[Culture and History of the Ancient Near East 10] Steven W. Holloway - Aššur is King! Aššur is King! _ Religion in the Exercise of Power in the Neo-Assyrian Empire (Culture and History of the Ancient Near East) (2001,

ASSUR IS KING! ASSUR IS KING!
CULTURE AND HISTORY OF

THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST
EDITED BY
B. HALPERN, M.H.E. WEIPPERT

TH. PJ. VAN DEN HOUT, I. WINTER
VOLUME 10
ASSUR IS KING! ASSUR IS KING!
Religion in the Exercise of Power in the Neo-Assyrian Empire
BY
STEVEN W. HOLLOWAY
BRILL
LEIDEN • BOSTON • KOLN
2002
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Holloway, Steven W. (Steven Winford), 1955-
Assur is king! Assur is king! : religion in the exercise of power in the Neo-Assyrian Empire
/ Steven W. Holloway.
p. cm.—(Culture and history of the ancient Near East, ISSN 1566-2055 ; v. 10)
Includes bibliographical references and indexes.
ISBN 9004123288 (alk. paper)
I. Religion and State—Assyria. 2. Assyro-Babylonian religion. 3. Assyria—Foreign
relations. I. Title: Religions in the exercise of power in the Neo-Assyrian Empire.
II. Title. III. Series.
BL1620.H59 2001
299'.21—dc21 2001037605
GIF
Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufiiahme

Holloway, Steven W.:
Assur is King! Assur is King! : religion in the exercise of power in the Neo-Assyrian
Empire / by Steven W. Holloway. - Leiden ; Boston ; Koln : Brill, 2001
(Culture and history of the ancient Near East; Vol. 10)
ISBN 90-04-12328-8
ISSN 1566-2055
ISBN 9004 123288
© Copyright 2002 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored
in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic,
mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written
permission from the publisher.
Authorisation to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted

by Koninklijke Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly
to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive,
Suite 910, Danvers MA 01923, USA.
Fees are subject to change.
PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS

To ROGER N. CARSTENSEN
THE DEAD MASTER OF

THE AFFIRMATIONS
This page intentionally left blank
CONTENTS
List of Illustrations ix
List of Maps xii
List of Tables xiii
Foreword xv
Acknowledgements xxiii
Textual Abbreviations xxv
Other Abbreviations and Symbols xxxii
Excavation, Collection, and Museum Sigla xxxiii
Chapter One: Historical Perspectives, History of

Scholarship and the Scholars' Histories
Assyrian Religious Imperialism in Greek and Biblical
Sources 1
The Discovery of Assyria in the 19th Century 9
The Brothers Rawlinson, Talbot and Sayce 12
A Century of Scholarship 42
Scholarship at the Close of the 20th Century 64
The God Assur 65
Archaeology of Empire and Religion 68
Assyrian State Ritual in Provincial Settings 71
Imperial Self-Presentation in Art 72
Imperial Ideology, Other Gods and Other Cults 72
Assyro-BabyIonian Relations 76
Prophecy and Politics 78
Chapter Two: Terror in the Exercise of Empire: Coercion

and Conformity
The Imperial Archive 80
Historical Transparency of the Assyrian Imperial
Archive 90
Definitions 98
Provincial Dues for the Cult of Assur 100
The "Symbol of Assur" 160
Divine Image of the King, Prestige Politics, and
Imperialism 178
Vlll CONTENTS
Domination of Foreign Cults by Violent Means 193

Aggression and Religious Imperialism as Policy 197
The "Symbol of Assur" 198
Assyrian Religious Architecture and Impedimenta 200
Chapter Three: Diplomacy in the Exercise of Empire: High

Finance Patronage and High Profile Manipulation
Introduction 217
Chapter Four: Analysis of the Exercise of Empire: The

Organs of Assyrian Imperialism and Regional Strategies
Agents of Assyrian Religious Imperialism 320
Cultic Patronage, Participation, and Regional Strategies .... 338
Introduction 338
Babylonia 343
Babylonia: Summary 380
Harran 388
Hainan: Summary 419
Appendix One: Prelude to the Intellectual and Social

Background of the First British School of Assyriology 427
Bibliography 445
Index of Authors 503
Index of Divine Names 513
Index of Personal Names 516
Index of Place Names 521
Index of General Subjects 529
Index of Temple Names 539
Index of Text and Object Citations 540
Maps and Illustrations 561
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
FIGURE 1. Henry Creswicke Rawlinson. Portrait by Thomas Phillipps,

ca. 1850. Adapted from George Rawlinson, Memoir, 104.
FIGURE 2. William Henry Fox Talbot. Photograph taken ca. 1864.
Adapted from Budge, Rise of Assyriology, facing 92.
FIGURE 3. Archibald Henry Sayce. Adapted from Budge, Rise of
Assyriology, 188.
FIGURE 4. Soldiers of Sargon II dismembering a statue during the
sack of the Musasir temple. Adapted from Botta and Flandin,
Mnive, vol. 2, pi. 140, Room XIII, 3.
FIGURE 5. Captured divine images borne on litters by soldiers of
Tiglath-pileser III (see Table 3:28). Adapted from Layard, Nineveh
and Its Remains, vol. 2, facing 451.
FIGURE 6. Inscribed bronze Anuket image, found in Neb! Yunus
excavations of Kuyunjik. Adapted from frontispiece of Sumer 11
(1955), used with permission of the Ministry of Culture, State
Board of Antiquities and Heritage, Iraq.
FIGURE 7. Destruction of Harhar from the Khorsabad palace reliefs.
Adapted from Botta and Flandin, Mnive, vol. 1, pi. 55, Room II, 7.
FIGURE 8. Assyrian chariot standards from the palace reliefs of
Assur-nasir-pal II. Adapted from Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, vol. 1,
pis. 22 (WAA 124550).
FIGURE 9. Stele of Samsf-Adad V, probably excavated in the Nabu
temple at Nimrud. Adapted from Perrot and Chipiez, History of
Art, vol. 2, fig. 116 (BM 118892).
FIGURE 10. Balawat Gate detail of Shalmaneser III and his entourage
sacrificing before his own stele. Adapted from King, Bronze Reliefs,
pi. I.I.
FIGURE 11. Sarrat-nipha temple tableau from Nimrud. Adapted
from Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, 351.
FIGURE 12. Stele of Assurbanipal with basket on head from tem-
ple of Nabu at Borsippa. British Museum photograph (BM 90865),
used with permission.
FIGURE 13. Neo-Assyrian offering tableau, from a glazed ceramic
situla. Adapted from Andrae, Farbige Keramik aus Assur, pi. 26 (VA
8150 [Ass 14940]), used with permission of Kegan Paul International.
x LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
FIGURE 14. Esarhaddon Zinjirli stele with flanking crown princes,

Assurbanipal (left) and Samas-sumu-ukm (right). Adapted from
Borker-Klahn, Altvorderasiatische Bildstelen, no. 219 (VA 2708), and
used with permission of Jiitta Borker-Klahn.
FIGURE 15. Kudurru depiction of Samas image within a shrine or
temple. Adapted from King, BBSt, pi. 98 (BM 91000).
FIGURE 16. Inscribed altar from Khorsabad. Adapted from Botta
& Flandin, Mnive, vol. 2, pi. 157.
FIGURE 17. Modern conception of the New Year's procession in
Babylon. Adapted from Unger, Babylon: die heilige Stadt, frontispiece,
and used with permission of Walter de Gruyter.
FIGURE 18. Funerary stele of Si'gabbari from Neirab. Adapted
from Borker-Klahn, Altvorderasiatische Bildstelen, no. 302 (AO 3026),
and used with permission of Jiitta Borker-Klahn.
FIGURE 19. Drawing of Neo-Luwian seal fromj. Pierpont Morgan
Library Collection. Adapted from Hawkins, Corpus of Hieroglyphic
Luwian Inscriptions, vol. 1, pi. 330.
FIGURE 20. Zinjirli/Sam'al orthostat of Barrakib seated before
inscribed Bacal Haran symbol. Adapted from Von Luschan, Ausgra-
bungen in Sendschirli: Ausgrabungsbericht und Architektur, 4, fig. 255, pi.
60 (VA 2817).
FIGURE 21. Inscribed 8th-century Neo-Assyrian border stele from
Kizkapanh Koyii. Adapted from Donbaz, "Two Neo-Assyrian
Stelae," 15, fig. 7 (Mara§ Archaeological Museum no. 1948), and
used with permission of J.D. Hawkins.
FIGURE 22. Inscribed 8th-century Neo-Assyrian border stele from
Tavla Koyii. Adapted from Donbaz, "Two Neo-Assyrian Stelae,"
13, fig. 5 (Antakya Museum no. 11832), and used with permis-
sion of J.D. Hawkins.
FIGURE 23. Til Barsip stele of Harran temple. Adapted from
Kohlmeyer, "Drei Stelen mit Sin-Symbol aus Nordsyrien," 99-100,
pis. 40-41 (Aleppo Museum no. 4526+AO 26555), and used with
permission of Profil Verlag.
FIGURE 24. Inscribed Aramaic seal (I'wr) with symbol of Sin of
Harran. Adapted from Avigad and Sass, Corpus of West Semitic Stamp
Seals, no. 836 (J. Rosen Collection no. 5230).
FIGURE 25. Iron Age seal impression from Mt. Nebo, Jordan,
depicting worshipers before lunar crescent standard. Adapted from
Sailer, "Iron Age Tombs at Nebo," fig. 7 (SBF 239), and used
with permission of the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum, Jerusalem.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS XI
FIGURE 26. Lunar crescent stele excavated at A§agi Yanmca.

Adapted from Borker-Klahn, Altuorderasiatische Bildstelen, no. 206,
and used with permission of Jiitta Borker-Klahn.
FIGURE 27. Faience cylinder seal excavated at Nimrud with Sin
symbol and feather of Macat. Adapted from Parker, "Excavations
at Nimrud, 1949-1954," 106, pi. 17:3 (ND 3301, Baghdad), used
with permission of the British School of Archaeology in Iraq.
LIST OF MAPS
1. The Middle East

2. Mesopotamia
3. Anatolia and North Syria
4. Syria-Palestine
LIST OF TABLES
1. Aggression Against Foreign Cults: Destruction of Temples

(P- 109)
2. Aggression Against Foreign Cults: Destruction of Divine Images
(P- US)
3. Aggression Against Foreign Cults: Deportation of Divine Images
(p. 123)
4. Aggression by Cultic Addition: Establishment of the "Symbol
(GIS.TUKUL) of Assur," Royal Steles in Foreign Temples, or
Other Assyrian Divine Objects in Hostile Territories (p. 151)
5. (Re)construction of Cult Centers Outside of Assyria (p. 238)
6. Offerings or Provision of Sacrifices (p. 261)
7. Participation by the Assyrian King in Person or by Proxy (p. 270)
8. Refurbishment and Restoration of Captured Divine Images
(P- 277)
9. Royal Inscriptions Placed on Cult Objects and Temples (Excluding
Brick and Foundation Inscriptions) (p. 288)
10. Recognition or Inauguration of Divinely-Sanctioned Civic "Exemp-
tions" and Protection (p. 293)
11. Royal Commands Affecting the Date of Cultic Ceremonies (p. 303)
12. Miscellaneous (p. 306)
FOREWORD
as-sur LUGAL! as-siir MAN! Assur is King! Assur is King! Thus the
ritual acclamation proclaimed by the sangu-priest of Assur at the
moment the human king enters the temple of Assur, commencing
his investiture with the sovereign authority of the Assyrian Empire.
The god Assur, tutelary head of the ancient capital city and state
pantheon, not Tukultf-Ninurta I or Assurbanipal, is publicly identified
as king even as the new earthly king assumes power.1 The new king
does not become a member of the state pantheon, still less is he
absorbed into the godhead of Assur. The state, in creating a monarch,
signifies through the implied vox populi that the divine imperial will
to expand the borders of the Land of Assur is as one with the earthly
king. It implies that his exercise of diplomacy, military force and
administrative acumen shall magnify the Assyrian Empire, and, in
context of ritual and imperial culture, communicates that the ideol-
ogy of the new king shall satisfy the tutelary god and the people of
the Land of Assur. The paradox of an earthly king who incarnates
the imperial will-to-power of Assur is the ideological fulcrum to three
centuries of Neo-Assyrian foreign relations. It is the goal of this
monograph to explore the means by which the Neo-Assyrian Empire
exploited the religions of conquered nations and client states in the
achievement of imperial domination. Like other profoundly integra-
tive symbols of political identity, the Assyrians passed the cults, cult-
images and temples of its political targets through the upper and
nether millstones of imperial policy, producing ruins and states
despoiled of their patron gods, on the one hand, and restored temples
1
An Assyrian coronation ritual and hymn is known from Middle and Neo-
Assyrian exemplars; K. F. Miiller, Das assyrische Ritual Teil I: Texte zum assyrischen
Konigsritual (MVAG 41/3; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1937) 8 i 29 (VAT 9583 [Ass
6342] = KAR 216, text dating from the reign of the Middle Assyrian king Tukultf-
Ninurta I), and the Neo-Assyrian version, a coronation hymn of Assurbanipal, that
does not provide detailed ritual instructions; SAA 3 no. 11 (VAT 13831 = LKA
no. 31). It is unclear whether this ritual took place only at the time of the king's
initial investiture or was repeated on an annual basis. See the brief comments in
P. Garelli, "Les temples et le pouvoir royal en Assyrie du XIVe au VHP siecle,"
in Le Temple et le Culte. XX' Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Leiden, 3-7 juillet 1972,
edited by F. R. Kraus, et al. (UNHAII 37; Istanbul: Nederlands Historisch-
Archeologisch Instituut, 1975) 116-17.
XVI FOREWORD
and repristinated cult statues on the other. Did the Assyrians follow
patterns of political engagement sufficiently exact that we in the 21 st
century C.E. can ascribe the actions to policy? Are the historical
survivals, the realia of text and image generated by the Assyrians
themselves, and their victims, sufficiently representative that we can
extrapolate imperial policy for an empire that lasted for 300 years?
Can the ideological biases of both the Assyrian elites and the pha-
lanx of modern scholars who study them yield descriptive narratives
that can pass muster in the historians' guild as something more dis-
closive than the royal Assyrian inscriptions rewritten?
The first chapter, "Historical Perspectives, History of Scholarship and

the Scholar's Histories," canvasses the non-evidence for Assyrian reli-
gious imperialism in Greek and biblical sources, then fast-forwards
to the exploration of the Assyrian heartland in the 19th century.
The initial descriptions of Neo-Assyrian interactions with the religions
of others figure in the publications of the first "school" of British
Assyriology. Akkadian texts and images, in the absence of traditions
about Assyrian religious practices preserved from antiquity, acted as
tabulae rasae in the hands of the first generation of Assyriologists.
Henry Creswicke Rawlinson, W. H. Fox Talbot, Henry Archibald
Sayce and the profoundly influential popularizer George Rawlinson
created an image of Assyrian religious fanaticism in harmony with
a conventional stereotype of the religious policies of the Ottoman
Empire current among British imperialist intellectuals. In "Appendix 1:
Prelude to the Intellectual and Social Background of the First British
School of Assyriology," attention is devoted to the cultural milieu of
British imperialism and Orientalism out of which these decipherers
and historians conceived their master hermeneutics. The earliest
Akkadian translations of H. C. Rawlinson and W. H. Fox Talbot
yield rather fantastic distortions in terms of heresies extirpated and
"true religion" spread by the sword as revealed in Middle and Neo-
Assyrian royal inscriptions. The remainder of the chapter pursues
highlights and trends in the historical investigation of Assyrian reli-
gious imperialism in the late 19th and the entire twentieth century.
The unfinished sketch by Carena of ancient Near Eastern histori-
ography, 1852-1945, illustrates by negative images the methodolog-
ical parochialism of the first century of Assyriology.2 A discipline that
O. Carena, History of the Near Eastern Historiography and Its Problems: 1852~1985.
FOREWORD XV11
assiduously restricted its historical horizon to a literalistic periphra-

sis of "historical" texts was reduced either to inventing Neo-Assyrian
religious imperialism from the nearest available "Other" such as the
Ottoman Empire, or shrouded the topic in silence because the all-
important annalistic texts inconveniently dealt with other matters. By
the depth of historiographic detail that this chapter attempts to probe,
it is hoped that the reader will grasp not only the salient advances
made in the study of the Neo-Assyrian civilization over the past 150
years, but the concomitant historical and political "particularism"
that these advances enshrine.
Chapter 2, "Terror in the Exercise of Empire: Coercion and Con-

formity," assembles and analyses the evidence for Neo-Assyrian vio-
lence against foreign cults. All empires construct flattering portraits
of themselves through officially sanctioned media and political the-
ater aimed primarily at their own elites, secondarily directed towards
the faceless sea of subject kingdoms and population groups. Vast ter-
ritorial empires also require a prodigious throughput of information
gleaned from the periphery and forwarded to the center. Both types
of information comprise the "imperial archive" and call upon the
modern researcher to exercise a nuanced evaluation of the primary
sources. Annalistic under-reportage and gaps in royal correspondence
are the primary limiting factors; that and the fact that the royal
inscriptions are egregiously poor sources of information for routine
administrative actions and military epiphenomena, such as the burn-
ing of city temples when a city was torched. Four tables of data
treat, respectively, the destruction of temples, the destruction of divine
images, the spoliation of divine images, the installation of Assyrian
royal images in foreign temples, and the establishment of the enig-
matic weapon of Assur. Precedents for these actions in Mesopotamian
history and theology are cited, together with examples drawn from
comparative ancient sources, mostly Roman. The Assyrians were
capable of startling military innovations, but the selective forms of
violence exercised in the religious sphere hark back many genera-
tions to earlier Mesopotamian empires. Because the handful of nar-
ratives in the Assyrian royal inscriptions concerning the placement
of royal images in foreign temples occur in the context of military
Part 1: 1852-1945 (AOAT 218/1; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-
Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1989).
XV111 FOREWORD
reprisals and conquests, the question of divinized royal Neo-Assyrian

images is dealt with here. The Assyrians were prepared to export
psychological terror and concrete misery to all parts of the empire
without geographical prejudice. Temples and their contents vanished
in general conflagrations, but the narratology of the royal inscrip-
tions routinely pairs the capture of cult images with royal and mass
deportations, human and divine pawns on the imperial gaming-board.
The final section explores the archaeological evidence for Neo-Assyrian
influence in Syria-Palestine on religious architecture and ritual objects.
Chapter 3, "Diplomacy in the Exercise of Empire: High Finance

Patronage and High Profile Manipulation," treats of apparent acts
of official Assyrian magnanimity towards foreign cults. The general
introduction to this chapter turns on the dyadic concept of patron-
age /clientelism, terms used from the advent of Assyriology to this
day in discussing Neo-Assyrian "foreign aid" in Babylonia, but rarely
if ever defined. The notion of Roman patronatus and clientela, includ-
ing use of the concept if not the terminology in Roman interna-
tional relations, can be modified and utilized to advantage in analyzing
the relationship between the Neo-Assyrian monarchy and its "clients."
A definition of the Assyrian king as a patrimonial patron wielding
power both at the personal and intrastate level is laid out, and
defended with a preliminary set of examples. The core of the chap-
ter lays out the data in eight tables: the (re)construction of cult cen-
ters outside of Assyria under Assyrian auspices, offerings or provision
of sacrifices, participation by the Assyrian king in person or by proxy,
refurbishment and restoration of captured divine image, royal inscrip-
tions placed on cult objects and temples (excluding brick and foun-
dation inscriptions), recognition or inauguration of divinely-sanctioned
civic "exemptions" and protection, royal commands affecting the date
of cultic ceremonies, and miscellaneous. The stupendous investment
in Babylonian and Harranean temples, sacrifice, and cultic person-
nel operated at many levels of political domination. The epic benig-
nity of Assyrian cultic patronage in Babylonia exploited a traditional
means of acquiring public legitimacy, in some cases through the
tokens of Babylonian kingship, while at the same time injecting
unprecedented degrees of surveillance, clientelist dependency, and
resource micro-management into the temples of their reluctant client
state to the south.
FOREWORD XIX
Chapter 4, "Analysis of the Exercise of Empire: the Organs of

Assyrian Imperalism and Regional Strategies," begins with a section
entitled "Agents of Assyrian Religious Imperialism." Epistolary sources
for the administration of Babylonia in the Sargonid era suggest a
few general patterns regarding the role of governors (sakin temi, sdkin
mati, saknu], temple administrators (satammu), civil administrators (qTpu),
and other native clients engaged in bringing Assyrian religious plans
to fruition in Babylonia. The Assyrian kings fostered a political cli-
mate that all successful hand-picked clients, whether Assyrian or
Babylonian, quickly mastered, as demonstrated by the highly stereo-
typical nature of the royal correspondence. The section "Cultic
Patronage, Participation, and Regional Strategies" begins with the
historical backdrop to the Sargonid period. Rulers such as Samsf-
Addu I in the Old Babylonian period and the imperialist Middle
Assyrian kings sponsored a number of cults outside the Assyrian
heartland, primarily centers for storm-god worship, echoes of Mitannian
kingship when regional manifestations of Human Tesub ruled supreme
across northern Mesopotamia, and beyond. Early Neo-Assyrian kings
maintained this veneration of ancient Tesub/Adad shrines. In terms
of religious "outreach," Shalmaneser III bridged the gap between
the Middle and Neo-Assyrian past and the future by supporting
regional storm-god temples, as well as the moon-god temple of Harran
and the ancient city-temples of Babylonia. Sargon II began the high-
profile Assyrian multi-faceted investment in Babylonian temples and
cultic life, together with that of Harran; peripheral storm-god tem-
ples are no more heard of in the Assyrian royal inscriptions. Each
succeeding Sargonid ruler had his own unique plan for Babylonia
as an Assyrian religious project. In most if not all cases our evidence
falls woefully short of the materials necessary to construct a com-
prehensive image of their religious "policy." The control of south-
ern Mesopotamia through its cults was part of a larger strategy to
rein in the threat of independent military action, capture its enor-
mously lucrative transit-trade, and perhaps add Babylonian high cul-
ture to the spoils of Assyrian imperialism. Harran, strategically placed
on the overland arteries connecting Syria and points west with Assyria,
and host to an internationally famous moon god, became by the 8th
century a pivotal provincial administrative and cult center. Whereas
Altmbasak, ancient Harran, is an archaeological cipher in the Neo-
Assyrian period, extensive citations in Assyrian royal inscriptions and
XX FOREWORD
the state archives reveal a cult receiving ministrations on a par with

Babylonia in the 7th century. Early Neo-Assyrian kings erected steles
bearing unique lunar crescent iconography in North Syria, client
rulers acknowledged the authority of the Harranean moon god in
Aramaean and Neo-Luwian inscriptions, and Esarhaddon and Assur-
banipal strove to sequester the divine oracles of the city to legiti-
mate their thrones and their quest to control Egypt. Harran and the
ancient temple cities of Babylonia were the only urban areas to
receive this level of religious patronage, a continuation of the policies
of earlier kings, refined and refocused on the commercial, tactical
and political nerve centers of the Late Neo-Assyrian Empire.
This project had its beginnings in a 1992 University of Chicago dis-

sertation, "The Case for Assyrian Religious Influence in Israel and
Judah: Inference and Evidence." I did not care to publish it in a
dissertation series with mere cosmetic changes, for I knew that the
data amassed called for broader interdisciplinary analysis. Today I
am convinced that housing a study of Neo-Assyrian religious impe-
rialism (and its Procrustean application to the historiography of the
Divided Monarchy) between the covers of the same book constitutes
a methodological crime. Significant new sources for the study of
Assyrian imperial policy have appeared since 1992, together with a
wealth of collated primary texts and innovative investigations of facets
of this vast problem. Incorporation of the novel material and time
to hash out its implications within a critical-studies framework bet-
ter trimmed to the scholarly winds of the late 20th and early 21st
centuries have resulted in this volume. It has not been the goal of
this study to write a fresh political history of Babylonia or any other
part of the Assyrian Empire. That has been done, sometimes com-
petently, sometimes less so, by others. To engage Neo-Assyrian reli-
gious imperialism does, however, require substantial doses of regional
political transactions spread across Western Asia during three cen-
turies, hence the background workup of the omnipresent geograph-
ical enigmas and obscure political past. It has also not been the aim
of this study to create a representative picture of Assyrian religion
in the heartland. Investigation of royal steles erected in the capital
cities of the empire, for example, runs no deeper than what is need-
ful to illuminate their religious significance at the periphery. Assyrian
military rituals in the capital cities, prophecies, and the semiotics of
imperial palace art are immensely revelatory of elite conceptions of
the king's role in maintaining political hegemony, but fail to delimit
FOREWORD XXI
interactions with non-Assyrian cults per se. Regarding imperial patron-

age of clergy and other royal nominees to offices that affected the
internal affairs of temples, it would be profitable to attempt a thor-
oughgoing comparison between patron-client relations with native
Assyrian and Babylonian temples; no such investigation figures in
this work.
The tabular display adopted in this study represents an attempt to

organize a staggering amount of primary and secondary sources in
conjunction with critical exposition. By use of tables with primary
documentation in footnotes, it is possible to catalogue at a glance
the bewildering profusion of published Assyrian documents and icono-
graphic sources that bear on the issue of religious imperialism. An
added benefit of tabular presentation is the capacity to cite exten-
sive textual citations and essential historical background in the sub-
sequent arguments by referencing a table entry, e.g., Table 5:17, as
opposed to repeating the material in wholesale fashion.
Citation short-forms follow the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary when avail-

able. Excavation, collection and museum numbers are those of the
Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia Project. Otherwise, most series
and journal abbreviations have been lifted from Borger, Handbuch der
Keilschriftliteratur^ and LATG.^ When English-language conventions exist
for Mesopotamian personal names, place names, and temple names,
such as Merodach-baladan, Babylon, and Esagila, they are used.
With the exceptions noted above, the most faithful diacritical real-
ization of ancient and modern toponyms known to this author has
been followed, the chief authority being the general indices of the
TAVO map series.5 Initial citations of primary sources include exca-
vation and museum numbers except in the case of non-diplomatic
text editions like Borger Esarh.6 and Borger BIWA.7 In every instance,
the latest modern textual edition as of summer 2000 is used, such
3
R. Borger, Handbuch der Keilschriftliteratur, Bd. 1: Repertorium der sumerischen und
akkadischen Texte (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1967).
4
S. M. Schwertner, Internationales Abkurzungsverzeichnis fur Theologie und Grenzgebiete
(2nd ed.; Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1992).
J
B. Siewert-Mayer, H. Kopp, and W. Rollig, eds. Tiibinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients:
Register zu den Karten = General Index (Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1994).
6
R. Borger, Die Inschriften Asarhaddons, Ko'nigs von Assyrien (AfOB 9; Osnabruck:
Biblio-Verlag, 1967 [1956]).
' R. Borger, Beitrdge zum Inschiftenwerk Assurbanipals: Die Prismenklassen A, B, C — K,
D, E, F, G, H, J und T sowie andere Inschriften (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1996).
XX11 FOREWORD
as Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia and the State Archives of

Assyria volumes, many of which comprise texts that have been freshly
collated. Citations to prior textual editions are not exhaustive, but
are limited to the more accessible sources such as ABL,8 LAS,9 OIP
2,10 etc., from which the researcher is likely to cross-reference a given
source. With very few exceptions, the writer has had access only to
published texts; pertinent tablets and inscriptions locked away in uni-
versity and museum collections must await their Boswells. The author
was at considerable pains to assemble as exhaustive a collection of
primary sources as possible. It is my conviction that the fullest cita-
tion form and a comprehensive cited text index will save future
researchers delving into the arcana of Neo-Assyrian religious impe-
rialism the soul-destroying drudgery of locating the primary docu-
mentation in scattered, disintegrating publications. Save for a smattering
of Hebrew and Greek, the text is set in AssyrianDictionary Font, a
Roman typeface created by Ecological Software to represent the full
diacritical possibilities of East Semitic.
8
R. F. Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian Letters Belonging to the Kouyunjik Collections of
the British Museum (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1892-1914).
9
S. Parpola, Letters from Assyrian Scholars to the Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal.
Part 1: Texts (AOAT 5/1; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn:
Neukirchener Verlag, 1970); idem, Letters from Assyrian Scholars to the Kings Esarhaddon
and Assurbanipal. Part 2: Commentaries and Appendices (AOAT 5/2; Kevelaer: Verlag
Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1983).
10
D. D. Luckenbill, The Annals of Sennacherib (OIP 2; Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press, 1924).
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
It is my pleasant duty to name the individuals and institutions whose

generosity has made this project a reality. Charles E. Jones, Research
Archivist and Bibliographer in the Research Archives of The Oriental
Institute of The University of Chicago, through his superb acquisition
policies, professional accent on material accessibility, and indefatigable
willingness to field questions, has played no small part in the pragmatic
spadework behind this monograph. Joseph Regenstein Library of the
University of Chicago, Interlibrary Loan Department and Reference
staff, have made their rich collections available, without which this
enterprise would have been reduced to the most general works of
the late, unlamented 20th century, and that preceding. A special
note of thanks goes to Chris Winters, Bibliographer for Anthropology,
Geography, and Maps at the University of Chicago, who selflessly
spent too many hours in instructing this unpromising student in the
arcana of Arc View GIS software by ESRI, by which the maps at
the end of this volume were generated (in addition to substantial
Photoshop post-processing). All latitude and longitude curiosities are
entirely my own responsibility. The American Schools of Oriental
Research at the W. F. Albright Institute of Archaeological Research
in Jerusalem funded a small but significant part of the research deal-
ing with the iconography of Sin of Harran, and I recall with pleasure
the unstinting hospitality of the Director, Seymour Gitin. The expo-
sure of numerous grammatical crimes and invaluable bibliographic
suggestions were made through the tireless efforts of my collegial
proofreaders, K. Lawson Younger, Jr., and Lowell K. Handy, heroes
in the dying art of disinterested scholarship. Victoria McArthur was
corralled into the role of the intelligent layperson reader for chap-
ter one, a task she completed with timely panache and humor. A
good thing, too, else what are sisters for? I am most grateful for the
longsuffering patience of my editor at Brill, Patricia Radder, who,
like Jacob, waited seven years for a promise, and who has contrived
to make the final labors of this project a warmly collaborative effort.
For permission from CDL Press to use an expanded version of
the essay "The Gl&Kakki Assur and Neo-Assyrian Loyalty Oaths," Brill
XXIV ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
and this author express their thanks.1 For permission to use photographs
and other graphic art media under copyright, I hereby gratefully
acknowledge the following presses, museums and individuals: The
British Museum; The British School of Archaeology in Iraq; Jiitta
Borker-Klahn; Profil Verlag; J.D. Hawkins; Studium Biblicum Francis-
canum, Jerusalem; Walter de Gruyter; Ministry of Culture, State
Board of Antiquities and Heritage, Iraq; and Kegan Paul International.
And for that benevolent congeries of persons who have lent me
their encouragement, optimism, and love over the years, I have no
earthly means of repaying save by the act of enshrining their names
on acid-free paper: Helen and Win; Vicki, Charles, Henna and Bear;
John, Jennifer and Oka; Lowell and Erica; Carolyn and Karen;
Walter and Gertrude; Ken, Beverly, Nancy and Linda; Emily; Inge;
Gina; and Cynthia.
1
S. W. Holloway, "The Gl^Kakki Assur and Neo-Assyrian Loyalty Oaths," in
Historiography in the Cuneiform World, Part 1: Proceedings of the XLVe Rencontre Assyriologique
Internationale, edited by P. Steinkeller, P. Machinist, J. Huehnergard, P.-A. Beaulieu,
I. T. Abusch and C. Noyes (Bethesda, MD: CDL Press, 2001) 239-66.
TEXTUAL ABBREVIATIONS
Aa lexical series a A — ndqu

