v i 8 s e were

regressive i n nature. The accused was denied an opportun it y t o prepare

h i s defence, and t h e r i g h t t o be released on b a i l was abo 1 ished.

Furthermore, t h e judges o f t h e s p e c i a l c o u r t s were n o t r e q u i r e d t o

p r o v i d e grounds f o r judgment, and the r i g h t t o appeal from t h e i r

d e c i s i o n s was den ied.274 C e r t a i n Rev01 u t i o n a r y reforms were maintained,

nonetheless: t h e procedure was p u b l i c and o r a l , and t h e accused had

t h e b e n e f i t o f counsel and t h e r i g h t t o know immediately t h e n a t u r e o f

t h e charge a g a i n s t him. 275

C o n c u r r e n t l y w i t h t h e establishment o f t h e s p e c i a l c o u r t s , p r e l i m i n a r y

work had begun on t h e r e c a s t i n g o f a l l c r i m i n a l l e g i s l a t i o n by an

appointed commission. I n i t i a l l y a s i n g l e t e x t was contemplated, c o n t a i n i n g

t h e r u l e s o f c r i m i n a l procedure and s u b s t a n t i v e c r i m i n a l law. However i t w a s

e v e n t u a l l y decided t h a t procedure should be d e a l t w i t h f i r s t because

r e g u l a t i o n s governing procedure tend t o f a c i l i t a t e t h e f o r m a t i o n o f o p i n i o n

2 76
concerning s u b s t a n t i v e law.

I n due course, a d r a f t o f procedural law was submitted by t h e

commission which preserved t h e j u r y system w h i l e i n c o r p o r a t i n g several

changes i n i t s r u l e s and composition. Since i t was f e l t t h a t t h e e x i s t i n g

system o f choosing j u r o r s had r e s u l t e d i n t o o many bad s e l e c t i o n s ,

r e s t r i c t i o n s were i n t r o d u c e d which r e q u i r e d f u t u r e j u r o r s t o meet c e r t a i n

census q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . I n a d d i t i o n , t h e p a r t i e s t o an a c t i o n were g i v e n
t h e r i g h t t o cha l l e n g e , i n c o u r t , t h e proposed panel o f j u r o r s . Finally,

t h e r u l e o f unan i m i t y was suggested f o r t h e d e c i s i o n s o f t h e t r i a l j u r y ,

as was t h e p r a c t i c e i n England. 277

I n view o f t h e many r e s e r v a t i o n s expressed concerning t h e wisdom

o f r e t a i n i n g t h e j u r y system, an e x t e n s i v e i n q u i r y was ordered by

Bonaparte t o o b t a i n t h e o p i n i o n s o f t h e m a g i s t r a c y on t h e work o f t h e

commissioners. As soon as t h e d r a f t l e g i s l a t i o n was reviewed by t h e c o u r t s ,

i t became c l e a r t h a t many were h o s t i l e t o t h e i n s t i t u t i o n o f t h e j u r y

and wished t o see i t suppressed. The f a c t t h a t England was t h e implacable

enemy o f France a t t h i s time doubtless i n f l u e n c e d o p i n i o n . However a

genuine b e l i e f was expressed t h a t t h e Ordinance o f 1670, as m o d i f i e d by

t h e Decrees o f 1789, o f f e r e d more safeguards t o t h e accused. As A. Esmein

observes: 'I... l a prockdure c r i m i n e l l e de l ' a n c i e n d r o i t , purge'es de ses

a t r o c i ti% e t de ses i n j u s t i c e s , avai t conservg de nombreux p a r t i s a n s . 11278

O f t h e seventy f i v e c r i m i n a l c o u r t s whose o b s e r v a t i o n s were published,

o n l y twenty s i x were i n favour o f r e t a i n i n g t h e j u r y ; twenty t h r e e d i d

n o t express an o p i n i o n f o r o r a g a i n s t ; w h i l e twenty s i x , m a i n l y from

t h e s o u t h o f France, pronounced a g a i n s t i t s r e t e n t i o n . 2 7 9 Thus t h e

problem o f whether t o r e t a i n t h e j u r y remained a b u r n i n g question.

The d r a f t o f t h e suggested c r i m i n a l code, t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e r e s u l t s

o f t h e i n q u i r y , came b e f o r e t h e l e g i s l a t i v e s e c t i o n o f t h e Council o f

S t a t e on May 22, 1804. P r i o r t o t h e commencement o f d i s c u s s i o n on t h e

proposed l e g i s l a t i o n , Napoleon o r d e r e d t h e d r a f t i n g o f a l i s t o f

fundamental questions t o serve as a b a s i s f o r debate i n t h e Counci 1 o f

State. A c c o r d i n g l y , fourteen q u e s t i o n s were d u l y submitted, t h e f i r s t

seven concerning t h e i n s t i t u t i o n o f t h e j u r y . These seven questions

were as f o l l o w s : S h a l l t h e i n s t i t u t i o n o f t h e j u r y be preserved? Shall

t h e r e be a grand j u r y ? How s h a l l t h e j u r o r s be appointed; from what

c l a s s s h a l l they be appointed; by whom a r e they t o be appointed? How

i s t h e c h a l l e n g e t o be exercised? S h a l l t h e examination be p u r e l y o r a l ,

o r p a r t l y o r a l and p a r t l y w r i t t e n ? S h a l l s e v e r a l questions be p u t

t o t h e j u r y , o r o n l y one: " I s t h e accused g u i l t y o r n o t g u i l t y ? " Shall

t h e v e r d i c t t o t h e j u r y be unanimous o r s h a l l a c e r t a i n number of votes

280
determine t h e issue?

The main p a r t o f t h e debate thus r e v o l v e d around t h e is-sue o f t h e

j u r y and a l t h o u g h several argued f o r i t s suppression, o t h e r s , n o t

w i s h i n g t o abandon t h e p r i n c i p l e s o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n , defended i t w i t h

a b i l i t y and eloquence. A f t e r l i s t e n i n g t o t h e c o n f l i c t i n g arguments,

Napoleon s e t f o r t h h i s own o p i n i o n s on t h e s u b j e c t . A d e s p o t i c government

c o u l d more e a s i l y i n f l u e n c e a j u r y than a judge, and, g i v e n t h e p u b l i c i t y

o f proceedings and counsel f o r t h e defence, t h e j u r y represented a

s u p e r f l u o u s guarantee. Furthermore, a j u r y would always a c q u i t a person

who c o u l d a f f o r d a lawyer, and always condone an o f f e n c e a g a i n s t t h e

police. one the less, i f t h e j u r y was p r o p e r l y composed i t might have a

p l a c e i n c r i m i n a l proceedings, as long as t h e s p e c i a l c o u r t s were
28 1
a v a i l a b l e t o p u n i s h o r g a n i z e d crime.

I n s p i t e o f Napoleon's unmistakable ideas concerning t h e j u r y ,

t h e members o f t h e Council o n l y p a r t i a l l y concurred w i t h them and, in

due course, t h e r e t e n t i o n o f b o t h grand j u r y and t r i a l j u r y was v o t e d

i n principle.282 As t h e m a t t e r now appeared t o be a t an end on t h i s

p o i n t , t h e C o u n c i l proceeded t o h o l d several sessions on o t h e r p a r t s of

the d r a f t l e g i s l a t i o n . However t h i s body was soon presented w i t h another

d r a f t law proposing t h e amalgamation o f c i v i l and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e , which

was t o g i v e e f f e c t t o Bonaparte's i n t e n t i o n . I n answer t o t h e arguments

p u t forward f o r i t s a d o p t i o n , i t was s t a t e d t h a t , under t h e suggested

p l a n o f w i d e r j u d i c i a l competence, t h e use o f t h e j u r y would be

impossible i n p r a c t i c e . Taking n o t e o f t h e o b j e c t i o n s , Napoleon t a c i t l y

withdrew h i s p l a n and s h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r t h e work o f t h e commission was

suspended. I t was apparent t h a t Bonaparte b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e moment was

n o t f a v o u r a b l e t o press f o r t h e suppression o f t h e j u r y b u t t h a t o p i n i o n

wou I d change o v e r time. 283 Thus a1 1 t h e m a t t e r s r e l a t i n g t o c r i m i n a l

1aw and procedure were a l l o w e d t o f a l l i n t o o b l i v i o n f o r a t h r e e year

Per iod.

When t h e debate was resumed i n January, 1808, i t was decided t o

separate p r o c e d u r a l law from s u b s t a n t i v e law. The former was presented

as a d r a f t Code o f C r i m i n a l Procedure (code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e ) ,

t h e l a t t e r as a d r a f t Penal Code (code p & a l ) .

6
 Concerning p r o c e d u r a l m a t t e r s , t h e g r e a t problem o f t h e i n s t i t u t i o n

o f t h e j u r y c o n t i n u e d t o dominate discussion. I n t h e end, a compromise

s o l u t i o n was agreed upon: t h e t r i a l j u r y would be r e t a i n e d , p r o v i d e d

i t was p r o p e r l y c o n s t i t u t e d ; and t h e grand j u r y would be abolished, its

f u n c t i o n s b e i n g t r a n s f e r r e d t o a s p e c i a l s e c t i o n o f t h e Court o f Appeal.

The f a c t t h a t t h e grand j u r y was guaranteed by t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 22

F r i m a i r e , An V I I I , d i d n o t prove t o be a d e t e r r e n t . As S. Esmein

explains: "On passa o u t r e d e c l a r a n t , p a r un de ces i n g i h i e u r s d'etours

s i souvent employ6s $ c e t t e Cpoque, que l a Cour d ' a p p e l 6 t a i t l e

m e i l l e u r des j u r y s d'accusation." 284 Thus, i n t h e prolonged s t r u g g l e

between t h e procedure by j u r y and t h e Ordinance o f 1670, t h e former can

be s a i d t o have gained a p a r t i a l v i c t o r y .

