The in Uence of Superhero Comic Books On Adult Altruism: December 2016

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The Inﬂuence of Superhero Comic Books on Adult Altruism
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Running Head: THE INFLUENCE OF SUPERHERO COMICS ON ALTRUISM !1
The Influence of Superhero Comic Books on Adult Altruism
Jonathan MacFarlane
Georgia Gwinnett College 

THE INFLUENCE OF SUPERHERO COMICS ON ALTRUISM !2
Abstract
There is a body of work on the influence of fictional characters on personal development, and
some research on the effects of superhero role modeling on children’s behavior and resilience.
We use fictional characters’ experiences to understand our own lives (Ress, 2010) and
internalize societal values (Singh & Lu, 2004). Fictional characters are often viewed as role
models (Melnick, 2002), and children frequently look to superheroes as role models (McCrary,
1999). Superhero role modeling can improve behavior (Karniol et al., 2011) and even health
resilience (Fradkin, Weschenfelder, & Yunes, 2016). However, there has been very little
research specifically about the influence comic books have on the development and/or exercise
of prosocial/altruistic values or behaviors. This project looked for, and did not find, a connection
between childhood comic book reading and elevated prosocial values/behaviors in adulthood. A
connection was found between childhood comic book reading and negative opinion of the
general population’s level of altruism in adulthood. Additionally, I investigated if superhero
comics have a priming effect on altruistic behavior; a significant positive influence was shown. 
The Influence of Superhero Comic Books on Adult Altruism
Superheroes have been recognized as potential positive role models since the beginning
of the comic book as an art form (Ruben, 2012). Comic book characters are widely recognized
and engaged with due to mainstream prevalence of comic book-inspired media. For example, in
2016 alone eight theatrical movies, 24 television shows, and five video games based on comic
book characters were aired/released. These eight movies, which are as popular with adults as
with children (Berman, 2016), made approximately $4.97 billion in box office ticket sales as of
December 2, 2016 (Box Office Mojo, n.d.). DC Comics’ television shows, which account for ten
of 2016’s 24, bring in over $1 billion in revenue annually (Szalai, 2016). In 2013, the top four
properties from Marvel Comics and DC Comics sold approximately $2.4 billion worth of
merchandise1 (Block, 2014). This surge in comic book-based mass media, along with other
childhood favorites from the 1980s and 90s like Transformers, Power Rangers, My Little Pony,
and G.I. Joe, is largely due to the internet enabling easy nostalgic fulfillment (Harvey, 2011) and
fueling demand for more content from these properties.
Superhero stories are melodramas, stories designed to play on the emotions of the
audience and typically feature the protagonists overcoming seemingly insurmountable problems
through extraordinary bravery, resilience, and/or sacrifice (Argo, Zhu, & Dahl, 2008). At a basic
level, superheroes demonstrate ordinary people can be greater than their station. Superman is
a small town farm boy who learns he is the most powerful being on the planet; Batman
witnesses his parents’ senseless murder and transforms himself into the dread of criminals
everywhere; Spider-Man is poor and bullied but gains extraordinary abilities through a science
mishap (Morrison, 2012). “Supergirl’s shared secret with readers is not the specific identity of
1Spider-Man (Marvel): $1.3 billion; Batman (DC): $494 million; Avengers (Marvel): $325 million;
Superman (DC): $277 million
her mundane alter ego…but that any mundane girl might be more powerful than she
seems” (Link, 2013, p. 1179).
The characters of the Golden Age of comics (approximately 1930-1960) were mythical
figures dealing with lofty ideals and black-and-white morality (Genter, 2007; Ruben, 2012).
Superman is “the champion of the oppressed…sworn to devote his existence to helping those in
need” (Siegel & Shuster, 1938), and Batman and Robin are sworn to “fight together against
crime and corruption” and stay on “the path of righteousness” (Finger, 1940). In a 1948 issue of
Sensation Comics (Peter) Wonder Woman indirectly cautions the audience,
But remember, this man’s world of yours will never be without pain and suffering until it
learns love and respect for human rights. Keep your hands extended to all in
friendliness, but never holding the gun of persecution and intolerance!
These characters, though, were not directly relatable to most readers (Morrison, 2012),
who were not demigod-like aliens, incredibly wealthy, or Amazonian. This is not to say, however,
they were without morally educational value. Binary values are the underlying support structure
of most stories, especially fable-esque stories like superhero comics (Gover & Conway, 1999).
Accordingly, most heroes’ archnemeses are mirrors of the heroes to which they belong, sharing
in common a type of origin and/or set of abilities but pursuing villainy rather than heroism
(Morrison, 2012; Langley, 2012). Most of the stories ended with the evildoers being arrested
and/or imprisoned for their crimes. If nothing else, Golden Age comic storytelling served as a
warning of the moral (and literal) cost of choosing the wrong path.
Comic book stories and their heroes underwent a change in the early 1960s, when
Marvel Comics introduced an ever-growing cast of characters2 who, along with their heroics,
faced real-world problems such as bullying, discrimination and racism, poverty, and even
homework (Genter, 2007). The stories also took place in fictionalized real-world locations—
2 Specifically, Spider-Man, the Fantastic Four, and the X-Men