AAA Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology
AAAS Annales Archeologiques Arabes Syriennes
AAT Agypten und Altes Testament
AB Assyriologische Bibliothek
ABD Anchor Bible Dictionary, 1992
ABL R. F. Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian Letters
AcOr Acta orientalia
AcSum Acta Sumerologica
ADD C. H. W. Johns, Assyrian Deeds and Documents
ADOG Abhandlungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft
AjK Archiv fur Keilschriftforschung
AfO Archiv fur Orientforschung
AfOB Archiv fur Orientforschung, Beiheft
AHR American Historical Review
AHw W. von Soden, Akkadisches Handworterbuch
AJSL American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures
AKA E. A. W. Budge and L. W. King, Annals of the Kings of
Assyria
AMI Archaologische Mitteilungen aus Iran
Ammianus Marcellinus Ammianus Marcellinus, Rerum gestarum
ANB American National Biography, 1999
AnBib Analecta Biblica
AncB Anchor Bible
ANET3 J. B. Pritchard (ed.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 3rd ed.
AnOr Analecta Orientalia
ANRW Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt
AnSt Anatolian Studies
Ant. Josephus, Antiquitates Judaicae
Antagal lexical series a n t a g a 1 = saqu
AO Der Alte Orient
AOAT Alter Orient und Altes Testament
AoF Altorientalische Forschungen
AOS American Oriental Series
Appian, Pun. Appian, Libuke
ARAB D. D. Luckenbill, Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia
ARM Archives royales de Mari
ARMT Archives royales de Mari (texts in transliteration and trans-
lation)
Arnaud Emar 6 D. Arnaud, Recherches au pays d'Astata: Emar 6
ArOr Archiv orientdlni
Arrian, Anab. Arrian, Anabasis Alexandri
ARRIM Annual Review of the Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia
Project
ArtB Art Bulletin
ArtH Art History
ARU J. Kohler and A. Ungnad, Assyrische Rechtsurkunden
XXVI TEXTUAL ABBREVIATIONS
AS Assyriological Studies
ASSF Acta Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae
b. Sank. Bavli Sanhedrin
BA Biblical Archaeologist
BaghF Baghdader Forschungen
BaghM Baghdader Mitteilungen
BAH Bibliotheque archeologique et historique. Institut Frarâis
d'Archeologie de Beyrouth
BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research
BASS Beitrage zur Assyriologie und vergleichenden semitischen Sprach-
wissenschaft
Bauer IWA T. Bauer, Das Inschriftenwerk Assurbanipals
BBB Bonner Biblische Beitrage
BBSt. L. W. King, Babylonian Boundary Stones
BBVO Berliner Beitrage zum Vorderen Orient
BEThL Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium
BFChTh Beitrage zur Forderung christlicher Theologie
Bib Biblica
BIN Babylonian Inscriptions in the Collection of J. B. Nies
BiOr Bibliotheca Orientalis
BN Biblische Notizen
BollS Bollingen Series
Borger BAL2 R. Borger, Babylonisch-assyrische Lesestiicke, 2nd ed.
Borger BIWA R. Borger, Beitrage zum Inschiftenwerk Assurbanipals
Borger Esarh. R. Borger, Die Inschriften Asarhaddons, Konigs von Assyrien
BoTU Die Boghazkoi-Texte in Umschrift
Brinkman PKB J. A. Brinkman, A Political History of Post-Kassite Babylonia,
1158-722 B.C.
BTAVO Beihefte zum Tiibinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients
BTTK Belleten. Turk Tarih Kurumu
BZAW Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft
CAD The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the Uni-
versity of Chicago, 1956-
CAH Cambridge Ancient History, 1924—
CANE J. M. Sasson (ed.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, 1995
CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly
Cig-Kizilyay-Kraus M. Gig, H. Kizilyay (Bozkurt), and F. R. Krause, Altbabylonische
Nippur Rechtsurkunden aus Nippur
ConBOT Coniectanea Biblica, Old Testament Series
COS W. W. Hallo and K. L. Younger, Jr. (eds.), The Context of
Scripture, 1997-
CT Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets, etc., in the British
Museum, 1896-
CTN Cuneiform Texts from Nimrud, 1972-
Dietrich Aramaer M. Dietrich, Die Aramaer Siidbabyloniens in der Sargoniden-
zeit (700-648)
Diodorus Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheke historias
DMOA Documenta et Monumenta Orientis antiqui
DNB Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-
DOS Dumbarton Oaks Studies
E. Salonen Waffen E. Salonen, Der Waffen der alten Mesopotamier
EBrit Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1768-
EHR English Historical Review
EHST Europaische Hochschulschriften, Reihe 23, Theologie
TEXTUAL ABBREVIATIONS XXV11
EP Encyclopaedia of Islam, 1960-

EPRO Etudes preliminaires aux religions orientales dans I'Empire
romain
Erls Eretz-Israel
EstBib Estudios Biblicos
EUPL Edinburgh University Publications; Language and Literature
Series
Exped Expedition
Ezek Ezekiel
FAOS Freiburger altorientalische Studien
Frahm Einleitung E. Frahm, Einleitung in die Sanherib-Inschriften
Frankena Takultu R. Frankena, Takultu, De sacrale Maaltijd in het assyrische
Rituell
FRLANT Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und
Neuen Testaments
Fuchs Khorsabad A. Fuchs, Die Inschriften Sargon II. aus Khorsabad
Gen Genesis
Grayson Chronicles A. K. Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles
Herodotus Herodotus, Historiai
Heth Hethitica
Hh lexical series HAR.ra = fyubullu
HibJ Hibbert Journal
Hirsch Untersuchungen H. Hirsch, Untersuchungen zur altassyrischen Religion
HMANGA Handbuch der mittelalterlichen und neueren Geschichte,
Abt. I: Allgemeines
HR History of Religions
HSAO Heidelberger Studien zum Alten Orient
HSBS Historical Series for Bible Students
HSS Harvard Semitic Studies
HTB Harper Torchbooks
HTh History and Theory
HTR Harvard Theological Review
HUCA Hebrew Union College Annual
ICC International Critical Commentary
IDE Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, 1962-64, 1976
IEJ Israel Exploration Journal
ILK Illustrated London News
IOU Istituto Universitario Orientale
IrAnt Iranica Antiqua
Isa Isaiah
JANES Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society of Columbia
University
JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society
JBL Journal of Biblical Literature
JCS Journal of Cuneiform Studies
JEA Journal of Egyptian Archaeology
JEOL Jaarbericht van het Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch Genootschap
"Ex Oriente Lux"
Jer Jeremiah
JESHO Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient
JFA Journal of Field Archaeology
JHS Journal of Hellenistic Studies
JJP Journal of Juristic Papyrology
33$ Journal of Jewish Studies
XXV111 TEXTUAL ABBREVIATIONS
PfES Journal of Near Eastern Studies

Johns Doomsday Book C. H. W. Johns, An Assyrian Doomsday Book
JQR Jewish Quarterly Review
JRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
JSL Journal of Sacred Literature and Biblical Record
JSOT Journal for the Study of the Old Testament
JSOTSup Journal for the Study of the Old Testament, Supplement
Series
JSS Journal of Semitic Studies
JSSSup Journal of Semitic Studies Supplement
Judges
KAH II Keilschrifttexte aus Assur historischen Inhalts, 2
KAI Donner and Rollig, Kanaanaische und aramaische Inschriften
KAR II Keilschrifttexte aus Assur religiosen Inhalts, 2
KAV Keilschrifttexte aus Assur verschiedenen Inhalts
KBo Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazkoi
KEH Kurzgefasstes exegetisches Handbuch zum Alten Testament
Kgs Kings
KTU2 Dietrich, Loretz and Sanmartin, Cuneiform Alphabetic
Texts, 2nd ed.
KTJB Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazkoi
LA Lexikon der Agyptologie, 1972-1986
Landsberger Brief B. Landsberger, Brief des Bischofs von Esagila an Konig
Asarhaddon
LAPO Litteratures anciennes du Proche-Orient
LAS I S. Parpola, Letters from Assyrian Scholars to the Kings
Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, Part 1
LAS II S. Parpola, Letters from Assyrian Scholars to the Kings
Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, Part 2
LASBF Liber Annuus Studii Biblici Franciscani
Layard ICC A. H. Layard, Inscriptions in the Cuneiform Character . . .
LKA E. Ebeling, Literarische Keilschrifttexte aus Assur
LKU A. Falkenstein, Literarische Keilschrifttexte aus Uruk
LS Louvain Studies
LSSA London Studies on South Asia
LSSt Leipziger semitische Studien
LTBA Die lexikalischen Tafelserien der Babylonier und Assyrer
in den Berliner Museen
M.A.R.I. Mari, Annales de Recherches Interdisciplinaires
Malku synonym list malku = sarru
MAOG Mitteilungen der Altorientalischen Gesellschaft
MAPS Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society
MDAIA Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts in
Athens
MDOG Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft
Menzel Tempel B, Menzel, Assyrische Tempel
Mes(C) Mesopotamia: Copenhagen Studies in Assyriology
METS Evangelical Theological Society Monograph Series
MHE Mesopotamian History & Environment, Occasional Pub-
lications
MIO Mitteilungen des Instituts fur Orientforschung
MRS Mission de Ras Shamra
MSL Materialien zum sumerischen Lexikon; Materials for the
Sumerian Lexicon
TEXTUAL ABBREVIATIONS XXIX
MT Masoretic Text
MUSJ Melanges de 1'Universite Saint-Joseph (Beyrouth)
MVAG Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen/Vorderasiatisch-Agyp-
tischen Gesellschaft
N.A.B.U. Nouvelles assyriologiques breves et utilitaires
NEAEHL New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the
Holy Land, 1993
NL H. W. F. Saggs, Nimrud Letters, 1952-1974
JV7T Nieuwe theologisch Tijdschrift
OBO Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis
OEANE Oxford Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the Near East,
1997
OHE Oxford History of England
OIP 2 D. D. Luckenbill, The Annals of Sennacherib
OIP Oriental Institute Publications
OLA Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta
OLP Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica
OPBF Occasional Publications of the Babylonian Fund
Or Orientalia
Or. Dr. Original Drawings, British Museum
OrAnt Oriens antiquus
OrAntC Orientis Antiqui Collectio
OTL Old Testament Library
OTS Oudtestamentische Studien
Pausanius Pausanius, Hellades periegeseus
Palestine Exploration Quarterly
Philo, Abr. Philo, De Abrahamo
Philo, Migr. Abr. Philo, De migratione Abrahami
PKOM Publicationen der Kaiserlich Osmanischen Museen
Pliny Pliny, Naturalis historia
Plutarch, Mor. Artax. Plutarch, Moralia: Artaxerxes
Postgate Royal Grants J. N. Postgate, Neo-Assyrian Royal Grants and Decrees
Postgate Taxation J. N. Postgate, Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian
Empire
Ps Psalms
PSD The Sumerian Dictionary of the University Museum of the
University of Pennsylvania, 1984-
QuSem Quaderni di Semitistica
R H. C. Rawlinson et al., The Cuneiform Inscriptions of
Western Asia
RA Revue d'assyriologie et d'archeologie orientale
RB Revue biblique
RelAM Religions Ancient and Modern
Rep. geogr. Repertoire geographique des textes cuneiformes
RIMA Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia: Assyrian Periods
RIMB Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia: Babylonian Periods
RIME Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia: Early Periods
RLA Reallexikon der Assyriologie, 1928-
RLV Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, 1924 1932
Rocz.0r Rocznik orientalistyczny
Rost Tigl. Ill P. Rost, Die Keilschrifttexte Tiglat-Pilesers III ...
SAA State Archives of Assyria
SAAB State Archives of Assyria Bulletin
SAAS State Archives of Assyria Studies
XXX TEXTUAL ABBREVIATIONS
SAOC
b Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilizations
s lexical series Syllabary B
SBLBSNA Society of Biblical Literature: Biblical Scholarship in
North America
SBLDS Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series
SBLMS Society of Biblical Literature Monograph Series
SBLSBS Society of Biblical Literature Sources for Biblical Study
SET Studies in Biblical Theology
SchL Schweich Lectures of the British Academy
ScrHie Scripta Hierosolymitana
SEL Studi Epigrafici e Linguistic!
Sem Semitica
SemS Semitic Series
SHCANE Studies in the History and Culture of the Ancient Near
East
SJOT Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament
SMEA Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici
SPAW Sitzungsberichte der PreuBischen Akademie der Wissen-
schaften, philosophisch-historische Klasse
SPIB Scripta Pontificii Instituti Biblici
SSN Studia semitica Neerlandica
StOr Studia Orientalia
StOR Studies in Oriental Religions
StorRel Storia delle Religion!
StPSM Studia Pohl, Series Maior
Strabo Strabo, Geographikon
Streck Asb. M. Streck, Assurbanipal . . .
STT O. R. Gurney, J. J. Finkelstein, and P. Hulin, The
Sultantepe Tablets
SVT Supplements to Vetus Testamentum
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III H. Tadmor, Tiglath-pileser III
TAPhS Transactions of the American Philosophical Society
TAVO Tiibinger Atlas der Vorderen Orients, 1977-
TC Tablettes cappadociennes
TCL Textes cuneiformes. Musees du Louvre
TCS Texts from Cuneiform Sources
TF Teheraner Forschungen
ThLPP Theoretical Lenses on Public Policy
Thompson Esarh. R. C. Thompson, The Prisms of Esarhaddon and of
Ashurbanipal . . .
Thompson Rep. R. C. Thompson, The Reports of the Magicians and
Astrologers . . .
Tr Traditio
TSBA Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology
TTKY Turk Tarih Kurumu yaymlanndan
TUAT Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments
UAVA Untersuchungen zur Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen
Archaologie
UCPNES University of California Publications: Near Eastern
Studies
UCPSP University of California Publications in Semitic Philology
UET Ur Excavation, Texts
UF Ugarit-Forschungen
Ug. 5 L E. Laroche, "Documents en langue hourrite provenant
de Ras Shamra"
TEXTUAL ABBREVIATIONS XXXI
UNHAII Uitgaven van het Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch

Instituut te Istanbul
VAB Vorderasiatische Bibliothek
van Driel Cult of Assur G. van Driel, The Cult of Assur
VAS Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmaler der Koniglichen Museen
zu Berlin
VisRel Visible Religion
von Weiher Uruk 3 E. von Weiher, Spatbabylonische Texte aus Uruk, 3
VT Vetus Testamentum
Winckler Sar. H. Winckler, Die Keilschrifttexte Sargons . . .
WO Die Welt des Orients
WoAr World Archaeology
WVDOG \Vissenschaftliche Veroffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-
Gesellschaft
Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes
YNER Yale Near Eastern Researches
YOS Yale Oriental Series, Babylonian Texts
ZA Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie
ZABR Zeitschrift fur Altorientalische und Biblische Rechts-
geschichte
Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft
DMG Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft
ZDPV Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina-Vereins
OTHER ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS
?
uncertain reading
+ physical join
< > scribal omission
collation
ca. circa
DN divine name
fig(s). figure(s)
GN geographical name
km kilometer(s)
1(1). line(s)
n(n). note(s)
no(s). number(s)
obv. obverse
P(P)- page(s)
pl(s). plate(s)
PN personal name
rev. reverse
RN royal name
vol(s). volume(s)
EXCAVATION, COLLECTION, AND MUSEUM SIGLA
A 1) Asiatic collection of The Oriental Institute, The University of Chicago

2) Mari collection of the Musee du Louvre, Paris
3) Assur collection of the Arkeoloji Muzelen, Istanbul
A Babylon Nebuchadnezzar Museum collection, Babylon
AH Abu Habba collection, British Museum
AO Departement des Antiquites Orientales, Musee du Louvre, Paris
Ashm Ashmolean Museum collection, Oxford
Ass excavation numbers from the German expeditions to Assur
Ass Ph excavation photographs from the German expeditions to Assur
-B- siglum (infix) for excavation numbers from the Iraqi excavations in
Babylon
BE Babylon excavation number (German expeditions)
BM British Museum, London
Bristol H City of Bristol Museum Art Gallery
Bu E. A. W. Budge collection, British Museum
CBS Catalogue of the Babylonian Section, University Museum, University
of Pennsylvania
DeZ Deir az-Zor Museum collection
Di tablet excavation numbers from the Belgian expedition to Tell ed-Der
DS Dur Sarrukfn (Khorsabad) excavation numbers, Oriental Institute,
University of Chicago
DT Daily Telegraph collection, British Museum
E§ Esja Sark Eserlen Miizesi, Arkeoloji Muzelen, Istanbul
HE Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, IVC Section, Paris
HS Hilprecht-Sammlung, Friedrich-Schiller-Universitat, Jena
IAA excavation numbers from the Israel Antiquities Authority
IM Iraq Museum, Baghdad
K Kuyunjik collection, British Museum
Ki L. W. King collection, British Museum
Kt excavation numbers from the Turkish expeditions to Kiiltepe
M excavation numbers from the French expeditions to Mari
MAH Musee d'Art et d'Historie, Geneva
ML McLennan Library, McGill University
MMA Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
MNB Musees Nationaux of the Musee du Louvre, Paris
-N- siglum (infix) for excavation numbers from The Oriental Institute expe-
ditions to Nippur
N III Musee Napoleon III of the Musee du Louvre, Paris
NBC Nies Babylonian Collection, Yale University Library
NCBT Newell Collection of Babylonian Tablets, Yale University
ND excavation numbers from the British expeditions to Nimrud
Ni tablets from Nippur in the E§ki §ark Eserlen Miizesi, Arkeoloji Miizelen,
Istanbul
NT Nippur excavation numbers (American excavations)
PMA Philadelphia Museum of Art
PTS Princeton Theological Seminary
Rm H. Rassam collection, British Museum
XXXIV EXCAVATION, COLLECTION, AND MUSEUM SIGLA
RS Ras Shamra excavation numbers

S excavation numbers from the German expeditions to Zinjirli (Senschirli)
SBF Studium Biblicum Franciscanum collection, Jerusalem
SH 1) excavation numbers from the Danish expeditions to Susarra (Tell
Semsara)
2) excavation numbers from the German expeditions to Tell Seh Hamad
Sm G. Smith collection, British Museum
Sp Spartoli collection, British Museum
SU tablets from the British excavations at Sultantepe in Ankara
Th R. C. Thompson collection, British Museum
TH Tell Halaf Museum collection, Berlin (destroyed)
TM excavation numbers from the Italian expeditions to Tell Mardikh-Ebla
TSKM Top Kapi Sarayi Miizesi
U excavation numbers from the British-American expeditions to Ur
UCLM Lowie Museum of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley
UIOM University of Illinois at Urbana, Oriental Museum
UM University Museum, University of Pennsylvania
UM L- University Museum, University of Pennsylvania (on loan)
VA Vorderasiatisches Museum, Staatliche Museen, Berlin
VAT Vorderasiatische Abteilung Tontafel, Staatliche Museen, Berlin
VA Ass Assur collection, Vorderasiatisches Museum, Staatliche Museen, Berlin
VA Bab Babylonian collection, Vorderasiatisches Museum, Staatliche Museen,
Berlin
W excavation numbers from the German expeditions to Warka
WAA Department of Western Asiatic Antiquities, British Museum
YBC Yale Babylonian Collection, Yale University Library
CHAPTER ONE
HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES, HISTORY OF

SCHOLARSHIP AND THE SCHOLARS' HISTORIES
As for the one who . . . prevents scholars from seeing

and reading the content of my inscriptions, restricts
anyone access to my inscription in order that it might
not be seen and read . . . may Assur . . . curse his destiny.
—Assur-nasir-pal II
Assyrian Religious Imperialism in Greek and Biblical Sources
Thanks to the Greek historians and the Hebrew Scriptures, the image
of Assyria fixed in the amber of memory is that of a militaristic con-
quest state, captained by ingenious despots, fielding an army of un-
speakable might and precision, doomed by moral rot or the whims
of divine good pleasure. In the earliest retellings of Assyrian politi-
cal prowess, there are scant allusions to the use of religion in state-
craft. It was entirely possible to typecast an entire tribe as a race of
religious specialists—witness Greek and Roman depictions of the
Chaldeans, the Assyrians' neighbors to the South—as astrologers par
excellence.1 Assyria was remembered as a race of warriors, not priests.
1
F. Rochberg-Halton, Aspects of Babylonian Celestial Divination: The Lunar Eclipse
Tablets (>/"Enuma Ann Enlil (AfOB 22; Horn, Austria: Ferdinand Berger & Sohne,
1988) 1-5. Strabo, XVI. 1.6; Philo, Migr. Abr. 178-79, 184; Philo, Abr. 69-71, 77,
82; A. Kuhrt, "Ancient Mesopotamia in Classical Greek and Hellenistic Thought,"
CANE 1:61; idem, "Assyrian and Babylonian Traditions in Classical Authors: A
Critical Synthesis." in Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn: Politische und kulturelle Wechsel-
beziehungen im Alten Vorderasien vom 4. bis 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. XXV Rencontre Assyriologique
Internationale, Berlin, 3. bis 7. Juli 1978, edited by H.-J. Nissen andj. Renger (BBVO 1;
Berlin: Dietrich Rcimer Verlag, 1982) 545-46.
The force of this association posed a difficulty for hellenistic Jewish authors who
wished to exalt the reputation of the patriarch Abra(ha)m, whose birthplace \vas
"Ur of the Chaldees" while at the same time extricating him from the charge of
astrology. In certain traditions, such as Jubilees 11-12, Abraham, a master astrologer,
eschews his former astrological expertise as another guise of idolatry. Josephus, on
the other hand, attributes Abraham's expulsion from Ur as due to his monotheis-
tic rejection of astrology altogether; Ant 1.154-57. See the discussions in W. Adler,
2. CHAPTER ONE
Legends about Assyria, which meant tales about the Neo-Assyria

royal family, say little enough about Assyrian religion itself, and noth-
ing at all concerning Assyrian attitudes toward the religions of their
foes and tributaries.2
The Hebrew Scriptures contain vignettes of the lopsided military
confrontations between Sargonid Assyria and the states of Syria-
Palestine, especially Israel and Judah. Since the dominant theme of
2 Kgs is cultic purity of the chosen people and their kings, its vio-
lation and the aftermath, it is natural to search the chronologically
suitable texts for traces of Assyrian religious imperialism.3 Ahaz, a
Judahite king reigning during the period of Tiglath-pileser Ill's
unprecedented expansion of Assyrian territory westward across the
Euphrates, met the Assyrian king in Damascus, saw an altar there,
"Abraham and the Burning of the Temple of Idols: Jubilee's Traditions in Christian
Chronography," JQR 77 (1986-87) 95-117; J. S. Siker, Disinheriting the Jews: Abraham
in Early Christian Controversy (Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1991);
M. Kister, "Observations on Aspects of Exegesis Tradition, and Theology in Midrash,
Pseudepigrapha, and Other Jewish Writings," in Tracing the Threads: Studies in the
Vitality of Jewish Pseudepigrapha, edited by J. C. Reeves (Early Judaism and Its Literature
6; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1994) 17 n. 24; J. E. Bowley, "The Compositions of
Abraham," in Tracing the Threads: Studies in the Vitality of Jewish Pseudepigrapha, edited
by J. C. Reeves (Early Judaism and Its Literature 6; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1994)
227-33; G. W. E. Nickelsburg, "Abraham the Convert: A Jewish Tradition and Its
Use by the Apostle Paul," in Biblical Figures Outside the Bible, edited by M. E. Stone
and T. A. Bergren (Harrisburg, PA: Trinity Press International, 1998) 155-62.
- S. P. Vleeming and J. \V. Wesselius, Studies in Papyrus Amherst 63: Essays on the
Aramaic Texts in Aramaic/Demotic Papyrus Amherst 63, vol. 1 (Amsterdam: Juda Palache
Instituut, 1985) 31-37, R. C. Steiner and C. F. Nims, "Ashurbanipal and Shamash-
shum-ukin: a Tale of Two Brothers from the Aramaic Text in Demotic Script,"
RB 92 (1985) 60-81, and R. C. Steiner, "The Aramaic Text in Demotic Script,"
COS 1:322-27 provide translations and sporadic commentary on the relevant quar-
ter of Papyrus Amherst 63, a folkloristic narrative dealing with the rivalry between
Assurbanipal and his doomed brother, Samas-sumu-ukfn; see also the remarks in
R. C. Steiner, "Papyrus Amherst 63: a New Source for the Language, Literature,
Religion, and History of the Aramaeans," in Studio Aramaica: New Sources and New
Approaches, edited by M. J. Geller, J. C. Greenfield and M. P. Weitzman (JSSSup
4; New York: Oxford University Press, 1995) 203-4. Despite the severe difficulties
in working with a damaged 4th-century Aramaic papyrus in Demotic script, it is
evident that the composition described the "betrayal" of Assurbanipal by his brother
Samas-sumu-ukln as seen from a partisan Assyro-phile perspective. Despite the num-
ber of unique details that may or may not preserve historical memory, the text
reveals nothing about Assyrian religious policy. The parricide of Sennacherib, found
in both the Bible and Greek sources, bespeaks the popularity and wide circulation
of tales about the epic familial misadventures of the Sargonid ruling house; see
S. Zawadzki, "Oriental and Greek Tradition About the Death of Sennacherib."
SAAB 4 (1990) 69-72; Frahm Einleitung, 24.
3
This topic will be dealt with elsewhere in the depth it warrants.
HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES 6
and commissioned his high priest to build a replica in the dynastic

temple in Jerusalem, 2 Kgs 16:10-16. Furthermore, Ahaz ordered
a series of destructive modifications of the Jerusalem Temple fabric,
"because of [or] in front of (^20) the king of Assyria," 2 Kgs 16:18.
Assuming an historical kernel exists for both actions, commentators
are divided as to the ethnic cachet of Ahaz' new altar (Assyrian or
Aramaean), since the narrative provides no identification other than
place and time, and most maintain that the temple alterations reflect
the acts of a client ruler ransacking his capital for moveable wealth
to indemnify his earthly lord.4 The paganness of the Damascene altar
rather than its ethnicity was the point of the damning narrative
detail, for from the beginning of his literary life in 2 Kgs, Ahaz was
adjudged a paganizer, and his activities without exception contribute
to his reputation. The Damascene-inspired altar of Ahaz does not
figure in the subsequent affairs of his dynasty.
The rhetorically masterful speech of the Assyrian Stentor Rab-
Shakeh in 2 Kgs 18 would have served as an admirable vehicle for
voicing Assyrian charges against the rebellious client Hezekiah for
abrogating Assyrian cults in Judah, had the Judahite king been guilty
of such and the biblical authors been disposed to dwell on the mat-
ter. Instead, Hezekiah receives implicit praise for fulfilling the deute-
ronomistic goal of Yahwistic cult centralization. The 2 Kgs account
of Sennacherib's embroilment with Judah is redolent with ironies
4
See discussion and citations in S. W. Holloway, "The Case for Assyrian Religious
Influence in Israel and Judah: Inference and Evidence" (Ph.D. dissertation, The
University of Chicago, 1992) 447-56, 527-30; E. T. Mullen, Jr., "Crime and
Punishment: The Sins of the King and the Despoliation of the Treasuries," CBQ
54 (1992) 231-48; W. Zwickel, "Die Kultreform des Ahas (2 Kon 16,10-18)," SJOT
I (1993) 250-62; B. Oded, "Ahaz's Appeal to Tiglath-Pileser III in the Context of
the Assyrian Policy of Expansion," in Studies in the Archaeology and History of Ancient
Israel in Honour of Moshe Dothan, edited by M. Heltzer, A. Segal and D. Kaufman
(Haifa: Haifa University Press, 1993) 63-71; M. Cogan, 'Judah Under Assyrian
Hegemony: A Re-Examination of Imperialism and Religion" JBL 112 (1993) 403-14;
N. Na'aman, "Ahaz's and Hezekiah's Policy Toward Assyria in the Days of Sargon
II and Sennacherib's Early Years," %wn 59 (1994) 6-14, 24-27 [Hebrew]; idem,
"The Deuteronomist and Voluntary Servitude to Foreign Powers," JSOT 65 (1995)
41-48; C. Begg, "Ahaz, King of Judah According to Josephus," SJOT 10 (1996)
28-52; K. A. D. Smelik, "The New Altar of King Ahaz (2 Kings 16): Deuteronomistic
Re-interpretation of a Cult Reform," in Deuteronomy and Deuteronomic Literature: Festschrift
C. H. W. Brekelmans, edited by M. Vervenne and J. Lust (BEThL 133; Louvain:
Leuven University Press/Peeters, 1997) 263-78; idem, "The Representation of King
Ahaz in 2 Kings 16 and 2 Chronicles 28," in Intertextuality in Ugarit and Israel, edited
byj. C. de Moor (OTS 40; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1998) 143-85.
4 CHAPTER ONE
showcased by his parricide, which, historicity of the act aside,0 is a

moralizing biblical motif: the inglorious death of pagans in non-
Yahwistic temples: Philistines in the temple of Dagon, Judg 16:23-31;
Israelite worshippers of Bacal in the Samarian temple of Bacal, 2 Kgs
10:18-27; Sennacherib in the temple of "Nisroch, his god," 2 Kgs
19:37//Isa 37:38. Sennacherib's terrifying boast of having conquered
various enclaves and city-states of western Asia whose gods could
not save them, 2 Kgs 19:10-13//Isa 37:11-13, foreshadows his own
ignominious despatch, whereas Hezekiah prays in the temple of
Yahweh, and both he and his kingdom are saved.6
2 Kgs 23 is devoted to the cult reform of King Josiah, a sequence
of state-sponsored acts of terrorism against cultic installations and
personnel in Judah in the third quarter of the 7th century, proba-
bly near the end of Assurbanipal's reign/ These actions, portrayed
' S. Parpola, "The Murderer of Sennacherib," in Death in Mesopotamia. XXVF

Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, edited by B. Alster (Mes[C] 8; Copenhagen:
Akademisk Forlag, 1980) 171-82.
6
The secondary literature on Hezekiah and the Assyrian confrontation is prodi-
gious; see, provisionally, Holloway, "Case for Assyrian Religious Influence," 434-40,
456-60; L. H. Feldman, "Josephus's Portrait of Hezekiah," JBL 111 (1992) 597-610;
R. Albertz, A History of Israelite Religion in the Old Testament Period, Vol. I: From the
Beginnings to the End of the Monarchy (trans. J. Bowden; OTL; Louisville, KY:
Westminster/John Knox Press, 1994) 180-86; N. Na'aman, "Hezekiah and the
Kings of Assyria," Tel Aviv 21 (1994) 235-54; idem, "Ahaz's and Hezekiah's Policy,"
5-30 [Hebrew]; S. W. Holloway, "Harran: Cultic Geography in the Neo-Assyrian
Empire and Its Implications for Sennacherib's 'Letter to Hezekiah' in 2 Kings," in
The Pitcher is Broken: Memorial Essays for Gb'sta W. Ahlstrom, edited by S. W. Holloway
and L. K. Handy (JSOTSup 190; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1995)'308-14.
' The so-called Josianic reform generated a staggering corpus of studies in the
20th century. See Holloway, "Case for Assyrian Religious Influence," 443-46,
465-526; K. Koch, "Gefiige und Herkunft des Berichts tiber die Kultreformen des
Konigs Josia: Zugleich ein Beitrag zur Bestimmung hebraischer 'Tempora'," in
Alttestamentlicher Glaube und biblische Theologie: Festschrift fur Horst Dietrich Preuss zum 65.
Geburtstag, edited by J. Hausmann and H.-J. Zobel (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer,
1992) 80-92; J. G. Taylor, Yahweh and the Sun: Biblical and Archaeological Evidence for
Sun Worship in Ancient Israel (JSOTSup 111; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press,
1993) 168-83; L. H. Feldman, "Josephus' Portrait of Josiah," LS 18 (1993) 110-30;
N. Na'aman, "The Kingdom of Judah under Josiah," Tel Aviv 18 (1991) 3-71;
Rainer, History of Israelite Religion, 198-231; W. G. Dever, "The Silence of the Text:
An Archaeological Commentary on 2 Kings 23," in Scripture and Other Artifacts: Essays
in Honor of Philip J. King, edited by D. M. Coogan, J. C. Exum and L. E. Stager
(Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1994) 143-68; L. K. Handy,
"Historical Probability and the Narrative of Josiah's Reform in 2 Kings," in The
Pitcher is Broken: Memorial Essays for Gosta W. Ahlstrom, edited by S. W. Holloway and
L. K. Handy (JSOTSup 190; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1995) 252-75; H. Niehr, "Die
Reform des Joschija. Methodische, historische und religionsgeschichtliche Aspeckte,"
in Jeremia und die "deuteronomistische Bewegung", edited by W. Gross (BBB 98; Weinheim:
HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES
as "cleansing" the land of non-Yahwistic worship, exemplify the

author's or authors' theological agenda of cult centralization; for his
zeal, Josiah is rated more highly than any king following David.
There are no Assyro-Babylonian deities mentioned by name nor are
any obviously Mesopotamian ritual practices abrogated, though this
has not impeded biblical specialists for the past 150 years from finding
ingenious matches between the Masoretic text on the one hand and
Assyrian divine names and iconography on the other.8 All such efforts
reflect an Enlightenment-inspired project to demonstrate an histori-
cist syllogism: Josiah purged the cult of foreign gods; Judah as an
Assyrian client state under grandfather Manasseh absorbed Assyrian
gods into the cult; ergo, Josiah purged the cult of Assyrian gods. In
the absence of the constraining historicist imperative, the narrative
economy of 2 Kgs following the miraculous destruction of Sennacherib's
army is transparent: the Assyrians ceased interference with the inter-
nal affairs of Judah following the reign of Hezekiah, because the
Beltz Athenaum Verlag, 1995) 33-55; J. Schreiner, 'Jeremia und die joschijanische
Reform. Probleme - Fragen - Antworten," in Jeremia und die "deuteronomistische
Bewegung", edited by W. Gross (BBB 98; Weinheim: Beltz Athenaum Verlag, 1995)
11-31; C. Uehlinger, "Gab es eine joschijanische Kultreform? Playdoyer fur ein
begriindetes Minimum," in Jeremia und die "deuteronomistische Bewegung", edited by
W. Gross (BBB 98: Weinheim: Beltz Athenaum Verlag, 1995) 57-89; T. Seidl,
' Jeremias Tempelrede: Polemik gegen die joschijanische Reform? Die Paralleltraditionen
Jer 7 und 26 auf ihre Effizienz fur das Deuteronomismusproblem in Jeremia befragt,"
in Jeremia und die "deuteronomistische Bewegung", edited by W. Gross (BBB 98; Weinheim:
Beltz Athenaum Verlag, 1995) 57-89; W. B. Barrick, "On the Meaning ofnlCZiriTrzl
and ninarnra and the Composition of the Kings History," JBL 115 (1996) 621-42;
E. Eynikel, The Reform of King Josiah and the Composition of the Deuteronomistic History
(OTS 33; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1996); G. Toloni, '"Per non entrare nel templo' (2
Re 23, flab) Storia dell'interpretazione di un sintagma," EstBib 55 (1997) 143-69;
R. Kletter, "Pots and Polities: Material Remains of Late Iron Age Judah in Relation
to its Political Borders," BASOR 314 (1999) 27.
K
King Josiah, compared with David or Hezekiah, was an insignificant figure in
Jewish and Christian scholarship up to the mid-nineteenth century, when, among
other factors, the modern periodization of historical events obliged biblical exegetes
to correlate Josiah's reign with Assyria. The trend began, more or less, with F. K.
Movers, Die Phonizier (Bonn: Eduard Weber, 1841-56) 1:65 and O. Thenius, Die
Biicher der Konige (KEH 11-12; Leipzig: Weidmann, 1849) 423-35, and gained wide-
spread circulation in the 20th century through the studies of T. Oestreicher, Das
Deuteronomische Grundgesetz (BFChTh 27/4; Giitersloh: T. Bertelsmann, 1923) 30-55,
F. M. Cross, Jr. and D. N. Freedman, "Josiah's Revolt against Assyria," JNES 12
(1953) 56~58, and H. Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur in der Sargonidenzeit (FRLANT
129; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1982) 120-30, 211-12, 221, 252-56,
271-73, 281. J. W'ellhausen, Prolegomena zur Geschichte Israels (2nd ed.; Berlin:
G. Reimer, 1883) 285-310, by dating Deuteronomy to the reign of Josiah, unleashed
a torrent of studies on this obscure monarch, yet Wellhausen's association of king
and text has nothing whatsoever to do with Assyro-Judahite relations.
6 CHAPTER ONE
literary entity Manasseh could not be so abandonedly villainous nor

could Josiah win such prestigious laurels had either been burdened
by the yoke of Assur.9 Van der Spek makes the perceptive obser-
vation that, had the Assyrians required significantly obtrusive cultic
innovations of its subject peoples, the Old Testament would describe
them.10 His conclusion that, since the texts do not describe such
exactions, it follows that the exactions were not in fact imposed is
dubious because it presupposes that the biblical authors were in pos-
session of accurate and detailed information about internal cultic
affairs in 7th-century Judah. Furthermore, his line of argumentation
presupposes that these same authors, given their access to this infor-
mation, were motivated to integrate it into their historical narrative.
Both presuppositions are sincerely questionable, but the skepticism
regarding the presence of Assyrian cultic exactions in the Hebrew
Scriptures is sound. The most solid evidence the Hebrew Scriptures
supplies about Assyrian religious imperialism is the indubitable fact
that the pre-Exilic cult of Yahweh did survive Assyrian political hege-
mony and was not supplanted by Assur or other members of the
state pantheon.
In the late Greek novella Judith 3:8, the army of "Nebuchadnezzar
the Assyrian" under the command of Holophernes, attempts to destroy
the cult-places of the Levantine littoral in order to force them to
worship Nebuchadnezzar as their sole god, an inner-biblical develop-
ment of the theme of fatal cultic hubris found in Daniel and 1 and
2 Maccabees. Tobit bears eloquent testimony to the legendary cruelty
of the Assyrians, but says nothing about the religious policies of the
Sargonid kings. Berossus' account of Sennacherib's Cilician campaign
(apud Polyhistor, extant only in the Armenian version of Eusebius'
Chronicle), conjecturally based on cuneiform sources, relates that Senna-
cherib, with heavy losses, regained the territory after a Greek invasion;
he then erects "als Denkmal des Sieges liess er sein auf der statte
errichtetes Bildnis zuriick, und befahl in chaldaeischer Schrift seine
Tapferkeit und Heldentat einzugraben zum Gedachtnis fur die kiinf-
tigen Zeiten;" and that he rebuilt Tarsus in the likeness of Babylon.
9
Na'aman, "Kingdom of Judah," 55; Holloway, "Case for Assyrian Religious
Influence," 439-40.
10
R. J. van der Spek, "Assyriology and History: A Comparative Study of War
and Empire in Assyria, Athens, and Rome," in The Tabkt and the Scroll: Near Eastern
Studies in Honor of William IV. Hallo, edited by M. E. Cohen, D. C. Snell and D. B.
Weisberg (Bethesda, MD: CDL Press, 1993) 264 n. 12.
Abydenos' version adds, improbably, that he sank a Grecian fleet

and "built an Athenian temple and erected bronze statues, upon
which he engraved his own deeds."11 Helm bravely suggests that the
erection of an Athenian temple was an attempt by Berossus to make
the establishment of an Assyrian provincial cult more "palatable" to
a Greek audience.12 As a literary truism, temples in Greek novels
play a crucial role in the urban landscape, although the identifiable
features of the most famous tend to be bleached out in generalities;
the description of the busy altars of Babylon in Chariton is no excep-
tion.13 In view of the preposterous statement that Sennacherib rebuilt
Tarsus in the likeness of Babylon, we are at liberty to question
whether Berossus was privy to autonomous historical records of
Assyrian temple-building in Cilicia.14
11
Translations of the Armenian texts in F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen
Historiker (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1958) III C, no. 685 (Abydenos) F 5; no. 680 (Berossos)
F 7. On the history of the transmission of the text and persistent textual problems
that scholars mining the Chronicle of Eusebius have been forced to come to terms
with, see the excellent discussions in A. A. Mosshammer, The Chronicle of Eusebius
and Greek Chronographic Tradition (Cranbury, NJ and London: Associated University
Presses, 1979) pp. 37-83, and W. Adler, Time Immemorial: Archaic History and Its Sources
in Christian Chronography from Julius Africanus to George Syncellus (DOS 26; Washington,
B.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1989) 72-73.
12
P. R. Helm, "'Greeks' in the Neo-Assyrian Levant and 'Assyria' in Early Greek
Writers" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1980) 321. See the dis-
cussions in P. Desideri and A. M. Jasink, Cilicia dall'eta di Kiziûwatna alia conquista
macedone (Universita degli Studi di Torino, Fondo di Studi Parini-Chirio 1; Turin:
Casa Editrice Le Lettere, 1990) 156-57; P. W. Haider, "Griechen im Vorderen
Orient und in Agypten bis ca. 590 v. Chr.," in Wege zur Genese griechischer Identitdt:
die Bedeutung der friiharchaischen £eit, edited by C. Ulf (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1996)
88-89 n. 153; G. B. Lanfranchi, "The Ideological and Political Impact of the
Assyrian Imperial Expansion on the Greek World in the 8th and 7th Centuries
B.C.," in The Heirs of Assyria: Proceedings of the Opening Symposium of the Assyrian and
Babylonian Intellectual Heritage Project Held in Tvdrminne, Finland, October 8-11, 1998,
edited by S. Aro and R. M. Whiting (Melammu Symposia 1; Helsinki: The Neo-
Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 2000) 22-31.
13
S. Said, "The City in the Greek Novel," in The Search for the Ancient Novel,
edited byj. Tatum (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994) 220-21, 225.
Said notes that the novel entirely ignores Babylon's most touted marvels, the colos-
sal size of its city walls and the hanging gardens of Semiramis.
14
See the judicious treatment of the Berossian account in Helm, '"Greeks' in
the Neo-Assyrian Levant," 191-95, 319-26. The archaeological footprint of the
Assyrians in Tarsus was very light; G. M. A. Hanfmann, "The Iron Age Pottery
of Tarsus," in Excavations at Gozlti Kule, Tarsus, Vol. 3: the Iron Age, edited by H.
Goldman. G. M. A. Hanfmann and E. Porada (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1963) 130-40; H. F. Russell, "Archaeological Evidence for the Assyrians in
South-East Turkey in the First Millennium B.C.," in Anadolu demir faglan/Anatolian
Iron Ages, edited by A. Cilingiroglu (Izmir: Ege Universitesi Edebiyat Fakiiltesi Yayim,
1987) 60-61. A post-canonical eponym in the reign of Assur-etel-ilani suggests that
O CHAPTER ONE
Captioned mosaics from Antioch-on-the-Orontes and Iskenderun

appear to illustrate a Hellenistic romance about Ninus, eponymous
prince of Assyria, dated by stratigraphy and costume to the Severan
Age.15 The 1st century B.C.E. hellenistic romance of Ninus, called
by some the Ninopedia, is a formulaic erotic tale of the relationship
between the 17-year-old Assyrian prince and his lachrymose, tongue-
tied 13-year-old cousin, Semiramis. Ninus, an accomplished warrior
at the head of his Greek and Carian mercenaries, 100,000 Assyrian
infantry and cavalry, and battle-elephants, pleads eloquently and con-
ventionally with his aunt Derceia for the hand of her daughter: "But
now that I have come back [from my military exploits] pure and
uncorrupted, I am conquered by the god of love and by my age."16
Their marriage takes place; later, the pining Ninus is separated from
his beloved by that staple hellenistic literary wheeze, a shipwreck.
The characters of Ninus and Semiramis in the preserved portions
of the Ninopedia bear no discernable resemblance to their grimly
efficient namesakes in the oriental saga of Diodorus (II, 3, 4-20,
20); still less do they behave like Iron-Age Assyrians.
Rabbinic sources collapse all of the Assyrian kings named in the
Hebrew Scriptures into the figure of Sennacherib.17 Sennacherib's
claim at one juncture to be a god is simply an elaboration of his
role as Unheilsherr doomed for blaspheming Yahweh and threatening
Que (parts of Cilicia) remained under Assyrian control as late as 631; J. E. Reade,
"Assyrian Eponyms, Kings and Pretenders, 648-605 B.C.," Or 67 (1998) 262. On
the archaeological and political question of the Neo-Assyrian presence in Hilakku,
Que, and Tarshish, see A. Lemaire, "Tarshish-7am.si: probleme de topographic his-
torique biblique et assyrienne," in Studies in Historical Geography and Biblical Historiography
Presented to êcharia Kallai, edited by G. Galil and M. Weinfeld (SVT 81; Leiden:
E. J. Brill, 2000) 44-62.
15
M.-H. Quet, "Romans grecs, mosai'ques romaines," in Le monde du roman grec:
Actes du colloque international tenu a I'Ecole normale superieure (Paris 17~19 decembre 1987),
edited by M.-F. Baslez, P. Hoffmann and M. Trede (Paris: Presses de I'Ecole nor-
male superieure, 1992) 129-35, figs. 2, 4a-b. Quet observes that Lucian of Samosata
stated that Ninus figured among the characters staged in the theaters of Antioch
in the 2nd century C.E. (132-35).
1(5
B. E. Perry, The Ancient Romances. A Literary-Historical Account of "Their Origins
(Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1967) 157, and see his
treatment of the work in 153-80, together with the summary of T. Hagg, The Novel
in Antiquity (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1983) 17. On
the genre of the hellenistic romance, see the insightful remarks in R. F. Hock, "The
Rhetoric of Romance," in Handbook of Classical Rhetoric in the Hellenistic Period, 330
B.C. A.D. 400, edited by S. E. Porter (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1998) 445-65.
17
Tiglath-pileser, Palnesser, Shalmanesser, Pul, Sargon, and Osnappar; b. Sank.
94a.
His anointed. The legends of the arch-idolater Nimrod act as foils

for the patriarch Abraham's purity of purpose, but in general the
Assyrians in formative Jewish sources display no historical elements
of religious imperialism that cannot be explained as inner-hermeneu-
tical ploys of the haggada.18
From Late Antiquity to the early 19th century, Assyrian rulers
figure in countless works of historiography, biblical exegesis, belles-
lettres, and the graphic arts; in most instances the behavior of the
principals is cast in terms of a contemporary political wise en scene.
As there is no evidence that the authors of these imaginative pro-
ductions had access to ancient records apart from the well-trodden
canons of Greek historiography and biblical dramaturgy, we move
on to the western rediscovery of Mesopotamia in the mid-19th century.
The Discovery of Assyria in the 19th Century
With the advent of European excavation in Mesopotamia, the schol-

arly expedient of exclusive reliance on Greek and biblical authors
for access to Assyrian history19 was dissolved in a torrent of texts
18
K. van der Toorn and P. W. van der Horst, "Nimrod Before and After the
Bible," HTR 83 (1990) 16-29; S. J. Livesey and R. H. Rouse, "Nimrod the
Astronomer," Tr 37 (1981) 203-66.
19
For example, Johann Jakob Hess, writing in the eighteenth century, describes
Assyrian history entirely from the perspective of the Old Testament, Tobit, Herodotus
and other classical sources. Although he recognized the fact that Assyria undertook
military campaigns to the west seeking political submission and tribute, no rela-
tionship was perceived between the cultic "apostasy" credited to various Judahite
kings by the Old Testament and their concomitant obligations to their Assyrian
masters. Manasseh, without availing himself of the counsel of priests or prophets,
necessarily turned away from the kingship of God to the idolatry of his neighbors
(Sidonian Ba'al is mentioned); J. J. Hess, Geschichte der Israeliten vor den êiten Jesu
(Zurich: Orell, Gessner, Fiiesslin und Compagnie, 1776-88) 10:174-75. Josiah cleared
the Jerusalem temple of generally unspecified idolatrous rites and objects, includ-
ing, however, a copy of a "Babylonian Venus;" Hess, Geschichte. 236. As the mys-
teries of the biblical world fell under the secular dissection of early modern historical
investigation, however, the often vague chronological syncretisms and historicizing
feints that satisfied generations of biblical apologists began to be challenged. Movers,
Die Phonizier, was symptomatic of this intellectual movement, and acted as a pow-
erful catalyst in the German academy. For almost two thousand years, "Sargon,
King of Assyria," who appears only in Isa 20:1 and no classical sources, was
explained away as an alias of any one of the other Assyrian kings named in the
Hebrew Scriptures, including "Pul." In the first half of the 19th century, under the
double-pronged stimulus of the budding historicist desire to redraft the Bible in its
proper cultural and chronological environment, several leading German exegetes
10 CHAPTER ONE
and visually commanding artifacts.20 Monumental inscriptions on

powerfully evocative narrative reliefs that once adorned royal palaces
together with thousands of cuneiform tablets geometrically expanded
the world's knowledge of the Assyrian elite civilization. The immediate
price of hermeneutic enrichment was, however, disorientation. As
decipherment of the Akkadian language took its first halting steps,
the sentence names of the kings, place-names and gods written in
Sumerograms stymied an easy correlation with the "received" roster
of Assyrian emperors and assorted legenda. In the absence of a workable
pottery chronology or comparative art-critical synthesis, the dates of
such exotic (and inaccurately read) Neo-Assyrian royal names as "Iva-
lush"21 and "Temen-bar"22 and their portraiture would range across the
centuries according to the hypotheses favored by the modern author.23
break rank with the past and argue for the discrete existence of King Sargon of
Assyria. See S. W. Holloway, "The Quest for Sargon, Pul, and Tiglath-Pileser in
the 19th Century," in Syro-Mesopotamia and the Bible, edited by M. W. Chavalas and
K. L. Younger, Jr. (JSOTSup; Sheffield: JSOT Press, [in press]). While this pat-
tern of seeking confirmation of the literal narrative of the Bible through philologi-
cal investigation and comparative studies would drive the archaeological exploration
of the Middle East to epic spectacles of nationalistic contest, the "discovery" of
Assyrian religious imperialism would answer a different set of criteria.
20
For general surveys of the European exploration of Mesopotamia, see A. J.
Booth, The Discovery and Decipherment of the Trilingual Cuneiform Inscriptions (London:
Longmans, Green, and Co., 1902) 76-148; S. A. F. D. Pallis, Early Exploration in
Mesopotamia; with a List of the Assyro-Babylonian Cuneiform Texts Published before 1851 (Det
kongelige Danske videnskabernes selskab. Historisk-filologiske meddelelser 33/6;
Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1954); idem. The Antiquity of Iraq: A Handbook of Assyriology
(Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1965) 266-76, 330-33; H. W. F. Saggs, ed. Nineveh and
Its Remains: Austen Henry Layard (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1970); M. T.
Larsen, The Conquest of Assyria: Excavations in an Antique Land 1840-1860 (London and
New York: Routledge, 1996). E. A. Wallis Budge set an example of nationalistic
boosterisrn difficult to equal: "The English built the main edifice of Assyriology,
and other nations constructed the outlying buildings . . . The object of this book is
to tell the general reader how [Henry C.] Rawlinson founded the science of
Assyriology, how it was established solely by the Trustees of the British Museum,
and to show how the study of it passed from England into Germany and other
European countries, and finally into America, where it has taken deep root." The
Rise and Progress of Assyriology (London: Martin Hopkinson, 1925), pp. ix, xi. The
book contains a wealth of unique anecdotal information regarding the founders of
Assyriology, concealed in a minefield of misinformation and basic ignorance of the
factual history of the topic at hand.
21
H. C. Rawlinson, "On the Chronology and History of the Great Assyrian
Empire," in The History of Herodotus, edited by G. Rawlinson (New York: D. Appleton
& Company, 1861) 1:373 (Adad-naran).
22
H. C. Rawlinson, A Commentary on the Cuneiform Inscriptions of Babylonia and Assyria;
Including Readings of the Inscription of the Nimrud Obelisk, and a Brief Notice of the Ancient
Kings of Nineveh and Babylon (London: John W. Parker, 1850) 22-23 (Shalmaneser).
23
Henry Rawlinson dated the Neo-Assyrian palaces of Nimrud and Nineveh
Native images of Assyrian engagement with foreign cults first met

the eyes of a fascinated European public by 1849, in the guise of
seated and standing divine images being deported by victorious
Assyrian troops depicted on the palace reliefs of Tiglath-pileser III24
and Sennacherib.23 The first plausible translation of Assyrian texts
that dealt with this practice was the pioneering edition of the Black
Obelisk excavated by Layard at Nimrud, later identified as an inscrip-
tion of the early Neo-Assyrian king Shalmaneser III, published by
Henry C. Rawlinson in 1850.26 As the palace reliefs began to be
featured in illustrated periodicals and monographs, and the first sus-
tained translations of the royal inscriptions were published, a notice-
able "skewing" of the severely meager evidence of Assyrian interactions
with foreign cults becomes evident.27 This skewing is not random.
400-500 years too early because he could not read the names of the builders and
had no other chronological benchmarks at his command; Anonymous, "Asiatic—
Feb. 16—H. R. H. Prince Albert in the Chair," Athenaeum, no. 1166, March 2,
1850, 234-36.
24
A. H. Layard, Nineveh and Its Remains (London: John Murray, 1849) 2:351.
These images may or may not represent the spoliation of gods from the Babylonian
city of Sapazza; see the discussion below in Table 3:27. Four seated and standing
images were deported during the 2nd Median campaign: A. H. Layard, The Monuments
of Nineveh. From Drawings Made on the Spot (London: John Murray, 1849) 1:65; see
the discussion in chapter 2 Table 3:28 infra.
-' Layard, The Monuments of Nineveh, 1:75 (Room XLV: 5); see the discussion in
chapter 2 Table 3:38 infra. Idem, The Monuments of Nineveh. From Drawings Made on
the Spot (London: John Murray, 1853) 2:50 (Room X: 11); see the discussion in
chapter 2 Table 3:40 infra.
2(>
Rawlinson, Commentary on the Cuneiform Inscriptions, 31 (Bit Adini; see the dis-
cussion in chapter 2 Table 3:15 infra); 41 (Marduk-mudammiq of Namri; see the
discussion in chapter 2 Table 3:16 infra); 43 (lanzu of Namri; see the discussion
in chapter 2 Table 3:17 infra).
-' If modern philologists and historians were capable of adhering to the episte-
mologically impossible ideals of dispassionate, wholly objective scientific investiga-
tion in studying this phenomenon, we might expect to find a full spectrum of
interpretations, varying from investigator to investigator according to linguistic com-
petence and the scope of material surveyed, limited as it is. There is no such spec-
trum. Notices from Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions and figurative representation that
can be construed as illustrations of Assyrian conduct impacting the religions of non-
Assyrian peoples are relatively few, in proportion to the thousands of lines of con-
temporary texts that recount the unbroken glories of imperial military history and
monumental building. A handful of palace reliefs depict the capture and deporta-
tion of divine images, temple furniture and votive statues, compared with 42 nar-
rative accounts of this activity. Excluding the prestigious temple-cities of Babylonia
and Harran, the erection of royal images and divine images in conquered territo-
ries occur in fewer than ten passages. Royal sponsorship of foreign cults was vir-
tually limited to Babylonia and Harran, and that to the whims of particular kings.
The campaign narratives of the royal inscriptions tend to be repetitiously formu-
12 CHAPTER ONE
The decipherers and first historians of "Victorian Assyria" created

their interpretations of ancient Mesopotamia within the vital social,
political and cultural context of their own civilization. Just as the
British medieval revival and yearnings for a more authentic spiritu-
ality were projected onto the salon canvasses of the 19th-century
Orientalist artists, so the initial scholarship on Assyria projected the
contemporary politico-religious drives and anxieties of the scholars
themselves into their textual editions and historical syntheses. For
reasons that I hope will become lucid to the reader, the initial schol-
arship on Neo-Assyrian religious imperialism, almost exclusively gen-
erated by British authors, tended to express its visions of these
interactions in the familiar diction of British imperialism.
The Brothers Rawlinson, Talbot and Sayce
The advent of Assyriology in the mid-19th century was one of the

more colorful byproducts of the struggle between France and Great
Britain to lay claim to the exotic Orient.28 The decipherer Henry
laic, yet the limited notices of calculated interference with non-Assyrian cults do
not match the expectations raised by the formulae. Other factors that severely limit
our ability to create plausible historical generalizations from this material include
the fractional preservation of primary evidence, the accident of archaeological recov-
ery, and the propagandistic self-construction of these ancient analogues to "press
releases" "sound bytes" and "photo-opportunities" which, for instance, can be shown
to have deliberately suppressed "news" of the routine destruction of conquered city-
temples. Attempts to reconstruct a single "policy" of religious imperialism consist-
ent over time from such fragmented, sketchy and ideologically charged documents
is in many respects a quixotic venture. The master Assyrian policy-makers left us
no helpful white papers, State Department handbooks, or academic treatises on the
subordination of colonial possessions through cultic manipulation. Yet many if not
most historical syntheses of the Neo-Assyrian Empire written since the initial deci-
pherment of Akkadian in the 1850s have succumbed to the temptation to bridge
the gaps and make authoritative statements concerning Assyrian religious "policy."
In the decade of the 1850s, the incipient discipline of Assyriology would yield
transliterations, transcriptions and translations of several Middle and Neo-Assyrian
inscriptions that describe or at least hint at the pragmatic exercise of religious impe-
rialism. In light of the extreme paucity of biblical and classical allusions to such
practices by the Assyrians, it is important for the reader to grasp that these pio-
neering editions were prepared in the context of a near tabula rasa regarding the
Assyrian religious policy.
28
For the political, social, cultural, and intellectual background to the construc-
tion of ancient Assyria in Victorian England, which controls the arguments devel-
oped in this section, see Appendix 1: Prelude to the Intellectual and Social Background of
the First British School of Assyriology.
Creswicke Rawlinson (1810-1895) embodied this consciousness of

contest even in his treatment of the cuneiform inscriptions destined
for the British Museum.29 [See Figure 1] Henry Rawlinson was born
29
The four Victorians treated in depth below engaged in oriental studies, in the
broad sense; Henry Rawlinson and Sayce, with their exacting philological training,
could be termed "Orientalists," proper. The publication of Edward Said's Orientalism
in 1978 marked a controversial sea-change in the academic appraisal of 18th-, 19th-
and 20th-century oriental studies. As the balance of this chapter, and indeed the
entire manuscript, engages both the ceuvre of the Orientalists and their subject-
matter, a word of personal orientation is in order. Edward W. Said, a literary and
cultural critic who teaches at Columbia University, seeks to identify and analyze the
Western project of Orientalism by combining Michel Foucault's notion of discourse,
a linguistic construct whose aim is to establish power by creating an authoritative
body of knowledge, and the concept of cultural hegemony espoused by Antonio
Gramsci; M. Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge & the Discourse on Language (trans.
A. M. Sheridan Smith; HTB; New York: Harper & Row, 1972); idem, Discipline
and Punishment: the Birth of the Prison (New York: Pantheon Books, 1977), A. Gramsci
and J. A. Buttigieg, Prison Notebooks (European Perspectives; New York: Columbia
University Press, 1992). Working with these eclectic tools, Said revisualizes nearly
three centuries of Orientalism as the handmaiden of Western imperialism. Knowledge
of the Orient—ethnology, philology, material culture—has been patiently accumu-
lated over time in order to solidify the political domination of the West. Far from
striving to assemble objective data and present it as the fruit of impartial research,
the discover)^ of the Orient signifies a willful and pervasive misrepresentation of the
East rooted in colonial and now post-colonial power relations and history. "My
contention is that Orientalism is fundamentally a political doctrine willed over the
Orient because the Orient was weaker than the West, which elided the Orient's
difference with its weakness." Said, Orientalism, 204. "Anyone who teaches, writes
about, or researches the Orient—and this applies whether the person is an anthro-
pologist, sociologist, historian, or philologist—either in its specific or its general
aspects, is an Orientalist, and what he or she does is Orientalism," ibid., 2.
Among the virtues of Said's provocative monograph, and there are many, is his
identification of the complicity of many Orientalists with the furtherance of French
and British imperialism, and at the same time his highlighting of the radically defec-
tive image of the East, particularly the Muslim East, encountered by Orientals them-
selves in the pages of Western scholarship and literature. The career of Henry
Creswicke Rawlinson is a parade example of refined Orientalist training and research
placed in the service of British imperial interests—the East India Company and the
British Foreign Office. A survey of attitudes towards Islam in Victorian travelogues,
historical syntheses and opinion pieces discloses an amazingly consistent set of pre-
suppositions that reveal much about their European authors and painfully little
about the subject matter. Whether one feels morally exercised or indifferent to the
sleeping arrangements enjoyed by 19th-century Orientalists and western politics in
Africa and Asia, the historical context of oriental studies, and that includes forma-
tive Assyriology, is a culture steeped in the presuppositions and practical mechan-
ics of empire. Said's limelighting of this union between scholarship and politics is
ignored at one's peril by anyone researching the history of Middle Eastern studies.
Unhappily, Said's controversial conclusions (and those of his followers; see, for
example, the radically polemical essays in A. Hussain, R. Olson and J. Qureshi,
eds. Orientalism, Islam, and Islamists [Brattleboro, VT: Amana Books, 1984]) rest on
a plethora of methodological shortcomings, which have been probed in a number
14 CHAPTER ONE
to a gentleman farmer who served as a Justice of the Peace and

Deputy-Lieutenant of Oxfordshire county.30 His father owned prop-
erty in, among other places, the West Indies, so it is likely that his
children were exposed to the practical aspects of maintaining British
overseas holdings. He aspired to become a soldier from a tender
age, and at 17 he shipped off for Bombay as a cadet in the Honorable
East India Company. His scholarly leanings and ambitious drive won
him three language proficiency examinations, including Persian, though
his drive to achieve status among his fellow-officers through the usual
of perceptive studies; D. Porter, "Orientalism and Its Problems." in The Politics of