But w h i l e t h e Code o f C r i m i n a l Procedure based i t s r u l e s f o r t h e

t r i a l i n c o u r t upon t h e l e g i s l a t i o n o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n , i t borrowed from

t h e Ordinance o f 1670 almost a l l i t s r u l e s concerning t h e p r e l i m i n a r y

examination. Witnesses' d e p o s i t i o n s were t o be taken s e c r e t l y i n t h e

presence o f t h e examining judge and h i s c l e r k , and i n t h e absence o f

t h e accused; t h e judge c o u l d n o t be compelled t o hear witnesses nominated

by t h e accused; and t h e accused was kept i n complete ignorance o f t h e

testimony g i v e n , and t h e n a t u r e o f t h e charges l a i d , throughout t h i s

2 85
stage o f t h e proceedings ( ~ r t 71
. t o 86).
 I n comparison, under t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y laws t h e accused had been

allowed t o be present a t t h e h e a r i n g o f witnesses, and t h e complaint

and a i l documents had been read t o him b e f o r e he was p u b l i c l y

interrogated. Thus t h e safeguards granted t o t h e defence s i n c e 1789

were now withdrawn. As J. Godechot observes: "Le code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n

c r i m i n e l l e de 1808 marque encore une n o u v e l l e & a c t i o n dans l a

proc'edure c r i m i n e l l e , p u i s q u ' i l r g t a b l i t l e s e c r e t , presque dans l e s

2 86
mSmes c o n d i t i o n s que l'ordonnance c r i m i n e l l e de 1670."

As p r e v i o u s l y noted, t h e Code o f C r i m i n a l Procedure i n c o r p o r a t e d

t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y r u l e s governing proceedings a t t r i a l . Court t r i a l s

were t o be open t o t h e p u b l i c and t h e accused was a l l o w e d t h e p r o d u c t i o n

o f witnesses and t h e a s s i s t a n c e o f counsel. However t h e i m p a r t i a l i t y

o f t h e proceedings was p o t e n t i a l l y d i m i n i s h e d because o f t h e Code's

p r o v i s i o n s d e a l i n g w i t h the composition o f t h e t r i a l j u r y . Henceforth,

p r e f e c t s were charged w i t h t h e t a s k o f assembling l i s t s o f j u r o r s whose

e l i g i b i l i t y was l i m i t e d t o c e r t a i n c a t e g o r i e s o f persons, e s p e c i a l l y

those o f means ( ~ r t .381 and 382). 287 C r i m i n a l j u s t i c e thus assumed t h e

c h a r a c t e r o f a " j u s t i c e de classe" w i t h t h e i n e v i t a b l e impairment of

the i m p a r t i a l i t y o f the j u r y . Furthermore, challenges t o j u r o r s i n c o u r t

were now r e g u l a t e d ; t h e r e c o u l d be no more c h a l l e n g e s f o r cause assigned

288
( A r t . 399).
 The Code o f C r i m i n a l Procedure was f i n a l l y enacted on November

27, 1808, and was promulgated on January 1, 1811, t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e

Penal Code o f 1810. As i n t h e case o f t h e Code ~ a ~ o l g o ni ,t represented

a compromise between t h e competing i n f l u e n c e s o f " l e d r o i t

r 6 v o l u t i o n n a i r e 1 ' , t h e laws o f t h e o l d regime, and t h e o p i n i o n s o f

Bonaparte. A f t e r due allowance has been made f o r i t s r e a c t i o n a r y

elements, i t s t i l l represented a v a s t improvement over t h e procedure

used b e f o r e 1789, and i n t h i s sense i t c o n s o l i d a t e d t h e accomplishments

o f the Revolution.

The Code of C r i m i n a l Procedure c o u l d n o t be p u t i n t o f o r c e u n t i l

t h e completion o f a penal code, and t h e . l e g i s l a t o r s took t h i s t a s k i n

hand a t t h e end o f 1808. As mentioned p r e v i o u s l y , Napoleon had ordered

t h e p r e p a r a t i o n o f a q u e s t i o n n a i r e i n 1804 t o f a c i l i t a t e t h e debates

b e f o r e t h e Council o f State. O f t h e f o u r t e e n q u e s t i o n s submitted, t h e

f o l l o w i n g s i x were concerned p r i m a r i l y w i t h penal law: Shall c a p i t a l

punishment be continued? S h a l l t h e r e be punishments f o r l i f e ? Shall

c o n f i s c a t i o n be p e r m i t t e d i n c e r t a i n cases? S h a l l judges have a c e r t a i n

freedom i n t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f punishments; s h a l l t h e r e be a maximum and

a minimum which w i l l g i v e them t h e power o f imposing punishment f o r a

l o n g e r o r s h o r t e r p e r i o d according t o circumstances? Shall surveillance

be i n t r o d u c e d f o r a p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s o f c r i m i n a l s , a f t e r t h e e x p i r a t i o n

o f t h e i r punishment, and s h a l l b a i l be demanded i n c e r t a i n cases f o r

r
f u t u r e good conduct? S h a l l rehabi 1 it a t i o n be accorded t o c o n v i c t s whose

conduct w i l l have made them worthy o f i t ?2 89

Although these q u e s t i o n s were answered m a i n l y i n t h e a f f i r m a t i v e

a t t h a t time, t h e debates were b e f o r e l o n g postponed because.of t h e

impasse over t h e m a t t e r of t h e j u r y . When t h e work was resumed i n 1808,

despotism had assumed s t e r n e r forms, and t h i s f a c t was evidenced by t h e

s e v e r i t y o f t h e ensuing penal l e g i s l a t i o n . As M. Ancel observes: "We

a r e no longer f a c i n g a Code o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n o r even t h e "Consulat",

but, i n f a c t , a Code o f Empire, enacted a t t h e apogee o f Napoleon's

reign. One should n o t be s u r p r i s e d t h e r e f o r e t h a t ... t h i s Code was

marked by some a u t h o r i t a r i a n ideas, and t h a t f e l o n i e s and misdemeanours
290
a g a i n s t t h e S t a t e as such were repressed w i t h harshness."

I n essence, t h e Penal Code o f 1810 aimed t o secure t h e defence

o f s o c i e t y by means o f i n t i m i d a t i ~ n . ~ " Under i t s system o f p e n a l t i e s ,

t h e concept o f r e h a b i l i t a t i o n was ignored and emphasis was placed

e x c l u s i v e l y upon punishment. For t h i s reason, s e v e r a l punishments

employed d u r i n g t h e o l d regime, such as t h e use o f t h e branding i r o n

(Art. 7)292 and t h e p r a c t i c e o f s e v e r i n g t h e r i g h t hand o f a parricide

293
p r i o r t o h i s e x e c u t i o n ( A r t . 13) , were reinstated. I n addition t o

these excessive chastisements, t h e death p e n a l t y and l i f e imprisonment

were f r e e l y a p p l i e d , and p e n a l t i e s u n j u s t i n t h e i r e f f e c t s were r e s t o r e d ,

294
such as general c o n f i s c a t i o n ( A r t . 7) , and " l a mort c i v i l e " (Art. 18)?g5
 However the Penal Code of 1810 did inst i tute some changes of a
progressive nature. In the first place, it renounced the rigidity
of punishments adopted by the Revolutionary legislation and allowed the
judge a discretion between minimum and maximum. Furthermore, the judge
could now take into consideration extenuating circumstances, in the

case of misdemeanours, before arriving at his decision ( ~ r t . 463). 296

Secondly, the power of pardon, which had already been restored to the

executive by means of a "senatus-consultuml'of 16 Thermidor, An X , was

reestablished.297 Finally, from the point of view of legislative

technique, the Code was drafted with great clarity and the various
provisions were presented systematically and methodically. Crimes of the
same generic type were now grouped together, even though they might vary

as to their gravity or sanction.298

I n comparison, then, with the Codes of 1791 and 1795, the Penal
Code of 1810 was especially retrogressive concerning severity of punishments.
Nonetheless, the essential principles of the Revolutionary legislation were
maintained. Equality before the law was recognized by having the same
penalties for all citizens, and the fundamental principle of legality of

crimes and punishments was retained ( ~ r t . 4) .299 AS with the other

Napoleonic codes, it represented a fusion of the old and the new.
 CHAPTER V

THE REVOLUTION AND JUDICIAL ADMINISTRATION

The d e f e c t s i n t h e system o f j u d i c i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n had been one

o f t h e c h i e f grievances under t h e o l d regime. As a r e s u l t , t h e

C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly t u r n e d i t s a t t e n t i o n t o t h i s m a t t e r a t an e a r l y

date. Although t h e parlements no longer i n f l u e n c e d t h e course o f events

and had sunk i n t o t h e background, t h e o v e r r i d i n g concern was t o p r e v e n t

t h e reestablishment o f any c o u r t s o f j u s t i c e w i t h pretensions analogous

t o those o f t h e s o v e r e i g n c o u r t s . As A. Esmein e x p l a i n s : "cette crainte

des parlements, ou en g'ene'ral des grands corps j u d l c i a i r e s , a p k e

constarnment s u r I' e s p r i t de l a m a j o r i t 6 dans l ' o e u v r e de l a r e c o n s t i t u t i o n

300
j u d i c i a i re." I n l i g h t o f t h e concerns expressed, t h e continued

e x i s t e n c e o f t h e parlemen t s represented an i n c o n g r u i t y and on November

3, 1789, they were sent on a prolonged v a c a t i o n . A year l a t e r t h e y were

30 1
formal l y suppressed.

V e n a l i t y o f j u d i c i a l o f f i c e was suppressed by A r t i c l e 7 of t h e
302
Decrees o f August 4-11, 1789, and, more i m p o r t a n t l y , t h e j u d i c i a r y was

e n t i r e l y reorganized by t h e Law o f August 16-24, 1790. Under t h i s

l e g i s l a t i o n , t h e C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly attempted t o r e s o l v e t h e two b a s i c

problems i n v o l v e d i n t h e r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f t h e j u d i c i a l system, namely

t h e method o f choosing and remunerating judges and t h e composition and

competence o f t h e new j u d i c i a l h i e r a r c h y .