mainly New York City—and would often involve, directly or indirectly, real-world events and/or
people (Howe, 2012). This change, which gradually carried over to other publishers’ characters,
strengthened superheroes’ potential as role models and potential real world forces for good
(Calvert, Strouse, & Murray, 2006; Singh & Lu, 2004), as audiences better respond to stories
with high verisimilitude, even when they feature highly fantastical elements (Argo, Zhu, & Dahl,
2008).
The aim of this study was two-fold. First, to determine if reading superhero comic books
in childhood has an influence on adult prosocial/altruistic behaviors or values, both in the
readers themselves and on their perception of them in others. Secondly, to determine if
superhero comics have a priming effect on altruistic behavior. I hypothesized participants who
read superhero comics as children would be more likely to hold and exercise prosocial/altruistic
values than those who did not (H1). I further hypothesized childhood readers would have a lower
opinion of the general population’s level of altruism (H2). My third hypothesis (H3) was
participants who read a superhero comic before encountering an “accident” befalling someone
else would be more likely and quicker to help than those who read the control material.
Literature Review
To my knowledge there is no published research into the effects of childhood comic book
reading on moral values or behavior, or research into the priming effects of comics on prosocial
behaviors. There is, however, a growing body of work on the influence of fictional characters in
general. There is also some research on superhero role modeling.
When members of an audience can relate to the lives of fictional characters, they are
able to use the character’s experiences to better understand their own lives (Ress, 2010), as
well as recognize and internalize societal values (Singh & Lu, 2004), which aids in the
development of personal identity (Gover & Conway, 1999). On this subject, Ress, speaking of
Little Orphan Annie, writes, “they were not reading the paper; they were gazing into a funhouse
mirror, watching a distorted image of their own becoming” (p. 791). This is an important benefit
of engaging in fiction, especially in regards to childhood moral development. Behaviors and
beliefs established in childhood, both positive and negative, generally continue through
adulthood (Calvert, Strouse, & Murray, 2006; Fradkin, Weschenfelder, & Yunes, 2016).
By thinking about ourselves in the context of fictional stories, we are able to visualize
potential outcomes (Martin, 2007). We take the lessons characters learn and improve ourselves
(Martin, 2007; Ruben, 2012; Singh & Lu, 2004; Melnick, 2002). In this way, fictional characters
influence personal development, values, and identity. This type of inspiration is the core of many
superheroes, notably Superman:
I wouldn’t have it any other way. Dreams save us. Dreams lift us up and transform us.
And on my soul, I swear, until my dream of a world where dignity, honor, and justice
becomes a reality we all share, I’ll never stop fighting. Ever. (Kelly, Mahnke, & Bermejo,
2001)
A more recent example can be found in Ms. Marvel:
There’s this ayah [verse] from the Quran that my dad always quotes when he sees
something bad on TV. A fire or a flood or a bombing. ‘Whoever kills one person, it is as if
he has killed all of mankind; and whoever saves one person, it is as if he has saved all of
mankind.’ When I was a little kid that always made me feel better. (Wilson & Alphona,
2014)
Consistent engagement with a real-world positive role model has been shown to
positively impact academic, personal, and social behaviors and interactions (Fradkin,
Weschenfelder, & Yunes, 2016). Fictional characters frequently play as strong a role, especially
when engaged with frequently (Calvert, Strouse, & Murray, 2006). Melnick (2002) found 66% of
her participants consider fictional characters to be role models, especially those with similar
personal characteristics or circumstances. Characters viewed as possessing positive

