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NATIONALISM AND EGALITARIANISM IN INDONESIA, 1908-1980
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
IN POLITICAL SCIENCE
MAY 1991
By
Mochtar Pabottingi
Dissertation Committee:
at Manoa.
vi
ABSTRACT
after.
vii
The long exploitation of the majority of Indonesians
contestation of meanings.
viii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract""",,""""""""" " "" " " " "" " """"""""""" """ """ """"" " vii
Preface """""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""" xi
PART ONE
PART TWO
INDONESIAN NATIONALISM IN CONTEXT
Chapter III. Language Determination of the Indonesian
Nationalism ,,"""""""""""""""""""""""""""""" 72
Chapter IV. The Roots of the Discursive Practices .... 108
Chapter V. The Economic Context of Indonesian
Nationalism" " " "" "" """"""" """"" """"" """" "" 138
ix
PART THREE
THE MAKING OF AN EGALITARIAN NATIONALISM
Chapter VI. Discourses and Practices: Budi Utomo
and Sarekat Islam 181
Chapter VII. Discourses and Practices: The Exemplary
Figures and the Communist Party......... 207
Chapter VIII. Sukarno and the Mobilization of
Meanings................................ 240
PART FOUR
PROBLEMS OF DISCONTINUITY
Chapter IX. The New Order: Reading the
Inegalitarian Constellation 279
Chapter X. Uncovering the Other Side: The
Egalitarian Consciousness and Language •.. 329
Chapter XI. Uncovering the Other Side: Islam and
Visions of Egalitarianism •.............. 367
Notes................................................. 410
References •........................................... 506
x
PREFACE
xi
awareness that patterns of ideology exist not so much in
in Indonesian politics.
xii
and why they became at once nationalistic and egalitarian;
(4) the discrepancy between the politics of the pergerakan
era and that of the New Order, focusing on what I refer to
as "the inegalitarian constellation" and how it should be
contested; and, finally, (5) the enduring voices of egali-
xiii
1
PART ONE
------~-.---
3
talking about and that they had "seen its ugliest face."
--------- ---
4
alternative to the monopoly they are criticizing. But with
alternative.
and Sweezy call for "courage to face the facts, and faith
fact.
irregularity of practices.
ly of spices.(17)
be seriously felt.CI8)
- ---- ---
tion of the laws and standards of the times."(24)
more than 100% per annum and the value of its shares
ing of the Dutch East India Company, the second one must be
the system should not exceed the amount usually spent for
against the Dutch and the eight-year war with Belgium, fol-
illimitably exploited."(48)
ing of the day that, "One is born, wed, and buried in the
21
indigo plantations."(56) Sukarno was not remiss in unearth-
right to have the land cultivated at the terms and with the
ended in 1800. The same function holds true with the Forced
and feudalism.
enterprise.
Here again all the Dutch needed was to add their skill
the third the practice was handed over to the Dutch capi-
is under the hand of its new reapers; only its means were
structural barrier.
recover.
Batavia to Europe."(77)
judges that the net annual income for the head of an aver-
life.(86)
venture for the British, it was very much so for the Dutch.
writes,
ancillary enterprises.
Furnivall is well aware that unlike the case with the Low
politics of Raffles and Van den Bosch, two great and more
like the case with the character and fate of the East India
machinery of England."(IIO)
38
II
sent home was essentially the same: the native rulers were
1830. Since then the Dutch East India Company had outma-
the more she became enfeebled, and the deeper the Dutch
"we can see the origin of Forced Deliveries and Con tingen-
cies."(12)
income from the crops, and so were chiefs and headmen down
"feudal" hierarchy.
regents ... "(19) The upper priyayis realized that they were
tive upper class during this long period was the incorpora-
yis whereas the other two were for the peasantry and for
and the purpose was to get them prepared for lower adminis-
and flourishing language, the act can only mean a wily and
logical because it
bureaucrats.(5l)
peacefully for centuries. Unlike the case with Rama III and
the Persians, who would before long come and go. (56) Or. at
The more the bupatis were alienated from the people, the
weaker they became in the eyes of both the people and the
in the Netherlands.(62)
change.
maintains that
mechanism."
living."(66)
58
Geertz characterizes the priyayis by their "intense
tion.(69)
not of turning away from life but toward it."(76) But here
social status, and that "the lower class people are well-
brought about.