Concerning t h e f i r s t problem, i t was decided t h a t those who were t o

e x e r c i s e j u d i c i a l power should h o l d i t through e l e c t i o n . As j u d i c i a l

power was considered by t h e d e p u t i e s t o be one o f t h e m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f

national sovereignty, i t was f e l t t h a t t i t l e t o t h i s power should be

achieved i n t h e same manner as those who e x e r c i s e d t h e l e g i s l a t i v e power,

o r who e x e r c i s e d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e functions. 303 Accordingly, A r t i c l e 3

o f t h e Law o f August 16-24, 1790, declared t h a t "Judges s h a l l be e l e c t e d

by t h e persons s u b j e c t t o t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n . , 1 3 0 ~ Judges were t o be

e l e c t e d f o r a p e r i o d o f s i x years, and t h e i r s e r v i c e s were t o be rendered

g r a t u i t o u s l y and p a i d f o r by t h e S t a t e - venality betng a b o l i s h e d

f o r e v e r ( ~ rict l e 2 and 4). 305 I n addition, r e s t r i c t i o n s were i n t r o d u c e d

which p r o v i d e d t h a t no one c o u l d be s e l e c t e d as a judge u n l e s s he had

a t t a i n e d t h i r t y y e a r s o f age and had been a judge o r lawyer p r a c t i c i n g

306 Thus, by making
pub1 i c l y b e f o r e a c o u r t f o r f i v e years ( ~ r t i c l e9 ) .

t h e judges e l e c t i v e , t h e C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly succeeded i n reducing

t h e i r independence by a b o l i s h i n g t h e p r i n c i p l e o f i r r e m o v a b i l i t y which

was regarded as i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h R e v o l u t i o n a r y ideas.

3 07

The Law o f August 16-24, 1790, expressed t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s '

d i s t r u s t o f t h e j u d i c i a r y by b a r r i n g c o u r t s from i n t e r f e r i n g i n t h e

o p e r a t i o n o f a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a c t s o r i s s u i n g summonses t o a d m i n i s t r a t o r s

*
on charges connected w i t h t h e i r d u t i e s ( A r t i c l e 13). 308 Furthermore,

i n o r d e r t o p r e v e n t t h e judges from e x e r c i s i n g a r81e s i m i l a r t o t h a t

o f t h e p a r l e m e n t a i r e s , t h e y were f o r b i d d e n from t a k i n g any p a r t i n t h e

l e g i s l a t i v e branch o f government o r o b s t r u c t i n g t h e e x e c u t i o n of

l e g i s l a t i v e decrees ( ~ r t i c l e10). 309

These p r o v i s i o n s r e s t r i c t i n g t h e j u d i c i a l power w i t h i n c l e a r l y

d e f i n e d l i m i t s were i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n o f September

3, 1791: "The c o u r t s may n o t i n t e r f e r e w i t h t h e e x e r c i s e o f t h e

l e g i s l a t i v e power, suspend t h e e x e c u t i o n o f t h e laws, encroach upon

a d m i n i s t r a t i v e f u n c t i o n s , o r summon a d m i n i s t r a t o r s before them f o r reasons

connected w i t h t h e i r d u t i e s " i it. l l I, Chapt. V , A r t . 3) .310 Thus

understood, t h e p r i n c i p l e o f t h e s e p a r a t i o n o f powers, as conceived by

t h e C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly, amounted t o a d e l i b e r a t e avoidance o f a powerful

and c r e a t i v e j u d i c i a r y capable o f imposing i t s i n f l u e n c e upon t h e l e g i s l a t i v e

and e x e c u t i v e f u n c t i o n s o f government. I n t h e o p i n i o n of the Revolutionaries,

law making was e x c l u s i v e l y a f u n c t i o n o f t h e l e g i s l a t u r e , and because o f

t h e i r f a i t h i n t h e f e a s i b i l i t y of a l e g a l system based e n t i r e l y on s t a t u t e s ,

t h e r61e o f t h e j u d i c i a r y was n a r r o w l y circumscribed.

Concerning t h e establishment o f a new j u d i c i a l h i e r a r c h y , t h e

C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly was guided by a dominant p r i n c i p l e : t o maintain a

d i s t i n c t i o n between c i v i l and c r i m i n a l j u r i s d i c t i o n s and t o c r e a t e d i f f e r e n t

c o u r t s t o a d m i n i s t e r these separate j u r i s d i c t i o n s . 3 1 1 I n t h i s regard, t h e

Law o f August 16-24, 1790, brought about a s i g n i f i c a n t r e o r g a n i z a t i o n

o f the judiciary - e s p e c i a l l y w i t h respect t o c i v i l m a t t e r s . Three

types o f judges were d i s t i n g u i s h e d by t h i s law: a r b i t e r s , j u s t i c e s of

t h e peace and judges p r o p e r l y so c a l l e d .

I n cases o f a r b i t r a t i o n , a l l persons were p e r m i t t e d t o nominate

one o r more a r b i t e r s " t o pass upon t h e i r p r i v a t e i n t e r e s t s , i n a l l cases

and on a1 1 m a t t e r s w i t h o u t exception" i it. I, A r t . 2 ) . 3 12 An appeal

from a r b i t r a l d e c i s i o n s was n o t p e r m i t t e d u n l e s s t h e p a r t i e s e x p r e s s l y

reserved t h i s r i g h t by mutual consent i it. I, A r t . 4).313 Where t h e

r i g h t t o appeal was n o t reserved t h e d e c i s i o n s o f t h e a r b i t e r were t o

be executed by means o f an ordinance o f t h e d i s t r i c t c o u r t i it. I,

314
A r t . 6).

Although t h e d e s i g n a t i o n "juge de p a i x " had been borrowed from

t h e E n g l i s h " j u s t i c e o f t h e peace," t h e f u n c t i o n s a s s i g n e d t o t h i s member

o f t h e j u d i c i a r y were q u i t e d i s t i n c t from those o f h i s E n g l i s h c o u n t e r p a r t .

I n a d d i t i o n t o t h e m a t t e r s s t i p u l a t e d t o be w i t h i n h i s competence under t h e

Law o f August 16-24, 1790, he was a l s o expected t o mediate d i s p u t e s between

p a r t i e s i n c o n c e r t w i t h e l e c t e d "prud'hommes assesseurs." In principle,

no w r i t t o commence a c i v i l a c t i o n would be a d m i t t e d t o a d i s t r i c t c o u r t

u n l e s s m e d i a t i o n had been attempted b e f o r e a n - o f f i c e o f peace and

3 15
c o n c i l i a t i o n p r e s i d e d over by a j u s t i c e o f t h e peace i it. X, A r t . 2).
 The law f u r t h e r declared t h a t a j u s t i c e o f t h e peace was t o be

e l e c t e d f o r every canton (several i n t h e l a r g e r towns) ; he c o u l d o n l y

be chosen from among c i t i z e n s e l i g i b l e f o r departmental and d i s t r i c t

a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s and f u l l y t h i r t y years o f age; and he was t o be e l e c t e d

w i t h an a b s o l u t e m a j o r i t y o f v o t e s by t h e a c t i v e c i t i z e n s u n i t e d i n p r i m a r y
316
assemblies ( T i t . Ill, Art. 1 -
e t 3.). I t should be noted t h a t t h e

c o n d i t i o n s o f e l i g i b i l i t y made no r e f e r e n c e t o t h e need f o r j u d i c i a l

knowledge o r t r a i n i n g . As A. Esmein observes: "On n ' e x i g e a i t du j u g e

de p a i x aucune connai ssance j u r i d i q u e , e t c e l a 6 t a i t conforme au r a l e

qu'on l u i a s s i g n a i t . J 1 7

Appeals from judgments o f j u s t i c e s o f t h e peace, when t h e y were

s u b j e c t t o appeal, were t o be brought b e f o r e judges of d i s t r i c t c o u r t s -

t h e n e x t rung i n t h e newly c r e a t e d h i e r a r c h y . I n addition t o the

a p p e l l a t e j u r i s d i c t i o n j u s t mentioned, t h e d i s t r i c t c o u r t s were g i v e n

cognizance i n t h e f i r s t i n s t a n c e o f a l l p e r s o n a l , r e a l , and mixed s u i t s

o f every k i n d , e x c e p t i n g those d e c l a r e d t o be w i t h i n t h e competence o f

318
j u s t i c e s o f t h e peace i it. I V , Art. 4). I n c e r t a i n cases, t h e i r

j u r i s d i c t i o n was extended t o f i r s t and l a s t instance: "The d i s t r i c t

judges s h a l l have cognizance i n f i r s t and l a s t r e s o r t o f a l l personal and

personal p r o p e r t y s u i t s up t o a v a l u e o f 1000 l i v r e s of p r i n c i p a l , and

o f r e a l e s t a t e s u i t s o f which t h e p r i n c i p a l i t e m i s f i f t y l i v r e s of f i x e d

income, i n e i t h e r r e n t o r lease p r i c e " i it. IV, Art. 5). 3 19 In a l l c i v i l

s u i t s i n v o l v i n g l a r g e r sums o f money, o r o t h e r causes o f a c t i o n , i t was

p r o v i d e d t h a t d i s t r i c t c o u r t s should a c t as c o u r t s o f appeal w i t h regard

t o each o t h e r ( T i t . V, A r t . 1). 320

The establishment o f t h e d i s t r i c t c o u r t s marked t h e upper boundary

o f the hierarchy o f c i v i l justice. Although a Court of Cassation was

soon i n s t i t u t e d t o ensure t h e uniform i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h e law throughout

t h e c o u n t r y ( ~ e c r e eo f November 27, 1790) , i n m a t t e r s o f appel l a t e

j u r i s d i c t i o n t h e C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly chose n o t t o c r e a t e a c o u r t

superior t o the d i s t r i c t court. The two b a s i c reasons f o r t h i s d e c i s i o n

a r e c o n c i s e l y s t a t e d by A. Esmein: "lo l e d g s i r e de rapprocher l a

j u s t i c e des j u s t i c i a b l e s , pour l a rendre accessible 5 tous; 2O l a c r a i n t e

des grands corps j u d i c i a i r e s en q u i p o u r r a i e n t r e s s u s c i t e r l e s

parlements. 11321

On January 20, 1791, a decree o f t h e C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly a t t r i b u t e d

t h e p r o s e c u t i o n and judgment o f crimes i n v o l v i n g a f f l i c t i v e punishments

t o d i s t r i c t c o u r t s i n each department. These c o u r t s , which d e a l t w i t h

c r i m i n a l cases i n t h e f i r s t i n s t a n c e and on appeal, were composed o f an

e l e c t e d p r e s i d e n t and t h r e e judges from n e i g h b o u r i n g d i s t r i c t c o u r t s

322
selected i n r o t a t ion.