characteristics—compassion, patience, honesty, etc.—are more likely to be considered role
models (Calvert, Strouse, & Murray, 2006).
To a large extent it is these positive characteristics, which we as the audience believe we
possess, or wish to possess, that influence our attachment to fictional characters (Gover &
Conway, 1999). Johnson (2010) and Greitemeyer, Osswald, and Brauer (2010) showed
engagement with a fictional story, and/or witnessing prosocial behavior in fictional characters,
increased empathy and real-world prosocial behavior. Empathy, in turn, allows the audience to
better connect and identify with the characters—a cyclical connection resulting in greater
internalization of characters’ aspects (Argo, Zhu, & Dahl, 2008). The obvious commitment of
superheroes to prosocial ideals and behaviors can play a role in moral development (Martin
2007; McCrary, 1999).
Engaging with positive role model superheroes can lead children to take on the
characters’ traits for themselves. McCrary (1999) found 64.7% of her participants selected a
superhero as their personal hero. When imagining ourselves to be the character, we are able to
embody their perceived values and characteristics (Gover & Conway, 1999). In both children
and adults being told one can emulate characters’ desirable behaviors frequently triggers
carrying out said behaviors in the real world (Farsides, Pettman, & Tourle, 2013). In a study
conducted by Karniol et al., one participant explained her ability to delay gratification by saying
she “said goodbye to Superman and took his powers for myself” (Karniol et al., 2011, p. 312).
Along these lines, internalizing Spider-Man’s motto, “With great power there must also come
great responsibility” (Lee & Ditko, 1962), could increase a sense of social responsibility, and so
on. Nelson and Norton (2005) report evidence adjacent to this idea in their study, which found
participants primed with superhero-linked words and concepts were both more likely to
volunteer (short-term effect) and follow-through on that commitment several months later (long-
term effect).
Seeing comic book characters experience similar real-world problems can, to an extent,
alleviate feelings of being alone in a negative circumstance and foster the will to overcome; for
those not experiencing these circumstances, it can increase tolerance and empathy (Fradkin,
Weschenfelder, & Yunes, 2016; Karniol et al., 2011; Norton, 2003). Witnessing superheroes
overcome enemies of both the villainous and life circumstance variety provides “a means of
vicariously healing” from real-world traumas (Ruben, 2012, p. 422). There is some evidence
from a program at the A.C. Camargo Cancer Center that “invincibility suggestion”3 increases
pediatric patients’ resilience (Fradkin, Weschenfelder, & Yunes, 2016, p. 409). Even
superheroes without superhuman abilities (for example, Batman or Iron Man) can serve as
evidence personal improvement and superiority over circumstances is achievable through
determination and effort (Wolf-Meyer, 2003).
Method
Materials and Procedures
The Helping Attitudes Scale (Nickell, 1998) was used to evaluate participants’ personal
beliefs, feelings, and behaviors associated with altruism. This survey asks participants to use a
5 point scale to rate their level of agreement with 20 statements concerning helping others.
These include both positively- and negatively-phrased items, such as “Doing volunteer work
makes me very happy” and “Helping others is usually a waste of time.” The negatively-phrased
items are reverse scored, then the individual’s score totaled. This yields a score ranging from 20
to 100, corresponding to the respondent’s level of altruism (see Table 1).
The Philosophies of Human Nature Scale (Wrightsman, 1964) was used to evaluate
participants’ opinions of the general population’s altruism. This survey asks participants to use a
6-point scale to evaluate others’ prosocial values and altruistic behaviors. The 14 items are
3Medical personnel making comparisons between patients and superheroes, and providing
comics, videos, and superhero branded medical supplies
randomized, and include both positive- and negatively-phrased statements, such as “The typical
person is sincerely concerned about the problems of others” and “The average person is
conceited.” Negatively-phrased items are reverse-scored. Responses are converted to a
corresponding point value, as shown in Table 2. The individual’s points are totaled, yielding a
total ranging from -42 to 42, which corresponds to their opinion of others’ altruism (see Table 3).
My survey, which evaluated H1 and H2, combined these two scales, and also requested
participants’ demographic information: age, gender, race and/or ethnicity, education level, and if
they consider themselves to be religious/spiritual. Finally, it asked participants if they read
superhero comics as children or adults and, if so, asked for their favorite superhero. The survey
was conducted both in-person and online. The physical and digital versions were identical in
format and structure; see Appendix for the full survey. ANOVA tests were performed on the
results of both scales to determine if there was a significant difference between the childhood
reader group (CR) and the non-childhood reader group (NCR); p < .05.
An experimental procedure was used to evaluate H3. Participants were asked to come
complete a survey regarding comic books and personality. When they arrived, they were asked
to read either a superhero comic book (experimental group; EG) or a nature article (control
group; CG), under the pretense of giving the researcher time to set things up for the survey and
to clear their minds for the study. The reading material was assigned by arrival order, with odd-
numbered participants creating the CG and even-numbered participants the EG. The EG read
until they finished the issue; the CG until they finished the article, or for 10 minutes (the article
was significantly longer than the comic).
The comic, Ms. Marvel (Wilson & Alphona, 2015), was selected because of its non-
traditional lead character4 , who is a Muslim, Pakistani-American, teenage female. The particular
issue was selected because it contained strongly prosocial messaging in its story. The nature
4 That is, not a white male