Theory: Proceedings of the Essex Conference on the Sociology of Literature, July 1982, edited
by F. Barker (Colchester: University of Essex, 1983) 179-93; Thomas, Colonialism's
Culture, 21~28; Sharafuddin, Islam and Romantic Orientalism, viii-xvii; MacKenzie,
Orientalism, 2-42. Very briefly, by restricting himself to a canon of scholarship and
elite literature, a "texted Orient," that excludes the field of popular culture—adver-
tising, newspapers, theater, popular music, juvenile literature—together with archi-
tecture and the fine arts, Said conjures up an ahistorical tradition of Orientalism
that is monolithic in its coercive relationship with the Orient for 300 years. This
is simply false. The Occident's convoluted relationship with the East was dynamic,
a two-way traffic that enriched and modified both civilizations, however superior
and aloof the West believed itself to be. The bravura of the stock paternalization
of the colonized masked a pervasive anxiety of purpose shared by many Victorians.
Just as the idealized past of the 19th-century medieval revival was an exotic but
effective theater for the exploration of British yearnings for lost piety, cultural heroes
and a reaction against the evils of the industrial revolution, so also did the literary
and artistic evocations of the Orient allow the West to explore itself. As MacKenzie's
brilliant study demonstrates with a wealth of historically contextualized examples,
the arts are rife with counter-hegemonic challenges to the dominant political and
social discourse, such as racial justifications for empire.
Said's imputation that discourses of cultural difference—whether manifested in
fiction, travel-writing, anthropology or other scholarly work—always ultimately
involve 'hostility and aggression' is unproductive. There are too many forms
of colonial representation which are, at least at one level, sympathetic, ideal-
izing, relativistic and critical of the producers' home societies. If the critic
assumes that they are negative, he or she is distracted from representations
which are manifestly not aggressive, but which may through exoticism or prim-
itivism nevertheless become legislative, by privileging certain identities and stig-
matizing others as inauthentic. Thomas, Colonialism's Culture, 26.
Said is largely oblivious to the intellectual background of many of the leading
Orientalists, such as the omnipresent philosophical assumptions of the Scottish
Enlightenment. His habit of mixing and matching historically isolated texts with
ideologically charged hermeneutics is the bread and butter of contemporary liter-
ary and critical studies, but is anathema to the professional historian, and goes far
to account for the general disaffection of the Middle Eastern studies guild with his
program.
30
G. Rawlinson, A Memoir of Major-General Sir Henry Cresuiicke Rawlinson (London:
Longmans, Green, & Co.,
military pastimes of gaming, hunting, lavish entertaining and horse-

back racing was not slighted as a consequence. He was sent to Persia
in 1833 to assist in the British training of the Shah's army, and there
his gifted ability to observe and describe minutely "oriental spectacle"
was married to his initial studies in Old Persian cuneiform. While
there he contrived to disguise himself successfully as a Persian pilgrim
in order to visit the famous shrine of Fatima at Qum (Ghom), a
feint later emulated by other notable British soldier-adventurers such
as Richard Francis Burton at Mecca. As Political Agent at Qandahar
he played an active role in the Anglo-Afghan War of 1839 1842,
distinguishing himself both as a cool-headed military tactician and
as an unusually able diplomat in the service of British colonial inter-
ests. In 1843 Rawlinson was appointed Political Agent in Turkish
Arabia, succeeding Colonel Taylor in Baghdad. Rawlinson's official
deportment in Baghdad was deliberately patterned on that of the
"native rulers" among whom he was to gain ascendancy: "The
'Residency' was a house built on a grand scale, with large and numer-
ous apartments, necessitating an enormous staff of servants, cooks,
grooms, stable-boys, attendants of all kinds, coffee-grinders, pipe-
fillers, &c. &c. Considerable state had to be kept up, numerous enter-
tainments given, a multitude of visits paid, and a guard of honour
turned out to accompany the resident whenever he went beyond the
walls."31 In 1867 in a speech delivered to Parliament, Rawlinson
spells out his estimation of political prestige as a tool of empire:
. . . I look on 'prestige' in politics very much as I look on credit in
finance. It is a power which enables us to achieve very great results
with very small means at our immediate disposal. 'Prestige' may not
be of paramount importance in Europe, but in the East, sir, our whole
position depends upon it. It is a perfect fallacy to suppose that we
hold India by the sword. The foundation of our tenure, the talisman—
so to speak—which enables 100,000 Englishmen to hold 150,000,000
of natives in subjection, is the belief in our unassailable power, in our
inexhaustible resources; and in any circumstance, therefore, which
impairs that belief, which leads the nations of the East to mistrust our
superiority, and to regard us as more nearly on an equality with them-
selves, inflicts a grievous shock on our political position.32
31
G. Rawlinson, Memoir, 42.
32
G. Rawlinson, Memoir, 252. One is reminded of the American space race, a
function of Congressionally-funded Cold War "prestige politics," the crude message
being if the United States can successfully send a manned vehicle to the moon, it
can reliably lob a thermonuclear weapon into a rival nation's sovereign space.
16 CHAPTER ONE
Rawlinson's duties in Baghdad gave him considerable leisure time

to prosecute his studies in the Behistun trilingual, and the Akkadian
inscriptions unearthed by Austen Henry Layard and others in the
ruin mounds beside the Tigris. Rawlinson's work as a decipherer
was materially assisted by his prodigious erudition in classical liter-
ature and Arab historiography, together with his seigniorial ability
to sequester the lion's share of the Akkadian texts then extant, but
one should not underestimate both the practical knowledge gained
and the worldview inculcated through twenty years' service in the
East India Company. England's triumphant reception of the "Assyrian
marbles" and the feverish excitement generated by the first transla-
tions of the royal inscriptions of Assyria and Babylonia was, at first
blush, the reaction of a Bible-fearing nation to independent confirmation
of historical narrative in the Old Testament. But England's own
favored self-portrait as the paramount maritime imperial power of
the age necessitated the social production of geographical and his-
torical knowledge to maintain this flattering image, and the discov-
ery of the ruins of the great Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian
empires that once held mastery over the Near East seemingly confirmed
and legitimated the destined British vocation to empire. Rawlinson,
as a paradigmatic representative of the Anglo-Indian scholar-soldier-
diplomat, deftly combined his own thirst for public lionization with
the Victorian summons to imperial service and adventure. His tools
were the arts of diplomacy, naked military force, and the conquest
of the ancient Near East through decipherment, historical recon-
struction, and expropriation of its more prestigious material remains
to the emblematic theater of the empire, the British Museum in
London. England's ability to "dominate" the culture-bearing survivals
of ancient Near Eastern empires graphically symbolized to herself
and her rivals her will to dominate their modern counterparts, the
contemporary monarchies of Asia.33
Rawlinson resigned the Baghdad Residency in 1855. His subsequent
career in England included two stints in Parliament (1858-59, 1865-68),
33
In a letter dated 1846 addressed to Stratford Canning, Ambassador at
Constantinople, Layard attempts to curry governmental support for his excavations
through the argument of nationalistic rivalry: "The national honour is also con-
cerned in competing with the French in deciphering the cuneiform inscriptions. To
accomplish this task materials are necessary. The French have theirs in their
Khorsabad inscriptions. We must seek for them at Nimroud." Quoted in Larsen,
Conquest of Assyria, 95.
where he forcefully advocated a policy of Russian containment in

Central Asia, membership for life on the India Council (1868-95),
and a Trusteeship in the British Museum (1876 95).34 He continued
to contribute essays to nationalistic scholarly periodicals such as the
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society and the Journal of the Royal Geographical
Society, and labored on the editing of the six volumes of the Cuneiform
Inscriptions of Western Asia (1861-1880), massive lithograph copies of
British Museum texts with brief English-language introductions and
critical apparati.
In common with all other members of the first generation of
Assyriologists, Rawlinson's chronological and historical benchmark
for interpreting the historical texts from Mesopotamia was the Bible,
whatever his personal religious commitments may have been, and he
would hammer away on the Bible/Assyria connection remorselessly.30
Although Edward Hincks had correctly identified the builder of the
Southwest Palace at Nineveh with the biblical Sennacherib in 1848,36
34
Lane-Poole, "Rawlinson, Sir Henry Creswicke (1810-1895)," 16:77 la-74a.
:b
For instance, Rawlinson begins his address to the Royal Asiatic Society, writ-
ten in Baghdad in 1852, by the following: "Every new fact which is brought to
light from the study of the Cuneiform inscriptions tends to confirm the scriptural
account of the primitive seat of empire having been established in Lower Chaldaea,
or in the neighbouring district of Susiana." H. C. Rawlinson, Outlines of Assyrian
History from the Inscriptions of Nineveh. The Twenty-Ninth Annual Report of the Royal Asiatic
Society of Great Britain (London: John W. Parker and Son, 1852) xv. In the course
of the same lecture he will make a number of shaky geographical identifications
between biblical and cuneiform toponyms, indulge in fashionable euhemerism (Noah
was worshiped as the god Anu, the Assyrian tutelary god Assur was the biblical
Asshur deified), correlate events in the reigns of the kings of Israel and Judah with
their Assyrian counterparts, and attempt to date the various Assyrian royal names
and palaces on the basis of a received biblical chronology. At this stage in his
research, the biblical text was history itself, a dependable key to be inserted into the
textual treasuries of the cuneiform archives. In common with most scholars of his
generation, iconography was ambiguous and of ancillary value for historical purposes.
Although he immediately equated the state god Assur with Nisroch, Sennacherib's
god according to 2 Kgs 19:37 (Outlines of Assyrian History, xviii), he is dubious of the
philological connection between the bird-headed theriom&rphs of the palace reliefs
and the Bible championed by A. H. Layard: "It has been assumed pretty gener-
ally in England, that the vulture-headed god, who is very frequently figured on the
Nineveh marbles, must necessarily represent the Biblical Nisroch, nasr or nisr signi-
fying 'a vulture' both in Hebrew and Arabic . . . I cannot at all subscribe to this
doctrine . . . I do not indeed think that the vulture-headed figure is intended to rep-
resent any god, in the popular acceptation of that term"; H. C. Rawlinson, "On
the Inscriptions of Assyria and Babylonia," JRAS 12 (1850) 427.
36
E. Hincks, "On the Inscriptions at Van," JRAS 9 (1848) 439-40; idem, "On
the Khorsabad Inscriptions," The Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy 22, no. 2
(1855) 30-36 [read June 25, 1849].
18 CHAPTER ONE
Rawlinson would waffle over correlating the inscriptions from Nineveh,

Nimrud and Khorsabad with biblical figures until 1851, erroneously
dating the inscriptions several hundred years too early.37 Once he
had rather surreptitiously adopted Hinck's conclusions,38 however,
Rawlinson, a skilled wordsmith adept at gauging his audience's fulcrum
of interest, would generate provocative articles such as "Babylonian
Discovery: Queen Semiramis"39 (linking Israelite history with Assyria
by misreading the name of the "spouse" of Sammu-ramat/ Semiramis
as "King Pul"),40 "Biblical Geography,"41 "Bible History and the
37
Anonymous. "Asiatic—Feb. 16—H. R. H. Prince Albert in the Chair," Athenaeum,
no. 1166, March 2, 1850, 234-36, a synopsis of his lecture "On Babylonian and
Assyrian Inscriptions" delivered to the Royal Asiatic Society, in which he described
evidence both pro and con for the identification of the kings who built the Kuyunjik
and Southwest Palace of Nimrud with the biblical Sennacherib and Esarhaddon
(Hinck's position), only to reject it and date these palaces to the period between
1250-1100 B.C.E. In 1847 the leading academic sculptor in Britain speculated that
the first shipment of "Assyrian marbles" to reach the British Museum had been
created between 650 and 620 B.C.E. His notional analysis shuttled between a com-
mon Victorian developmental concept of art and civilization (the Assyrian sculp-
tures were "mature"), and the received wisdom that Nineveh was destroyed around
620 B.C.E.; R. Westmacott, Jr., "The Nimroud Marbles," Athenaeum, no. 1032,
August 7, 1847, 843~44 and idem, "Nimroud Sculpture," Athenaeum, no. 1033,
August 14, 1847, 867 (the first mineralogically accurate identification of the Assyrian
palace reliefs as gypsum), and see the discussion in Bohrer, A New Antiquity, 74-77.
38
H. C. Rawlinson, "Assyrian Antiquities," Athenaeum, no. 1243, August 23, 1851,
902-3. See the very able discussion in Larsen, Conquest of Assyria, 294-305.
39
"I believe her to have lived in the eighth century B.C.; to have been the daugh-
ter of the king of Medo-Armenia; to have married Phal-lukha, the king of Assyria;
and to have reigned with her husband as joint monarch at Nineveh" H. C. Rawlinson,
"Babylonian Discovery: Queen Semiramis," Athenaeum, no. 1381. April 15, 1854, 466.
H. C. Rawlinson, "Babylonian Discoveries," Athenaeum, no. 1377, March 18, 1854,
341-43 begins with typical Rawlinsonian modesty "I hasten to communicate through
the pages of the Athenaeum a discovery which I have recently made in Babylonian
history, and which is of the utmost importance for Scriptural illustration" 341
(identification of the royal Babylonian name Bel-sar-usur with the Belshazzar of
Daniel). "By this discovery, indeed, of the name of Bel-shar-ezar, as appertaining
to the son of Nabonidus, we are, for the first time, enabled to reconcile authentic
history (such as it is related by Herodotus and Berosus, and not as we find it in
the romance of Xenophon or the fables of Ctesias), with the inspired record of
Daniel, which forms one of the bulwarks of our religion" (ibid.). Elsewhere in the
same article he will use Chedor-laomer of Gen 14 and the migration of Abraham
as viable chronological pegs, adding as an aside that the Black Obelisk uses the
royal name Omri mistakenly for either Jehoshaphat or Nimshi. In fact, Rawlinson
just can't say enough about the Bible and its successful confirmation by the royal
cuneiform inscriptions in this briefing from Baghdad.
40
On the curious case of the missing King Pul, see Holloway, "Quest for Sargon.
Pul," [in press].
41
H. C. Rawlinson, "Biblical Geography," Athenaeum, no. 1799, April 19, 1862,
Rawlinson Canon"42 and gave learned lectures with titles such as

"Identification of the Biblical Cities of Assyria, and on the Geography
of the Lower Tigris."43 Rawlinson never attempted a full-blown his-
tory of Assyria, and in his publications he made relatively few explicit
observations regarding Assyrian religious policy. His translations of
royal Assyrian inscriptions, however, provide us with the most acces-
sible archive of his perceptions of the issue. A comparison of Rawlin-
son's translations of the Middle and Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions
with those of the other decipherers working in the 1850s reveals a
tendency on his part to read into these narratives instances of heresy,
its punishment and examples of forcible proselytization.44
We begin with Rawlinson's translation of the Black Obelisk inscrip-
tion, published in 1850,45 the first modern attempt to provide a full
translation of a lengthy Neo-Assyrian royal inscription.
H. Rawlinson, Commentary (1850) modem text edition and translation,

RIMA 3 A.0.102.1446
6th year: "In the city of Umen(?) Apparently a complete interpola-
I raised altars to the great gods" tion in Rawlinson's notes, unless
(p. 434) u^-mi-su-ma — "Umen" (1. 59)
7th year: "The priests of Assarac "I washed the weapon of Assur
in that land raised altars to the therein (GIS.TUKUL as-sur ma SA
immortal gods. I appointed u-lil], made sacrifices to my gods
529-31, an extended animadversion against a Dr. Beke, who would locate biblical
Haran on the plain of Damascus.
42
H. C. Rawlinson, "Bible History and the Rawlinson Canon," Athenaeum, no.
1812, July 19, 1862, 82-83.
43
Delivered before the Royal Geographical Society April 4, 1851; G. Rawlinson,
Memoir, 343.
44
Although Rawlinson never defines what he means by "heresy" the following
example suggests that he used it to refer to any non-state supported religion: "There
were certainly no Magi at Babylon in the time of Nebuchadnezzar, nor could a
noble of the Babylonian Court have adopted the title of Chief of an heretical sect
[Rag-mag]" H. C. Rawlinson, "Babylonian Discoveries," Athenaeum, no. 1377, March
18, 1854, 341 note d. While there is no evidence that Rawlinson himself harbored
any sentimentality for the High-Church party of the Church of England, his writ-
ings as a colonial administrator reveal that religious conformity, whether that of the
empire or of the local client state, was a significant component in the harmonious
regulation of a colonial empire.
4j
H. C. Rawlinson, A Commentary on the Cuneiform Inscriptions of Babylonia and Assyria;
Including Readings of the Inscription of the Nimrud Obelisk, and a Brief Notice of the Ancient
Kings of Nineveh and Babylon (London: John W. Parker, 1850) and H. C. Rawlinson,
"On the Inscriptions of Assyria and Babylonia," JRAS 12 (1850) 401-83.
46
"Compare" translation based on the text edition in RIMA 3 A.0.102.14 (BM
20 CHAPTER ONE
Table (cont.)
priests to reside in the land to (UDU.SISKUR.MES . . . as-baf),
pay adoration to Assarac, the (and) put on a joyful banquet. I
great and powerful god, and to created my colossal royal statue
preside over the national (and) wrote thereon praises of
worship" (p. 435) Assur, my lord, (and) all heroic
deeds which I had accomplished
in the lands. I erected it therein"
(11. 70-72)
9th year: "... I erected altars and "I marched to the great cult cities
founded temples to the great (and) made sacrifices
gods" (pp. 436-37) (UDU.SISKUR.MES) in GNs
(and) presented offerings (aq-qis) to
the great gods" (11. 81-83)
28th year: "and I established the "He [Daiian-Assur] created my

national worship throughout the colossal royal statue (sa-lam MAN-
land, making a great sacrifice in ti-ia sur-ba-a DU-w) (and) erected
the capital city of Kanala in the (it) in Kinalua, his [Sasi's] royal
temple which had been there city, in the temple of his gods"
raised to the gods" (p. 444) (1. 156)
An initial failure on the part of the first generation Assyriologists to

transcribe the logograms used for proper names and arrive at an
historical consensus regarding the dating of the reigns convinced a
skeptical world that the decipherment of Akkadian was a scholarly
hoax. In order to dispel that notion, W. H. Fox Talbot submitted
to the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain a sealed edition of the
annals of Tiglath-pileser I (1114—1076), prepared independently of
the work of Henry Rawlinson. The Society forwarded a lithograph
of the cuneiform text to Jules Oppert in France and Edward Hincks
in Ireland with an invitation to prepare their own translations for
the purposes of empirically evaluating the "science" of Assyriology.
Although only Rawlinson and Talbot had time to translate the entire
text, a synoptic translation by the four scholars was published in
1857.47 Much of the ideologically charged language of religious impe-
118885). Due to the early fame of this object and its transportation to the British
Museum, there is no possibility that Rawlinson's translation derives from any other
text.
4/
H. C. Rawlinson, \V. H. F. Talbot, E. Hincks and J. Oppert, Inscription of
rialism that occurs in the inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian kings figures

in this inscription by the Middle Assyrian Tiglath-pileser I; however,
our interest lies in the distortion of the text by Rawlinson in com-
parison with the more neutral translations by his fellow decipherers.
H. Rawlinson, Talbot, Inscription Hincks, Inscription modern text edition

Inscription of of Tiglath Pileser I. of Tiglath Pileser I. and translation
Tiglath Pileser I. (1857) (1857) (RIMA 2
(1857) A.0.87.1)
"His sons, the "His sons and "I took for "I took his nat-
delight of his his family for hostages ural sons and
heart, and his hostages I children, the his family as
favourites (?) I seized" (p. 28) offspring of him- hostages
condemned to self and of his (DUMU.MES
the service of nobles" (p. 29) nab-ni-it lib-bi-su
the Gods (?)" u kim-ti-su a-na
(p. 28) li-tu-ut-te as-bat)"
(ii'47-48)48
"Many of their "All of their "I burned all

cities I burned cities in flames I their cities. I
with fire. I burnt. Hostages, imposed upon
imposed on tribute, and gifts them (the oblig-
them religious upon them I ation to provide)
service, and imposed" (p. 31) hostages (li-i-
offerings and ti.MES), tribute,
tribute" (p. 30) and taxes"
(ii 82-84)
"The heavy "The yoke of
yoke of my my empire heav- "I imposed the
empire I ily upon them I heavy yoke of
imposed on laid, and I gave my dominion
them. I their land as a upon them (and)
attached them special possession made them vas-
Tiglath Pileser I., King of Assyria, B.C. 1150 (London: John W. Parker and Son, 1857).
The latest transliteration and translation appears in RIMA 2 A.0.87.1.
4fl
E. Norris, Assyrian Dictionary: Intended to Further the Study of the Cuneiform Inscriptions
of Assyria and Babylonia, Vol. II (London: Williams and Norgate, 1870) writing in the
world's first Akkadian dictionary, clearly distinguished litu, "triumph, power, rule"
(702-704) from litu, "hostage" (665). E. de Chossat, Repertoire Assyrien (traduction et
lecture) (Lyon: Alf. Louis Perrin et Marinet, 1879) 98^99, maintained the same lex-
ical distinction.
22 CHAPTER ONE
Table
to the worship unto Ashur, my sals of the god
of Ashur, my lord" (p. 39) Assur, my lord
lord" (p. 38) (pa-an Aa-sur EN-
ia u-sad-gil-su-nu-
ti}" (iii 85-87)
"I had mercy "But I then "I had mercy

on him. I left showed mercy to on him and let
him in life to him. From the him leave my
learn the wor- city of Assur . . . city Assur alive
ship of the with safety for in order to pro-
great Gods his life, I claim the glory
from my city of dismissed him" of the great
Ashur" (p. 46) (p. 47) gods (da-lil DIN-
GIR.MES
GAL.MES a-na
da-la-a-li)"
(v 25-29)
"a band of 300 "And 300 men "I received also "300 families,
fugitive heretics of noble families 300 fugitive female rebels in his
who did not of that place slaves, which midst (EN.MES
acknowledge my who paid no those who were hi-i-ti sa lib-bi-su]
lord Ashur, and worship unto disobedient to who were not
who were Ashur, my lord, Assur, my lord, submissive to
expelled from I seized and had carried the god Assur,
inside this castle carried off into away thither. I my lord. I took
(?), I took this captivity. I took took hostages. I hostages from
band and con- hostages from restored their him (li-i-ti.MES-
demned to the them, and taxes tribute by weight su as- bat). I
service of the and tribute more and by tale to imposed upon
Gods, and I than in former what it was him a tribute
imposed upon days I imposed before" (p. 53) and impost
the people trib- upon them" which was
ute and (p. 52) larger than
offerings in before"
excess of their (vi 31-35)
former tribute"
(P- 52)
"I brought them "Every one of "(Last and first, "I subdued them
under the them I caused I have caused to one authority
Magian religion, to be registered. them to be writ- (pa- a \—en u-se-es-
and I imposed I took hostages ten down) I took kin-su-nu-ti), took
on them tribute from them, and their hostages, hostages from
Table (cont.}
and offerings" imposed on and established them (It-ti.MES-

(p. 54) them taxes and upon them su-nu as-bat),
tribute" (p. 54) tributes by (and) imposed
weight and by upon them trib-
tale" (p. 55) ute and impost"
(vi 46-48
Rawlinson alone would translate htu asbat, "I took hostages," through-
out the text as "I imposed religious service".49 To my knowledge,
no modern Akkadian lexicon translates any word by "heresy," and
indeed the entire concept of pre-Christian heretication is probably
anachronistic. Traditionally speaking, Christian heresy is a term of
condemnation wielded against heterodox or heteroprax members of
the same religion for the purposes of social and political control.
"Heresy in this sense was a judicial category: if the Church's judi-
cial agents—bishops or papal inquisitors—deemed a particular belief
or practice to be in error, they officially admonished the erring per-
son to renounce it; if he or she refused to do so this disobedience
was criminalized as 'contumacy', and such contumacy was heresy."00
Since, under this definition, heresy and contumacy were equivalent,
the "error" of heresy was essentially deviance from the judicially-
fixed norm or pronouncement: heresy is then the stubborn con-
tinuance in this course of judicially prescribed error. "Pertinacity,
all canonists insist, is an essential element in heresy, and unless it is
present no process for heresy can legally proceed."01 Western Chris-
tendom, with its many marriages of convenience between secular
and ecclesiastical governments, has tended historically to secularize
contumacy so that, for instance, kings who flouted episcopal author-
ity or laity who violated church property rights or withheld "trib-
ute" were subject to excommunication and, if found contumant for
a sufficiently long period, accused of heresy. Chances are that Henry
Rawlinson was guided in his choice of the term "heretics" in part
49
Tiglath Pileser /., 46 (= RIMA 2 A.0.87.1 v 38-39); 48 (= RIMA 2 A.0.87.1
v 78-81).
JU
H. Kaminsky, "The Problematics of 'Heresy' and 'The Reformation'," in Haresie
und vorzeitige Reformation im Spdtmittelalter, edited by F. Smahel and E. Miiller-Luckner
(Schriften des Historischen Kollegs: Kolloquien 39; Miinchen: R. Oldenbourg Verlag,
1998) 3.
"" Anonymous, "Heresy," EBrit (9th ed.; 1880) 11:735.
24 CHAPTER ONE
by a traditional model of western church-state relations: the with-

holding of tribute or any sort of political opposition to the Assyrian
monarch represented a simultaneous act of religious contumacy and
political treason, since the will of the crown and the will of the state
gods were one. However, the crime of "heresy" and its punishment
by the secular authorities was an uncommon element of domestic
mid-Victorian experience.12 Islam, on the contrary, was that alien
religion understood as fanatically prepared to punish doctrinal or
political contumacy. Rawlinson may have interjected "heretics" in
his translations in response to stereotypical notion of church-state
relations, but I am more inclined to suspect the term was selected
because it was a commonplace in Victorian perceptions of Islam.03
Most Victorian and pre-Victorian treatments of Muhammad the
Prophet and Islam portray the latter as fanatical and intolerant in
its propagation. Especially in Protestant-based Islamic historiography,
it was a well-oiled trope to compare the treatment of heretics by
the Catholic Church with sectarian movements within Islam and the
legal fate of "infidels,"34 and then invidiously contrast both with the
liberal Christian êitgeist prevailing in England.35 The speeches and
correspondence of Rawlinson when he touches on Islam as a reli-
gion betray nothing original or broad-minded. His attitudes towards
church-state relations in general and Islam in particular were con-
52
While, for instance, orthodox accusations of heresy and seditious extremism
were leveled in late 18th-century Parliament against those attempting to repeal sub-
scription (the requirement of clergymen and undergraduates on matriculation at
Oxford and at graduation at Cambridge to subscribe to the Thirty-Nine Articles
of the Church of England), it was evident to conservative and liberal observers alike
that the Anglican Church of the 1850s was part of a pluralistic society, and that
the state church was undergoing transformation from national to denominational
status. See the discussions in Bowen, Idea of the Victorian Church. 84-136, Gibson,
Church, State and Society, 67~75, 171, and Knight, Nineteenth-Century Church, 24.
33
I can find no other translation of bel hiti as "heretic" other than Rawlinson's.
Norris, Assyria Dictionary 1:85, translates "rebels."
34
B. Lewis, Islam in History: Ideas, People, and Events in the Middle East (revised ed.;
Chicago: The Open Court Press, 1993 [1952]) 276-77, and passim. Freeman, Conquests
of the Saracens, 199, 202; Muir, Life of Mahomet, 2:275-76; Taylor, Fanaticism, 229-30,
240. 19th-century Orientalists generally ascribed the rise and success of Shflsm to
political rather than religious motives; H. Q. Murad, "Origins of Shi'ism According
to Western Islamicists," Hamdard Islamicus 5 (1982) 46-47.
55
Daniel, Islam Europe and Empire, 240; Almond, Heretic and Hero, 84—85; Crichton,
History of Arabia, 1:335. "The spirit of persecution, it may be proper to keep in
mind, has been, throughout, the common characteristic of the Eastern and Western
Antichrists, of Mahometanism and the Papacy. The whole parallel between these
rival tyrannies is indeed wonderful." Forster, Mahometanism Unveiled, 1:166.
ventional in the extreme, and I am satisfied that his distorted inter-

jections of "heretics" and other exaggerated elements of religious
coercion into the Assyrian royal inscriptions are a reflex of his alto-
gether predictable habits of imperial thinking.
In a bitterly-worded retraction of his notion that the Assyrian
eponym was the "high priest," the religious second-in-command to
the Assyrian king, Rawlinson reveals much of his preconceptions
regarding Assyrian (read Oriental) religion:
I merely adopted that explanation in deference to the principle of a
duality of power,—a division of authority between the temporal and
spiritual chiefs,—which has ever prevailed so extensively in the East.
The next officer to the king among such a superstitious people as the
Assyrians would assuredly be the "High Priest" or "Archimagus"; and
it was only natural to suppose that if any name was to be officially
used in equality with, or in supercession of, the royal title, it would
be that of the spiritual chief.ob
Rawlinson produced only one summary evaluation of Assyrian reli-

gious imperialism. In an essay published in 1859 but written in 1857
or earlier, "On the Religion of the Babylonians and Assyrians," a
catalogue of the chief deities and their cults, his remarks on politics
and religion are sparing.3'
The Assyrian kings. . . from the earliest times evidently regarded Asshur
as their special tutelary deity. They constantly used his name as an
element in their own titles; they invoked him on all occasions which
referred to the exercise of their sovereign functions. The laws of the
empire were the laws of Asshur. the tribute payable from dependent
kingdoms was the tribute of Asshur. He was all and everything as far
* Rawlinson, "Bible History," 83. The excavator Layard had assumed that the
Assyrian king combined the office of "high priest and the political chief of the
nation," A. H. Layard, "Nineveh," EBrit (8th ed.; 1858) 16:277a.
57
H. C. Rawlinson, "On the Religion of the Assyrians and the Babylonians," in
The History of Herodotus, edited by G. Rawlinson (New York: D. Appleton & Company,
1859) 475-522. This brittle genre of religious ethnography, patterned on the clas-
sicists' treatment of ancient Greek and Roman religion, was foreshadowed by
Rawlinson, Outlines of Assyrian History, xviii-xxi, preceded by E. Hincks, On the Assyrian
Mythology (Dublin: M. H. Gill, 1855), and substantially predating the imperial redis-
cover)' of Mesopotamia, F. Miinter, Religion der Babylonier (Kopenhagen: Johann
Heinrich Schubothe, 1827), who diligently attempts to correlate published antiqui-
ties from Babylonia (cylinder seals, a kudurru) with classical notices, the Bible, and
modern travelogues. Remarkably, Miinter concluded that the names of the Assyrian
kings were based on Assyrian deities, surmising that "Esar" must have received wor-
ship as the god of war.
26 CHAPTER ONE
as Assyrian nationality was concerned; but he was strictly a local deity,

and his name was almost unknown beyond the limits of Assyria proper.38
Rawlinson's "take" on the exercise of religion in gunpowder politics

is not difficult to fathom. During the withdrawal of the bested British
occupation force from Afghanistan in 1842, he was party to a punitive
desecration of a royal Afghanistan tomb. Lord Ellenborough, the
Governor-General of India, had ordered that the gates of this shrine
be removed and transported to India, since legend had it that they
had been despoiled from the temple of Sumanat (Somnath) as a tro-
phy by the Afghanistan king. The inscriptions revealed to Rawlinson
that the gates were, in fact, unconnected with the history of the
Indian temple, but orders were orders. "The work was performed
by Europeans, and all possible delicacy was observed in not dese-
crating the shrine further than was absolutely necessary. The guardians
of the tomb wept bitterly, but the sensation was less than might have
been expected. No fanaticism was aroused; and even the guardians
themselves allowed that the conquerors were acting within their rights,
only they asked: 'Of what value can these old timbers be to you?'
The reply was: 'The gates are the property of India—taken from it
by one conqueror, they are restored to it by another. We leave the
shrine undesecrated, and only take our own'."09 Following the dec-
laration of war by the Ottoman Empire against Russia in October
of 1853, Rawlinson in his office as Political Agent wrote a series of
secret dispatches to the Foreign and Home Departments of the
Government of India, describing the present perils of British inter-
ests in Mesopotamia and outlining his solution: British occupation
of Baghdad. "Baghdad under British rule would become a hive of
industry, an emporium of commerce, a model colony for activity,
contentment, and strength." He foresaw no insurmountable difficulty
posed by the Arab inhabitants for the execution of his scheme, for
he believed they hated their Ottoman masters, would hail the British
as saviors, and, since the locals were more or less equally divided
between the Sunm and the Shfcf, they could "always be played off
against each other" in true divide-and-conquer fashion.60
58
Rawlinson, "Religion of the Babylonians and Assyrians," 478-79.
39
Henry Creswicke Rawlinson diary, September 8. 1842. quoted in G. Rawlinson.
Memoir, 132.
60
Rawlinson, declassified documents dated January 27, 1854, quoted by R. L.
Shukla, Britain, India and the Turkish Empire, 1853-1882 (New: Delhi: People's Publishing
William Henry Fox Talbot (1800-1877), born to a prominent aris-

tocratic family in Wiltshire, was educated at Harrow and Trinity College,
Cambridge.61 From an early age he exhibited a remarkable capacity
for languages, ancient and modern, mathematical speculation, and
a broad empirical curiosity expressed through meticulously maintained
notebooks and a lifelong commitment to scientific experimentation.
Talbot's lasting claim to fame is the invention in the 1840s of the
photographic system that employs paper stock and albumen, the
calotype or the "talbotype," the direct forerunner of the modern
commercial photographic process. Over a fifty-year period he contrib-
uted numerous scientific papers on mathematics, astronomy, physics,
photography, philology, and the nascent discipline of Assyriology,62
for which he received public and professional recognition, including
election in 1858 as an honorary fellow of the Royal Society of
Edinburgh, a company of the most eminent Scottish scientists, math-
ematicians and men of letters, an honor shared with a handful of
British worthies including Charles Darwin, T. H. Huxley, Thomas
Carlyle, and Alfred Tennyson. [See Figure 2]
Talbot was no stranger to political vocation. His mother, a life-
long Whig, included acute political updates and gossip in her letters
to the boy during his minority. Talbot himself, as a reform-minded
English landowner, took an active and generally benevolent role in
palliating the local unrest in Lacock village occasioned by the suc-
cess of the various Enclosure Acts, exacerbated by a Tory govern-
ment, revolution abroad, and the hydra-headed ills of the industrial
revolution. He ran as a representative of Chippenham for Parliament
in 1831, serving in the House of Commons, with markedly little
enthusiasm, from 1833—34. This rationalist and growingly asocial sci-
entist did not flourish in the intense atmosphere of political jockey-
ing and self-serving glad-handing, and he made no further assays
into the political arena. While Talbot's clemency towards the eco-
nomically disadvantaged within his political jurisdiction was excep-
House, 1973) 27-28, a Patna University Ph.D. dissertation rich in underutilized pri-
mary imperial documentation.
61
G. C. Boase, "Talbot, William Henry Fox (1800-1877)," EBrit 19:339b-41a;
H. J. P. Arnold, William Henry Fox Talbot: Pioneer of Photography and Man of Science
(London: Hutchinson Benham, 1977).
"2 Arnold. William Henry Fox Talbot, 364—69. attempts to provide a comprehen-
sive bibliography of Talbot's published works, though several periodical works on
Assyriology are missing.
28 CHAPTER ONE
tional, he was no friend of the Luddite cause, and in many respects