The establishment o f the d i s t r i c t c r i m i n a l c o u r t s was f o l l o w e d

s h o r t l y by t h e c r e a t i o n o f c o u r t s o f summary j u r i s d i c t i o n . , pursuant t o

t h e Decree o f J u l y 16-22, 1791, f o r t h e judgment o f minor offences.

a
The composition o f these c o u r t s , which were s i t u a t e d i n t h e p r i n c i p a l

town o f each canton, c o n s i s t e d o f two judges and an assessor i n towns

w i t h more than one j u s t i c e o f t h e peace; elsewhere, they were composed

o f a j u s t i c e o f t h e peace and two assessors. Prosecutions were i n i t i a t e d

e i t h e r by the i n j u r e d p a r t y , o r by t h e l o c a l p u b l i c prosecutor, o r by

"des hommes de l o i commis > c e t e f f e t p a r l a m u n i c i p a l i t H-11323

e

As mentioned above, a n a t i o n a l Court o f Cassation was e s t a b l i s h e d

by t h e Decree o f November 27, 1790, wi t h members chosen f o r f o u r years

by t h e e l e c t o r a l assemblies o f t h e departments. I n s p i t e o f the desire

t o prevent t h e r e s t o r a t i o n o f any c o u r t analogous t o t h e former parlements,

the m a j o r i t y o f t h e d e p u t i e s wished t o see t h e c r e a t i o n o f a supreme

324
jurisdiction. However, i n o r d e r t o ensure t h a t t h i s c o u r t would never

overstep i t s a u t h o r i t y , t h e C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly s t r i c t l y l i m i t e d t h e

f u n c t i o n s assigned t o i t . A r t i c l e 1 o f t h e e n a b l i n g decree p r e s c r i b e d

t h e s p e c i f i c c h a r a c t e r o f t h e appeals t o be taken b e f o r e i t : I ' l l annulera

t o u t e s l e s procgdures dans l e s q u e l l e s l e s formes auront st6 violges e t

t o u t jugement q u i c o n t i e n d r a une c o n t r a v e n t i o n expresse au t e x t e de l a

loi ... Sous aucun' pr'etexte e t en aucun cas l e t r i b u n a l ne p o u r r a

connaTt r e du fond de 1 ' a f f a i r e ; aprss avoi r cassg 1 es procedures ou 1e

jugement, i l r e n v e r r a l e fond des a f f a i r e s aux t r i b u n a u x q u i devront en

connaf t re. ,1325

 Thus t h e Court o f Cassation c o u l d n o t pass upon t h e m e r i t s o f t h e

cases brought b e f o r e i t , n o r was i t p e r m i t t e d t o i n t e r p r e t t h e laws

(a r i g h t reserved t o t h e l e g i s l a t u r e under t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 1791 ;

Tit. I l l , Chap. V , A r t . 21). 326 Nevertheless, w i t h i t s c r e a t i o n was

r e a l i z e d t h e u n i f o r m i t y o f c o u r t d e c i s i o n s which i s a necessary

complement o f l e g i s l a t i v e u n i t y .

As a r e s u l t o f t h e new j u d i c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n w i t h which t h e

C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly endowed t h e c o u n t r y , t h e e x c e p t i o n a l c o u r t s

( t r i bunaux dlexcept i o n ) were suppressed, save t h e commercial c o u r t s whose

judges were e l e c t e d by l e a d i n g merchants. 327 The c o s t s o f l i t i g a t i o n , if

n o t a c t u a l l y g r a t u i t o u s , were g r e a t l y diminished, and t h e workings o f t h e

j u d i c i a l system were made more amenable t o t h e average c i t i z e n who was

obliged, without d i s t i n c t i o n , t o sue b e f o r e t h e same judges and a c c o r d i n g

t o the same forms. As J. Godechot observes: "L'organisation judiciaire

de l a France p a r l a C o n s t i t u a n t e a sans doute 6tg une des p a r t i e s l e s

p l u s r g u s s i e s de son oeuvre. I,328

Although t h e succeeding R e v o l u t i o n a r y assemblies i n t r o d u c e d several

changes, t h e broad o u t l i n e s o f t h e j u d i c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n c r e a t e d by t h e

C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly remained i n e x i s t e n c e . Under t h e Convention,

c o n d i t i o n s o f p r o f e s s i o n a l c a p a c i t y w i t h respect t o t h e e l e c t i o n o f

judges were suppressed by t h e Decree o f October 14, 1792. Henceforth,

judges c o u l d be chosen from among a l l c i t i z e n s who had a t t a i n e d twenty

f i v e years o f age. 329 A t t h e same time, t h e j u d i c i a l power was brought

under t h e d i r e c t c o n t r o l of t h e executive. R e l y i n g upon i t s q u a l i t y .

as a sovereign assembly, t h e Convention, by means o f a number o f decrees,

intervened d i r e c t l y i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f j u s t i c e . It annulled the

judgments o f e l e c t e d m a g i s t r a t e s , a d j u d i c a t e d cases i t s e l f , and

ignored t h e e l e c t o r a l process by a p p o i n t i n g s e v e r a l judges. Indeed, by

v i r t u e o f t h e Decree o f 14 Vent6se, An 1 1 1 (1795) t h e l e g i s l a t i v e

committee was subsequently a u t h o r i z e d t o a p p o i n t a l l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e

o f f i c e r s , m u n i c i p a l o f f i c e r s , and judges. 330 Thus, d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d

o f t h e Convention, t h e p r i n c i p l e o f t h e s e p a r a t i o n o f powers g r a d u a l l y

disappeared, t o be replaced by a c o n c e n t r a t i o n and u n i t y o f powers under

t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y government.

The j u d i c i a l system i n s t i t u t e d under t h e T e r r o r saw t h e c r e a t i o n

of e x t r a o r d i n a r y t r i b u n a l s o f e x p e d i t i o u s procedure and t h e suppression

o f safeguards f o r t h e p r o t e c t i o n o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l . As J. Godfrey

observes: he he R e v o l u t i o n a r y t r i b u n a l ] must, i n t h e f i n a l a n a l y s i s , be

judged as an i n s t i t u t i o n f o r t h e achievement o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y purpose

and n o t as a c o u r t f o r t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f law and j u s t i c e as o r d i n a r y

socia 1

The C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 5 F r u c t i d o r , An I I I, i n s t i t u t e d f u r t h e r

modif ic a t i o n s i n j u d i c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . Mav i n g a b o l i s h e d t h e d i s t r i c t

as an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t , i t a l s o a b o l i s h e d t h e d i s t r i c t c o u r t s and

*
replaced them w i t h departmental c o u r t s f o r purposes o f c i v i l s u i t s i n

t h e f i r s t i n s t a n c e and on appeal i it. V I I I , A r t . 2 1 6 ) . ~ ) ~Henceforth,

each department i n France maintained two c o u r t s l o c a t e d i n i t s p r i n c i p a l

c i t y , one f o r c i v i 1 j u s t i c e , and t h e o t h e r f o r c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e .

The e f f e c t o f t h i s p r o v i s i o n was t o d r a s t i c a l l y reduce t h e number

o f c o u r t s and t o make j u s t i c e more remote from t h e c i t i z e n s i t was

intended t o serve. 333 Furthermore, t h e c h a r a c t e r o f t h e c i v i l c o u r t s

under t h e D i r e c t o r y assumed an a p p r e c i a b l y d i f f e r e n t form from t h a t o f

t h e preceding c o u r t s . The m a g i s t r a t e s , who were e l e c t e d by a m i n o r i t y

o f c i t i z e n s o f means, were sometimes p a r t i s a n s o f t h e o l d regime d u r i n g

which they had e x e r c i s e d analogous f u n c t i o n s . However, t h e i r e l e c t i o n

was s u b j e c t t o c o n f i r m a t i o n by t h e D i r e c t o r y , and t h e governments were a b l e t o

revoke t h e e l e c t i o n o f those m a g i s t r a t e s whose q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , in their

o p i n i o n , were found wanting. 334 Thus t h e e l e c t i v e system, though

maintained i n t h e o r y , was g r a d u a l l y abandoned i n p r a c t i c e .

On t h e whole, t h e j u d i c i a l system f u n c t i o n e d s a t i s f a c t o r i l y d u r i n g

t h e p e r i o d o f t h e D i r e c t o r y , even though t h e government i n c r e a s i n g l y

e x e r c i s e d i t s p r e r o g a t i v e o f a p p o i n t i n g judges. 335 However, a f t e r t h e

coup d ' g t a t o f 18 F r u c t i d o r , An V (!September 4, 1797), t h e government

removed a l a r g e number o f judges and d i r e c t l y appointed t h e i r replacements,

thereby g r a v e l y endangering t h e independence s t i l l enjoyed by t h e

magistracy. From t h i s moment, i t was o n l y a m a t t e r o f t i m e u n t i l t h e

e l e c t i v e system gave way e n t i r e l y t o e x e c u t i v e appointment. As J.

Godechot observes: " I 1 n ' e n r e s t e pas moins que, l a ' cornme en b i e n

d ' a u t r e s domaines, l e D i r e c t o i r e en nomnant des m a g i s t r a t s , a f r a y g l a

v o i e ?i1'Empire. 11336

Under t h e Consulate, t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 22 F r i m a i r e , An V l l l

(~ecernber 13, 1799), tended t o s l i g h t t h e j u d i c i a r y ; however i t was

subsequently complemented by o t h e r laws concerned w i t h j u d i c i a l

administration. A r t i c l e 61 o f t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n p r o v i d e d t h a t t h e r e

should be c o u r t s o f f i r s t i n s t a n c e and c o u r t s of appeal i n c i v i l matters. 337

No reference was made t o t h e number o f c o u r t s except t h a t every communal

arrondissement was t o be served by one o r more j u s t i c e s o f t h e peace

338
e l e c t e d d i r e c t l y by t h e c i t i z e n s f o r t h r e e years i it. V, A r t . 60.)

F u r t h e r p r o v i s i o n was made f o r t h e establishment o f a Court o f Cassation

w i t h powers s i m i l a r t o those granted d u r i n g t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y p e r i o d

( T i t . V , A r t . 65 and 66.) 339 The judges o f t h i s c o u r t were t o be chosen

from a l i s t o f n a t i o n a l notables, w h i l e judges o f c o u r t s o f f i r s t instance

340
and appeal were t o be chosen from departmental 1 i s t s mo it. V , A r t . 67).