article for the CG, an overview of various species of octopus (Judson, 2016), is from National
Geographic. It was selected because it lacks any obvious encouragement of prosocial values or
behaviors. It was printed with only the text, to avoid discomforting any participants who might be
squeamish about octopuses’ appearance.
After reading, then signing an informed consent agreement, an accident scenario was
manufactured, by knocking a paper cup filled with pens off the table while handing the
participant their copy of the consent agreement or survey. I reacted as one normally would,
saying “oops” or similar, then beginning to pick up the pens. Participants were timed to see how
long it took for them to start helping. Once the pens were picked up, the participants then
completed the previously-described survey, and their time to help (TTH) recorded, along with
which reading material they’d been given. Prior to beginning data collection an average time to
pick up the pens unaided was established by, in situ, knocking the cup off and timing myself
picking them up; this was repeated 5 times. The average time (12 seconds) was used when
participants did not help, and half (six seconds) used when participants offered help, but did not
help automatically. An independent samples T-test was performed to check for a significant
difference in the TTH of the control and experimental groups; p < .05.
Participants
Participants for the survey portion of the study were recruited from the Georgia Gwinnett
College student population through the psychology department’s research study participation
system (SONA). Participants were also recruited from outside the student population through
postings on Facebook and Twitter. 222 responses were received; 17 were discarded because
the participant was underage or answers were incomplete, yielding N = 205. Participant age
ranged from 18 to 71, with M = 29.92 (SD = 10.25). 53.66% of participants identify as female,
43.2% as male, and 2.93% as other5. CR n = 97; NCR n = 108. CR age M = 33.09 (SD =
10.73); NCR age M = 27.06 (SD = 8.92).
Participants for the experiment were recruited from the Georgia Gwinnett College
student population using SONA. N = 43, five male (11.63%) and 38 female (88.37%). The ages
of participants ranged from 18 to 47; M = 21.72 (SD = 5.97). EG n = 21; CG n = 22.
Results
Survey
There was a significant difference between the scores of the CR and NCR with both
scales (see Tables 4 and 5). On the Helping Attitudes Scale (p = .04), M = 83.06 (SD = 8.78) for
the NCR and M = 80.93 (SD = 8.629) for the CR; both scores fall in the “helpful” range of the
scale (see Table 1). There was no significant difference between the scores of adult comic
readers and adult non-readers; participants who read both in childhood and adulthood and all
others; or those who selected as their favorite superheroes characters whose identity largely
defined by their morality6 and all others. On the Philosophies of Human Nature Scale (p = .02),
NCR M = 2.84 (SD = 12.61), while CR M = -.77 (SD = 11.63). The CR score is considered
“slightly negative,” while the NCR score falls into the “slightly positive” range (see Table 3).
Experiment
There was significant difference (p = .01) in the TTH of the EG and CG (see Tables 6
and 7). CG TTH, M = 5.05 seconds (SD = 4.07) and Mdn = 3.5 seconds; EG TTH M = 2.52
seconds (SD = 1.54) and Mdn = 2 seconds. One member (4.76%) of the experimental group
only offered help. Five members (22.73%) of the control group neither helped nor offered help,
and one member (4.55%) only offered help.
5The survey had a space for participants to write in their gender identity of choice; the indicated
other percentage is comprised of all participants who entered anything besides male or female.
6 Captain America, Spider-Man, Superman, and Wonder Woman
Discussion
Survey
Helping Attitudes Scale. As expected, there was a significant difference in the self-
assessed level of altruism in the CR and NCR. The results, however, are the opposite of this
hypothesis, with the mean score of the CR being significantly lower than that of the NCR. As
such, H1 must be rejected. This result corresponds to Nelson and Norton’s (2005) finding that
participants primed by a notoriously altruistic superhero, Superman, were actually less likely
than the control group to help a stranger in a hypothetical scenario. However, they also found
that participants primed with the general category of superheroes were more likely than control
to help in the scenario. While our studies were exploring different effects—they were looking at
short-term priming and long-term follow-through, as opposed to personality development and
maintenance—one would expect similar results. The discrepancy may be explained by their use
of a very specific hypothetical situation—giving up one’s seat for an elderly woman on a
crowded train—rather than a set of more vague general situations.
It is not surprising this portion of study found both groups, on average, think of
themselves as altruistic. Only 1 member of each group scored in the “not helpful” range, and