his vision of good government was that of the classic liberal Whig
espousing paternalism imbued with firm social controls. A letter writ-
ten in 1826 while abroad in Corfu captures this spirit: "There is an
air of improvement so apparent in this colony under the benign
influence of British protection . . . the streets are full of British sol-
diers, slovenly Greeks and picturesque Albanians".63 In an essay pub-
lished in 1856 dealing with various Assyrian royal inscriptions,64 the
erudite Talbot cites the Romantic poem Lalla Rookh. Commissioned
in 1817 from Thomas Moore for the colossal sum of 3,000 guineas,
Lalla Rookh, together with Byron's Eastern Tales and Robert Southey's
Curse of Kehama, portrayed failed revolutions in the imagined Orient.63
Its place in Talbot's scholarship bespeaks his mental linkage of
Assyrian narrative and the fictive world of Islam cultivated by the
Romantic poets.
Talbot began the study of Hebrew in his 20s. He possessed some
knowledge of Egyptian hieroglyphs, and assembled a modest collec-
tion of hieroglyphic inscriptions. He evidently had followed the debates
among the cuneiform decipherers from the beginning; his fluency
in French and German permitted him to read the works of the con-
tinental scholars Grotefend, Brandis and Oppert. His stature in
the intellectual community and friendship with Samuel Birch caused
him to be granted access to certain unpublished texts in the British
Museum,66 and in 1856 he published the world's first continuous
translation of the Bellino Cylinder of Sennacherib (K 1680), por-
tions of the annals of Esarhaddon, and extracts from the longest
inscription of Assur-nasir-pal II.67 The following year, using a sua-
sive argument for empirical methodology, Talbot induced the Royal
63
Quoted in Arnold, William Henry Fox Talbot, 48.
64
W. H. F. Talbot, "On the Assyrian Inscriptions, no. IV," JSL 3 (1856) 168.
G)
Leask, British Romantic Writers, 13~14, 74: see especially Sharafuddin, Islam and
Romantic Orientalism, 134-213. Considering that only one of the many reviewers of
the poem penetrated the political allegory of the struggles of the virtuous Persian
Zoroastrians against the despotic Muslims (= Ireland's struggle against England), we
may assume that Talbot read the poem as a colorful confection of false prophecy,
tyranny, moral revolt and doomed love set in the exotic Orient.
66
W. H. F. Talbot, "On the Assyrian Inscriptions, no. II," JSL 3 (1856) 192,
explicitly describes having examined the inscriptions of "Ashurakhbal" in the British
Museum.
67
The translation and critical notes for an edition of the Bellino Cylinder pre-
pared in 1854 by Dr. Edward Hincks under the auspices of the British Museum
were not available to Talbot at the time of his own translation of the text.
Asiatic Society to stage a "contest" among the leading decipherers

by having them independently prepare translations of a lithograph
of the annals of a Middle Assyrian king, with the aim of having the
translations compared by a panel of leading Society members and
thus demonstrate to an incredulous world that the decipherment of
Akkadian was not chimerical. Talbot's submission, together with
Henry Rawlinson's, was the only translation that approached a com-
prehensive treatment of the text. Talbot submitted versions of these
and other translations of Assyrian and Babylonian texts in the Journal
of Sacred Literature and Biblical Origins, an important venue of early
Assyriological investigation, and in the 1860s he would make simi-
lar contributions to the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, the Society
of Antiquaries of Scotland, Proceedings, and at least 24 essays published
in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology in the 1870s.
Between 1872 and 1876 the Society of Biblical Archaeology, under
the editorship of Samuel Birch, then Keeper of the Department of
Oriental Antiquities of the British Museum, published the ancestor
of all anthologies of ancient Near Eastern texts in translation, Records
of the Past: Being English Translations of the Assyrian and Egyptian Monuments,
bound in twelve slender volumes. Talbot, then in his seventies, was
honored by seeing no fewer than 14 of his contributions appear in
these volumes.68
Talbot was not a decipherer of Akkadian in the narrow sense, but
his role in the early advancement of Assyriology was notable due to
his willingness to risk publishing his translations of a language just
beginning to swim into scholarly focus, and a generous financial and
moral encouragement of other workers in the field.69 One is very
ha
S. Birch, ed. Records of the Past: Being English Translations of the Assyrian and Egyptian
Monuments (London: Samuel Bagster, 1872-1876) vol. 1: "Inscription of Khammurabi"
(5-8), "Bellino's Cylinder of Sennacherib" (23-32), "Taylor's Cylinder of Sennacherib"
(33-53), "Legend of the Descent of Ishtar" (141-49); vol. 3: "Inscription of Esarhaddon"
(101-8), "Second Inscription of Esarhaddon" (109-24), "Assyrian Sacred Poetry"
(131-38), "Assyrian Talismans and Exorcisms" (139-44); vol. 7: "Standard Inscription
of Ashur-akh-bal" (9-14), "Monolith of Ashur-akh-bal" (15-20), "A Prayer and a
Vision" (pp. 65-68), "Senkereh Inscription of Nebuchadnezzar" (69-72), "Birs-
Nimrud Inscription of Nebuchadnezzar" (73-78), "The Revolt in Heaven" (123-28).
b<)
Talbot was instrumental in obtaining employment at the British Museum for
the egregiously talented George Smith, and helped to bankroll his 1871 volume on
Assurbanipal. Talbot wrote letters of encouragement to Dr. Edward Hincks, the
brilliant Irish decipherer who had fallen afoul of the ambitious Rawlinson and his
circle, and to Jules Oppert, the Alsatian decipherer, whose discouragement in 1861
would prompt this response from Talbot: "Therefore you should not be discour-
30 CHAPTER ONE
positively impressed by the growth of his command of Akkadian over

a twenty-year period, as seen by a comparison of his translations of
1856 with the same texts that appear twenty years later in Records
of the Past. Talbot's earliest translations are riddled with ellipses, under-
scorings and question marks expressive of his frank uncertainty, both
of the reading of the cuneiform signs and the meaning of the texts
themselves.70 His translations themselves were astonishingly precise
in places, but he had a tendency to adopt paraphrastic constructions
when uncertain of the underlying meaning, and from time to time
he invented imaginative narrative scenarios to "capture" the origi-
nal annalistic dramaturgy as he conceived it. More than any of the
other scholars analyzing cuneiform texts in the 1850s, Talbot encoun-
tered, and to a greater extent constructed, a world of Assyrian hege-
mony based on the ruthless punishment of heresy and a policy of
proactive inculcation of "true religion" throughout the empire.
For instance, under the early ministrations of Talbot, Sennacherib
concludes his "preamble" with the global assertion that "I have
established my religion and laws over the men who dwell in every
land(?}."n The loyal followers of Esarhaddon share the same concern
for orthodoxy: "He established true religion once more in the land."/2
aged if your valuable labours are not properly appreciated now. You are labour-
ing for the future and posterity will do justice to them," quoted in Arnold, William
Henry Fox Talbot, 308. Talbot played a financial role in the inaugural career of the
Society of Biblical Archaeology, to which he, like Rawlinson, had turned down the
offer of presidency.
70
In the forward to Assyrian Texts Translated^ Talbot reveals his knowledge that
copies of both the Sennacherib and Esarhaddon texts had been published in Layard
ICC, but did not indicate whether he translated exclusively from these copies. There
were no handcopies of the Assur-nasir-pal II texts available, so in that instance he
unquestionably worked directly from the inscribed originals. He acknowledges in
the preface and the footnotes his dependency on the scholarship of Hincks and
Rawlinson, but that their treatments of these texts had been partial. The only
extended translations of Akkadian texts heretofore in print were those of H. C.
Rawlinson, A Commentary on the Cuneiform Inscriptions, and idem, Outlines of Assyrian
History (1852), so Talbot's efforts were those of a hardy pioneer, a role he was
accustomed to play, as witness the epigram to The Pencil of Nature (1844), the first
book ever marketed with photographs: juvat ire jugis qua nulla priorum Castaliam molli
deaertitur orbita clivo, "I rejoice to walk on the hills where no track of my predeces-
sors makes its way to Castalia down the gentle slopes" (Virgil. Georgics 3).
71
W. H. F. Talbot, Assyrian Texts Translated, no. I (London: Harrison and Sons,
1856) 1. Layard ICC, 63 i 5: UGU gim-n a-sib pa-rak-ki u-sar-ba-a GIS.TUKUL.MES-
ia, "above all who sit on a dais he [the god Assur] has magnified my weapons."
Greatly to his credit, Talbot had emended his original translation to "Over all
princes he has raised triumphantly my arms," Records of the Past, 1:25.
72
Talbot, Assyrian Texts Translated, 13. Compare Records of the Past, 3:115: "PN I
"By the labour of foreign slaves my [Esarhaddon's] captives, who

lift up their hands in prayer, in the name of the great gods, my
lords, I built thirty temples in Assyria and in Mesopotamia^}"1* accom-
panied with the explanatory gloss "The Assyrian kings would not
employ the impure hands of heretics to build their temples, though
such scruple probably did not exist with respect to other public
works" [italics Talbot's]. "Ashurakhbal" (Assur-nasir-pal II) proclaims
that "I established true religious worship and holy rites through the
land of Tzukhi. As far as the land of Karduniash, I extended the
true religion of my empire. The people of Chaldaea, who were con-
temners and revilers of my religion, I crucified and slew them."'4
Talbot's imputation of a Roman form of execution to the Assyrians
may be a reflex of his Church of England catechism.75
"The men of the city of Khismi, impious heretics, who from days
of old had refused to submit to my authority, I put to death, accord-
ing to my religious laws"76 He is consistent in translating nakri aksi
as "impious heretics," and elsewhere elaborated on that phrase with
placed on his throne and he became my servant." Borger Esarh., §27, Nin. A, Ep.
12, 52 iii 69-70: AJ\'abu-sal-lim DUMU mBa-la-si ma GIS.GU-ZA-/M u-se-sib-ma i-sa-
ta ab-sd-a-ni, "I placed Nabu-sallim on his throne and he bore my yoke."
/?
Talbot, Assyrian Texts Translated, 16. Records of the Past, 3:119: "Out of the spoils
of foreign countries which by the help of the great gods my lords my hands had
conquered. Temples in the holy cities of Assyria and Babylonia I constructed."
Borger Esarh., §27, Nin. A, Ep. 20, 59 v 36-38: ina ki-sit-ti na-ki-ri sad-lu-u-ti sa ina
tu-kul-ti DINGIR.MES GAL.MES EN.ME§-w ik-su-da §U"-fl-a es-ret ma-ha-zi sa KUR
as-surk> u KUR URI kl u-se-pis-ma, "with numerous enemy captives, which with the
help of the great gods, my lords, I had seized, I rebuilt the cult places of the cult
cities of Assyria and Akkad."
74
TalboÂssyrian Texts Translated, 22. RIMA 2 A.O.I01.1 iii 23-24: li-ti u da-na-
ni UGU KUR su-hi ds-kun pul-ha-at EN-ti-a a-di KUR kar-du-ni-ds KUR-ud su-ri-bat
GIS.TUKUL.MES-a KUR kal-du u-sa-hi-ip, "(Thus) I established my victory and
strength over the land Suhu; fear of my dominion reached as far as Kardunias;
awe of my weapons overwhelmed Chaldea."
" Talbot shared the same drive to correlate the Bible with Assyro-Babylonian
inscriptions with other 19th-century Assyriologists. For instance, in W. H. F. Talbot,
"On the Assyrian Inscriptions, no. Ill," JSL 3 (1856) 422-26, he attempts to finesse
the inscriptions of Esarhaddon with the biblical Queen of Sheba, Sennacherib's
siege of Hezekiah's Jerusalem, and episodes from Daniel and texts of Nebuchadnezzar.
"I observe from several articles in your excellent Journal, that the great importance
of the Assyrian antiquarian discoveries is becoming daily more appreciated by bib-
lical scholars," W. H. F. Talbot, "On the Assyrian Inscriptions," JSL 2 (1856) 414.
/G
Talbot, Assyrian Texts Translated, 3. Records of the Past, 1:27: "The people of the
city Khirimmi, obstinate enemies, who from old times had never bowed down to
my yoke, I destroyed with the sword." Layard ICC, 63 i 19: LU.KUR ak-su sa ul-
tu a-na ni-ri-ia la kit-nu-su i-na GIS.TUKUL u-sam-qit-ma, "hazardous enemy, who
previously had not submitted to my yoke, I felled with a weapon."
32 CHAPTER ONE
the footnote "Ashur always gave his aid to the kings of Assyria, but
especially against the heretics." [italics Talbot's]. "The temple of Gazab,
their royal stronghold, with fire I burned, and the idols which were
in it I destroyed"77 for E EDIN kul-ta-ri tu-kul-ti-su~nu i-na dGIS-BAR
aq-mu-ma di-tal-lis u-se-lum, "the pavilions, the tents in which they
trusted, I incinerated with fire and reduced to ashes." British impe-
rial discourse of "idols" had been prevalent for over sixty years in
describing the subaltern religions of India; it did not register with
Talbot to consider how curious it would be for an "idolatrous"
Assyrian king loftily to dismiss the cult images of his opponents as
mere idols. Similarly, "At the same time I destroyed the City of the
Idolaters, a city which worships the deity Ishsha and whose people
bow down to all manner of gods and goddesses that are vile and
hateful among them."'8 And combining the ideas of heresy and idol-
atry: "the man Sandu . . . a heretic who did not worship my . . .
Instead of the great gods of heaven, he trusted unto idols of wood
. . . wretched and worthless things . . . I made a religious feast unto
Ashur, my lord; I destroyed the heretical inhabitants."79 The reli-
gions encountered by the Assyrians were not merely foreign, but
wrere "vile and hateful" heresies, which the emperors acting as trans-
national crusaders for Assur were commissioned to eliminate.
One year later Talbot would introduce similar constructs into his
ambitious translation of the annals of Tiglath-pileser I: "With 60
kings victoriously I fought, and the laws and religion of my empire
I imposed upon them" (Inscription of Tiglath Pileser /., 22). Compare
RIMA 2 A.0.87.1 i 54-57: "I vied with 60 crowned heads and
"" Talbot, Assyrian Texts Translated, 4.

78
Talbot, Assyrian Texts Translated, 6. Records of the Past, 1:28: "In those days
Niniveh, the exalted city, the city beloved by Ishtar: within which dwells the wor-
ship of all the gods and goddesses."
Layard ICC, 63 i 35: i-na u4-mi-su-ma NINA kl ma-ha-zu si-i-ru URU na-ram Ais-tar
sa nap-har ki-du-de-e DINGIR.MES u dw-ter.MES ba-su-u qe-reb-su, "at that time
Nineveh, the resplendent cult place, city beloved of Istar, to which belong all the
rituals for the gods and goddesses . . ."
79
Talbot, Assyrian Texts Translated, 11. Records of the Past, 3:112: "And
Sanduarri . . . an enemy and heretic, not honouring my majesty who had aban-
doned the worship of the gods trusted to his rocky stronghold . . . I wrought the
judgment of Ashur my Lord on the men who were criminals."
Borger Esarh., §27, Nin. A, Ep. 6, 49-50 iii 20-22, 36: RN . . . LU.KUR ak-su
la pa-lih be-lu-ti-ia sa DINGIR.MES u-mas-sir-u-ma . . . as-su da-na-an Aas-sur EN-z'fl
UN.MES kul-lu-mi-im-ma, "RN . . . hazardous enemy whom the gods abandoned,
who did not fear my lordship . . . in order to demonstrate to the people the might
of Assur, my lord . . . "
achieved victory over them (li-i-ta sit-nun-ta) in battle." Talbot: "I

then advanced against Kummikhi, a land of the unbelievers who
had refused to pay taxes and tribute unto Ashur, my lord" (Inscription
of Tiglath Pileser /., 24). Compare RIMA 2 A.0.87.1 i 89-91: "At
that time I marched to the insubmissive (la ma-gi-ri) land Katmuhu
which had withheld tribute and impost from the god Assur, my
lord."80 Talbot: "The nation of the Subari, who were heretics and
unbelievers, I reduced to subjection" (Inscription of Tiglath Pileser /.,
30). Compare RIMA 2 A.0.87.1 ii 89-90: "I conquered the rebel-
lious and insubmissive (sap-su-te la-a ma-gi-ri) Subaru." Talbot: "The
religious rites of Ashur, my lord, they had entirely swept away; but
now they returned and submitted to my authority" (Inscription of Tiglath
Pileser I., 37). Compare RIMA 2 A.0.87.1 iii 69-72: "The splendour
(me-lam) of the god Assur, my lord, overwhelmed them and they
came back down and submitted to me." Talbot: "and against the
many nations and kings of the Upper Sea (the Mediterranean) who
know not the true religion" (Inscription of Tiglath Pileser I., 42). Compare
RIMA 2 A.0.87.1 iv 49-52: "distant kings, on the shore of the Upper
Sea in the wrest, had not known submission (ka-na-sa la-a i-du-u)."
Curious to say, there is very little of this sort of religious over-
compensation in the accompanying translations of Rev. Edward
Hincks or Dr. Jules Oppert, the author of a commentary on the
biblical Book of Esther. In his translation of the same text in 1873,
the French Orientalist Menant avoids without comment all of the
punitive cultic misreadings introduced by Rawlinson and Talbot;81
fifteen years later A. H. Sayce's translation of the text would be free
of "heresies" and "true religion."82 There is no other compelling rea-
son for the presence of such distortions save that Talbot, like Rawlinson,
"required" the rulers of the Assyrian empire to exercise dominion
by extirpating heresy and broadcasting the cult of Assur like a moral
fumigant throughout their realm. The Victorian cultural archetype
of an oriental empire fanatically dedicated to wiping out all other
80
Norris. Assyrian Dictionary. 3:733 translates magiru as obedient.
81
J. Menant, Annales des Rois d'Assyrie, traduites et mises en ordre sur le texte assyiien
(Paris: Maisonneuve et Cie, 1874;. 35-48.
82
A. H. Sayce. "Inscription of Tiglath-Pileser I." in Records of the Past: Being English
Translations of the Ancient Monuments of Egypt and Western Asia, edited by A. H. Sayce
(2nd ed.; London: Samuel Bagster & Sons. 1888; 86-121. In the preface Sayce
handsomely acknowledges his debt to the textual edition and translation prepared
by Wilhelm Lotz in 1880.
34 CHAPTER ONE
religions within its borders was Islam. "Mahometanism is essentially

an obstructive, intolerant system . . . It has declared war against every
other creed."83 "No wars, as has been justly remarked, that ever des-
olated the Christian world, have caused half the bloodshed and mis-
ery, or been so deeply stamped with the character of implacable
animosity, as have arisen from the political and religious controver-
sies of the Mohammedan sectarians."84
In his last years of life Talbot would reveal his preoccupation with
Assyro-Babylonian theology through a series of articles in the Transactions
of the Society of Biblical Archaeology. He purported to demonstrate a
belief by the ancient inhabitants of Mesopotamia in "the immortal-
ity of the soul and a future state of happiness" and a number of
other recognizable elements of Christian eschatology, based on mytho-
logical texts and incantations, either mistranslated, radically inter-
preted out of context, or both.80 In common with the Romantic
poets and many of the Orientalist artists, Talbot used the vehicle of
the ancient Orient to explore the themes of his own culture and
most pressing life issues, here, an old man's belief in a Christian
afterlife improbably presaged in Akkadian inscriptions.
George Rawlinson (1812—1902), Henry's brother, biographer and
intellectual confidante, was an Oxford-trained historian, Church of
England canon, and an ardent Christian apologist whose agenda
may be grasped by the title of his 1859 Bampton Lecture, The
Historical Evidences of the Truth of the Scripture Records Stated Anew, with
Special Reference to the Doubts and Discoveries of Modern Times, a brittle
answer to the spread of German historical agnosticism in the form
of the Bible rewritten, using illustrations from the Assyrian monu-
ments calculated to demonstrate the literal truth of the Scriptures.86
83
Freeman, History and Conquests of the Saracens, 202.
84
Crichton, History of Arabia, 1:335.
85
W. H. F. Talbot, "Note on the Religious Belief of the Assyrians, Part I," TSBA
1 (1872) 106-15; W. H. F. Talbot, "On the Religious Belief of the Assyrians, Part
II," TSBA 2 (1873) 29-49; W. H. F. Talbot, "On the Religious Belief of the
Assyrians, Part III," TSBA 2 (1873) 50-79; W. H. F. Talbot, "On the Religious
Belief of the Assyrians, Part IV," TSBA 2 (1873) 346-52. Translations of most of
his proof-texts, with brief introductory remarks, appear in Records of the Past, vol. 3,
"Assyrian Sacred Poetry" (131-38), and "Assyrian Talismans and Exorcisms" (139-44).
86
G. Rawlinson, The Historical Evidences of the Truth of the Scripture Records Stated
Anew, with Special Reference to the Doubts and Discoveries of Modern Times. In Eight Lectures
Delivered in the Oxford University Pulpit, in the Year 1859, on the Bampton Foundation (Boston:
Gould and Lincoln, 1868). Most of his publications dealt with the Old Testament
and ancient history; see the bibliography in Bayne, "Rawlinson, George (1812-1902),"
In this latter work "Mahometanism" is classified together with the

ancient religions of the Mediterranean, Middle East and India, "which
[unlike Christianity] did not even seriously postulate an historical
basis."87 On the contrary, since the study of the texts of ancient
Mesopotamia and Egypt impinge directly on the history of the Bible,88
Rawlinson makes the case that it is vital that the British academy,
on behalf of a "nation which plumes itself on its Biblical knowledge
and its 'open Bible'," exert itself to equal the enthusiasm evinced
for this study in France.89 And there is another reason, candidly
owned on occasion by French and British Orientalists during the
heyday of empire: the study of the ancient civilizations of the Nile
and Mesopotamia can produce "a knowledge of which is necessary
for a thorough comprehension of the Eastern world's present condi-
tion" [emphasis added].90 A Bible-fearing England requires the deci-
pherment and translation of Akkadian and Egyptian; the administration
of its Asian empire, through the emergent disciplines of ethnography
and anthropology, has pragmatic uses for the past in the present.
167. George Rawlinson's philosophy of religion was reactionary and dated by the
standards of the day. Rather to his credit, he eschews any evolutionary schema of
religious progression, such as that elaborated in Comte's anthropological taxonomy,
since the variety of religious phenomena are too heterogeneous to support the the-
ory. Instead, and inconsistently, Rawlinson's researches point to "the existence of
a primitive religion, communicated to man from without, whereof monotheism and
expiatory sacrifice were parts, and the gradual clouding over of this primitive rev-
elation everywhere, unless it were among the Hebrews," G. Rawlinson, The Religions
of the Ancient World, including Egypt, Phoenicia, Assyria and Babylonia, Etruria, Persia, Greece,
India, Rome (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1883) 242-43, a form of Christianized
Deism favored by other Victorian evangelical thinkers. See also G. Rawlinson, The
Origin of Nations (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1881) 1-161, with an elabo-
rate chronological analysis asserting the anteriority of the Deluge to the rise of
monarchy or high culture in any of the cradles of civilization.
87
Rawlinson, Historical Evidences, 25. Although the biographical information per-
taining to Muhammad in the Qur'an may be historical, there are no grounds for
supposing "even the probable truth of the religion," 26.
88
In common with the prejudices of his brother and other Orientalists of the
era, George Rawlinson's historical valuation of non-textual sources was slender. "For
a long time the British governors gave much less attention to the study of physical
monuments than to the study of literary monuments. In the course of constructing
new buildings there were cases of destruction of ancient monuments as barbaric as
in the noncivilized countries of the Orient," Barthold, La decouverte de I'Asie: Histoire
de I'orientalisme en Europe et en Russe, quoted in Schwab, Oriental Renaissance, 116.
89
G. Rawlinson, "Early Oriental History [review of F. Lenormant, Manuel d'his-
toire ancienne de I'Orient jusqu'aux guerres mediques]," The Contemporary Review 14 April-
July (1870) 83.
90
Rawlinson, "Early Oriental History," 83.
36 CHAPTER ONE
The static, torpid nature of the civilizations of the timeless Middle East
facilitates biblical study due to the "living museum" of the Bedouins,
whereas oriental despotism, the sole form of government of all ancient
Asiatic kingdoms,91 is a textbook of the modern Islamic world.
In his four-volume translation of and commentary on Herodotus,92
George Rawlinson ventured a brief historical account of Assyrian
religious imperialism based on the earliest translations available, since
he himself was Akkadian illiterate.93 In dealing with religious mat-
ters he is largely dependent on a 32-page pamphlet published by
W. H. Fox Talbot94 in which translations of pertinent texts by Assur-
nasir-pal II, Sennacherib and Esarhaddon appear, though G. Rawlinson
acknowledges in the preface that "Sir Henry Rawlinson especially
has exercised a general supervision over the Oriental portion of the
comment. . ."9o In 1857 George Rawlinson wrote
. . . [T]hough religious uniformity is certainly not the law of the empire,
yet a religious character appears in many of the wars, and attempts
seem to be made at least to diffuse everywhere a knowledge and recog-
nition of the gods of Assyria. Nothing is more universal than the prac-
tice of setting up in the subject countries "the laws of Asshur" and
"altars to the great gods." In some instances not only altars but tem-
ples are erected, and priests are left to superintend the worship and
secure its being properly conducted. Sennacherib goes so far as to say
that he has "established his religion and laws over all the men who
dwell in every land;" but the history of Judaea is enough to show that
the continuance of the national worship was at least tolerated, though
some formal acknowledgment of the presiding deities of Assyria on the
part of the subject nations may not improbably have been required
in most cases.96
91
G. Rawlinson, A Manual of Ancient History, from the Earliest Times to the Fall of the
Western Empire. Comprising the History of Chaldcea, Assyria, Media, Babylonia, Lydia, Phcenicia,
Syria, Judiea, Egypt, Carthage, Persia, Greece, Macedonia, Parthia, and Rome (New York:
Harper & Brothers, 1869) 22.
9
- G. Rawlinson, The History of Herodotus (New York: D. Appleton & Company,
1859).
93
"In these days [George] Rawiinson's ignorance of the hieroglyphic and cuneiform
literatures would be held to disqualify him for his task, but it was not so in the
early sixties, when the first edition of his history [The Five Great Monarchies of the
Ancient Eastern World] appeared, and the work is still quoted with approval by writ-
ers such as M. Maspero," Anonymous, "Canon George Rawlinson," Athenaeum, no.
3911, October 11, 1902, 486.
94
Talbot, Assyrian Texts Translated.
93
Rawlinson, Herodotus, l:vi.
96
Rawlinson, Herodotus, 1:398-99. The Assyrians practiced "a debasing religion"
(401). Rawiinson's four-volume omnibus translation of Herodotus, with his own mas-
Note that the essential ambiguity of the primary sources themselves

is echoed in G. Rawlinson's many qualifications of his thesis, yet
he confidently asserts that "nothing is more universal" than the im-
position of Assyrian worship in the wake of its conquests. He plagiarized
much of his own appendix in Herodotus vol. 1, "On the Chronology
and History of the Great Assyrian Empire," which includes the extract
above, for incorporation in his oft-reprinted syntheses of ancient his-
tory, The Five (or Seven) Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern World.97
Ironically, this publication by a non-Orientalist wrould become the
authoritative voice of the British school of Assyriology, serving to
establish for a half-century to come the agenda of research for schol-
ars dependent on the Assyriological expertise of others. A policy of
religious imperialism is ascribed to the Assyrians: Assyrian religion
with its focus on the national god Assur in some cases was forcibly
exported to regions under the Assyrian scepter. G. Rawlinson con-
sistently recycled these conclusions throughout his publishing career:
"It is to spread his [the god Assur's] worship that they [the Assyrian
kings] carry on their wars. They fight, ravage, destroy in his name.
Finally, when they subdue a country, they are careful to 'set up the
emblems of Asshur,' and to make the conquered people conform to
his laws."98 His canonization of this eisegesis as "policy" prepared
sive appendices and those of his brother, would run through over 32 unrevised edi-
tions, remaining in print through 1909, thereby exercising a disproportionately broad
influence in the English-speaking world for over half a century.
9/
George Rawlinson, The Five Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern World; or, the
History, Geography, and Antiquities of Chaldaea, Assyria, Babylonia, Media, and Persia, Collected
and Illustrated from Ancient and Modern Sources, 3 vols. (London: John Murray, 1862^67);
1871 (revised edn.), 1873, 1879, 1881, 1900. Incorporated into The Seven Great
Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern World, 1876, 1884, 1885, 1890, 1900. The cuneiform
translations used by G. Rawlinson were produced within the first decade of the
decipherment of Akkadian; although innumerable improvements to the readings
were available by the last decades of the 19th century, none found their way into
this well-starched ancient history published by John Murray, the same man who
pioneered the mass-marketing of late-breaking Assyriological developments for the
British middle class. See Bohrer, "A New Antiquity," 132-51.
98
Rawdinson, Religions of the Ancient World, 39. For evidence of this assertion he
sends the reader to salient translations in Records of the Past, 1st edition, precisely as
English-speaking non-specialists for the last half century have all too uncritically
relied upon the translated anthology in J. B. Pritchard, ed. Ancient Near Eastern Texts
Relating to the Old Testament (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1950). Rawlinson
did once reveal his doubts with a qualification: "It is not quite certain how far
Assyria required a religious conformity from the subject people . . . In any case it
must be understood that the worship which the conquerors introduced was not
intended to supersede the religion of the conquered race, but was only required to
38 CHAPTER ONE
the ground for the scholarly construction of Assyrian religious impe-

rialism along the lines of European church history" or European
conceptions of Islamic religious intolerance in the late Ottoman
Empire. His insights into the motives for the seizure of divine images
remain cogent:
The carrying off of the idols from conquered countries, which we find
universally practiced, was not perhaps intended as a mere sign of the
power of the conqueror, and of the superiority of the gods to those
of his enemies: it was probably designed further to weaken those ene-
mies by depriving them of their celestial protectors; and it may even
have been viewed as strengthening the conqueror by multiplying his
divine guardians.100
G. Rawlinson was among the earliest historians to associate an ide-

ology of political conquest with the warlike descriptions and iconog-
raphy of the national god, Assur.101
be superadded as a mark and badge of subjection." G. Rawlinson, "Assyria," in