A r t i c l e 45 p r o v i d e d t h a t a l l judges were t o be appointed by t h e F i r s t

Consul, w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f j u s t i c e s o f t h e peace, thus a b o l i s h i n g t h e

341
e l e c t i v e system. Judges, o t h e r than j u s t i c e s o f t h e peace, were t o

h o l d o f f i c e f o r l i f e , unless found n e g l i g e n t i n t h e performance o f t h e i r

duties it. V, A r t . 68). 342 However, t h i s p r o v i s i o n was m o d i f i e d by

a "senatus-consu1tum" o f October 12, 1807, which w i t h h e l d l i f e t e n u r e

u n t i l a f t e r a judge had s a t f o r f i v e years. 343 Finally, the Constitution

r e t a i n e d from t h e R e v o l u t i o n such p r a c t i c e s as t h e use o f t h e grand and

t r i a l j u r i e s , a r b i t r a t i o n , and t h e h a n d l i n g o f c o n c i l i a t i o n by j u s t i c e s

o f t h e peace ( T i t. V, A r t . 60 and 62) 344 .

When Napoleon found t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o t u r n h i s f u l l a t t e n t i o n

t o t h e m a t t e r o f j u d i c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , he l a r g e l y r e e s t a b l i s h e d t h e

system c r e a t e d under t h e R e v o l u t i o n . By v i r t u e o f t h e law o f 28

Pluviase, An V I I I , c o u r t s o f f i r s t i n s t a n c e were c r e a t e d i n each

arrondissement w i t h a u t h o r i t y t o judge a l l c i v i l matters, including

appeals lodged from judgments pronounced by j u s t i c e s o f t h e peace.

However, appeals from one c o u r t o f f i r s t instance t o another c o u r t o f

f i r s t i n s t a n c e were abolished. Instead, a s e r i e s o f i n t e r m e d i a t e a p p e l l a t e

c o u r t s were c r e a t e d t o r e v i e w judgments o f c o u r t s o f f i r s t i n s t a n c e as
345
w e l l as judgments from t h e commercial c o u r t s .

Under t h e Consulate, t h e judges o f t h e appeal c o u r t s were m a i n l y

r e c r u i t e d from t h e same background as those o f t h e c o u r t s o f f i r s t

instance; t h a t i s t o say, from among personnel o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y

period. However, i n t h e l a t e v years o f t h e Empire, t h e appeal c o u r t s

were m a i n l y peopled by m a g i s t r a t e s , o r t h e sons o f m a g i s t r a t e s , o f t h e

former parlements. Thus i m p e r i a l j u s t i c e tended t o become more a k i n

346
t o o l d regime j u s t i c e .
 As i n t h e case of t h e c i v i l c o u r t s , t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f t h e

c r i m i n a l c o u r t s remained, on t h e whole, s i m i l a r t o t h a t which e x i s t e d .

during the Revolution - a t l e a s t u n t i l 1810. These c o u r t s were

s i t u a t e d i n t h e p r i n c i p a l c i t y o f each department and were composed o f

a p r e s i d e n t , chosen by Napoleon, t o g e t h e r w i t h judges drawn from t h e

appellate courts. However, as p r e v i o u s l y mentioned, numerous s p e c i a l

c r i m i n a l c o u r t s were c r e a t e d i n 1801 t o deal w i t h m a t t e r s a f f e c t i n g t h e

s e c u r i t y o f the State. Other than t h e implementation o f these s p e c i a l

criminal courts, t h e most s i g n i f i c a n t departure from t h e e x i s t i n g system

concerned t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f Courts o f Assize i n 1810 which r e p l a c e d

t h e r e g u l a r c r i m i n a l c o u r t s f o r reasons o f economy.
347
 CONCLUSION

When t h e c a h i e r s spoke o f e q u a l i t y and l i b e r t y , they represented

t h e demands o f t h e m i d d l e c l a s s f o r e q u a l i t y o f r i g h t s , equal j u s t i c e ,

s e c u r i t y o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y , and, f i n a l l y , p o l i t i c a l power. A1 though

e q u a l i t y and l i b e r t y remained t h e i d e a l s t o w h i c h s o c i e t y had f o r m a l l y

pledged i t s e l f a t t h e onset o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n , t h e s e i d e a l s were i n e v i t a b l y

g i v e n a p a r t i a l and c l a s s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n by t h e l e a d e r s o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n

who were m a i n l y men o f substance from t h e upper s t r a t a o f t h e T h i r d E s t a t e .

As t h e y were n o t v e r y m i n d f u l o f t h e g r i e v a n c e s o f t h e p o o r e r classes, their

c o n c e p t i o n o f e q u a l i t y was l i m i t e d t o t h e d e s i r e t o a b o l i s h p r i v i l e g e . As

A l f r e d Cobban observes: " P r i v i l e g e was t h e enemy, e q u a l i t y t h e aim, though

i t must be remembered t h a t t h e e q u a l i t y d e s i r e d by t h e T h i r d E s t a t e was

an e q u a l i t y n o t o f p r o p e r t y b u t o f s t a t u s . "
348

On August 25, 1789, t h e m i d d l e c l a s s l a i d t h e d e f i n i t i v e f o u n d a t i o n s

o f t h e new s o c i e t y w i t h t h e D e c l a r a t i o n o f R i g h t s o f Man and t h e C i t i z e n .

As t h i s p r o c l a m a t i o n o f e q u a l i t y o f r i g h t s made t h e f r e e ownership o f

p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y seem equivalent t o social equality, a continuing c o n f l i c t

between haves and have-nots was i n e v i t a b l e g i v e n t h e e x i s t i n g i n e q u a l i t i e s

o f wealth. T h i s c o n f l i c t was t o l e a d t h e R e v o l u t i o n o n t o a democratic

c h a l l e n g e t o t h e narrower i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e D e c l a r a t i o n , and u l t i m a t e l y

t o cause t h e b o u r g e o i s i e t o appeal t o m i 1 i t a r y d i c t a t o r s h i p t o p r o t e c t i t s
*
s o c i a l and economic preeminence.

As would be expected, t h e l e g i s l a t i o n enacted throughout t h i s p e r i o d

a c c u r a t e l y r e f l e c t e d t h e changing a t t i t u d e s d i s p l a y e d by t h e d i f f e r e n t

Revolutionary Assemblies and by Napoleon. A t the outset, the Constituent

Assembly proclaimed, a l o n g w i t h l i b e r t y and e q u a l i t y , t h e s a n c t i t y of

p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y , though t h i s d i d n o t i n c l u d e "feudal" prerogatives which

were renounced by t h e Decrees o f August 4. Nevertheless, t h e respect

p a i d t o p r o p e r t y r i g h t s was upheld by t h e q u a l i f i c a t i o n s which were

a l l o w e d t o remain concerning redemptions and compensation. Similarly,

t h e d e s i r e t o prevent any r e t u r n t o t h e s i t u a t i o n which e x i s t e d under t h e

o l d regime was r e f l e c t e d i n t h e Decrees o f March 15, 1790, and A p r i l 8,

1791, a b o l i s h i n g p r i m o g e n i t u r e and p r o c l a i m i n g equal i n h e r i t a n c e s . ( ~ u t

s p e c i f i c p r o h i b i t i o n s a g a i n s t w i l l i n g p r o p e r t y unequally were o n l y

introduced i n 1794.)

That c r i m i n a l law and t h e j u d i c i a l system needed d r a s t i c change

was immediately recognized by t h e C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly and, as has been

shown, t h e reforms brought about by t h i s body were o f l a s t i n g s i g n i f i c a n c e .

Under t h e L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, t h e compromises, h e s i t a t i o n s , and

u n c e r t a i n t i e s which c h a r a c t e r i z e d much o f t h e c i v i l l e g i s l a t i o n o f t h e

p r i o r Assembly tended t o disappear. The v a r i o u s circumstances, such as

t h e s t r u g g l e w i t h t h e r o y a l power and t h e war w i t h Europe, imposed a

more r i g o r o u s course o f a c t i o n upon t h e l e g i s l a t o r s . I n t h e space o f

s i x weeks, from August 14 t o September 20, 1792, a s e r i e s o f important

C
decrees were passed. On August 14, t h e d i v i s i on o f communal lands was

ordered t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e c o n f i s c a t i o n o f t h e p r o p e r t y o f t h e emigr&;

on August 20, 25 and 27, a1 1 " d r o i t s s e i g n e u r i aux'l were destroyed wi t h o u t

indemnity, and on September 20, t h e decrees s e c u l a r i z i n g marriage and

r e g u l a t i n g d i v o r c e were promulgated. As P. Sagnac s u c c i n c t l y remarks:

" A p r k avoi r a f f ranch i l e s t e r r e s , e l l e a f f ranchi t 1 es personnes. 11349

Between 1792 and 1794, t h e Convention Assembly attempted t o d e f i n e

t h e gains o f 1789 i n t h e d i r e c t i o n o f e q u a l i t y . Accordingly, t h e

l e g i s l a t i o n produced by t h i s body, i n r e a c t i o n t o t h e precepts o f Roman

law, imposed 1 i m i t a t i o n s upon p r o p e r t y r i g h t s by g r a n t i n g n a t u r a l c h i l d r e n

successoral shares equal t o l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n , by c u r t a i l i n g p a t e r n a l

a u t h o r i t y , and by c a l l i n g f o r an equal d i v i s i o n among h e i r s i r r e s p e c t i v e

o f t h e wishes o f t h e t e s t a t o r . The a b i l i t y o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l t o deal

w i t h p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y was thus c i r c u m s c r i b e d i n t h e b e l i e f t h a t t h e

p e r p e t u a t i o n o f gross inequal it i es of w e a l t h must n e c e s s a r i l y l e a d t o t h e

r u i n o f democracy. B r i e f l y s t a t e d , "1 ' g g a l i t e l k g a l e ne s e r a i t clu'un

mot s i l e s grandes i n k g a l i t & de f a i t c o n t i n u a i e n t > s u b s i s t e r . 1,350

A1 though t h e Consti t u t i o n o f An I l l r e t u r n e d p o l i t i c a l power t o t h e

b o u r g e o i s i e by means o f p r o p e r t y q u a l i f i c a t i o n s f o r s u f f r a g e , the fear

remained t h a t a p o l i t i c a l democracy would be r e s u r r e c t e d which would l e a d

t o s o c i a l democracy and t h e d i v i s i o n o f p r o p e r t y . Thus, under t h e D i r e c t o r y ,

attempts were made t o r e d e f i n e , p r o t e c t , and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e t h e gains o f

t h e new governing c l a s s .
*
 The Dec l a r a t i o n o f R i g h t s accompanying t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n o f An I l l

was genera 1 1y conceived i n t h e s p i r i t o f t h e 1 i b e r a l " p r i n c i p l e s o f 1789,"

b u t w i t h s i g n i f i c a n t departures from i t . E q u a l i t y now became e s s e n t i a l l y

equal i t y b e f o r e t h e law and n o t i n c i v i 1 r i g h t s : " ~ ' 6 g a lit; , c o n s i s t e en

ce q u i l a l o i e s t l a mCme pour tous" ( A r t . 3). 351 Economic l i b e r t y was

e x p r e s s l y confirmed by t h e d e f i n i t i o n g i v e n t o p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y : "La

p r o p r i & t 6 e s t l e d r o i t de j o u i r e t de d i s p o s e r de ses biens, de ses

revenus, du f r u i t de son t r a v a i l e t de son i n d u s t r i e " ( ~ r t .5).352 Finally,

t h e D e c l a r a t i o n saw t h e c o u n t r y as b e i n g governed by landowners as p a r t

o f the n a t u r a l o r d e r o f t h i n g s : "C'est s u r l e m a i n t i e n des p;opri6t6s

que repose l a c u l t u r e des t e r r e s , t o u t e s l e s p r o d u c t i o n s , t o u t moyen de

353
t r a v a i l , e t tout l ' o r d r e social" ( A r t . 8).