61
But the claim of "turning toward the world" becomes
material sustenance.
that we can hardly talk about any step and/or field in the
role the Chinese had played in it. Ever since Coen adopted
economy.
al concessionaries.
of the Chinese.
Chinese and the Dutch, and that the Chinese soon found the
---
between the Chinese and the Indonesians.
--
Before the coming of the Portuguese and the Dutch,
era.(90)
note that the Asian trade was then superior to· that of
light.(92)
economy."
economic capacity.
were the Dutch able to sap the country to the marrow and to
the Chinese and that from the beginning of the colonial era
Chinese, just like the priyayis, were not wholly and for
abject conditions.
discontinuities.
three centuries (1) could not only maintain her own lan-
less of colonization.
historical "documents."(3)
that we have to deal with what languages were used then and
through.(9)
with what kinds of speech acts are being used for political
rily through the definition that Dutch and the people who
their own.
present-day Indonesia."(14)
Malay.
madya of Javanese.
Malay.
countries.(26)
history.
priyayis.
normative spheres.
88
The character of Malay happened to be just the oppo-
native tongues.(35)
the language has never petrified. The people did not have
argument.
89
First of all, Bahasa Indonesia did not have the deep
modern life.
foreign Self.(39)
intellect."(42)
has been carried out with the same determination and irre-
opposite.
and short-breathed.
lem.
ment which then make the Nigerian writers try to shift the
"centered."(51)
lish being with that of the African and the English rules
with their rules, but there is no denying the fact that the
95
more established being and rules are generally the more
their first language. But the iron law stays: ceteris pari-
was the case. This means that while the fruit of the lan-
language and culture "is the most direct way toward econom-
ic expansion."(SS)
the language of the elite and the ruling class, Dutch had
and unification.
"center." The very fact that every nation doing some kind
archipelago.
102
The pledge served as an important political leverage
the Malay of the East Indies into the language of the peo-
independence.
spirit and universe of its own. Only through their own lan-
breakthrough.
less, the poor and ignorant masses did learn through the
IV
THE ROOTS OF THE DISCURSIVE PRACTICES
Indonesia. (l)
and the housing condition poor. The new era was also marked
Parliament. (6)
Indies. The call now was different from the obsolete Liber-
new policy in the true sense of the word, because there was
and Curacao.(19)
114
But the policy remained as much rhetoric. There was an
mechanism.
the colony, had now come forth. But the exploitive motive
Republics.
struggle.
did not stand ~ the middle between "the First World" and
Europe.(33)
constraints.
in the colonies.
and others within her own borders. In 1919 they also had to
same policy out of the same fear was adopted with regard to
eXigency.(46)
tices.
for our discussion is the fact that only with the victory
countries.
community.
ity. The first wave followed almost from the beginning the
ness.
subcontinent.
they see the West "as a genuine development from the apogee
from Egypt.
of Islam.(79)
against tag lid and for ijtihad on surer ground than do both
Just like the case with the Indian Muslims, this re-
of the dream.
own.
138
V
THE ECONOMIC CONTEXT OF INDONESIAN NATIONALISM
exploitive schemes.
sentative.
Java's rice for their staple food. Thus where spices con-
by Van Leur:
Moluccas.(13)
of ways.
Bali.(22)
149
But even in Java, the Muslim urban traders kept alive
twentieth century."(26)
1850 and 1855. But this was only possible because the Brit-
industry to grow.
the Dutch were hardly willing to adopt such "grow and let
grow" policy.
of the economy are such that the existence of the one does
disposal.(33)
native produce for the latter and as their tax and monopoly
Java.
Japanese.
292 percent, and that of tea rose almost ten times during
lis.
florins.(50)
of the people.(53)
-----------.- ---
162
titles.
nearly eliminated."(62)
Chinese).(64)
The totoks, who became, toward the end of the Dutch rule,
Still this observation does not rule out the fact that the
situation vividly.
rulers fit perfectly with the Dutch colonial scheme for the
nor.(69) Usually those who made the highest bid got the
obediently was the fact that the Dutch had made their
168
positions hereditary--an administrative practice they could
their position.
activities.
more dominant.
leadership. (86)
than less."(87)
tolerance.
outside world.
the end of the colonial period the reverse was the case:
VI
DISCOURSES AND PRACTICES: BUDI UTOMO AND SAREKAT ISLAM
Indies was the fact that their social bases were not strong
All this had left the country with a very weak class
proletariat.
that way, their labor could be used gratis again and again
not with the colony but with the metropolis. The thriving
Budi Utomo
priyayis.
traditionalism.