Dr. William Smith's Dictionary of the Bible; Comprising its Antiquities, Biography, Geography,
and National History, edited by H. B. Hackett and A. Ezra (New York: Hurd and
Houghton, 1871) 1:190.
99
On this issue see the insightful remarks in Van der Spek, "Assyriology and
History," 263-64.
100
G. Rawlinson, The Five Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern World; or, the History,
Geography, and Antiquities of Chaldaea, Assyria, Babylonia, Media, and Persia, Collected and
Illustrated from Ancient and Modern Sources (1st ed.; London: John Murray, 1864) 2:268.
G. Rawlinson's position on this and other visible elements of Assyrian religious
imperialism would be simplified for popular consumption but followed point-for-
point in M. E. Harkness, Assyrian Life and History (By-Paths of Bible Knowledge 2;
London: The Religious Tract Society, 1883) 68, 73. In opposition to his brother,
George Rawlinson believed that Assur had no central temple or shrine, for his
"worship was spread equally throughout the whole land, and not to any extent
localised" The Five Great Monarchies, 2nd ed., 2:3. The profoundly conservative church-
man accepted a euhemeristic origin for the god based on the Bible: he was a son
of Shem, deified. One of Rawlinson's rather contemporary sounding speculations
holds that the Assyrian sacred tree, a prominent visual motif, was associated with
Assur, and should be understood as symbolizing a goddess in the manner of the
biblical 'Aserah (The Five Great Monarchies, 2:8).
101
The Five Great Monarchies (1st ed., 1864) 2:230: "In the inscriptions the Assyrians
are constantly described as 'the servants of Asshur,' and their enemies as 'the ene-
mies of Asshur.' The Assyrian religion is 'the worship of Asshur.' No similar phrases
are used with respect to any of the other gods of the Pantheon"; compare M.
Jastrow, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (Handbooks on the History of Religions
2; Boston: Ginn & Company, 1898) 194-99; L. W. King. Babylonian Religion and
Mythology (Books on Egypt and Chaldaea 4; London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner
& Co., 1903) 206-7; T. G. Pinches, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (RelAM;
London: Archibald Constable & Co., 1906) 85-86, believed that the considerable
number of temples to Assur found in Assyria (as opposed to those of Marduk in
Comparisons between the British Empire and the Roman Empire

became somewhat fashionable in Victorian England, though it was
confidently assumed that the superior moral base of the former would
ensure its longevity.102 A similar tact was taken with the Arab Empire.
Its despotic government, instability, achievements in the arts, sciences
and literature could be admired or vignetted as a cautionary tale
since it was all safely in the past.103 Rawlinson explicitly likens the
Assyrian and British Empires, though the unacknowledged stencil
through which he paints his history is the Ottoman Empire. His
unimaginative racism is expressed by a reference to the defeated
Assyrians, "the patient and submissive subjects of their Arian con-
querors,"104 a classic Victorian dream of Asia. The Assyrian Empire
is illustrated by a comparison with the "empire of Solomon" and
the British Empire itself. The earliest empires, since they are a con-
geries of kingdoms on which the native kings, laws, religion, and
bureaucracy are preserved intact, are comparable to British imperi-
alism. "Homage" and "tribute" encapsulate the duties owing the
client kings to their sovereign: timely payment, attendance at the
court when summoned, free access to the land by the Assyrian army
when on campaign, and armed resistance to Assyria's enemies.103
Assyria assumes its station in the timeless procession of oriental despo-
tisms in words written shortly after the so-called Sepoy Mutiny in
India, when Britain's imperial rule was noisily defended by lurid nar-
ratives and sensationalizing illustrations of Muslim and Hindu barbarity
Babylonia) reflected the tighter political structure of the country, and the fact that
the king in Assyria was more the representative of the god than in Babylonia,
". . . causing his [Assur's] name to arouse patriotic feelings wherever it might be
referred to." By 1928 it was possible for Ebeling to assert that "iiber die Natur
und Herkunft Assurs ist schon viel geschrieben worden." E. Ebeling, "Assur. 3.)
Hauptgott Assyriens," RLA 1:197. The point made by Albrektson, that the actions
of the Assyrian king are precisely copied by those of the image of the god Assur
in certain reliefs, was clearly seen by George Rawlinson in 1864 (The Five Great
Monarchies, 2:235). B. Albrektson, History and the Gods (Coniectanea Biblica, Old
Testament Series 1; Lund: CWK Gleerup, 1967) 49.
102
G. P. Landow, "Victorianized Romans: Images of Rome in Victorian Painting,"
Browning Institute Studies 12 (1984) 29-51; R. Hingley, "The Shared Moral Purposes
of Two Empires and the Origin of Romano-British Archaeology," in Nationalism and
Archaeology: Scottish Archaeological Forum, edited by J. A. Atkinson, I. Banks and
J. O'Sullivan (Glasgow: Cruithne Press, 1996) 135-42.
1113
Tidrick, Heart-Beguiling Arnby, 42-43.
104
G. Rawlinson, Herodotus, 1:392.
1115
G. Rawlinson, Herodotus, 1:394-95.
40 CHAPTER ONE
and incompetence of self-governance.106 The Assyrian religious hierarchy

was epitomized as intellectually static and unprogressive, the popular
Victorian conceit of Islam: ". . . knowledge tended to become the ex-
clusive possession of a priest-class, which did not aim at progress,
but was satisfied to hand on the traditions of former ages."107 Rawlinson
closes his appendix on the civilization of the Assyrians with a sermon:
With much that was barbaric still attaching to them, with a rude and
inartificial government, savage passions, a debasing religion, and a gen-
eral tendency to materialism, they were towards the close of their
empire, in all the arts and appliances of life, very nearly on a par with
ourselves; and thus their history furnished a warning—which the records
of nations constantly repeat—that the greatest material prosperity may
co-exist with the decline—and herald the downfal [sic]—of a kingdom.108
Read "Ottoman Empire" for "Assyria" for the implicit empire in

this quote, and Rawlinson's model for the Assyrian Empire is revealed.
The model was not without its merits, and elements of the synthetic
history he assembled from the scholarship of Talbot, his brother and
others have survived the tests of advances in scholarship. Ancient
Assyria conceived of as an oriental despotism opened the doors to
a genuine historical assessment of its hegemonic drive to dominate
the kingdoms of the Middle East within its reach.109 This same con-
106 por examples see Brantlinger, Rule of Darkness, 199-224, and Hyam, Britain's
Imperial Century, 134-44. Over 500 books on the topic appeared between 1857 and
1862. "The awful atrocities . . . almost give rise to the impious doubt whether this
world is under the government of an all-wise and just Providence," Richard Cobden,
quoted in Hyam, Britain's Imperial Century, 139.
107
108
109
The encapsulation of the Neo-Assyrian Empire as an oriental despotism, uti-
lizing the expression, continues to appear in contemporary scholarship. See, e.g.,
P. Garelli, "L'Etat et la legitimite royale sous 1'empire assyrien," in Power and
Propaganda: A Symposium on Ancient Empires, edited by M. T. Larsen (Mes[C] 7;
Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag, 1979) 323-24 ("Le system rappelle celui de 1'em-
pire Ottoman, non celui de la feodalite occidentale"); J. N. Postgate, "Royal Ideology
and State Administration in Sumer and Akkad," CANE 1:405. Voices from within
the Assyriological community critical of this intellectual shortcut include Z. Bahrani,
"Conjuring Mesopotamia: Imaginative Geography and a World Past," in Archaeology
under Fire: Nationalism, Politics and Heritage in the Eastern Mediterranean and Middle East,
edited by L. Meskell (London; New York: Routledge, 1998) 159-74 and M. Liverani,
"Ancient Near Eastern Cities and Modern Ideologies," in Die orientalische Stadt:
Kontinuitat, Wandel, Bruch: 1. Internationales Colloquium der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft,
9.—10. Mai 1996 in Halle/Saale im Auftrag des Vorstands der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft,
edited by G. Wilhelm (Colloquien der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 1; Saarbriicken:
Saarbriicker Druckerei und Verlag, 1997) 85-107.
struct, however, created an anachronistic estimation of Assyrian reli-

gious imperialism that overlaid the essential ambiguity of the pri-
mary texts, and precluded any serious investigation of the possibility
of neutral indifference or even economic support for foreign cults.
Archibald Henry Sayce (1845-1933), Church of England curate,
Professor of Comparative Philology and Assyriology at Oxford, was
one of the most talented philologists produced by Victorian England.110
[See Figure 3] Like his fellow Oxford don, George Rawlinson, Sayce
sought to stem the encroachment of German-based higher criticism
of the Bible through a blizzard of semi-popular works on Old
Testament themes including The Life and Times of Isaiah as Illustrated
by Contemporary Monuments (1889), The Races of the Old Testament (1891),
The "Higher Criticism" and the Verdict of the Monuments (1894), Patriarchal
Palestine (1895), and Early Israel and the Surrounding Nations (1899). Sayce's
understanding of Neo-Assyrian religious imperialism admitted no
qualifications:
Assur was supreme over all other gods, as his representative, the
Assyrian king, was supreme over the other kings of the earth, and he
would brook no rival at his side. The tolerance of Babylonian religion
was unknown in Assyria. It was through "trust in Assur" that the
Assyrian armies went forth to conquer, and through his help that they
gained their victories. The enemies of Assyria were his enemies, and
it was to combat and overcome them that the Assyrian monarchs
declare that they marched to war . . . Assur bade his servants go forth
to subdue the gods of other lands, and to compel their worshippers
to transfer their allegiance to the god of Assyria. Those who believed
not in him were his enemies, to be extirpated or punished.111
Elsewhere he compared Assur favorably with Yahweh, seeing in the

fanaticism of the worship accorded the former a drive towards a
"purifying" monotheism.112 These four representatives of the British
11(1
See Budge, Progress of Assyriology, 185-88; J. Garstang, "Archibald Henry
Sayce," AAA 20 (1933) 195-96; S. H. Langdon, "Archibald Henry Saycej," AJO 8
(1932-33) 341-42: S. H. Langdon, "Archibald Henry Sayce as Assyriologist," JRAS
(1933) 499-503; B. Gunn, "Sayce, Archibald Henry (1845-1933)," DNB 1931-1940,
786a-88b.
111
A. H. Sayce, Babylonians and Assyrians: Life and Customs (SemS; New York:
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1900) 256.
112
A. H. Sayce, Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as Illustrated by the Religion
of the Ancient Babylonians. The Hibbert Lectures, 1887 (3rd ed.; London: Williams and
Norgate, 1891) 127-29. According to Sayce, Assur like the Israelite Yahweh had
no consort (wrong on both counts), was the national god of a race (he applied late
Victorian racial conceptions to the peoples of Western Asia with a vengeance),
42 CHAPTER ONE
school of Assyriology—H. Rawlinson, Talbot, G. Rawlinson, and

Sayce—threw their reputations behind an image of Assyrian impe-
rial expansionism that exploited the state pantheon as much as it
exploited terror of military reprisal. To be sure, not all of the first
generation of British Assyriologists was of the same opinion. George
Smith, in his synthesis of Assyrian history, studiously avoids men-
tion of the imposition of Assur-worship as a goal of the Assyrian
campaign.113 Yet he did not counter the views of his more widely-
published colleagues in so many words, and it was thus the con-
ception of Assur crystallized by the Rawlinsons and Sayce that would
prevail in the English-speaking world, and beyond."4
A Century of Scholarship
The laconic nature of the primary evidence for Assyrian religious

imperialism made for a topic avoided by the first general historians
of the ancient world, historians of religion, and surveyors of Assyrian
history who utilized the initial assyriological publications.113 Since the
personified warfare and the subjection of all opposing cults, and was so much the
focus of Assyrian piety that the characters of the traditional Babylonian pantheon
paled into mere shadows, just as the Israelites offered "inferior homage to the Baalim
of Canaan" ibid., 123. The parallels Sayce drew between Assur and Yahweh exer-
cised a powerful influence on both Assyriological and biblical studies for 40 years,
though murmurings due to disgust with the Pan-Babylonians began to be heard:
A. H. Edelkoort, "Monotheisme in Assyrie?," NTT (1921) 36-45. G. Furlani, La
religions babilonese e assira, Vol. 1: le divinita (StorRel 6/9; Bologna: N. Zanichelli, 1928)
210, explicitly acknowledges the great affinity between Israelite Yahweh and Assur.
The facile M. S. Smith, The Early History of God: Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient
Israel (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1990) 57, 117, knows nothing of this disci-
plinary history, and draws superficial parallels between the two deities with an air
of novelty. For a different critique of, among other things, parallels between Assur
and Yahweh, see J. S. Cooper, "Assyrian Prophecies, the Assyrian Tree, and the
Mesopotamian Origins of Jewish Monotheism, Greek Philosophy, Christian Theology,
Gnosticism, and Much More [a review of Simo Parpola, Assyrian Prophecies, SAA
9]," JAOS 120 (2000) 430-44.
113
G. Smith, Ancient History from the Monuments: Assyria: from the Earliest Times to the
Fall of Nineveh (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1875).
114
For instance, G. Maspero and A. H. Sayce (editor), The Struggle of the Nations:
Egypt, Syria and Assyria (trans. M. L. McClure; New York: D. Appleton & Company,
1897) 602-4 combines the interpretations of Sayce, Murdter and Tiele, emphasiz-
ing that the cult of Assur was aniconic.
1lj
None of the following works commit themselves to any statement more definitive
than claiming Assur was the tutelar)' god of the nation: F. M. L. J. Robio de La
Trehonnais, Histoire ancienne des peuples de I'Orient jusqu'au debut des guerres mediques, raise
evidence for Assyrian cultic interaction was (historically and objec-

tively) ambiguous, and the initial translations were seriously defec-
tive, as we have seen, assessments of Assyrian cultic heavy-handedness
by intrepid non-specialists varied dramatically. For example, the
Orientalist Ernest Renan, elaborating in 1887 his influential hypoth-
esis of the "Urmonotheismus" of the "nomad Semitic race,"116 per-
ceived the Assyrians to have been "... almost indifferent in matters
of religion," an empire that respected "religious liberty.""' Such
au niveau des plus recentes decouvertes, a Vusage des etablissements d'instruction secondam (Paris:
Charles Douniol, 1862); E. M. Sewell, Ancient History of Egypt, Assyria, and Babylonia
(2nd ed.; London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1870) 386-87; V. Schmidt, Assyriens
og Aegyptens gamle historic; eller, Historisk-geographiske unders0gelser om det gamle testamentes
lande og folk (vol. 1; Copenhagen: W01dikes Forlag, 1872); G. de Dubor, Assyrie et
Chaldee (Montauban: Impr. et lithographic Forestie, 1878); F. Miirdter and
F. Delitzsch, Kurzgefasste Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens nach den Keilschriftdenkmalern:
mit besonderer Berucksichtigung des Alien Testaments (Stuttgart: D. Bundert, 1882) 22 fig.
2, is however, among the first to claim that the chariot standards modeled in relief
at Khorsabad depicted Assur; G. Brunengo, L'impero di Babilonia e di Ninive dalle ori-
gini jino alia conquista di Giro descritto secondo i monumenti cuneiformi comparati colla Bibbia
(Prato: Tipografia Giachetti, 1885); C. P. Tiele, Elements of the Science of Religion
(Edinburgh and London: William Blackwood and Sons, 1897) is more definite: the
religious imperialism practiced by Egypt and Assyria tended towards monotheism,
for they ". . . tried to get the special god of their choice worshipped as the only
true god . . ." 1:291.
llb
E. Renan, History of the People of Israel (trans. J. H. Allen and E. W. Latimer;
Boston: Roberts Brothers, 1888) 1:38-53. Renan began disseminating his highly
influential views on "instinctual" pan-Semitic monotheism in the 1850s. The bru-
tally racist F. Lenormant, Manuel d'histoire ancienne de VOrient jusqu'aux guerres mediques,
Vol. 1: Israelites—Egyptiens—Assyriens (Paris: A. Levy Fils. 1868) 518 and F. Lenormant
and E. Babelon, Histoire ancienne de I'Orient jusqu'aux guerres mediques (9th ed.; Paris: A.
Levy, 1881) 5:230, fashioned their conceptions of Assur from Renan's scholarship:
Assyrian Assur, like Babylonian Marduk, was a manifestation of the supreme Semitic
god Ilu. The Ur-religion of the Assyrians and Babylonians was monotheistic. While
Renan's racial conclusions based on linguistic theory would be supported by Max
Miiller, the Indo-Aryan specialist tactfully but firmly exposed Renan's pan-Semitic
theories for the non-empirical nonsense that they were; F. M. Miiller, Chips from a
German Workshop, Vol. 1: Essays on the Science of Religion (New York: Charles Scribner,
1869) 337-74.
117
Renan, History of the People of Israel, 3:11, 148-53. One wonders whether the
contemporary Realpolitik and cultural xenophobia of France and Germany were given
voice by Renan and especially Graetz, who wrote
Ahaz submissively became the vassal of the king of Assyria, and had, there-
fore, to pay homage to Tiglath-Pileser. Instead of feeling humiliated, he was
seized with admiration for the Assyrian customs, and determined to imitate
them in his own country . . . Other Assyrian elements were now introduced
into Judah. The Assyrian language, which closely resembles that of the Aramaeans,
was spoken by the courtiers to facilitate communication with their sovereign
lord. Ahaz went beyond all bounds in his love of imitation . . .
44 CHAPTER ONE
opinions were commoner outside of assyriological circles than within,

for this position answered a variety of needs felt by students of the
Bible to assert the cultic autonomy of late 8th- and 7th-century kings
in Judah. The biblical and Islamic specialist Julius Wellhausen asserted
that vassalage to Assyria made little impact on the religious life of
Judah, though he acknowledges that under Manasseh " . . . new frip-
pery was imported from all quarters, especially from Assyria and
Babylon, to renovate the old religion."118 On the other extreme, for
example, Ledrain indulged in a curious blending of the latest findings
in Assyriology with the ancient cult polemics of the deuteronomistic
historians. The vassal obligations of Ahaz were satisfied not only by
the construction of an altar to the god Assur, but by the erection
of a ziggurat for the planets atop his palace.119 Under Manasseh,
prostitutes for Ashtoreth and Mylitta, as in Babylon, were installed
in the temple; "les formulas bizarres d'incantation, si nombreuses
dans les textes cuneiformes, resonnerent a ses oreilles . . ."12° In his
hands, as in others, the servile task of Assyriology was to historicize
the cultic crimes of which certain Old Testament figures stand guilty.
In 1886 a series of articles by Stade and Schrader warmly contested
the precise identity of the Mesopotamian or Aramaeo-Assyrian god(s)
behind the biblical Queen of Heaven.121 The competent Assyriologist
Schrader very conspicuously avoids any reference to Assyrian cultic
involvement in connection with biblical narratives, such as the altar
"reform" of Ahaz in 2 Kgs 16, or the cultic rearrangements of
H. H. Graetz, History of the Jews, from the Earliest Times to the Present Day (trans. B. Lowy
et al.; revised ed.; London: David Nutt, 1891) 1:268-69. Karl Ferdinand Budde
epitomized this tendency to read the present into past by his description of the
time of Manasseh: "When once friendship had been made with the suzerain king-
dom, it became the fashion to swim with the stream and to prove one's culture by
imitating Assyrian customs . . . we have here to do with a phenomenon which often
repeats itself in history. We Germans look back with shame to the time when men
among us stooped in like manner to ape the French who had plundered and enslaved
Germany." K. F. Budde, The Religion of Israel to the Exile (New York and London:
G. P. Putnam, 1899) 165-66.
118
J. Wellhausen, "Israel," EBrit (9th ed.; 1881) 13:415. Since Wellhausen assumed
the functional religion of ancient Judah and Israel to have been one of several gods,
and not monotheistic Yahwism, he was under no compulsion to associate this "frip-
pery" with Mesopotamia.
119
E. Ledrain, Histoire d'Israel (Paris: Alphonse Lemerre, 1882) 2:37.
120
Ledrain, Histoire d'Israel, 2:59.
121
E. Schrader, "Die C'Ddil PD^Q und ihr aramaisch-assyrisches Aequivalent,"
SPAW 27 (1886) 477-91; B. Stade, "Die vermeintliche 'Konigin des Himmels',"
%AW6 (1886) 123-32; B. Stade, "Das vermeintliche aramaisch-assyrische Aequivalent
der D'DBn H^Q Jer. 7.44," %AW 6 (1886) 289-339.
Manasseh and Josiah in 2 Kgs 21 and 23, respectively.122 In his

groundbreaking history of Israel, Stade posed the sophisticated ques-
tion of the place of Yahweh in the divine pantheon under Assyrian
domination. The three possibilities are that Yahweh was one mem-
ber among equals in the pantheon, that his position was subordi-
nate to the Assyrian deities, or that his authority and position were
supreme.123 Kittel took the noncommittal position that the Assyrian
kings "expected" acts of religious homage from loyal vassals like Ahaz
and Manasseh, but apparently did not demand them.124
At the turn of the century, Akkadian-literate specialists concen-
trating on Assyrian history and religion were generally mute on the
topic of religious imperialism,12^ despite the fact that Assyrian mili-
tary and administrative procedures towards conquered states were
rapidly taking shape from the cuneiform sources. Pan-Babylonismus,
as preached by Hugo Winckler, maintained that the basis of all
myths everywhere is rooted in observations of the movements of the
sun, moon, and planets through the zodiac. These observations were
systematized in Babylonia—the cradle of civilization—around 3,000
B.C.E. and thence diffused in simplified and distorted form to every
oasis of human culture. The rudiments of Babylonian astral religion
is discernible even today in the myths of "primitive" peoples, which
explains the surprisingly complex astronomical lore one encounters
va
E. Schrader, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament (2nd ed.; Giessen: J. Ricker,
1883).
123
B. Stade, Geschichte des Voltes Israel (Berlin: G. Grote, 1887) 1:629. Manasseh
voluntarily adopted the gods of the Assyrians as his own, as was only "logical,"
since the land of Yahweh had fallen to the might of Assyria.
124
R. Kittel, The Religion of the People of Israel (trans. R. C. Micklem; New York:
Macmillan, 1925) 116; idem, Geschichte der Hebrder (Handbiicher der Alten Geschichte
1/3; Gotha: Friedrich Andreas Perthes, 1892) 2:294; presumably Kittel believed
that the Assyrians compulsorily introduced their own forms of worship into newly
formed provinces. He also made the rather convoluted argument that the heavy
investment by Judah in the imitation of Assyrian religion under Manasseh led to
the nation's drawing closer to Assyria in political matters as well; Geschichte der Hebraer,
2:317.
123
F. Hommel, "Assyria," in A Dictionary of the Bible, edited by J. Hastings (New-
York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1901) 1:176-90, never alludes to the historical pres-
ence of religion. The lightweight handbook C. H. W. Johns, Ancient Assyria (The
Cambridge Manuals of Science and Literature; Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1912) avoids any general or synthetic remarks on Assyrian civilization, includ-
ing religious policy. For a contrasting example of the sophisticated level of schol-
arship achieved regarding the administrative finesse of the Assyrians, see W. Manitius,
"Das stehende Heer der Assyrerkonige und seine Organisation," %A 24 (1910)
97-149, 185-224.
46 CHAPTER ONE
in archaic cultures. Hence, proper understanding of Mesopotamian

astronomical science and mythology is the universal cipher capable
of unlocking the arcana of mythologies everywhere. Winckler also
believed that, behind the Mesopotamian profusion of many gods,
there was a doctrine of a single divine power, a doctrine that cir-
culated only among the chosen intelligentsia. An immediate corol-
lary of this theory maintains that the highest spiritual ideals of the
religion of the ancient Israelites, including monotheism and the ban
on iconographic representations of God, are Babylonian in origin,
and were transported from Mesopotamia to Palestine by Abraham
himself (who was of course a Babylonian sage privy to the gnosis of
the single god).126 A related schema propounded by Peter Jensen,
Sigmund Mowinckel's teacher, made the Gilgamesh Epic the source
of all the mythological patterns in world literature, a sort of fore-
runner of Joseph Campbell's monomyth of the hero with a thou-
sand faces.127
Not one of the doctrines of the Pan-Babylonians was revolutionary.
The reductionistic notion that all mythology stems from observations
of nature, especially the celestial movements, was elaborated at numb-
ing length by the mythographer Charles Francois Dupuis during the
French Revolution,128 and may be traced ultimately to the Neoplatonic
126
See H. Winckler, Himmels- und Weltenbild der Babylonier als Grundlage der Weltan-
schauung und Mythologie alter Volker (AO 3; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs. 1901); idem, Die
babylonische Geisteskultur in ihren Beîehungen zur Kulturentwicklung der Menschheit, Wissenschaft
und Bildung (Leipzig: Quelle & Meyer, 1907). On Pan-Babylonism, see M. T. Larsen,
"Orientalism and the Ancient Near East," in The Humanities between Art and Science:
Intellectual Developments, 1880-1914, edited by M. Harbsmeier and M. T. Larsen
(Culture & History 2; Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag, 1989) 181-202; K. Johanning,
Der Bibel-Babel-Streit: Eine forschungsgeschichtliche Studie (EHST 343; Frankfurt am Main:
Peter Lang, 1988). E. Stucken, Astralmythen (Leipzig: Edward Pfeiffer, 1896-1907),
sought to explain all the mythologies of the world on the basis of supposed astral-
lore encrypted in Mesopotamian myths. Volumes one through five are called, respec-
tively, Abraham, Lot, Jakob, Esau, and Mose: "Die Erzahlungen von Abraham
gehen zuriich auf zwei babylonische Quellen: Auf die Etana-Legende und auf die
Hollenfahrt der Istar," 1:1.
'"' See P. C. A. Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier (Strassburg: Karl J. Triibner,
1890); idem, Das Gilgamesch-Epos in der \Veltliteratur, Bd. 1: Die Urspriinge der alttesta-
mentlichen Patriarchen-, Propheten- und Befreier-Sage und der neutestamentlichen Jesus-Sage
(Strassburg: KarlJ. Triibner, 1906); idem, Moses, Jesus, Paulus; Drei Varianten des baby-
lonischen gottmenschen Gilgamesch; Eine Anklage wider die Theologen, ein Appell auch an die
Laien (2nd ed.; Frankfurt am Main: Neuer Frankfurter Verlag, 1909).
128
C. F. Dupuis, Abrege de I'origine de tous les cultes (Paris: Bossange Freres, Libraires,
1820) [abridgment made by the author in 1798 of Origine de tous les cultes ou la
Religion universelle, 1794].
exegesis of late antiquity. Winckler's diffusionist model was probably

inspired by that of Georg Friedrich Creuzer, the darling of the Ger-
man romantic mythologists, who sought to trace the mythology of
Greece back to an elevated monotheism brought by priests migrat-
ing from the Indian subcontinent.129 And of course a central tenet
of the Enlightenment deists was that monotheism, the Ur-religion of
the natural man, was deliberately concealed by unscrupulous, power-
hungry priests manipulating a cloud of gross polytheism. The diffusionist
model of the Pan-Babylonians was inhospitable to notions of reli-
gious imperialism; Winckler describes the administrative stages of the
treatment of Assyrian-controlled states without alluding to the levy-
ing of any form of religious or cultic impositions.130 The furor raised
by the Babel und Bibel lectures of Delitzsch affected scholarship on
the issue of Assyrian religious imperialism little if at all, possibly due
in part to his assertion that the Babylonian state religion itself remained
a "gross polytheism" for three thousand years, however admirable
the other achievements of the civilization may have been.131
Exceptionally, following the lead of the British school of Assyriology,
A. T. E. Olmstead lent the most forceful arguments for a depiction
of the imperial cult of Assur as routinely and uncompromisingly
forced upon the victims of Assyrian military aggression. The empire
129 Q Y_ Creuzer, Syrnbolik und Mythologie der alien Vo'lker besonders der Griechen [sin-
gle volume edition] (Leipzig and Darmstadt: Carl Wilhelm Leske, 1822).
130
H. Winckler, The History of Babylonia and Assyria (trans. J. A. Craig; revised ed.;
New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1907) 291-95.
131
F. Delitzsch, Babel and Bibel: Two Lectures on the Significance of Assyria logical Research
for Religion (trans. T. J. McCormack and W. H. Carruth; Chicago: The Open Court
Publishing Company, 1903) 65. Detractors of Delitzsch's "Pan-Babylonianism" gen-
erally agreed, while insisting that monotheism definitely originated in Israel, not
Babylonia; see, e.g., H. Gunkel, Israel und Babylonien. Der Einfluft Babyloniens auf die
israelitische Religion (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1903) 29. On Delitzsch
and the Babel-Bibel Streit, see R. G. Lehmann, Friedrich Delitzsch und der Babel-Bibel-
Streit (OBO 133; Fribourg: Universitatsverlag; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1994), and M. T. Larsen, "The 'Babel/Bible' Controversy and Its Aftermath," CANE
1:95-106. The noted historian of religion George Foot Moore, in reaction to the
speculative excesses of the Pan-Babylonians, wrote that "not only has the influence
of the Babylonian religion been enormously exaggerated, but wholly erroneous
notions are entertained about the religion itself." In general, the overall influence
of Assyrian religion diminished in proportion to the distance of the nation from the
Assyrian heartland and the length of its subjugation; yet even so, in the closest
regions "the native elements greatly preponderated in the local religions." In the
area on the Mediterranean seaboard, Assyro-Babylonian influence was "sporadic
and superficial." G. F. Moore, History of Religions (revised ed.; New York: Charles
Scribner's Sons, 1947) 1:241-42.
48 CHAPTER ONE
was a theocracy under a deified ruler: each newly minted province

was given images of the great king and Assur to worship.132 Vassal
rulers were required to follow suit, taking Assur as their chief deity,
worshipping his vicar, the Assyrian king, and laying themselves under
"the oath of the great gods for servanthood for ever."133 Hence, when
Judah became a vassal state under Ahaz, Yahweh was degraded to
the status of a minor deity, "... whose chief function was the deliv-
ery of oracular responses." In the temple of Jerusalem a throne was
placed for the divine king and a statue of Assur erected.134 Olmstead
uses the term "fanaticism" both for the worship of Assur and for
modern Shlcl of Mesopotamia and Persia.130 That he should choose
to dwell upon the ruthless techniques of Assyrian imperialism at pre-
cisely the period in world history that European military aggression
had sanctioned the indiscriminate use of mustard gas, machine guns
and tank warfare is not surprising. "Before the successful troops [pic-
tured on the relief] are the musicians and in ghastly contrast to their
melody are the severed heads of the slain which the soldiers are car-
rying to be counted. Our last memory is that of a vulture with a
dripping human head in its claws."136
132
A. T. E. Olmstead, Western Asia in the Days of Sargon of Assyria, 722~705 B.C.
(New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1908) 171; idem, "Oriental Imperialism,"
AHR 23 (1918) 757-58 ("The whole [provincial] organization centred around the
worship of Ashur, the deified state, and of the reigning king, prototype of the later
cult of Rome and Augustus"); idem, History of Palestine and Syria (New York and
London: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1931) 452.
133
A. T. E. Olmstead, "Assyrian Government of Dependencies," American Political
Science Review 12 (1918) 65.
134
A. T. E. Olmstead, History of Assyria (New York and London: Charles Scribner's
Sons, 1923) 198; note that in "Assyrian Government of Dependencies," Olmstead
states ". . . Ahaz of Judah erected in the temple at Jerusalem statues of Ashur and
of the king of Assyria to be worshipped side by side with the Hebrew God" (72).
Sidney Smith's remarks on the forcible spread of Assyrian religion are of a similar
ilk. He makes the interesting observation that the national god of Assyria was
sufficiently like the deities of the conquered to permit the continuance of their
"ancient rites" without undue interference; S. Smith, "The Age of Ashurbanipal,"
C4//1 3, 92.
13j
A. T. E. Olmstead, "The New Arab Kingdom and the Fate of the Muslim
World," University of Illinois Bulletin, no. 17, December 23, 1918, 6-7. He also uses
it for the Babylonians under Esarhaddon, who expected that their king should "seize
the hands of Marduk" on a daily basis; "Assyrian Government of Dependences,"
75. In his various writings Olmstead rather consistently failed to find a construc-
tive role for religion as a ideological source of political decision-making.
136
A. T. E. Olmstead, "The Calculated Frightfulness of Ashur Nasir Apal," JAOS
38 (1918) 243. Most of these images had been featured in one publication or another
for fifty years. A world at war in which human beings were maimed and disartic-
Until the final two decades of the twentieth century, the lion's
share of published opinions on Neo-Assyrian religious "policy" were
those of biblical specialists attempting to historicize late Judahite reli-
gion by describing deductively the imperial context of Western Asia.137
Inner-assyriological debate ramified the issue of Assyrian religious
imperialism, but there would be no lengthy treatment until the 1970s.
This reservation undoubtedly reflected empirical prudence in the face
of limited evidence. An addition factor, however, is the political deter-
minacy of religion as a legitimate research venue in ancient Near
Eastern studies. Late 19th- and early 20th-century historians, ancient
ulated with unprecedented novelty and in unprecedented numbers compelled the