another member of the NCR as “neutral.” Humans have an innate desire to be seen as good by
others, and this often colors responses to self-report surveys of this nature (Navarro-González,
Lorenzo-Seva, & Vigil-Colet, 2016). We tend to think the best of ourselves, even when there is
evidence of the contrary. For example, a participant might answer with a 4 or 5 to the statement,
“If possible, I would return lost money to the rightful owner,” knowing every time they’ve found
money on the ground they’ve kept it for themselves.
That said, it is interesting that although both groups overwhelmingly rated themselves as
being helpful the CR was more modest about their proclivity to help others. The “helpful” scores
of the CR are almost evenly split between the 61-80 and 81-100 point ranges, at 48.45% and
50.52%, respectively. The “helpful” scores of the NCR, on the other hand, are much more
concentrated in the 81-100 point range (62.04%) than the 61-80 point range (37.04%). A
possible explanation for this, which might also explain the lower overall average score, might be
that the CR are more self-aware of perceived moral shortcomings and this tempers the desire to
be perceived positively. It may also be that, while long-time readers identify with the overall
positive traits of superheroes as a category of character—selflessness, honesty, heroism, etc.—
they do not integrate the personality traits of specific characters into their own. A more simple
explanation could be that superheroes are but one of a collection of positive forces for moral
development in a child’s life, and don’t have a significantly measurable effect on their own.
Philosophies of Human Nature Scale. There was a weakly significant difference
between the overall opinions of the CR and NCR, so H2 is not rejected. I did expect a more
strongly negative opinion of others’ level of altruism, especially from the CR. It is normal to rate
desirable traits as less-common in others than in one’s self (Fisher, 1993). Additionally, while the
CR’s opinion was lower—a difference of 3.61 points—I expected more negativity due to
consistent exposure to the idea that most people are inherently weak and need a hero to show
the way. In retrospect, this storytelling idea is consistent in most forms of popular fiction, so the
effects wouldn’t be limited to comic book readers.
Experiment
As hypothesized, the EG was both more likely to help (95.24% vs. 72.73%), and quicker
to do so (2.52 seconds vs. 5.05 seconds). This indicates that, contrary to what many parents
have said over the years, comic books probably aren’t bad for you and may make you a more
altruistic person7. Picking up pens in an office likely doesn’t indicate a proclivity to grander
heroism, but that there is a positive effect is promising for further research. My finding
7 Amusingly, one member of the CG, after being debriefed, said, “After you spilled the pens, my
first thought was, ‘I should move my computer because you might spill your drink, too.’”
corresponds with Nelson and Norton’s (2015) that participants were more likely to volunteer and
be faithful to the commitment when primed with superheroes.
That said, my sample is overwhelmingly female (88.37%) and so not strongly
representative of the general population. It is a common belief that women are more helpful than
men, and there is some evidence this is true, at least to an extent (Schmitt, 2016)—though at
least one study found the opposite to be the case (Eagly & Crowly, 1986). I found no significant
gender-based difference in my participants’ TTH (p = .32; n = 5, male M = 2.4 seconds, SD =
2.07; female n = 38, M = 4 seconds, SD = 3.43). However, to authoritatively state comic reading
makes someone more likely to be helpful requires replication with a proportional sample group.
Conclusion
Superheroes are an important, widely engaged-with aspect of our popular culture, and
their effects on their audience should be explored. I remain confident people who grow up
reading superhero comics are more likely than average to be altruistic; however, this study was
not the best way of looking for that difference. The weaknesses of self-report surveys for this
and similar traits prevent a fully-accurate evaluation. A better method for evaluating this question
might be to survey those familiar with the participants regarding the participants altruistic
behaviors and/or prosocial beliefs, rather than the participants themselves. Another possibility
might be to measure real-world engagement in altruism by collecting data such as yearly
donations to charity, yearly hours volunteered, etc.
It would be worthwhile to replicate the experimental portion of the study with a more well-
structured sample group, to obtain more generalizable results. It would also be interesting to
apply this experimental design to aspects other than helpfulness, such as resilience,
gratification delay, or temptation resistance. These avenues might be more applicable to
children than adults, but would be worthwhile to explore in either or both. 