The o v e r r i d i n g concern o f the p r o p e r t i e d c l a s s under t h e D i r e c t o r y

(1 795-1 799) ,a p e r i o d o f i n t e n s e pol i t i c a l and economi c i n s t a b i 1 it y , was

t h e maintenance o f a s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y and t h e p r o t e c t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l

and fami l y p r o p e r t y r i g h t s from i n t e r f e r e n c e by t h e S t a t e . Thus, much

l e g i s l a t i o n o f t h e p r e v i o u s Assemblies was amended, e s p e c i a l l y t h a t

concerning d i v o r c e and t h e r i g h t s g r a n t e d t o n a t u r a l c h i l d r e n . I n addition,

t h e l e g i s l a t o r s r e e s t a b l i s h e d imprisonment f o r debt and r e g u l a r i z e d t o

t h e i r advantage t h e s a l e o f n a t i o n a l p r o p e r t y .
354

As t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y decade progressed, t h e r e f o r e , t h e r e emerged a

new and even s t r o n g e r system o f vested i n t e r e s t s than e x i s t e d b e f o r e 1789.

The l i b e r a l experiment o f t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n o f An I l l had n o t been

*
f successful, having been undermined by d i c t a t o r i a l expedients. Thus,

behind t h e facade o f a l i b e r a l C o n s t i t u t i o n , t h e ground was g r a d u a l l y

prepared f o r t h e d i c t a t o r s h i p o f Bonaparte. By 1799, a regime o f repeated

c o u p s ' d ' e t a t made d i c t a t o r s h i p appear p r e f e r a b l e t o e i t h e r Jacobinism o r

r o y a l i s t r e a c t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y when t h e economic and s o c i a l conquests of

t h e R e v o l u t i o n seemed t o be threatened.

Under t h e t u t e l a g e o f Napoleon, t h e upper m i d d l e c l a s s was a b l e t o

consol i d a t e i t s supremacy and complete t h e work o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n i n terms

o f many o f i t s aims o f 1789. The p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e Code Napol6on p r o t e c t e d

the property settlements o f t h e Revolutionary p e r i o d w h i l e maintaining the

p r i n c i p l e s o f e q u a l i t y b e f o r e t h e law and e q u a l i t y o f o p p o r t u n i t y . The

Roman law t r a d i t i o n continued t o recover i t s i n f l u e n c e and t h i s was

r e f l e c t e d b o t h i n t h e r e s t o r a t i o n o f p a t e r n a l a u t h o r i t y and t h e f r e e r

d i s p o s i t i o n o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y , as w e l l as i n t h e increased s e v e r i t y o f

t h e p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e Penal Code. I n essence, t h e Code Napolgon gave

permanence t o t h e i d e a l s and a s p i r a t i o n s o f t h e upper m i d d l e c l a s s . As J .

Godechot observes: ; a r des bourgeois, il a en vue uniquement

''~6di~p

1 1 i n t 6 r 6 t de l a c l a s s e poss6dante. I 1 r z g l e l e s c o n d i t i o n s d ' e x i s t e n c e de

l a f a m i l l e , considgrge sous l ' a n g l e de l a p r o p r i 6 t 6 : l e c o n t r a t de mariage,

l e s partages, l e s donations, l e s successions sont l e s p r i n c i p a u x o b j e t s

de ses p r ' e o c ~ u ~ a t i o n s . I 1 c o n s i d s r e l a propri'ete' comme un d r o i t absolu,

indiscutable, i n v i o l a b l e e t sac&. 11355

 I t would be unduly r e s t r i c t i v e , however, t o p o r t r a y t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s

as being concerned e x c l u s i v e l y w i t h m a t e r i a l i n t e r e s t s . The humanitarian

and i n s t i t u t i o n a l reforms achieved i n t h e areas o f c r i m i n a l law and procedure

and j u d i c i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n were, f o r t h e most p a r t , s i g n i f i c a n t and

durable. S i m i l a r l y , t h e v a r i o u s attempts t o c o d i f y t h e c i v i l laws p r o v i d e d

an i n d i s p e n s a b l e foundation f o r the eventual successful c o d i f i c a t i o n under

Napoleon. I n t h e f i n a l a n a l y s i s , t h e work o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y Assemblies

was l a s t i n g because i t gave concrete expression t o i d e a l s which had been

long suppressed under t h e o l d regime.

 LIST OF REFERENCES

1. A. Soboul, The French R e v o l u t i o n 1787-1799, ( ~ e wYork: Random

House, 1975), P. 89.

e
2. M. Marion, D i c t i o n n a i t - e des i n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France aux X V I I
e t X V l l l e s i s c l e s , (Paris: August P i c a r d , 1923), p. 315.

3. -
Ibid., p. 314.

4. J. M a c k r e l l ,
" C r i t i c i s m o f s e i g n i o r i a l j u s t i c e i n eighteenth-century
France", i n .French Government and Soci e t y 1500- 1850, J F. .
Bosher (ed.), (London: A t h l o n e Press, 1973), p. 125.

5. R. V i l l e r s , L t O r g a n i s a t i o n du Parlement de P a r i s e t des Conseils

s u p 6 r i e u r s d t a p r 8 s l a ~ 6 f o r m ede Maupeou (1771-1774), (Paris:
L i b r a i r i e du Recueil S i r e y , 1937), p. 222.

6. A r t h u r Young, T r a v e l s i n France, C o n s t a n t i a Maxwell (ed.), (cambridge:

Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, l95O), p. 333.

7. J. Godechot, Les I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France sous l a ~ G v o l u t i o ne t

l t E m p i r e , ( P a r i s : Presses U n i v e r s i t a i r e s de France, 1968),
iinm7
8. Ibid.

9. -
Ibid., p. 142.

10. P. Sagnac, La l g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e de l a r & o l u t i o n f r a n-~ a i s e , ( P a r i s :

L i b r a i r i e Hachette e t Cie., 1898), p. 2.

11. R. David and H, DeVries, The French Legal System, ( ~ e wYork: Oceana
pub1 i c a t i o n s , 1958), p. 1 1 .

12. A. Esmein, Cours G1;rnentait-e d ' h i s t o i r e du d r o i t francais,

(paris: L i b r a i r i e du Recueil S i r e y , l 9 2 l ) , p. 742.
 13. J. Brissaud, "National J u r i s t s and Royal L e g i s l a t i o n i ' , i n
Cont inenta 1 Legal H i s t o r y , o on don: John Murray, 1912)
Vol. 1, p. 265.

14. Sagnac, La I g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 6.

15. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 141.

16. J .M. Thompson, French Rev01 u t i o n Documents 1789-94, (Oxford:

B a s i l B l a c k w e l l , 1933), p. 13.

17. Baron F, Dglbeke, L ' a c t i o n p o l i t i q u e e t s o c i a l e des avocats au

X V l l l s i s c l e , (Paris: L i b r a i r i e du Recueil S i r e y , 1927), p. 137.

18. C.L. Von Bar, "A H i s t o r y o f C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Law", i n C o n t i n e n t a l

Legal H i s t o r y , o on don: John Murray, 1916) Vol. X, p. 259.

19. Ibid., p. 277.

20. A. D e s j a r d i n s , Les c a h i e r s des 6 t a t s g6ngraux en 1789 e t l a l g g i s l a t i o n

criminel le, (Paris: G. Pedone-Laurie1 , 1883), p. v i i.

e
21. R. Anchel, Crimes e t chatiments au X V l l l sizcle, (paris: Librairie
acad&nique P e r r i n , 1933), p. 29.

22. Ibid., p. 4.

23. Von Bar, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Law, p. 261.

24. Ibid., p. 263.

25. A . Wattlnne, L'affaire des t r o i s rougs, ( ~ a c o n : P r o t a t FrZres, 1921).,

P . 49.

I 26. A . Esmein,. "A H i s t o r y of C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Procedure", i n C o n t i n e n t a l

1
1 Legal H i s t o r y , ( ~ o s t o n : L i t t l e , Brown, and Company, 1913),
V o l . v., p . 397.

27 Ibid., p. 398.
28. Ibid., p. 399.

29. Ibid., p. 400

30. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 401.

31. Ibid., p. 402.

32. D e s j a r d i n s , Cahiers des G t a t s g&6raux, p. 78.

33. Ibid., p. 28.

34. Von Bar, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Law, p. 316.

#

35. MIT. Maestro, V o l t a i r e and B e c c a r i a as Reformers o f C r i m i n a l Law,

( ~ e wYork: F a r r a r , S t r a u s and G i r o u x , 1972), p. 23.

36. Ib i d .

37. Ibid., p. 25.

38 Ibid., p. 25.

39. Esmein, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Procedure, p. 363.

40. Ibid.

41. Ibid., p. 369.

42. Maestro, V o l t a i r e and B e c c a r i a , p. 27.

43. M a c k r e l l , S e i g n i o r i a l J u s t i c e , p. 134.

44. Von Bar, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Law, p. 317.

45. Esmein, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Procedure, p . 364.

46. Ibid.

47. Von Bar, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Law, p. 415.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid.