Noto Soeroto calls the oldest, the largest, and the most
b), c), e), and f). Even the word "native" and "nation" in
186
membership in it.
them.
party."(25)
Netherlands.
the authorities.(29)
189
for the upper class with very little drive toward political
Sarekat Islam
men, peasants, and workers (38) all flocked into the fold
Islam.
people."(SO)
not have to use such a measure against Budi Utomo. Now all
local SIs.
conceivable way.(51)
in the Volksraad.
Budi Utomo whose support of the plan for native militia was
rekat Islam saw the positive things it might entail for the
Semarang-SI.
Bud! Utomo.
1921:
saw that its message was better taken care of by the exu-
teaching of Islam.(57)
activities.
-----~_._----~._~-.
200
and those who put primary emphasis upon Communism had begun
ests."(68)
Islam.(7l)
the Dutch used to dub them, they now rose with a new spirit
ing its own authority, Sarekat Islam "was moving away from
the party.
turu. In the same year, the party also enacted its final
Islam had taken side with the rakyat and privileged its
exploited bangsa.
both Budi Utomo and Sarekat Islam had been short. The em-
Indonesia.(76)
207
VII
other reason than the fact that the struggle of the former
ignited.
homeland. For the first time the Dutch blijvers and the
1919. But even this new association did not fare better. It
died in 1923.
of Dutch independence.(3)
writes:
This concern for honor had long been inseparable from the
say that the author had sacrificed himself for the cause of
212
rectifying what he considered to be grave injustice done to
the "Indiers."
King Philip "at his own word," reminding him of his own
sovereign."(8)
between the ruler and the ruled for the former's glory and
Eleven years later, the year the Dutch had him exiled
Volksraad.
the vorsten1anden."(23)
disasters as causes.(29)
was the sugar cane which carried plant diseases during and
nized war between the Pandawas and the Kaurawas over the
was.(35)
Semaoen, Darsono, and Tan Malaka had been and still were
1920.
provinces.(38)
however, the PKI, more than any other party, was ridden
case was different from that of the PKr in that the former
had the situations well under control, while the latter did
not.
situation.
end."
way the party came into being. At variance with the CCP and
and Ho had done. They put the fate of their struggle more
with its closeness to the CCP, had made the PKI unable to
leaders did not have the confidence that the people belong-
not really "feel with the people." Even where their party's
Rakyat, the PKI leaders could not get rid of their doubts.
-------------- -----
226
the plain fact that they simply could not preserve a credi-
was done.
the people.
and experience.
fact, it was with the new strategy that the dilemma reached
was the crucial fact that CSI did not adopt that strategy
the positions of the PKI and the Sarekat Islam before the
izing the masses had been broken and, therefore, now had to
of.
sure of Haji Agoes Salim and Abdoel Moeis. Thus the Sarekat
--not at the very time when even Lenin had to court the
proletarian struggle.
236
abortive revolt."(67)
cards" and asked for donations from among the "more afflu-
unsurely grasped.(73)
solidarity.
of the rise of the new Islam had totally escaped the his-
need.(74)
VIII
in the text.
called for was not the same gado-gado but a genuine unity,
242
practically nil.
Sukarno was not the first leader to call for a per en-
had always been a champion for it. In his own way, even
its danger.(6)
structure.(8)
unite.
day."(14)
and places. The change already began with Marx and Engels
toward progress.
247
writes
from misconception.(22)
Still more important than all that was his move toward
Netherlands.
his people.
Perhimpunan Indonesia:
Indonesia.
awakening.
exemplary tenacity.
PNI's programme.(44)
untouchables.(46)
overlooked.
sight of; and that 'main outline' was the struggle for
wars.
only ones who could afford to do so. The rest of the people
The language the Dutch used to mock now stood firmly and
imagined.
forge the symbolic solidarity upon which the new nation was
ruling class have always been the ruling ideas does not
uncovered.
of power, the other does not. However, the two are interes-
tingly connected.
between them.
idea that "at bottom all things are one." Thus Pham Quynh,
syncretism.(65)
World.
sians, but also for the security of other groups with which
dian Muslims, which finally cost him his life in the hands
mobilization of meanings.
destiny as a people.
closer the ship got to France, the better the people aboard
identity.
ideology."(86)
the Japanese.
peoples. And because they are not different, they have the
point.
moment. The same holds true wit.h ideas from various social
ideal.(91)
PROBLEMS OF DISCONTINUITY
279
IX
economy.
of an egalitarian community.
contends that,
legitimacy.(7)
bad alike and why both sexual control and sexual indulgence
er."CII)
concentration of power.
sacred, towering--phallus-like--monument.