scholarly imagination of this man to reassess military atrocity as a political instru-
ment. For his biography, see J. A. Wilson, "Albert Ten Eyck Olmstead. 1880-1945,"
JNES 5 (1946) 1-6 and M. W. Stolper, "Olmstead, Albert Ten Eyck (23 Mar.
1880^11 Apr. 1945)," ANB 16:695a™96a. Another factor in Olmstead's sensitization
to human mutilation as imperial policy was the practice of severing the hands of
Congolese in King Leopold II's colonial empire, whether from the living or the
dead, in order to tally mercenary efficiency. Graphic drawings, photographs and
editorial denunciations circulated widely throughout Europe and America in the
first decades of the 20th century. Joseph Conrad's novel Heart of Darkness was based
on his own experience in the Belgian Congo. See A. Hochschild, King Leopold's Ghost:
A Story of Greed, Terror, and Heroism in Colonial Africa (Boston and New York: Houghton
Mifflin Company, 1999), especially 164-66, 172. Assyriologists are no more proof
against the patriotic tides of war and contemporary intellectual allegiances than
other researchers in the humanities. Jacobsen's enthusiasm for his notion of "Primitive
Democracy," the Ur-politics of ancient Mesopotamia, was given a prominent air-
ing a year following the defeat of fascist European and Asian imperialism by a mil-
itary alliance of western democracies and the Soviet Union, though he had published
a version during the war; T. Jacobsen, "Primitive Democracy in Ancient Mesopotamia,"
JNES 2 (1943) 159-72; idem, "Mesopotamia: the Cosmos as a State. The Function
of the State. The Good Life," in The Intellectual Adventure of Ancient Man; an Essay on
Speculative Thought in the Ancient Near East, edited by H. Frankfort, H. A. Frankfort,
J. A. Wilson, T. Jacobsen and W. A. Irwin (Chicago: The University of Chicago
Press, 1946) 125-219. On the other side of the wall, a horrifying chapter in the
history of the modern study of the ancient Near East, yet to be documented, is the
ideological collaboration between certain prominent German Assyriologists and Nazi
racial ideologues. See the preliminary remarks in O. Carena, History of the Near
Eastern Historiography and Its Problems: 1852-1985. Part 1: 1852-1945 (AOAT 218/1;
Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1989)
122-29.
"' These opinions, most of which were based on 19th and early 20th century
translations of Assyrian royal inscriptions and dated secondary studies, ranged any-
where from the position of Oestreicher, Das Deuteronomische Grundgesetz, 30-55, who
saw Assyrian cultic demands in much the same light as Olmstead, to M. Smith,
Palestinian Parties and Politics That Shaped the Old Testament (New York and London:
Columbia University Press, 1971) 26, who claimed that the "foreign" cults sup-
posedly introduced by the "bad" kings Ahaz and Manasseh demonstrate few signs
of Assyrian influence, and noted that the god Assur is "conspicuously absent from
the list of Josiah's reforms."
50 CHAPTER ONE
and modern focus, necessarily participated in the growing profes-

sionalism of their discipline which was predicated on access to archives,
diplomatic documents and administrative texts. The classical school
of German historiography, largely dominated by academics sympa-
thetic to Prussian nationalism, would crystallize a model of histori-
ography dedicated to national self-representation through a vision of
history as the rise and fall of culture-bearing governments.138 The
drive to establish history and the study of the political process on a
methodological transparent ground analogous to the physical sciences
tended to cast suspicion on cult and religion as possessing autono-
mous explanatory value in the realm of political science. The study
of myth, pantheons and magic remained important footnotes in social
and cultural histories of ancient Mesopotamia, but the charting of
dynasties and political real-estate seldom recognized the motivating
power of religion apart from its pernicious hold on the minds of the
sovereign and people in the guise of superstition and "fanaticism."139
The historian Eduard Meyer is typically straightforward regarding
the relationship between religion and the political process: "Nicht
die Religion an sich stiitzt den Staat, sondern vielmehr dieser die
Religion, weil ihm dieser Glaube niitzlich ist, im Falle eines Konflikts
hat gerade die Religion stets unbedenklich mit ihm gebrochen und
die bestehende Staatsgewalt und soziale Ordnung bekampft."140 Finally,
the fledging discipline of Assyriology had the extreme misfortune to
experience an attempted methodological subversion at the hands of
the Pan-Babylonians, the aftershocks of whose discredited theories of
138
E. Fueter, Geschichte der neueren Historiographie (2nd ed.; HMANGA; Miinchen:
R. Oldenbourg, 1911); G. P. Gooch, History and Historians in the Nineteenth Century
(2nd ed.; London; New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1913) 76-155; K. Dockhorn,
Der Deutsche Historismus in England; ein Beitrag z.m englischen Geistesgeschichte des 19.
Jahrhunderts (Hesperia. Erganzungsreihe, Schriften zur englischen Philologie 14;
Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht; Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1950); G. G.
Iggers, The German Conception of History; the National Tradition of Historical Thought from
Herder to the Present (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1968); H. Butterfield,
"Historiography," in Dictionary of the History of Ideas: Studies of Selected Pivotal Ideas,
edited by P. P. Wiener (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1973) 2:492-98.
139
Numerous contemporary examples could be adduced, e.g., R. Lamprichs, Die
Westexpansion des neuassyrischen Retches: eine Strukturanalyse (AOAT 239; Kevelaer: Verlag
Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1995), an ideological
and historical analysis of Neo-Assyrian imperialism that is nearly devoid of religious
factors.
140
E. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums, Bd. 1: Einleitung. Elements der Anthnpologie (2nd
ed.; Stuttgart & Berlin: J. G. Gotta, 1907) §72, p. 133.
astral mythology and cultural diffusion cast a pall over the interdis-
ciplinary study of Mesopotamian religion through much of the 20th
century.
Morris Jastrow made many perceptive observations about the god
Assur,141 but did not generalize any sort of "policy" regarding the
treatment of Assyrian gods by conquered peoples, and this reticence
to attempt a detailed outline of Assyrian religious imperialism was
more typical than not of Assyriologists writing in the first half of the
20th century.142 Deimel's assessment of Assur in 1914 as the tute-
lary god of the nation devoted to warfare was in substance no advance
over the position of the brothers Rawlinson in the 1850s,143 and is
echoed by Ebeling in the first volume of the Realkxikon der Assyriologie}^
Knut Tallqvist was to argue more fully than his predecessors the
connection between Assyrian conquest ideology and the character of
the national god.140 Hillel A. Fine in his researches in Middle Assyrian
religion attempted to document the effects of early Assyrian imperial-
ism on its own pantheon. A growing cosmopolitanism, due to the
intensified contacts of Assyria with her neighbors, may have promoted
141
M. Jastrow, "The God Asur," JAOS 24 (1903) 288-311; idem, Aspects of Religious
Belief and Practice in Babylonia and Assyria (American Lectures on the History of Religions
9th series, 1910; New York and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1911) 50-54, 121-23,
including pi. 18, fig. 1, a reproduction of a Botta and Flandin drawing of a char-
iot standard captioned as the symbol of Assur. Jastrow, much influenced by Sayce's
interpretation of Assur, conceived of a deity whose theology tended towards an
imageless monotheism (the winged solar disk was "despiritualized" by the addition
of a human torso brandishing a bow). Citing the annals of Tiglath-pileser I, Jastrow
believed that captured deity images were presented to Assur as votive offerings (as
did G. Rawlinson 50 years earlier), and he does note the passage in the inscrip-
tions of Assurbanipal where Babylonians are required to provide regular offerings
for Assur, Belet and the gods of Assyria, without venturing any generalizations on
the strength of it. M. Jastrow, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (Handbooks on
the History of Religions 2; Boston: Ginn & Company, 1898) 189-202, 668; idem,
Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens (Giessen: A. Topelmann, 1905) 1:205-14.
142
Pinches, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, 85-86, believed that the consid-
erable number of temples to Assur found in Assyria (as opposed to those of Marduk
in Babylonia) reflected the tighter political structure of the country, and the fact
that the king in Assyria was more the representative of the god than in Babylonia,
" . . . causing his [Assur's] name to arouse patriotic feelings wherever it might be
referred to." Furlani, La religione babilese e assira, 212, on the basis of BM 103000,
thought it was customary to raise the standard of Assur in cities annexed to Assyria.
14
' A. Deimel, Pantheon babylonicum. Nomina deorum e textibus cuneiformibus excerpta el
ordine alphabetic^ (SPIB; Rome: Pontificii Instituti Biblici, 1914) 67-69.
144
E. Ebeling, "Assur. 3.) Hauptgott Assyriens," 196b-98b.
145
K. L. Tallqvist, Der assyrische Gott (StOr 4/3; Helsingfors: Societas Orientalis
Fennica, 1932) 93-105.
52 CHAPTER ONE
the popularity of the religious cults of the latter with a concomitant

decline in the more "particularistic" cults of private groups and fam-
ilies within Assyria.146 Benno Landsberger was once quoted as saying
But the Assyrians, although they took away the statues of the gods,
never forced conquered peoples to revere the god Assur. They sought
only to show their subjects that Assur was more powerful than any of
the small gods they had.147
He points out that the royal vassals were aping the court style of
the Assyrians prior to exile, and that the Assyrians themselves claimed
to have imposed something like "culture" (mu) upon them.148 In a
highly subjective article, "Religiose Unsicherheit, Sakularisierungs-
tendenzen und Aberglaube zur Zeit der Sargoniden," von Soden
tries to trace the progress of the religious crisis that gripped the Late
Neo-Assyrian royalty. The inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III are "the
most insipid of all" and are lacking in religious conviction.149 In the
annals of Sargon the recounting of the king's prowess in battle takes
precedence over the divine sphere; in the palace-complex of his new
capital, Dur-Sarrukfn, the gods do not occupy the architectural cen-
ter, but in effect have become mere lodgers in the king's palace.
Sennacherib threw Marduk out of the Assyrian pantheon from purely
political motives, and in his inscriptions arrogated to himself epithets
hitherto reserved for the gods. Yet, judging by the number of
apotropaic images and inscriptions manufactured in his reign, "super-
stition" was on the rise even as belief in the traditional gods was on
146
H. A. Fine, "Studies in Middle-Assyrian Chronology and Religion. Part II,"
HUCA 25 (1954) 132. "On the other hand, a gradual increase in Istar-worship may
be indicated within the Middle-Assyrian period itself" (133). The initial motivation
of his research was the testing of Weidner's hypothesis that the popularity of Marduk
increased in Assyria following the conquest of Babylon by Tukulti-Ninurta I. Fine's
methodology rests primarily upon the analysis of theophoric elements in proper
names within verifiable chronological limits.
14/1
Benno Landsberger, in C. H. Kraeling and R. M. Adams, eds. City Invincible,
A Symposium on Urbanization and Cultural Development in the Ancient Near East, Chicago,
1958 (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. 1960) 177. Saggs concurred that
there was no clear evidence of the Assyrians routinely indulging in religious impe-
rialism; H. W. F. Saggs. Assynology and the Study of the Old Testament, An Inaugural
Lecture Delivered at University College, Cardiff. 1968 (Cardiff: University of Wales Press,
1969) 21.
148
Landsberger, remarks in City Invincible, 177.
149
W. von Soden, "Religiose Unsicherheit. Sakularisierungstendenzen und Aber-
glaube zur Zeit der Sargoniden," in Studia Biblica et Orientalia, vol. 3: Orient Antiquus,
edited by L. Cagni and M.-P. Muller (AnBib 12; Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute,
1959) 361.
the wane. From the numerous "substitute-king" rituals performed for

his benefit, the throng of court physicians and diviners, and his pious
urgency to restore the Babylon razed by his father, it would appear
that Esarhaddon frequently crossed the boundary between religion
and "superstition;" the anxiety of religious uncertainty colored his
reign most strongly.1'0 The "religiose Krise" is plainly visible in the
reign of Assurbanipal, in whose reign the construction of great tem-
ples in Assyria is unreported.151 Elsewhere von Soden observes that
nations conquered by the Assyrians had to respect the national god
Assur in the same manner as the Roman provinces were required
to venerate the cult of Caesar. They were at liberty, however, to
continue serving the cults of their native deities.132 G. van Driel's
synthesis of archaeological and textual evidence for the cult of the
national god Assur, under the discussion of temple economy, led him
to cite instances in which Assyrian temples were granted a share of
the tribute or booty levied newly conquered nations, in certain cases
expressly for the god Assur. "There is little sense in increasing the
number of examples as we are not able to evaluate the importance
of these contributions for the temple economy as a whole.'"33
Two doctoral dissertations written in the early 1970s independently
concluded that Assyria placed no cultic demands on vassal states.
Although both were primarily intended to address historical ques-
tions about the religions of Israel and Judah, one was written by
Morton (now Mordechai) Cogan using the most comprehensive assem-
blage of primaiy documents ever marshaled in the service of describ-
ing Neo-Assyrian religious imperialism.154 Cogan's study of Assyrian
'•'" Von Soden, "Religiose Unsicherheit," 362-65.

1)1
Von Soden, "Religiose Unsicherheit," 366.
1)2
W. von Soden, Einfuhrung in die Altorientalistik, Orientalistische Einfiihrungen in
Gegenstand, Ergebnisse, und Perspektiven der Einzelgebiete (Darmstadt: \Vissenschaftliche
Buchgesellschaft, 1985) 174-75.
153
Van Driel Cult of Assur, 190-91.
1)4
The other dissertation, J. W. McKay, Religion in Judah under the Assyrians 732-609
B.C. (SBT 26; London: SCM Press, 1973) in seven pages analyzes the extra-bibli-
cal sources which, by his standards, serve to illustrate the "Assyrian religio-political
ideal." His evidence is exclusively textual in nature, consisting as it does of annal
texts: Streck Asb., passim; ARAB, passim; A. Leo Oppenheim, "Babylonian and
Historical Texts," in ANET1, 276-301; OIP 2; the so-called Vassal Treaties of
Esarhaddon; and the Barrakib inscriptions from Zinjirli (KAI no. 218). What the
author seeks but cannot find is concrete evidence that the victorious Assyrians
espoused a regular policy of cultic imposition involving the state sanctuaries of the
conquered. Idols forcibly removed from the temples were generally treated as booty;
however, ". . . nowhere is it suggested that the confiscated gods were replaced by
54 CHAPTER ONE
influence on the cults of Israel and Judah is grounded in the method-

ologically defensible separation of Assyrian and biblical sources. At
the outset he charts a clear course for his investigation by posing a
discrete series of questions for each source:
1) Did Assyrian conquest and rule affect the ongoing native cults of
defeated nations? In what areas?
2) Was it imperial policy to impose the worship of Assyrian gods?
What specific cultic demands were made? Was such a policy enforced
in all territories?1"
Cogan, employing examples drawn primarily from the Neo-Assyrian

royal annals, synthesizes the literary treatment of the foreign gods
of defeated nations under "the motive of divine abandonment.'"36
Since Assur and the great gods of Assyria control the four quarters
of the world, the fall of a hostile nation was ideological evidence of
the omnipotence of the Assyrian pantheon. The capitulation of an
earthly state was rationalized as the capitulation of its pantheon to
the supreme might of Assur and its subsequent abandonment by its
own gods, who were understood as being enraged with their own
people.l3/ Assyrian scribes first used the motive of divine abandon-
ment as propaganda for the victorious army at the time of Sargon.
Assyrian deities." McKay, Religion in Judah, 61. While the Vassal Treaties of Esarhaddon
lend support to the notion that the pantheons of the conquered were perceived as
subordinate in relation to the superordinate deities, Assur and the great gods of
Assyria, there is no justification for extrapolating from these texts a routine require-
ment on the part of the vassal to establish a cult of Assur in the national shrine.
Despite the fact that McKay, out of his slender corpus of Akkadian sources, quotes
two annal texts which describe the establishment of the "weapon of Ashur" in the
midst of two conquered nations, he takes heart in the argument from silence and
concludes that since the bulk of the Assyrian annals consulted by him do not explic-
itly allude to cultic impositions, no such impositions were exacted. The Assyriological
community has paid little attention to this monograph, whose prestige in the bib-
lical studies field was magnified by the timing of its appearance, its intelligent obser-
vations on indigenous Palestinian worship, and the conclusions it shares with Cogan's
better documented dissertation.
133
M. Cogan, Imperialism and Religion: Assyria, Judah and Israel in the Eighth and
Seventh Centuries B.C.E. (SBLMS 19; Missoula, MT: Society of Biblical Literature and
Scholars Press, 1974) 5.
13(1
Cogan, Imperialism and Religion, 9-21.
1:)/
"It was the duty of every god, said Sargon, to honor Ashur. Thus, when
Assyria's enemies were defeated, it was not merely because they had been aban-
doned by their own gods, angered at some unspecified wrong; rather the enemy
was overcome because his gods had left their homes to journey to Assyria in order
to dutifully praise Ashur," Cogan, Imperialism and Religion, 20.
Heretofore, defeated nations had utilized this motif as a rationale

for their own subjugation.lo8
Practical application of the motif of divine abandonment involved
the Assyrian capture of divine images.159 Foreign gods could be trans-
ported honorably to Assyria, seated upon their thrones, or hacked
to pieces like so much firewood. 16I)
It seems clear that many small shrines and their images were irrever-
ently destroyed, while other religious objects were spared and taken
off to Assyria. Presumably the treatment of each god and statue accorded
with the importance attached to them by the Assyrian conqueror and
his advisors; those items most revered by the vanquished nation were
exiled.161
Captured divine images might be dispatched to various parts of the

Neo-Assyrian Empire, or to the Assyrian heartland. They were ded-
icated to Assur as gifts in a text of Adad-nararf II; their treatment
vis-a-vis Assyrian temples and deities thereafter is largely unclear.162
Captured gods represented potential diplomatic capital. In some
cases the Assyrians held them until their former owners sued for
peace and their return, whereupon the cult images would be restored,
with or without pro-Assyrian inscriptions, amidst a literary fanfare
of pious goodwill. In other cases the Assyrian authorities took the
initiative for their return, usually at the conclusion of hostilities,
thereby accruing political largesse among the populace of a grateful
nation. Other positive activities might be performed by the Assyrian
king for the benefit of foreign cults, e.g. temple restorations, votive
offerings and the institution of regular sacrifices.163
Cogan disavows the stance of Olmstead and others who believe
the Assyrian conquest machine to have been organized around the
relentless promulgation of the cult of Assur. Instead, he perceives a
1)8
Cogan, Imperialism and Religion. 12-13.
139
Cogan, Imperialism and Religion, 22-41, 119-21.
"'" Cogan, Imperialism and Religion, 23-24. Pace Cogan, it is unlikely that the image
of an anthropomorphic statue being dismembered by Assyrian soldiers in the lost
reliefs of the sack of Musasir is a divine image; see chapter 2 infra 119-20, and
Figure 4. This does not answer the historical question of whether Assyrian troops
ever deliberately destroyed foreign divine images, of course, but the evidence at
hand from surviving relief work and royal texts suggests that the Assyrian chan-
cellery artists would not have represented such controversial actions in stone.
"'' Cogan, Imperialism and Religion. 25.
"'2 Cogan, Imperialism and Religion, 28-29.
11)3
56 CHAPTER ONE
sharp distinction in the manner in which Assyrian vassal states and

provinces were administered. Assyrian provinces were considered to
be functionally Assyrian in duty and custom, and were thus obliged
to show their reverence for the gods of the nation. His central the-
sis: cultic impositions were never exacted of vassal states.164
Cogan uses various cuneiform sources to describe Assyrian impo-
sitions of all types in provinces and vassal states. From an analysis
of the ade (treaty) documents at his disposal163 he concludes that the
obligations imposed upon the vassal party were entirely political in
nature. He admits that expressions like ade AAssur u Hani rabuti imply
a recognition of the supremacy of Assyrian gods by the obedient
vassal, and that " . . . the subject recognized his obligation to obey
the royal word out of reverence for Ashur."166 Ade concluded between
Assyria and provincial states do not make reference to local [non-
Assyrian] deities,167 due to the fact that ". . . provinces were consid-
ered to be Assyrian in all matters, and it may not have been in [sic]
place for their national deities to be accorded an official position."168
While it is mandatory that provincial subjects "revere god and
king," he finds only three texts that indisputably describe cultic oblig-
ations. All texts mention the establishment of regular sacrificial offerings
(ginu) for (Assur and) the great gods of Assyria;169 administrative doc-
uments in the ABL corpus allude to the requirement of district gov-
ernors to meet sacrificial quotas for Assur.
The symbol of Assur, the kakki Assur, "the weapon of Ashur," was
known to have been erected in newly annexed nations by Tiglath-
pileser III, Sargon, and Sennacherib.170 Without acknowledging his
dependence on Unger, Cogan equated the "weapon of Assur" with
palace reliefs and bronze repousse work of chariot-standards, which
were depicted in close proximity to altar tables bearing sacrificial
meals.171 Their prominent display in newly formed provinces sug-
164
160
Cogan, Imperialism and Religion, 44. Cogan also draws upon representative exam-
ples of ode-related activities and violations that occur in cuneiform texts.
1H>
Cogan, Imperialism and Religion, 46.
16/
Cogan, Imperialism and Religion, 47. In order to make this statement, Cogan
understands that all seven of the Esarhaddon ade under consideration were con-
cluded with provincial states, an erroneous assumption.
H>8
169
Cogan, Imperialism and Religion, 52: the districts/regions of Hirimmu (Sennacherib),
Babylon (Assurbanipal), and Egypt (Esarhaddon).
1/0
171
E. Unger, "Die Symbole des Gottes Assur," Betteten 29 (1965) 423-83. In truth
gests to Cogan that " . . . a cult in their honor was likely instituted."172
On the basis of a single text, he infers that the imposition of impe-
rial cults, in provincial states, did not mandate the abolition of local
cults.173
Political demands only were expected of vassal states. "Neo-Assyrian
sources tell of no religious impositions made upon vassals—neither
of sacrificial dues nor of religious symbols erected in their territo-
ries."174 In this connection, Cogan attempts to describe the religio-
political ideal behind the Assyrian placement of inscribed steles in
province and vassal state alike. He disagrees with the thesis that the
Neo-Assyrian stele was illustrative of the cult of the deified king,170
explaining the presence of altars, sacrifices, and the proskynesis of indi-
viduals portrayed in bronze, standing before royal Assyrian steles, as
directed to the gods present in their sculpted symbols. The king him-
self assumes the attitude of worship in his stone image, accentuat-
ing both the implicit sacrality of the divine symbols and the predictable
piety of the inscriptions.176
They [steles] served to mark the farthest reaches of Assyrian influence
and reminded all onlookers of the political loyalties expected of them.
No textual statements are available which tell of demands for their
worship or describe ritual instituted upon their erection. Within Assyria
and its provinces the steles did take on a quasi-religious significance.
But, again, this is far from deification or imposition of a cult of the
king.177
Morton Cogan's pioneering Imperialism and Religion is possessed of

many strengths—the independent evaluation of biblical and assyrio-
logical evidence, awareness of the theologically tendentious nature of
the Old Testament as an historical record, and an unprecedentedly
the idea that the "weapon of Assur" was represented in visual sources as a char-
iot-standard is at least as old as Mtirdter, Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens (1882).
1/2
1/3
1/4
17)
Cogan, Imperialism and Religion. 56, citing Olmstead, "Assyrian Government of
Dependencies."
'' ( > Cogan, Imperialism and Religion, 56-60.
1/7
Cogan, Imperialism and Religion, 60. Cogan is aware of the existence of proper
names like ASalam-sarri-iqbi, "the king's image has ordered" (57), and that contracts
and oaths were sometimes concluded in the presence of the Asalam sarri (59). He is
similarly cognizant that the Akkadian word salmu, in Neo-Assyrian usage, "does not
distinguish between upright steles and carved reliefs" (58).
58 CHAPTER ONE
massive and penetrating analysis of assyriological data. His working

model of religious imperialism is principally defined by aggressive,
coercive and punitive measures taken against Assyrian subjugated
opponents: the capture of their divine images, the imposition of
offerings for the state god Assur. Sargonid Assyria also played another
risky hand of imperialism, however: massive support for selected city
temple cults. By not exploring in depth this means of political sua-
sion, his analysis is skewed, and he is blind to the geo-political impli-
cations of the fact that the Late Assyrian Empire practiced regional
strategies through sponsorship of extra-Assyrian cults. The critical
shortcoming of this study is the author's Albrightian optimism in the
historical representativeness of the cuneiform sources, and the cor-
responding faith in the investigator's capacity to distill imperial "pol-
icy" from the ambiguous records of the past. Even though he adduces
examples of cultic manipulation by Assyrians in what he terms vas-
sal states, his conclusion that "Neo-Assyrian sources tell of no reli-
gious imposition made upon vassals—neither of sacrificial dues nor
of religious symbols erected in their territories"178 is an overreading
of the paltry and diffident evidence. As this study will argue, either
the Assyrian sources do not reveal enough information to reconstruct
their foreign religious policy in reliable detail, or their foreign reli-
gious policy was sufficiently flexible that we cannot with any cer-
tainty extrapolate its behavior where our sources are silent.
A broad definition of foreign policy is the manner in which state
actors act, react, and interact in order to achieve their objectives.
Contemporary political science schematizes foreign policy as a com-
plex interaction between rational choices (political realism) based on
resource, power and risk assessments, and ideological imperatives,
which encompass religious mandates and prohibitions. As the his-
tory of religious wars testifies, communities of ideas can influence
political behavior more decisively than economic and military real-
ity. In the case of imperial expansion, failure to gauge correctly the
strategic strength of the international opponent or calculate the domes-
tic resources necessary to achieve stable control spells military defeat
or stalemate. A gross violation of the ideological drives or constraints
of the domestic power base can lead to internal conflict.1'9 Assyriological
17R
1/9
A handful of useful texts: G. D. Brewer and P. deLeon, The Foundations of
Policy Analysis (The Dorsey Series in Political Science; Homewood, IL: Dorsey Press,
evidence provides the modern historian with few if any of the pieces
of data unambiguously involved in the ancient political problem-
solving process. For instance, it is a common assumption that the
assassinations of Tukultl-Ninurta I and Sennacherib were motivated
in part by their offence to Assyrian religious sentiment by destroying
Babylon—yet there is no hard evidence for this, no autobiographi-
cal statements by the assassins or witnesses, no protest journalism,
inflammatory graffiti, or other familiar symbolic media to signify the
accuracy of this modern reading. Neo-Assyrian sources are quite
straightforward regarding the intent of policies towards political dis-
sent, although the concrete application varied. On the contrary, poli-
cies regarding temples outside the Assyrian heartland could vary
drastically, as witness the stances taken towards Babylon by Sennacherib
and his son Esarhaddon, and even within the reign of Sennacherib
major policy shifts took place. The attempt to recover 300 years of
Assyrian religious foreign policy labors under the same handicaps as
the attempt to extract Josiah's political foreign policy from the pages
of Second Kings: neither of the sources bear any but the crudest
resemblance to the "white papers" favored by political analysts for
the charting of modern governmental policy. Cogan's rejoinder to
Spieckermann and re-examination of his doctoral dissertation in 1993
argues for a more nuanced image of Assyrian imperial administra-
tion, but recapitulates his earlier conclusion that "no Assyrian text
states or implies that conquered peoples were required to wrorship
the gods of Assyria."180
1983); P. A. Sabatier and H. C.Jenkins-Smith, Polity Change and Learning: an Advocacy

Coalition Approach (ThLPP; Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993); B. J. Nelson, "Public
Policy and Administration: an Overview," in A New Handbook of Political Science, edited
by R. E. Goodin and H.-D. Klingemann (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996)
551-92; D. A. Stone, Policy Paradox: the Art of Political Decision Making (New York:
W. W. Norton, 1997).
180
Cogan, "Judah Under Assyrian Hegemony," 412. Unsurprisingly, M. Cogan
and H. Tadmor, // Kings: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AncB
11; Doubleday & Company, 1988) reject the influential hypothesis of Oestreicher,
namely, that Josiah's reform entailed the expulsion of foreign cults as an expres-
sion of political independence from Assyria. Instead, the date of the reform obvi-
ated any necessity on the part of Josiah to dismantle lingering religious reminders
of Assyrian imperialism, for by that time the Assyrians had relinquished the last
vestiges of effective authority in Palestine (297). In light of the authors' position that
Assyria followed an inflexible policy of cultic non-interference vis-a-vis vassal states,
it is immaterial to their argument whether Josiah reformed the Judahite cult before,
during or after the reign of Assurbanipal. Grayson has recently reaffirmed the laissez-
faire concept of Assyrian cultic non-interference: "The official Assyrian attitude
60 CHAPTER ONE
The monograph by Hermann Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur in

der Sargonidenzeit181 represents an ambitious treatment of the relation-
ship which prevailed between Judah and Assyria in the late Neo-
Assyrian period, 721-612. The balance of the work is a hyper-complex
redaction-critical reconstruction of select narratives in 2 Kings.
However, he sets for himself the task of tracing the complex and
paradoxical thematic which obtained between Sargonid Assyria, at
the apex of its political career and yet caught in the throes of a
religious crisis, and Judah, wrestling both with its sharply curtailed
political independence and the demands of an uncompromisingly
monotheistic Yahwism.182
Spieckermann believes it imperative to develop a high-resolution
image of the characteristic form of late Assyrian religion before it is
possible to engage in a serious investigation of Assyrian contact with
foreign cults.183 The most taxing issues entail determining the form
and demands made by the Assyrians on their subjects vis-a-vis their
national religion, and whether cultic impositions were routinely exacted
of their subjects, or whether voluntary religious assimilation alone
defined the relationship.184
He introduces the section, "Religionspolitische MaBnahmen der
Assyrer gegeniiber Juda und anderen besiegten Volkern," with a suc-
cinct overview of Assyrian military and administrative procedures
exercised in "Greater Assyria" from the time of Tiglath-pileser III
until the fall of the Assyrian empire.185 He discusses the starring of
garrisons, mass deportation, the installation of political "advisors"
loyal to the Assyrian crown in foreign courts,186 and various forms
towards foreign gods and cults was one of tolerance, and Assyria did not attempt
to impose upon conquered peoples the worship of Ashur or of any other Assyrian
deity," A. K. Grayson, "Assyrian Civilization," CAM2 3/2, 225. Although the
Assyrians were wont to seize divine statues and emblems from conquered peoples
and to treat them like human hostages, returning them when it proved politically
expedient, according to Grayson, they did not suppress local cults.
181
Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur.
182
Spieckermann, JWa unter Assur, 13.
183
Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur, 14; 229-306, "Die Spatform neuassyrischer
Religion und ihre Auswirkungen auf Juda," is a programmatic study of late Neo-
Assyrian religion drawing primarily on "non-historical" cuneiform documents and
glyptic sources, the argumentation of which is tailored specifically for a compara-
tive analysis of religion in contemporary Judah.
184
Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur, 15.
18j
Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur, 307-22.
18(1
Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur, 310-11, notably the ^w-officials.
of economic exactions, observing as a challenge to Cogan's thesis