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Table 1
Helping Attitudes Scale Score Interpretation
Range 20-59 60 61-100
Evaluation Not Helpful Neutral Helpful
Table 2
Philosophies of Human Nature Scoring
Response 1 2 3 4 5 6
Point value -3 -2 -1 1 2 3
Table 3
Philosophies of Human Nature Score Interpretation
Range -29 to -42 -15 to -28 -1 to -14 0 1 to 14 15 to 28 29 to 42

Strongly Somewhat Slightly Slightly Somewhat Strongly
Opinion Neutral
negative negative negative positive positive positive
Table 4
Survey Scales ANOVA Results, Childhood Reader
Sum of df Mean square F Sig.

squares
Scale One Between 231.351 1 231.251 3.051 0.082

groups
Within groups 15392.162 203 75.823
Total 15623.512 204
Scale Two Between 668.110 1 668.110 4.523 0.035

groups
Within groups 29985.334 203 147.711
Total 30653.444 204
Note. Scale One = Helping Attitudes Scale; Scale Two = Philosophies of Human Nature Scale
Table 5
Mean, Median, and Score Ranges for Scales
Scale 1 Scale 2
N Mean Median Min. Max. Mean Median Min. Max.

CR 97 80.93 81 45 99 -0.77 0 -28 28
NCR 108 83.06 84 56 100 2.84 3 -30 36
Note. Scale One = Helping Attitudes Scale; Scale Two = Philosophies of Human Nature Scale;
CR = Childhood readers; NCR = Non-childhood readers
Table 6
Experiment Group Statistics
Reading material N Mean Std. Deviation Std. Error Mean
Time to help National Geographic 22 5.05 4.065 0.867
Ms. Marvel 21 2.52 1.537 0.335
Table 7
Experiment Group Independent Samples T-Test Results
T-test for equality of means

Levene’s test
for equality of 95% confidence
variances interval of the dif.
Sig. Std. error
F Sig. t df (2-tailed) Means dif. dif. Lower Upper
Equal var. 13.48 0.001 2.67 41 0.01 2.52 0.95 0.61 4.43
assumed
Equal var. not 2.71 27.12 0.01 2.52 0.93 0.62 4.43
assumed
Appendix: Survey
Select one of the provided answers, or write in your answer, as indicated.
1. How old are you?

2. What is your gender?
3. What is your race?
4. What is your ethnicity?
5. Do you consider yourself to be religious or spiritual? Yes No Circle One
6. What is your current education level?  
Using the scale below, indicate your level of agreement or disagreement in the space next to
each statement. This is not a test, so there are no right or wrong answers. Please answer as
honestly as possible.
1 2 3 4 5
Strongly Disagree Disagree Undecided Agree Strongly Agree
1. Helping others is usually a waste of time.

2. When given the opportunity, I enjoy aiding others who are in need.
3. If possible, I would return lost money to the rightful owner.
4. Helping friends and family is one of the greatest joys in life.
5. I would avoid aiding someone in a medical emergency if I could.
6. It feels wonderful to assist others in need.
7. Volunteering to help someone is very rewarding.
8. I dislike giving directions to strangers who are lost.
9. Doing volunteer work makes me very happy.
10. I donate time or money to charities every month.
11. Unless they are part of my family, helping the elderly isn’t my responsibility.