285
phobia or paranoia.
between parties.
responsibility in hand.(13)
the rule of the New Order. One study uncovers the process
political prisoners.(I8)
monopoly.
in 1932 the ratio had changed into 83:13, during which most
concerning Indonesia.
"agricultural involution."
according to Geertz,
addressed.
it.
several instances.
that,
296
one thing, the crisis had certainly been over when Geertz
wound and trauma did stay, but they no longer formed a cri-
have succeeded."(49)
system.
to credit.(54)
he argues that
present continuity.
is a homeostasis. It is as self-contained as it is
emerging signification.
303
surprises. The more modern the times, the more fraught are
community."
306
Soeroto.
things."
308
mystification.
-
as the claimed culture is not there, the idea he is
-
propagating is actually not that of any culture, but that
idea.
aggression.
312
coherence.
thing valorized and thence get into the diverse and many
the dicta of the idea than with the real threat of national
technologies of communication.
diplomacy.(107)
have any interest in the military affairs and was not di-
to the communist~.
cisely because
ness among each other was even more so than that of each of
internationalists.
post-colonial periods.
very colonial scheme that the New Order had been following
near future arise from the majority of the priyayis and the
story.
329
consciousness.
people.
reason.(3)
Alisjahbana:
egalitarian ideas.
very likely have been Indonesia's fate much earlier had the
Indonesia's independence.
Outer Islands.
ty. In any case, both Sukarno and Suharto had learned from
earlier PNI from 1927 till 1929, Sukarno never had a party
their power.
335
president and where some were elected, the list was also
list.(33)
but an excuse.(39)
Book writes that the company has "drained off all the water
stop all this, even though they are the legitimate owners
which was inherited from the Dutch. They were even obliged
to transgress them.
fact, all kinds of laws were issued to make sure that not a
of the poor, the rich were always able to find ways not to
this stage, not only the students but the entire academia
this regard was the very name used by that policy, Normali-
and they all were doing their job fine. The universities
community."
The White Book and the Human Rights Report are here
presented both for the knowledge of what was going on and
the students' and intellectuals' resolution to express it.
To be sure, they were not alone in raising voice against
violations of citizens' rights and dignity.
Known as Petisi SO, fifty statesmen and politicians
laid bare in 1980 the serious mistake in Suharto's
exclusivist and monopolist view of the state ideology, Pan-
casila.(62) The petition made it clear that Suharto had
interpreted Pancasila at will and degraded it as a mere
tool to crush his enemies. This, according to the petition,
mocked the ideals of the founders of the Republic.(63) The
way Suharto established elitism and marginalized the
351
were raised was a far cry from the indirect and reluctant
Islamic publications.
that
Anderson has put it. Like what the Indonesian Chinese had
better alternative.
second point, that is, the influx of new ngoko, does not
Islands.(2)
368
ly curtailed.
and after the oil boom, no favor was given them in develop-
from the negative forces the Sukarno regime and the New
egalitarianism.
unpopularity.
tory as they enter the modern time. Just like any religion,
(idiotic).(13)
as "a source of law" along with the Qur'an and Sunna, the
appropriated.
from a paraphrase:
an Islamic state.(27)
tradition.
of Syed Ahmad Khan. And unlike the work of Amir Ali which
humanity.
dency relations.(39)
and parcel with the Islamic faith. His guide is none but
leaders."(54)
Sarekat Islam, both its CSI, which was the first to organ-
another?"(63)
ta1.(64)
related to us.(65)
"creation"?(66).
Communists Want?) and P.I.I. dan Iaoem Boeroeh (PII and the
them.
Socialism.(72)
Renan's position.
ideologues.(76)
many of them were reversal from the more than six decades
a sudden the state took the opposite turn. Soon the domi-
concrete manner.
development.
our own power, will develop our own social dynamics ..• "(83)
were arbitrarily made low; and the fact that land reform
seven-point policy:
and self-sufficiency.(89)
culties.(92)
395
side.(96)
Government."(103)
right of others.
injustices.(107)
tional corporations.(l12)
of Indonesia's egalitarianism.
consciousness."(IIS)
in the field.
marginalization.