50. M a c k r e l l , S e i g n i o r i a l J u s t i c e , p. 134.

51. Wattinne, T r o i s ROU&, p. 72.

/
52. Maestro, V o l t a i r e and Beccaria, p. 101.

53. P e t e r Gay, V o l t a i r e ' s P o l i t i c s : The Poet as R e a l i s t , ( p r i n c e t o n :

P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1959), p. 284.

54. Edna Nixon, V o l t a i r e and t h e Calas Case, o on don: V i c t o r Gollancz

Ltd., 1961), p. 216.

55. Gay, V o l t a i r e ' s P o l i t i c s , pp. 292 -

e t 3.

56. Ibid., p. 293.

57. Ibid., p. 293.

/

58. Maestro, V o l a t i r e and Beccaria, p. 116.

59. Ibid., p. 117.

60. Gay, Voltaire's Politics, p. 298.

61. Wattinne, T r o i s Rougs, p. 71.

62. Delbeke, L ' a c t i o n p o l i t i q u e , pp. 59-65.

 63. W.F. Church. "The D e c l i n e o f t h e French J u r i s t s as P o l i t i c a l
~ h e o r i i t s , 1660-178911, i n French H i s t o r i c a l Studies, ( ~ o r c e s t e r ,
Mass.: Hefferman Press, 1967) Vol. V, Number 1, S p r i n g 1967,

64. -
Ibid., p . 31.

65. Von Bar, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Law, p. 318.

66. -
Ibid.

67. H i s t o i r e de France, E. L a v i s s e (ed.), (paris: L i b r a i r i e Hachette

Vol .
I X , p . 195.

68. Church, French J u r i s t s , p. 39.

/
69. Maestro, V o l t a i r e and Beccaria, p . 155.

70. Anchel, Crimes e t chstiments, p. 221.

71. A l f r e d Cobban, "The Parlements o f France i n t h e E i g h t e e n t h Century",

i n Aspects o f t h e French R e v o l u t i o n , o on don: Granada Pub1 ishing
L i m i t e d , 1971), p. 68.

72. A. Goodwin, The French R e v o l u t i o n , ( ~ e wYork: Harper & Row, 1966),

p. 17.

73. Cobban, Parlements of France, p . 78.

74. R.R. Palmer, The Age o f t h e Democratic Revolution, (Princeton:

P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1959), p. 97.

75. Ibid.

76. Goodwin, French R e v o l u t i o n , p . 17.

I 77. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 17.

1. 78. W.O. Doyle,

, - "The Parlements o f France and t h e Breakdown o f t h e Old
Reg ifhe", i n French H i s t o r i c a l Studies, ( ~ o r c e s t e r , Mass. :
Hefferman Press, 1970) Vol. V I , Number 4, F a l l 1970, p. 415.
79. Cobban, Parlements of France, p . 79.

80. F. ~ i g t r i ,La riforrne de l l k t a t au x v l l l e s i z c l e , ( P a r i s : Les

' e d i t i o n s de France, 1935), p. 139.

81. J. D e c l a r e u i l , H i s t o i r e g6ngrale du d r o i t f r a n s a i s de o r i g i n e s d e s
3 1789. ( P a r i s : L i b r a i r i e du Recueil ~ i r e y . 1925),

82. Desjardins, Cahiers des 6 t a t s g&6raux, p. xx.

83. Ibid., p. x x i .

84. M. Marion, Le garde des sceaux Larnoignon e t l a rlforrne j u d i c i a i r e d,e

-
1788, ( P a r i s : L i b r a i r i e Hachette e t Cie., 1905), p. 1.

85. M a c k r e l l , S e i g n i o r i a l J u s t i c e , p . 128.

86. Marion, Le garde des sceaux Larnoignon, p. 2.

87. Ibid., p. 6.

88. Goodwin, French Revolution, p. 37.

91. E. Glasson, Le Parlernent de P a r i s , (paris: L i b r a i r i e Hachette e t

Cie., 1901) Vol. 2, p . 477.

92 Ibid., p. 478.

93. Mackrell, Seigniorial Justice, p. 127.

94. Marion, Le garde des sceaux Larnoignon, pp. 67-68.

96. Glasson, Parlement de P a r i s , p. 480.

97. I sambert, Recuei 1 ggngral des anciennes l o i s f r a n ~ ases, i (Paris:

L i b r a i r i e de Plon FrZres, 1822-33) Vol. X X V I l , p. 527.

e
98. J. Flammermont, Remonstrances du Parlement de P a r i s au X V l l l
~ i z c l e , (paris: l m p r i m e r i e n a t i o n a l e , 1898) Vol. 3, p. 770.

99. Isambert, Recueil g g n g r a l , Vol. X X V I I , p. 527.

100. I b i d . , p. 530.

101. -*l b i d p. 531.

102. =l b i d p. 531.

103. I b i d . , p. 531.

104. I b i d . , p. 532.

-
105. l b i d p. 532.

106. Esmein, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Procedure, p. 397.

107. H i s t o i r e de France, E. L a v i s s e (ed.), Vol. I X , p. 347.

108. Isambert, Recueil gSnEral, Vol. X X V I I , p. 561.

109. H i s t o i r e de France, E. L a v i s s e (ed.), Vol. I X , p. 348.

110. Marion, Le garde des sceaux Lamoignon, p. 4.

1 1 1 . Goodwin, French R e v o l u t i o n , p. .37.

112. P . Sagnac, La f i n de l ' a n c i e n rkgime e t l a r & o l u t i o n amgricaine

(1 765- 1789), ( ~ a rs:i Presses un i v e r s i t a i r e s de France,
19521, p. 472.
B
113. Wattinne, T r o i s ROU&, p. 171.

114. Thompson, French R e v o l u t i o n Documents, p. 110.

-
115. I b i d .

116. I b i d .

117. I b i d .

118. Soboul, French Revolution, pp. - seq.

178 e t

119. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 27.

I
120. Sagnac, La l g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 44.

121. I b i d . , p. 46.

122. J.H. Stewart, A Documentary Survey o f t h e French R e v o l u t i o n ,

( ~ e wYork: The Macmillan Company, 1966), p. 106.

123. Thompson, French R e v o l u t i o n Documents, p. 58.

124. I b i d . , p. 59.

-
125. l b i d p. 60.

126. A. Esmein, L ' h i s t o i r e du d r o i t f r a n ~ a i sde 1789 1814, ( ~ i b r a i r i e

du Recueil S i r e y , 1911), p. 213.

127. Soboul, French R e v o l u t i o n , p. 554.

128. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n- ~ a i sde 1789 2 1814, p. 221.

129. L. Cahen and R. Guyot, L'oeuvre l e g i s l a t i v e de l a r & o l u t i o n ,

(paris: L i b r a i r i e F 6 l i x Alcan, 1913), p. 27.
130. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 322.

131. I b i d . , p. 333.

132. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n-~ a i sde 1789 1814, p. 228.

-
133. I b i d . , p. 233.

134. Stewart, Documentary Survey, P. 326.

135. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n- ~ a i sde 1789 2 1814, p. 233.

136. Ibid., p. 234.

137. Sagnac, La 1 6 g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 385. I

-
138. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n s a i s de 1789 2 1814, p. 235.

139. I b i d . , p. 239.

140. Ibid., p. 242.

141. M. P l a n i o l , "The R e v o l u t i o n and t h e Codes", i n C o n t i n e n t a l Legal

History, o on don: John Murray, 1912) Vol. 1, p. 278.

142. I b i d .

143. I b i d .

144. A . Esmein, " ~ ' o r i ~ i n a l i t du

g Code C i v i l " , i n Le Code C i v i l , L i v r e
du Centenaire, ( p a r i s : L i b r a i r i e Edouard Duchemin, 1969)
Vol. 1, p. 10.

145. F. Markham, Napoleon, ( ~ e wYork: The New American L i b r a r y , 1963),

p. 96.

146. Sagnac, La l g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 3.

*
J.
I
s
-
148. I b i d .

149. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 146.

150. Cahen and Guyot, L'oeuvre l g g i s l a t i v e , p. 26.

151. Sagnac, La 1 g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 47.

-
152. Ibid., p. 48.

-
153. Ibid., p. 48.

-
154. Ibid., p. 48.

-
155. I b i d . , p. 48.

156. l b i d
Po 9 p. 51.

157. Esmein, ~ ' o r i ~ i ni at gl du Code C i v i l , V o l . 1, p. 9.

158. Markham, Napoleon, p. 96.

159. Sagnac, La l g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 52.

160. Rapport de Carnbaceres, Fenet, Vol. 1, p. 140, c i t e d by A. Esrnein,

original i t & du Code C i v i l " , i n Le Code C i v i l , L i v r e du
Centenaire, ( p a r i s : L i b r a i r i e Edouard Duchemin, 1969)
Vol. 1, p. 10.

161. Sagnac, La 1 g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 53.

-
162. I b i d .

-
163. I b i d . , p. 54.
164. Markham, Napoleon, p. 96.

165. Planiol, Revolution and the Codes, Vol. 1, p. 281.

166. Sagnac, La 1Ggislation civile, p. 55.

167. Planiol, Revolution and the Codes, Vol. 1, p . 285.

-
168. Esmein, Droit fransais de 1789 2 1814, p. 329.

169. Ibid., p. 331.

170. R.B. Holtman, The Napoleonic Revolution, (~hiladelphiaand New York:

J.B. Lippincott Company, 1967)~ p. 88.

171. Planiol, Revolution and the Codes, Vol. 1 , p . 288.

172. De Montholon, "R&it de la captivite' de l'empireur ~apole/on",Vol. 1,

p . 401, cited by C.J. Friedrich, "The Ideological and Philosophical
Backgroundff,in The Code Napoleon and the Common-Law World,
B. Schwartz (ed.) , (New York University Press, 1956), p. 17.

173. Esmein, Droit francais de 1789 5 1814, p. 333.

174. Planiol, Revolution and the Codes, Vol. 1, p. 281.

175. ~ e n 6David, French Law: Its Structures, Sources, and Methodology,

a at on Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1972), p. 12.