12. Children should be taught about the importance of helping others.
13. I plan to donate my organs when I die with the hope they will help someone else live.
14. I try to offer my help with any activities my community or school groups are carrying
out.
15. I feel at peace with myself when I have helped others.
16. If the person in front of me in the check-out line was a few cents short I would pay
the difference.
17. I feel proud when I know my generosity has benefited a needy person.
18. Helping people does more harm than good because they come to rely on others, not
themselves.
19. I rarely contribute money to a worthy cause.
20. Giving aid to the poor is the right thing to do. 
Using the scale below, indicate your level of agreement or disagreement in the space next to
each statement. This is not a test, so there are no right or wrong answers. Please answer as
honestly as possible.
1 2 3 4 5 6
Disagree Disagree Disagree Agree

Agree Slightly Agree Strongly
Strongly Somewhat Slightly Somewhat
1. Most people try to apply the Golden Rule even in today’s complex society.
2. The typical person is sincerely concerned about the problems of others.
3. Most people will act as “Good Samaritans” if given the opportunity.
4. “Do unto others as you would have them do unto you” is a motto most people follow.
5. It’s only a rare person who would risk their own life and limb to help someone else.
6. Most people would stop and help a person whose car is disabled.
7. Most people with a fallout shelter would let their neighbors stay in it during a nuclear
attack.
8. People are usually out for their own good.
9. It’s pathetic to see an unselfish person in today’s world because so many take
advantage of them.
10. People pretend to care more about one another than they really do.
11. Most people do not hesitate to go out of their way to help someone in trouble.
12. Most people exaggerate their troubles in order to get sympathy.
13. Most people inwardly dislike putting themselves out to help other people.
14. The average person is conceited. 
Select one of the provided answers, or write in your answer, as indicated.
1. Did you read superhero comic books as a child? Yes No

2. If Yes, who was your favorite superhero as a child? Select only 1; if No, skip to the next item 
3. Do you currently read superhero comic books? Yes No

4. If Yes, who is your favorite superhero currently? Select only 1 
Once you’ve completed the survey, please return it to the researcher. You will be given a
debriefing document with an explanation of the research being conducted; at that point your
participation will be concluded.
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The Influence of Superhero Comic Books on Adult Altruism

Georgia Gwinnett College

general population’s level of altruism in adulthood. Additionally, I investigated if superhero

The Influence of Superhero Comic Books on Adult Altruism

fueling demand for more content from these properties.

seems” (Link, 2013, p. 1179).