Republic proper, that is, the Madiun Revolt by the PKI and
nation emerged out of, or was captured by, the Indic cul-
has gone too far for that. Neither was it grounded singly
plurality prevails.
406
goes with the maxim that the coin always has two faces.
Chapter I
(6) Chinweizu, The West and the Rest of Us. New York:
Random House, 1975:-p:4I7 ~would~interesting to
compare the Indonesian colonization and that of America as
it is construed by Tzvetan Todorov. We can argue that
colonization was severest in the latter. But we should note
the important difference between colonization for the sake
of conquest and one for the sake of exploitation. In the
first instance, the plunder is once-and-for-all; in the
second, it is intended to be repetitive.and permanent. It
is here that the question which one is severer between the
two becomes contestable.
Another related difference is the prominence of prose~
lytization in the former and its relative insignificance in
the latter. And yet Todorov's perspective is relevant to
our discussion in terms of the ideological underpinnings of
colonization, i.e., with respect to knowlege-power
relations. For Todorov's excellent account in this line of
argument, see Tzvetan Todorov, The Conquest of America: The
Question of the Other. New York: Harper & Row Publishers,
1984.
411
(72) Ibid., p. 7.
(28) Aceh, for instance, waged war against the Dutch until
1904, a war which was tough, protracted, and particularly
costly to the Netherlands.
(45) Umberto Eco. The Name of the Rose. New York: Warner
Books, 1980, p. 469~.-yn-his Foucaultian understanding of
power. Eco says through his protagonist. "Under torture you
say not only what the inquisitor wants, but also what you
imagine might please him, because a bond (this, truly
diabolical) is established between you and him" (p. 63).
Chapter IV
(61) Ibid., p. 9.
Chapter VI
(99) In this sense, Sukarno was very much with Tan Malaka
as the latter internalized the ideas of materialism,
dialectic, and logic in his intellectual makeup. Tan Malaka
elaborated all this in his important book, Madilog (Jakar-
ta: Penerbit Widjaya, 1951). .
With respect to the building of a nation, however,
Sukarno surpassed all his compatriots. If Tan Malaka, just
like Hatta and Sjahri~, moved with the sheer force of
intellect, Sukarno combined this force with that of local
imagination. He believed that in the final analysis a
nation can only be created with the power of imagination,
of iming-iming.
Accordingly, all the shibboleths he had franticly
produced during the period of the Guided Democracy should
also be read with the intention of iming-iming, which
Anderson sees largely as disguised ~antras. Sukarno had
only to learn when to stop imagining and begin the more
arduous work of building the economic and political
foundation of the young' nation as Ratta had suggested since
the time of the pergerakan.
(100) This is particularly true if we remember that br. the
late colonial period much of the earlier traditional 'inde-
pendence" of the priyayis was already a matter of the past.
The priyayis inherited by the young Republic were a sickly
social class, which was parasitic rather than progressive.
The exemplary figures who came from among its rank actually
occupied a marginal position within it. Moreover, they
became exemplary only as they denied priyayi exclusivism
and fought with and for the rakyat. Tjipto Mangoenkoesoemo
and Sukarno were arch-representatives of such figures.
(101) See "An Interview with Sartono Kartodirdjo," in
Horison, July 1988, p. 222.
(102) For an excellent account of this period, see Herbert
Feith, "Dynamics of Guided Democracy," in Ruth T. McVey
(ed.), Indonesia. New Haven: Southeast Asia Studies, Yale
University, 1963, pp. 309-25.
(103) The practice of Constitutional Democracy in Indonesia
from 1950 to 1958 was an attempt to carry out the
principle.
(104) Supersemar is an acronymic rendition from Surat
Perintah Sebelas Maret (Presidential Instruction of March
11). This document stated the transferance of all executive
power from President Sukarno to then General Suharto, which
the former signed on March 11, 1966.
(105) Even with the large victories of Golkar, the allega-
tion remains. Golkar is a party from above, whose principal
478
rationale is to depoliticize; it is essentially rootless.
(106) Ruth T. McVey, "The Beamtenstaat in Indonesia," in
Benedict Anderson and Audrey Kahin (eds.), op cit., p. 85.