176. Godechot, lnstitutions de la France, p. 692.

177. Planiol, Revolution and the Codes, Vol . 1, p. 287.

178. Ibid.

179. Godechot, Institutions de la France, p. 692,

180. Fenet, Vol. 1, pp. 466-467; ~ o c r g , Vol. 1, pp. 254-255, c i t e d by
Andr6 Tunc. "The Grand O u t l ines o f t h e Code". i n The Code
n t h e Common-Law World, B. ~ c h w a r & ( e m w
~ a ~ o l g oand .
York: New York U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1956), p. 44.

181. David, French Law, p. 14.

182. Fenet, Vol. 1, pp. 467-469; ~ o c t - 6 , Vol. 1, pp. 255-257, c i t e d by

And& Tunc, Grand Out1 ines, p. 24.

183. P l a n i o l , R e v o l u t i o n and t h e Codes, Vol. 1, p. 285.

184. -
Ibid., p. 286.

185. I b i d . , p. 286.

186. David, French Law, p. 12.

187. P l a n i o l , R e v o l u t i o n and t h e Codes, V o l . 1 , p. 286.

-
188. I b i d .

189. Tunc, Grand Out1 ines, p. 34.

190. Code NapolGon, L i t e r a l l y t r a n s l a t e d from t h e o r i g i n a l and o f f i c i a l

e d i t i o n p u b l i s h e d a t P a r i s i n 1804 by a b a r r i s t e r o f t h e I n n e r
Temple, a at on Rouge: R.G. C l a i t o r pub1 i s h e r , 1960 r e p r i n t ) ,
P. 19.

191. P. Lerebours-Pigeonnizre, "Le F a m i l l e e t l e Code C i v i l " , i n Le Code

C i v i l , L i v r e du Centenaire, ( p a r i s : L i b r a i r i e Edouard Duchemin,
1969) Vol. 1, p. 275.

192. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 695.

193. Code ~ a p o l g o n , p. 62.

194. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 695.

L
195. Tunc, Grand O u t l i n e s , p. 37.

196. Code Napolgon, p. 63.

-
197. Ibid., p. 76.

-
198. I b i d . , p. 83.

-
199. Ibid., p. 86.

200. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 695.

201 . Code Napolgon, p. 104.

202. Ibid., p. 44.

203. -
Ibid., p. 59.

204. -
Ibid., p. 60.

205. -
Ibid., p. 391.

206. Ibid., p. 393.

207. Tunc, Grand O u t l i n e s , p. 36.

208. Holtman, Napoleonic R e v o l u t i o n , p. 92.

209. Code Napolgon, p. 204.

210. -
Ibid., p. 249.

211. -
Ibid., p. 244.

212. ~ e r e b o u r s - ~ i ~ e o n n i z rLa
e , F a m i l l e e t l e Code C i v i l , Vol. 1, p. 280.

213. Code ~ a ~ f o 6 o np., 95.

214. -
Ibid., p. 96.

215. lbid., p. 96.

216. Holtman, Napoleonic R e v o l u t i o n , p. 91.

217. Code Napolgon, p. 208.

218. Ibid., p. 94.

-
219. P l a n i o l . R e v o l u t i o n and t h e C odes, V

220. A . S o r e l , " I n t r o d u c t i o n " t o Le Code C i v i l , L i v r e du Centenaire,

( p a r i s : L i b r a i r i e Edouard Duchemin, 1969) Vol. 1, p. x x i x .

- a i s de 1789
221. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n q 2 1814, p. 250.

222. H. CarrG, La f i n des parlements (1788-17901, (Paris: L i b r a i r i e

Hachette e t Cie., 1912), p. 83.

223. Wattinne, T r o i s ROU~S, p. 177.

-
224. I b i d . , p. 180.

225. Esmein, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Procedure, p. 402.

226. Ibid.

227. Ibid., p. 404.

228. Ibid., p. 407.

229. Von Bar, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Law, p. 321.

230. Ibid.

231. Ibid.
232. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 146.

-
233. I b i d .

234. Thompson, French R e v o l u t i o n Documents, p. 15.

235. Esrnein, C o n t i n e n t a l Criminal Procedure, p. 409.

-
236. I b i d .

237. I b i d . , p. 410.

-
238. l b i d . , p. 415.

239. Ibid., p. 41 6.

240. Ibid., p. 417.

241. Ibid., p. 410.

242. Ibid., p. 411.

243. -
Ibid., p. 411.

244. I b i d . , p. 419.

245. Ibid., p. 419.

246. I b i d . , p. 419.

247. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n c a i s de 1789

a
2 1814, p . 257.

248. Cahen and Guyot, L'oeuvre I Z g i s l a t i v e , p. 23.

249. I b i d . , p . 194.

250. M. ~ o u c a ? u l t , S u r v e i l l e r e t p u n i r , ( P a r i s : E d i t i o n s Gallimard,
19751, p. 18.
251. Von Bar, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Law, p . 321.

252. Ibid., p. 322.

253. Ibid., p. 324.

254. Ibid., p. 323.

255. Ibid., p. 323.

256. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n c a i s de 1789 2 1814, p. 257.

257. Esmein, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Procedure, p. 427.

258. Ibid., p. 428.

259. Ibid., p. 429.

260. Ibid., p. 430.

261. Ibid., p. 434.

262. Von Bar, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Law, p. 323.

263. L. Gershoy, The French R e v o l u t i o n and Napoleon, ( ~ e wYork: Meredith

P u b l i s h i n g Company, 1965), p. 457.

264. S t e w a r t , Documentary Survey, p. 775.

265. Esmein, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Procedure, p. 439.

266. Ibid., p. 440.

267. Ibid., p. 439.

268. Ibid., p. 438.

C
269. Stewart, Documentary Survey, P. 775.

270. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i sde 1789 2 1814, p. 336.

271. Esmein, C o n t i n e n t a l Criminal Procedure, p. 461.

272. Cambridge Modern H i s t o r y , G.W. Prothero, A.W. Ward, S . Leathes, (eds.)

(Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1906) Vol. I X , p. 171.

273. Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e , L o u i s T r i p i e r (ed.), ( p a r i s :

L i b r a i r i e de jurisprudence de C o t i l l o n , 1850), p. 817.

274. Cambridge Modern H i s t o r y , Vol. I X , p. 171.

275. Esmein, C o n t i n e n t a l Criminal Procedure, p. 459.

276. Marc Ancel, " I n t r o d u c t i o n " t o The French Penal Code, G.O.W. Mueller
(ed .) , o on don : Sweet & Maxwell L i m i ted, 1960) , p 3. .
277. Esmein, C o n t i n e n t a l Criminal Procedure, p. 464.

278. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n q a i s de 1789

r
2 1814, p. 336.

279. Esmein, C o n t i n e n t a l Criminal Procedure, p. 472.

280. Ibid., p. 483.

281. Cambridge Modern H i s t o r y , V o l . IX, p. 172.

282. Esmein, C o n t i n e n t a l Criminal Procedure, p. 495.

283. I b i d .

-
284. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n s a i s de 1789 2 1814, p. 337.

285. Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e , p. 719.

286. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p . 631.

287. Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e , p. 781..

288. *l bid ' p. 787.

289. Von Bar, C o n t i n e n t a l Criminal Law, p. 336.

290. Anchel, French Penal Code, p. 9.

291. Von Bar, C o n t i n e n t a l Criminal Law, p. 337.

292. Code p & a l , F i f t y - n i n t h e d i t i o n , (paris: Jurisprudence g & g r a l e

D a l l o z , 1962), p. 5.

293. -
Ibid., p. 9.

294. Ibid., p. 5.

295. Ibid., p. 11.

296. Ibid., p. 282.

297. Von Bar, C o n t i n e n t a l Criminal Law, p. 338.

298. -
Ibid.

299. Code p6nal , p. 2.

300. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n q a i s de 1789 2 1814, p. 86.

301. Cobban, Parlements o f France, p. 82.

302. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 108.

303. J. Brissaud, "A H i s t o r y of French P u b l i c Law", i n C o n t i n e n t a l Legal

H i s t o r y , ondo don: John Murray, 1915) V o l . I X , p . 561.

304. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 144.

305. -
Ibid.

306. Ibid.
 308. S t e w a r t , Documentary Survey, p. 145.

.
311. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i sde 1789 2 1814, p.

I 312. S t e w a r t , Documentary Survey, p.

313. Ibid.
144.

314. Ibid.

315. Ibid., p. 152.

316. Ibid., p. 146.

317. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i sde 1789

a
2 1814, p. 106.

318. S t e w a r t , Documentary Survey, p. 148.

319. Ibid.

320. Ibid., p. 149.

321. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i sde 1789 S 1814, p. 107.

322. Cahen and Guyot, L ' o e u v r e l g g i s l a t i v e , p. 184.

323. Esmein, D r o i t f r a na~ a i sde 1789 2 1814, p. 111.

324. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 153.

325. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n q a i s de 1789 2 1814, p . 113.

326. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 256.

327. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i sde 1789

a
2 1814, p. 111.

328. Godechot, l n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 159.

329. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i sde 1789

#
2 1814, p. 117.

330. Brissaud, French P u b l i c Law, Vol. I X , p. 562.

331. J.L. Godfrey, R e v o l u t i o n a r y J u s t i c e , (chapel H i l l : The U n i v e r s i t y

o f N o r t h C a r o l i n a Press, l 9 5 l ) , p. 150.

332. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 596.

333. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n q a i s de 1789 2 1814, p . 1

334. Godechot, l n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 477

335. Ibid., p. 480.

336. -
Ibid., p. 481.

337. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p . 775.

338. -
Ibid.

339. Ibid., p. 776.

340. Ibid., p. 776.

341. -
Ibid., p. 773.

342. Ibid., p. 776.

343. Godechot, l n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 619.

344. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p . 775.

*
 345. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p . 621.

346. Ibid., p . 622.

1 347. Holtman, Napoleonic R e v o l u t i o n , p. 87.

4
E
348. A l f r e d Cobban, A H i s t o r y o f Modern France, (~armondsworth, Middlesex:
Penguin Books Ltd., 1963), Vol. 1, p . 263.

349. Sagnac, La 1 g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 384.

350. I b i d . , p . 241.

351. Cahen and Guyot, L'oeuvre l e ' g i s l a t i v e , p . 111.

352. Ibid.

353. Ibid., p. 113.

354. Georges Lefebvre, The D i r e c t o r ( ~ e wYork: Vintage Books, a D i v i s i o n

o f Random Ho"& 168.

355. ~ o d e c h o t ; l n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p . 693.

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