Sensation Comics (Peter) Wonder Woman indirectly cautions the audience,

friendliness, but never holding the gun of persecution and intolerance!

2 Specifically, Spider-Man, the Fantastic Four, and the X-Men

in childhood has an influence on adult prosocial/altruistic behaviors or values, both in the

readers themselves and on their perception of them in others. Secondly, to determine if

general. There is also some research on superhero role modeling.

of engaging in fiction, especially in regards to childhood moral development. Behaviors and

superheroes, notably Superman:

A more recent example can be found in Ms. Marvel:

personal characteristics or circumstances. Characters viewed as possessing positive

characteristics—compassion, patience, honesty, etc.—are more likely to be considered role

models (Calvert, Strouse, & Murray, 2006).

To a large extent it is these positive characteristics, which we as the audience believe we

2007; McCrary, 1999).

evidence personal improvement and superiority over circumstances is achievable through

determination and effort (Wolf-Meyer, 2003).

Materials and Procedures

to 100, corresponding to the respondent’s level of altruism (see Table 1).

conceited.” Negatively-phrased items are reverse-scored. Responses are converted to a

they consider themselves to be religious/spiritual. Finally, it asked participants if they read

was significantly longer than the comic).

4 That is, not a white male

squeamish about octopuses’ appearance.

10.73); NCR age M = 27.06 (SD = 8.92).

of participants ranged from 18 to 47; M = 21.72 (SD = 5.97). EG n = 21; CG n = 22.

and one member (4.55%) only offered help.

short-term priming and long-term follow-through, as opposed to personality development and

of a very specific hypothetical situation—giving up one’s seat for an elderly woman on a

crowded train—rather than a set of more vague general situations.

money on the ground they’ve kept it for themselves.

positive traits of superheroes as a category of character—selflessness, honesty, heroism, etc.—

Philosophies of Human Nature Scale. There was a weakly significant difference

effects wouldn’t be limited to comic book readers.

be faithful to the commitment when primed with superheroes.

That said, my sample is overwhelmingly female (88.37%) and so not strongly

gender-based difference in my participants’ TTH (p = .32; n = 5, male M = 2.4 seconds, SD =

might be to measure real-world engagement in altruism by collecting data such as yearly

donations to charity, yearly hours volunteered, etc.

gratification delay, or temptation resistance. These avenues might be more applicable to

children than adults, but would be worthwhile to explore in either or both.

differences in response to emotional melodramatic entertainment. Journal Of Consumer

Research, 34(5), 614-623. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/521907

2016. Time. Retrieved from http://time.com

Reporter. Retrieved from http://hollywoodreporter.com

social psychological literature. Psychological Bulletin, 100(3), 283-308.

relevance of emotionally evocative prosocial media characters. Journal of Applied Social

Psychology, 43(11), 2251-2258. doi: 10.1111/jasp.12175

Consumer Research, 20(2), 303-315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/209351

407-415. doi: 10.1016/j.chiabu.2015.10.010

of Marvel Comics. The Journal of Popular Culture, 40(6), 953-978. doi:

value. Revision of a paper presented at the Association of Moral Education Conference,

Atlanta, GA, 20-22 November. Retrieved from http://eric.ed.gov

empathy and decreases schadenfreude. Emotion, 10, 796-802. doi: 10.1037/a0020194

Georgia Gwinnett College 

children than adults, but would be worthwhile to explore in either or both. 

social psychological literature. Psychological Bulletin, 100(3), 283-308. 

of Marvel Comics. The Journal of Popular Culture, 40(6), 953-978. doi:  

understanding. Journal of Moral Education, 36(2), 239-250.  

the factorial structure of personality self-reports. Psicothema, 28(4), 465-470. doi:  

helping. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 41(4), 423-430. doi:  

14, 743-751. doi: 10.2466/pr0.1964.14.3.743 