(107) The unwillingness of the national leaders to engage
in an armed struggle was to stigmatize their image as
freedom fighters even up to now.
(108) Onghokham, Rakyat dan Negara. Jakarta: Penerbit Sinar
Harapan, 1983, p. 22.
(109) See the perceptive article by the retired General
T.B. Simatupang, "Menelaah Kembali Peranan TNI: Refleksi
Kesejarahan dan Perspektif Masa Depan," in Farchan Bulkin
(ed.), Analisa Kekuatan Politik di Indonesia. Jakarta:
LP3ES, 1985, p. 62. --
(110) See Feith in McVey (ed.), op cit., pp. 350-4.
(111) In the first generation of TNI, a strong sense of
integrity and efforts to preserve the unity of the nation
were obvious. With consistency, TNI had managed to persuade
and coerced others to comply with the necessity of unity.
But it also instructed itself to carry out its mission in
such a way as not to introduce a bad precedent for endless
military instability as what had happened in many Third
World countries. See Simatupang in Bulkin, op cit., p. 59
and passim.
(112) See Harold Crouch, The Army and Politics in
Indonesia. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1978, p.
47.
(113) For the genealogy of the dwi-fungsi, see ibid., pp.
24-5; also see Simatupang in Bu1kin, op cit.
(114) Benedict Anderson, "Old State, New Society: Indone-
sia's New Order in Comparative Historical Perspective,"
Journal of Asian Studies. May 1983, p. 489.
(115) To a considerable extent, this was analogous to the
colonial experience of the priyayis.
116) Crouch, op cit., p. 37.
i17) In this connection, it is interesting to recover
Hatta's observation in his address before the Committee for
People's Political Consultation of the People's Republic of
China (on December 24, 1957) concerning the growth of
Indonesian cities. "The capitalism which first entered Asia
was trade capitalism •... For the sake of the capitalists'
479
trade all it needed were fortresses near the harbors, from
which cities emerged. The cities did not emerge from within
the land, but were imposed from without. These cities
became the center for the political and economic power of
the foreign capitalists." (See Mohammad Hatta, Kumpulan
Pidato 11. Jakarta: Inti Idayu Press, 1983, p. 88.) Hence
we can easily imagine how both the rural areas and the
traditional sectors were gradually cornered to occupy the
wrong end of the economic and political equation.
(118) See Thee Kian Wie, "The Impact of the Colonial Past
on the Indonesian Economy," presented in the Conference ~
the Socio-economic Foundations of the Late Colonial State
on Java Circa 1880-1930: TowardS-An ExPIBDation. NIAS,
Wassenaar, 12-14 June 1989, pp. 39-40.
(119) The reason is simple. While the Chinese are well
adept concerning the economic situation and practices of
the land, both the Dutch and the priyayi/military rulers
can rely on the so-called "double minority" status of the
Chinese as not to pose any political threat whatsoever to
their position.
(120) See Mochtar Pabottingi, "Culture and Politics in the
Third World." Prisma, No.31, March 1984, p. 15.
(121) Ibid., p. 15.
(122) It is this symbiotic cooperation between widely
different social groups which I refer to as "historical
coincidence." See also note 119 above .•
(123) Barrington Moore, Jr., Social Origins of Dictatorship
~ Democrac-L. Boston: Beacon Press, 1966, p. 39, 141.
(124) See an interesting article by Wang Gungwu, "'Are
Indonesian Chinese Unique?': Some Observations," in J.A.C.
Mackie (ed.), The Chinese in Indonesia. Honolulu: The
University of Hawaii Press-,-1976, pp. 201-2.
(125) See, for instance, Onghokham, "The Case for Assimila-
tion," in Herbert Feith and Lance Castles (eds.),
Indonesian Political Thinking, 1945-1965. Ithaca, N.Y.:
Cornell University Press, pp. 347-50. Also Yav Thiam Hien,
"The Chinese Problem and the Attitude of Some Christian
Leaders of Chinese Descent," in Leo Suryadinata, Political
Thinking of the Indonesian Chinese, 1900-1977. Singapore:
Singapore University Press, 1979, pp. 127-33. See also Lie
Tek Tjeng, "On Assimilation," in ibid., pp. 207-10.
480
Chapter X
(68) Ibid, Vol I, pp. 37-8 and Vol. II, pp. 55-6.
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