that frequently little distinction was made between vassals and provin-
cial states.187
Spieckermann rebuts Cogan's thesis of Assyrian religious non-
intervention in vassal states by adducing explicit examples of "reli-
gionspolitische Pressionen der Assyrer" against vassals and provincial
states alike.188 Claiming that Gaza was never treated as an Assyrian
province, he interprets the badly mutilated annal texts of Tiglath-
pileser III as describing how the gods (idols) of Hanunu of Gaza
were taken as booty, and images (mime) of the Assyrian gods and
the Assyrian king were erected in the palace of Gaza.189 Sargon
imposed a yearly tribute (sibtu) on the Hindaru tribe in the Sealands
south of Babylon for the support of the (Babylonian) Bel and Nabu.190
In the course of Sargon's 8th campaign, a banquet was prepared
for the wavering Mannaean vassal Ullusunu; images(?) of Assur and
the Mannaean gods were present.191
The Vassal Treaties of Esarhaddon yield important and explicit
data on the manner in which vassals were expected to comport them-
selves in the presence of their overlords' pantheon. The vassal is
commanded to "fear (lipluhu)" Assur, "your god (Ukunu)"; he is enjoined
to guard the image (salmu) of "Assur, king of the gods and the great
gods, my lords," the images of the king, the crown prince, and the
seals of Assur and the king which are presumably meant to refer to
those on the vassal treaty tablets themselves.192
Esarhaddon's victories in his second Egyptian campaign led him
to appoint various officials to administer his newly regained territories
and to establish "regular offerings for Assur and the great gods, my
lords."193 Assurbanipal punished the rebellious Aramaeans of the
Sealands by appointing administrators and imposing upon them
187
Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur, 312-16; here Spieckermann treats annual trib-
ute (ma(d)dattu/mandattu), display gifts (namurtu, tamartu], the systematic control of trade
lucrative to Assyrian interests, military levy and corvee.
188
Spieckermann. Juda unter Assur, 322-44.
189
Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur, 325-28, following the synoptic transcription of
M. Weippert, "Edom: Studien und Materialien zur Geschichte der Edomiter auf
Grund schriftlicher und archaologischer Quellen" (Habilitationsschrift, Eberhard-
Karls-Universitat zu Tubingen, 1971), 490:9'-!!'.
190
Spieckermann, jWa unter Assur, 330-31.
191
192
Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur, 333~38.
193
Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur, 338.
62 CHAPTER ONE
"regular offerings of the first quality for Assur and Mullissu and the
great gods of Assyria" in addition to the usual "tax and tribute."194
Mullissu was never recognized as a member of the native Babylonian
pantheon; the conquered populace had to supply offerings to the
alien gods of their conquerors.
Spieckermann adds little to Cogan's treatment of the Assyrian pro-
paganda ploy of divine abandonment of a people by their gods.19:)
In the course of his exposition, however, he reveals a discovery crucial
for his thesis of Assyrian religious intervention. The Nahr el-Kelb
inscription of Esarhaddon states that the gods and goddesses of Taharqa
were seized as booty during the 671 expedition against Memphis.196
The Zinjirli stele of Esarhaddon, which recounts the events of the
same campaign, relates the fact that regular offerings for the god
Assur were imposed on the Egyptians. Spieckermann surmises that
the selective and laconic nature of the historiography characteristic
of the Assyrian royal annals tends to conceal the "normal" measures
exercised in the course of conquest and political administration. The
two inscriptions of Esarhaddon break that silence and lead our author
to conclude that the Assyrians routinely filled a "Freiraum" created
by the deportation of national/dynastic gods by inaugurating the
local worship of Assur.197
Evidence drawn from the Vassal Treaties of Esarhaddon and stray
allusions to Assyrian "Verehrungsgebot" wrhich appear in the annal
texts, lead Spieckermann to conclude that little if any distinction was
observed between provinces and vassal states in terms of cultic inter-
ference. All were required publicly to display reverence for the empire
gods of Assyria, in addition to shouldering various species of tax,
tribute and corvee. Failure to "fear" the great gods of Assyria could
expeditiously result in the capture and deportation of indigenous
divine images as "booty" with the possibility of subsequent restoration
for political good conduct, or, in drastic cases, their destruction.198
On the face of it, Spieckermann refutes the theses of McKay and
194
193
196
Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur, 351-52; Borger Esarh., §67, Mnm. C, 102:11-12.
197
Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur, 352; for the possibility that the Assyrians dis-
tinguished between royal gods and national or popular deities, he cites OIP 2, 30,
60-64, where the Hani bit ablsu of the rebellious king of Ashkelon were deported
to Assyria.
198
Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur. 369-71.
Cogan that the Assyrians maintained a laissez-faire policy towards

indigenous vassal cults. In terms of historiographic methodology and
a hermeneutic of suspicion, there is no substantive difference between
the two approaches, only divergent conclusions. Where Cogan finds
exceptions to his own thesis and discounts them as historical anom-
alies, Spieckermann argues instead that the "anomalies" preserve reli-
able descriptions of Neo-Assyrian religious policy—the routine procedure
of promulgating the state cult throughout the empire, irrespective of
political status. His conclusions regarding the cult of Assur are sur-
prisingly similar to those of Olmstead, formulated seventy years ear-
lier. Spieckermann's handling of the material can be summed up as
staunchly historicist. If, for instance, a solitary provincial stele of
Esarhaddon erected in the gate of a city located near a politically
volatile border claims that regular offerings for Assur were imposed
on the recently conquered Egyptians—all of them—then that claim
is the historical truth, and furthermore, it is possible to map prag-
matic imperial policy from this inscription and a handful of isolated
examples to the dozens of polities, hundreds of kings and thousands
of square miles encompassed by "Greater Assyria" in the Sargonid
era. Cogan and Spieckermann jointly share an optimistic faith in the
historical disclosiveness of the royal Assyrian inscriptions and the
Bible that is characteristic of many biblical specialists trained prior
to the rise of postmodern skepticism, with its reflex-like hypercriti-
cal bracketing of historical narrative. Spieckermann's Assyria is over-
whelmingly a "texted Orient" with few nods to visual sources and
almost no weighing of the propagandistic agenda and limitations of
one inscription over the other. For example, using Spieckermann's
examples of the Nahr el-Kelb and Zinjirli accounts of Esarhaddon's
Egyptian campaign of 671, one text states that regular offerings were
imposed on Egypt,199 while both texts recount the conquest of Egypt,
the capture of booty and the punishment of rebels. If offerings of
any description were imposed on Egypt, the Nahr el-Kelb author
and other accounts of the campaign were sufficiently unimpressed
by the action that they skirted it in silence. That is Spieckermann's
position: the establishment of Assur-offerings was such a jejune exercise
of imperial bureaucracy that most royal propaganda ignored it as
"un-newsworthy." But the iconography of the Zinjirli stele is strikingly
Borger Esarh., §65, Mnm. A, 99:47-49 (Zinjirli).

64 CHAPTER ONE
aggressive and threatening even by Assyrian standards, and control

over the western provinces was chronically at risk. A customized
piece of imperial theatre like the greater-than-life gateway Zinjirli
stele might incorporate a fictive action such as a pan-Egyptian require-
ment to furnish the larder of the temple of Assur in the Assyrian
heartland in order to impress upon the provincial elites the omni-
potence of the Assyrian Wehrmacht.200 Even more so than Cogan,
Spieckermann's model of Assyrian religious imperialism fails to fac-
tor in imperial sponsorship of strategic foreign cults, a major com-
ponent in any historiographically balanced sketch of the functioning
of religion as a tool of Assyrian statecraft.
Scholarship at the Close of the 20th Century
Since the late 1970s, Neo-Assyrian studies have undergone a renais-

sance. A greater number of competent diplomatic text editions and
syntheses have been produced in the last twenty years than in the
preceding 120. A number of Assyriologists have lately folded the dis-
ciplines of anthropology, sociology, the "new" art history, political
science, literary studies, and a smattering of Ideologiekritik-readings into
the conventional methodological recipe of philology and vertical his-
toriography. In an age when the high-voltage issues of cultural plu-
ralism and identity politics dominate international relations and
reverberate throughout academe, Assyriologists and related special-
ists have begun to engage the broader universe of contemporary his-
torical and critical studies. While no monograph-length study of
Assyrian religious imperialism has appeared prior to the present work,
numerous books and essays deal constructively with particular aspects
of the topic. In the remainder of this chapter I shall attempt to sum-
marize the most salient studies.
200
On the unusual iconography of the Zinjirli stele and its political impact, see
B. N. Porter, "Language, Audience and Impact in Imperial Assyria," in Language
and Culture in the Near East, edited by S. Izre'el and R. Drory (Israel Oriental Studies
15; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1995) 51-72, and A. T. Shafer, "The Carving of an Empire:
Neo-Assyrian Monuments on the Periphery" (Ph.D. dissertation, Han'ard University,
1998) 84-86.
TTie God Assur

The tutelary god Assur—origins, political theology, and worship—
has witnessed a plethora of provocative and constructive treatments.
In her attempt at a comprehensive coverage of Neo-Assyrian sources
relevant to the major temple cults, Menzel finds no evidence for the
existence of Assur temples in Sargonid times apart from the bit Assur
and the bit akiti sa sen of Assur, and perhaps Assur temples or cel-
lae in Kalhu and Nineveh.201 Lambert defends his thesis of the "his-
tory" of the god Assur, who began as a numen loci and never fully
developed into a deus persona. ". . . [Assur], lacking any basic attrib-
utes . . . readily assumed the role most suited to the character of his
citizens. When they became military imperialists, he became a god
of war."202 The Neo-Assyrian pantheon members had sharply defined
functions and spheres of influence; as a consequence of this division
of labor the god Assur apparently was not consulted oracularly, even
by the most "Assur-centric" of kings, Assurbanipal.203 Similarly, one
searches in vain for references to Assur in the extensive Akkadian
literature on exorcism. It would have been simpler to insert Assur
into the provincial copies of the Standard Babylonian exorcistic texts
found at Sultantepe than to supplant Marduk with Assur in the
Nineveh versions of the Enuma elis. "Marduk is simply the head god
of his city but this does not necessarily mean that he is the head of
a national pantheon. By contrast, the Assyrian god Assur is inseparable
from his city, called Assur, as well as from the state itself, which is
named 'the Land of Assur.' In Assyria the main god is truly at the
top of the hierarchy and the ruler is only his viceroy on earth."204
Grant Frame, a student of John Brinkman and an authority on
Babylonian political history in the late Sargonid period,203 recently
201
Menzel Tempel, 36-37. 43-46, 55-57, 103-104, 120-21.
2I)
- W. G. Lambert, "The God Assur," Iraq 45 (1983) 86; A. Livingstone, "New
Dimensions in the Study of Assyrian Religion," in Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th
Anniversary Symposium of the J\'eo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, September 7—11,
1995, edited by S. Parpola and R. M. Whiting (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text
Corpus Project', 1997) 165-67.
-03 SAA 4, passim.
-04 P. Michalowski, "Presence at the Creation." in Lingering Over Words: Studies in
Ancient Near Eastern Literature in Honor of \Villiam L. Moran, edited by I. T. Abusch,
J. Huehnergard and P. Steinkeller (HSS 37: Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1990) 389.
205
G. Frame, "Babylonia 689-627 B.C.: A Political History" (Ph.D. dissertation,
The University of Chicago, 1981); idem, Babylonia 689-627 B.C.: A Political History
(UNHAII 69; Leiden: Nederlands Instituut vo'or het Nabije Oosten. 1992); RIMB 2.
66 CHAPTER ONE
canvassed the textual evidence for expressions of Assur worship in

Babylonia.206 Apart from the rare annalistic prescriptions of offerings
to Assur and other Assyrian gods imposed on Babylonia following
abortive rebellions, there is no evidence of chapels, shrines or tem-
ples dedicated to the Assyrian state god in Babylonia.207 Epistolary
greetings with blessings from Assur written by Babylonians probably
signify diplomatic astuteness, not local worship. Onomastic evidence
for the use of Assur as a theophore in Babylonian names is slender
and inconclusive. Given the apocalyptic Assyro-Babylonian relations
late in the reign of Sennacherib, plus the fact that Assur was never
part of a traditional Babylonian pantheon, there is no reason to expect
a burgeoning of interest in his worship on the part of the Babylonians.
Given the almost complete absence of temple-based Assur-worship
outside the Assyrian heartland, there is little enough reason to expect
its imposition on Babylonia as a subject state of Assyria.
In terms of iconography, Dalley208 and others209 have challenged
the 130-year old assumption that the winged solar anthropomorph
of the palace reliefs and elsewhere symbolizes the imperial god Assur.
Similarly, the correlation between the iconography of the Neo-Assyrian
chariot standards and Assur, dating back to the 1880s, popularized
at the turn of the century by Jastrow and affirmed by the likes of
Cogan and Spieckermann, has been rejected in more recent studies
20(5
G. Frame, "The God Assur in Babylonia," in Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the
1 Oth Anniversary Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, September 7-11,
Corpus Project, 1997) 55-64. Although he did not investigate glyptic or other visual
Babylonian sources for possible representations of Assur, I believe such an investi-
gation would have yielded wholly negative or at best ambiguous evidence.
20
' Frame speculates that evidence of Assur-worship in Nippur may be discov-
ered someday. Given the native Assyrian military presence in the city, and a let-
ter describing the administration of the ade-oath in Nippur by the "gods of the
[Assyrian] king" (S. W. Cole, Nippur in Late Assyrian Times c. 755-612 B.C. [State
Archives of Assyria Studies 4; Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project,
1996] 77 n. 55), Frame will probably be proven correct.
208
S. Dalley, "The God Salmu and the Winged Disk," Iraq 48 (1986) 85-101.
209
J. E. Reade, "Shikaft-i Gulgul: Its Date and Symbolism," IrAnt 12 (1977) 38;
R. Mayer-Opificius, "Die geflugelte Sonne. Himmels- und Regendarstellungen im
alten Vorderasien," UF 16 (1984) 198-201; U. Seidl, "Gottersymbole und -attribute,
I. Mesopotamien," RLA 3:485b-86a; idem, Die babylonischen Kudurru-Reliefs: Symbole
mesopotamischer Gotthdten (OBO 87; Fribourg: Universitatsverlag; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck
& Ruprecht, 1989) 98-100; Shafer, "Carving of an Empire," 62, 354. Unger,
"Symbole des Gottes Assur," 463-71 had already rejected the equation of winged
solar disk = Assur for that of Samas.
for other members of the Assyrian state pantheon.210 Lacking an

astral identification or characteristic cosmological realm, the iconography
of this god appears to be uniformly derivative and context-specific.211
The venerable notion that the imposition of the "weapon of Assur"
on provinces and client states mentioned in the annalistic inscrip-
tions of Tiglath-pileser III, Sargon II and Sennacherib was a short-
hand reference to enforced local worship of Assur, as canonized by
Olmstead, has been challenged by Holloway.212 Kiiltepe, Old Baby-
lonian and Mari references to the "weapon of Assur" or other divine
weapons suggests that the primary political function of this class of
objects was to witness and guarantee loyalty oaths. Letters written
in the reign of Sargon II by the governor of a Median city where
the "weapon of Assur" was installed mention the administration of
ade-oaths to formerly restive peoples. Correspondence from southern
Babylonia attests to the use of the "gods of the king" in the admin-
istration of a^-oaths; chariot standards could have suited the pur-
pose. Holloway argues that this annalistic trope drew on a rhetorically
menacing stock image, but the "real-world" correlate may have been
nothing direr than the diplomatic extraction of loyalty oaths.213
The comestible provisioning of the unique temple of Assur in the
ancient capital Assur was a duty imposed by rota on the provinces
under the Middle Assyrian ruler Tiglath-pileser I, for whose reign
we have the most comprehensive documentation.214 It appears to
210
E. Bleibtreu, "Standarten auf neuassyrischen Reliefs und Bronzetreibarbeiten,"
BaghM 23 (1992) 347-56, pis. 50-66.
211
J. A. Black and A. Green, Gods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia: an
Illustrated Dictionary (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1992) 38.
212
S. W. Holloway, "The G^Kakki Assur and Neo-Assyrian Loyalty Oaths," in
Historiography in the Cuneiform World, Part 1: Proceedings of the XLVe Rencontre Assyriologique
Internationale, edited by P. Steinkeller, P. Machinist, J. Huehnergard, P.-A. Beaulieu,
I. T. Abusch, and Carol Noyes (Bethesda, MD: CDL Press, 2001) 239-66 and see
chapter 2 infra 160-77.
213
"Einem Kult des Gottes Assur im Feldlager kann man nicht belegen; eher
betrachtete der Konig seine Waffen als die Waffen Assurs," K. Deller, "Gotter-
streitwagen und Gotterstandarten: Gotter auf dern Feldzug und ihr Kult im Feldlage.
Einleitung," BaghM 23 (1992) 298.
214
J. N. Postgate, "Review of Mittelassyrische Rechtsurkunden und Verwaltungstexte, by
Helmut Freydank," BiOr 37 (1980) 67-70; idem, "Review of Die Orts- und Gewassemamen
der mittelbabylonischen und mittelassyrischen £eit by Khaled Nashef," A/0 32 (1985) 65-101;
idem, "Royal Ideology and State Administration," 406; H. Freydank, "Mittelassyrische
Opferlisten aus Assur," in Assyrien im Wandel der êiten: XXXIXs Rencontre Assyriologique
Internationale, Heidelberg 6.-10. Juli 1992, edited by H. Waetzoldt and H. Hauptmann
(HSAO 6; Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag, 1997) 47-52.
68 CHAPTER ONE
have been a distinguishing feature of provincial identity, and vari-

ous administrative records and correspondence indicate this form of
imperial servitude was maintained in Sargonid Assyria.215 The provin-
cial-wide provisioning of the Assur temple was, at the very least, a
means of publicly symbolizing the collective duty to enlarge the
"Land of Assur."216
Archaeology of Empire and Religion
The archaeology of ancient religious imperialism is notoriously difficult

to tease out of the larger matrix of cultural contact and bilateral
hybridization. Exacerbating factors regarding Greater Assyria include
a "contact zone" that in some cases lasted three hundred years, and
the wholesale absorption of population groups through imperial expan-
sion, deportation and relocation, together with the largely undocu-
mented movements of soldiers, merchants, and other free civilians,
a systemically unpremeditated process culminating in a multi-ethnic
civilization.217 The most perdurable vestiges of the trail of Assyrian
campaigns are the royal steles and rupestral inscriptions. Julian Reade
aptly describes the royal stele as "the Assyrian equivalent of a polit-
ical poster."218 Borker-Klahn combines iconographic features with
text types, resulting in six classes of steles: Standard, Tribut, Kult,
Sieg, Griindung, and "other."219 The iconography of all known Neo-
Assyrian royal steles, with the rare exception of the Griindungsstelen,
includes a depiction of the Great King and various divine symbols,
either independent of the figure of the king or engraved as components
215
Menzel Tempel, 39-40, 60; SAA 7 xxxv; J. N. Postgate, "The Land of Assur
and the Yoke of Assur," WoAr 23/3 (1992) 251-52.
216
Postgate, "Royal Ideology and State Administration," 409-10.
217
See, provisionally, H. Tadmor, "The Aramaization of Assyria: Aspects of
Western Impact," in Mesopotamim und seine Nachbam: Politische und kulturelle Wechselbezyehungen
im Allen Vorderasim vom 4. bis 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. XXV Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale,
Berlin, 3. bis 7. Juli 1978, edited by H.-J. Nissen and J. Renger (BBVO 1; Berlin:
Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 1982) 449-70; J. N. Postgate, "Ancient Assyria—a Multi-
Racial State," ARAM 1/1 (1989) 1-10.
218
J. E. Reade, "Ideology and Propaganda in Assyrian Art," in Power and Propaganda:
A Symposium on Ancient Empires^ edited by M. T. Larsen (Mes[C] 7; Copenhagen:
Akademisk Forlag, 1979) 340, 342.
219
J. Borker-Klahn, Altuorderasiatische Bildstelen und vergleichbare Felsreliefs (BaghF 4;
Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern, 1982) 56-60. The Kultstelen illustrated or
described in Borker-Klahn depict divine standards and deities, sometimes accom-
panied by the Great King, e.g., the Bawian reliefs of Sennacherib.
of his necklace; hence, regardless of text, virtually every Neo-Assyrian

royal stele portrayed "visible religion" to the onlooker. Morandi,
working primarily from data presented by Borker-Klahn and trans-
lations of inscribed royal Assyrian steles and statues, searches for pat-
terns in the location, accessibility, and textual genres of these objects.220
Prior to Assur-nasir-pal II, almost every royal Assyrian stele (whether
extant or known only from textual evidence), was situated in the city
Assur, exceptions being those from the reigns of SamsI-Addu I,
Tiglath-pileser I, and Tukultl-Ninurta II. The proliferation of inscribed
royal statues, like steles, occurred during the phase of imperialistic
expansion following Tukultf-Ninurta II. Morandi properly considers
steleform rock reliefs to have had the same ideological function as
freestanding steles. He groups known inscribed steles into five typo-
logical and functional classes: (1) "stele di intervento militare" which
contain annalistic accounts of several consecutive campaigns (Grayson's
"annalistic texts");221 (2) "stele di vittoria e annessione" normally con-
taining the account of a single campaign conducted in the area where
it was found (Grayson's "annalistic accounts of one campaign"); (3)
"stele edilizie," narratives focussing on building activities (Grayson's
"display texts" with and without military conquests); (4) "stele com-
memorative," the Stelenreihen of Assur; and (5) "stele non classificabili,"
either unpublished or too fragmentary for analysis.222
The majority of the nineteen steles in class 1 were placed along
the routes taken by the army in campaigns recorded on the steles
themselves. When the particular period of the stele's erection in Neo-
Assyrian history is coupled with its findspot, most appear to have
been located at the borders of Assyrian-held territory: Babil, Kurkh,
Lice (the Tigris tunnel), Nahr el-Kelb, Larnaka (Cyprus), Sam'al, Til
Barsip, Pazar£ik, Kenk Bogazi (Turkey).223 The two steles of this class
belonging to Samsi-Adad V which were placed in the temple of
Nabu at Kalhu and probably before the temple of Anu-Adad at
Assur may have functioned to legitimate his rule by displaying a
record of his military accomplishments before the gods and his own
220
D. Morandi, "Stele e statue reali assire: localizzazione, diffusione e impli-
cazioni ideologiche," Mesopotamia 23 (1988) 105-55.
221
A. K. Grayson, "Histories and Historians of the Ancient Near East: Assyria
and Babylonia," Or 49 (1980) 150-52.
222
Morandi, "Stele e statue reali assire," 113-19.
223
70 CHAPTER ONE
recently pacified subjects.224 Morandi cannot account for the situating

of Adad-narari Ill's stele in the Assyrian temple at Tell ar-Rimah, which
was probably not on the itinerary to the West recounted in the
text.223 Of the seven "stele di vittoria e annessione," five were carved
in regions or cities that became Assyrian provinces at the time of their
erection. For both of these classes, those steles located well within
Assyrian territory were clearly visible and accessible to the "audience,"
while those located at the "confines" of the empire were difficult to
read and to reach by virtue of their placement on lofty mountain
escarpments, river tunnels, etc. The ten steles in class 3, with the
exception of the Bawian and "Royal Road" steles of Sennacherib at
Nineveh, were found in the palaces and temples of Kalhu, Assur
and Babylon, and were readily accessible. Morandi finds evidence
for a general rule holding for all classes of steles: those erected within
established Assyria territory were visible and accessible, while those
erected at the borders were only read and seen with difficulty.226
Temple remains represent another possible means of chronicling
religious expansion or forced change. Pivotal Assyrian provincial gar-
rison cities could adopt Assyrian architectural formulae and orna-
mentation for their temples and chapels, as attested at Tell ar-Rimah,
Arslan Tas, and Tell Halaf.227 Iron Age temples excavated in North
224
Morandi, "Stele e statue reali assire," 116; Borker-Klahn, Altvorderasiatiscke
Bildstelen, nos. 161-62; RIMA 3 A.O.I03.1.
225
226
Morandi, "Stele e statue reali assire," 126. Egyptian royal steles were fre-
quently erected at borders and frontiers. The parallels with Assyrian practices are
notable:
While in general it may be assumed that Egyptian stelae were created as texts
to be read by an audience, this need not mean that they had a regular read-
ing public. Often they were set up in places where for practical purposes they
were inaccessible . . . Moreover, a "literary" stela erected at or near a border
might well serve simply as an elaborate and impressive boundary marker: that
is as a physical manifestation of declared policy. There is no need to assume
that the [Middle Egyptian] Semna stela was inscribed to be read by any ordi-
nary literate person, whether Egyptian or Nubian, who happened to have an
idle half-hour at the border. There is an element of address to posterity, and
it is assumed that any successor—"son"—of Sesostris campaigning in the area
will show interest. Nevertheless, on the border the direct function of the stela
was carried rather by its the [sic] physical presence than the content of its
texts.
C. J. Eyre, "The Semna Stelae: Quotation, Genre, and Function of Literature," in
Studies in Egyptology Presented to Miriam Lichtheim, edited by S. Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem:
Magnes Press, The Hebrew University, 1990) 1:138.
227
Holloway, "Assyrian Religious Influence," 139-42.
Syria and the Southern Levant that in principle functioned during

the period of Assyrian hegemony demonstrate few Assyrian features.228
There is no hard evidence that Assyrian provincialization or client
status carried with it a mandate to modify or shut down native tem-
ples, judging from the gross archaeological level of floorplans and
stratigraphy. The discovery in 1996 of a Philistine temple at Tel
Miqne-cEkron dating to the 7th century, reveals a unique melding
of Egyptian, established Syro-Palestinian and possibly Assyrian archi-
tectural designs and building materials.229
Assyrian State Ritual in Provincial Settings
As part of her attempt to catalogue exhaustively the existence and

functions of Assyrian temples, Menzel lists all cities (excluding
Babylonian) within the Assyrian Empire with textual or archaeolog-
ical attestation of Assyrian temples, cultic personnel, rituals or state
sponsorship.230 Pongratz-Leisten's comparative analysis of the Babylonian
and Assyrian ^few-festival leads her to recognize that the Assyrian
akitu-festival played a significant role in the annual consolidation of
royal presence and power at militarily sensitive geographical points
of the empire.231 The key actor in the Assyrian-akitu festival is the
king, whose garments could proxy for his actual presence. Captive
political foes in some instances were induced literally to "pull the
yoke" of the Assyrian king's chariot in a public display of imperial
triumph, and indeed Pongratz-Leisten cogently likens the ritual to
the Roman triumphus. ". . . [F]or the Assyrian kings, the very mean-
ing of the akitu-festival is not that of legitimizing power but of visu-
alizing and enacting his territorial claim of controlling the universe."232
228
Holloway, "Assyrian Religious Influence," 238-53.
229
S. Gitin, T. Dothan and J. Naveh, "A Royal Dedicatory Inscription from
Ekron," IEJ 47 (1997) 1-16; idem, "Philistia in Transition: the Tenth Century
B.C.E. and Beyond," in Mediterranean Peoples in Transition: Thirteenth to Early Tenth
Centuries B.C.E., edited by A. Mazar, E. Stern and S. Gitin (Jerusalem: Israel
Exploration Society, 1998) 173-77, and see discussion in chapter 2 infra 203-11.
230
Menzel Tempel, 1:6-129.
231
B. Pongratz-Leisten, Ina sulmi frub: Die kulttopographische und ideologische Programmatik
der akitu-Profession in Babylonien und Assyrien im I. Jahrtausend v. Chr. (BaghF 16; Mainz
am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern, 1994) 71-74, 79-84.
232
B. Pongratz-Leisten, "The Interplay of Military Strategy and Cultic Practice
in Assyrian Politics," in Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Symposium of
the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, September 7~11, 1995, edited by S. Parpola
and R. M. Whiting (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1997) 252.
72 CHAPTER ONE
Imperial Self-Presentation in Art
Modern typologies of imperial art have been attempted for Augustus

of Rome, in which a plethora of seemingly unique examples are
boiled down to a few ideological roles that are supported both by
iconographic convention and propagandistic self-description.233 Magen
succeeds in the same enterprise for those Assyrian kings with identifiable
portraiture.234 Utilizing the entire history of Mesopotamian art, royal
inscription and ritual as her palette, she educes fourteen definable
types or iconographies of royal self-representation: the king as hunter,
builder, steleform worshiper of the gods, cultic actor and priest, shep-
herd, and a variety of roles as victorious commander of the army.
Building on the work of Reade, Magen's Type III, Konig vor Gott,
identifies the visual typology of the Assyrian king in the royal stele
as that of pious adorant.
Imperial Ideology, Other Gods and Other Cults
"Ideology" is used here in the sense of any belief or value system

that validates or informs a political culture. Politically effective ide-
ologies that support hegemonic regimes benefit one group of politi-
cal actors at the expense of another, but the belief system must
convey an aura of self-validation and "naturalness" to succeed. Since
it is the belief system per se rather than the minutiae of historical change
that forms the subject matter here, the notorious Assyrian propen-
sity for selective reportage and cinematic propaganda can work to
the savvy investigator's advantage. A conference hosted in Copenhagen
in 1977 resulted in a collection of seminal essays that treat of various
manifestations of the ideology of the Neo-Assyrian Empire.235 Liverani
Idem, "Territorialer Fiihrungsanspruch und religiose Praxis in Assyrien: zur Stadtgott-

Theologie in assyrischen Residenz- und Provinzstadten," in Religiose Kommunikation—
Formen und Praxis vor der Neuzeit, edited by G. Binder and K. Ehlich (Statten und
Formen der Kommunikation im Altertum, 6; Bochumer Altertumswissenschaftlichen
Colloquium, 26; Trier: \Vissenschaftlicher Verlag Trier, 1997) 18-29 repeats the
baseline argumentation of the English-language essay.
233
See, for instance, R. Gordon, "The Veil of Power: Emperors, Sacrificers
and Benefactors," in Pagan Priests: Religion and Power in the Ancient World, edited by
M. Beard and J. North (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990) 201-34.
234
U. Magen, Assyrische Konigsdarstellungen—Aspekte der Herrschaft (BaghF 9; Mainz
am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern, 1986).
233
M. T. Larsen, ed. Power and Propaganda: A Symposium on Ancient Empires (Mes[C]
7; Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag, 1979).
would prefer to subsume study of the "hypostatic" nature of religious

imperial ideology within an economic or political framework, rather
than from within a traditional compartmentalization of "religion" or
"cult," in order to reveal the functioning of its semiotic code as a
vehicle of imperial values and "false consciousness."236 Under the
rubric of divine and royal absence falls the punitive military abduc-
tion of divine images. A chapter in Cogan's monograph remains the
classic general study of the "spoliation of divine images."237 Reade's
pioneering essay on imperial iconography concludes that the royal
steles or steleform reliefs, the most widely disseminated self-portrayal
of the Assyrian king, depicted him "as agent and servant of his
gods,"238 an assertion elaborated by Magen in her unfinished analy-
sis of royal iconography.239 Shafer refines this typology further, empha-
sizing the iconographic fine-tuning of the public nature of the steleform
king in his cultic role as high priest.240 Bahrani develops an ideol-
ogy of the royal image (salmu} utilizing patterns of seizure, mutila-
tion, curse clauses and witchcraft ritual in order to demonstrate that
violence against such images entailed more that a symbolic "politi-
cal statement." To deface or destroy an image of the king, in the
conceptual world of ancient Mesopotamia, represented a genuine
attempt on the life of the living—or the afterlife of the dead—ruler.241
The portrayal of the enemy in the royal inscriptions was sharply
stereotyped. The language justifying violence and warfare was often
2%
M. Liverani, "The Ideology of the Assyrian Empire," in Power and Propaganda:
A Symposium on Ancient Empires, edited by M. T. Larsen (Mes[C] 7; Copenhagen:
Akademisk Forlag, 1979) 297-317. In my view, Liverani's analysis would have
benefited in coherence had he openly acknowledged his Marxist theoretical under-
pinnings.
2:
" Cogan, Imperialism and Religion, 22-41.
238
Reade, "Ideology and Propaganda," 340-42; Reade, "Shikaft-i Gulgul," 33-36.
239
Magen, Assyrische Kb'nigsdarstellungen, 40-65 (Type III).
240
Shafer, "Carving of an Empire," 53-59.
241
Z. Bahrani, "Assault and Abduction: the Fate of the Royal Image in the
Ancient Near East," ArtH 18 (1995) 363-82. I. J. Winter, "Art in Empire: the Royal
Image and the Visual Dimensions of Assyrian Ideology," in Assyria 1995: Proceedings
of the 1 Oth Anniversary Symposium of the j\eo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, September
7-11, 1995, edited by S. Parpola and R. M. Whiting (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian
Text Corpus Project, 1997) 359-81 establishes the intention of the Neo-Assyrian
royal salmu to convey an "official" stylized image of kingship, rather than a markedly
individualized likeness in the familiar sense of western realism. On the ideological
messages of the royal Assyrian salmu, see also Liverani, "Ideology of the Assyrian
Empire," Morandi, "Stele e statue reali assire," 105-13, 132-37, and Shafer, "Carving
of an Empire," 50-109.
74 CHAPTER ONE
overtly theology: the enemy violated an oath to Assur and the gods
of Assyria, his mad and treacherous attack or withholding of tribute
was sinful, he had no respect for the gods, he uttered blasphemies,
etc.242 Nevertheless, none of the rationales for Assyrian warfare entailed
the forcible promulgation of the Assyrian state cult. "To bring the
world under the sway of the god Ashur did not require enforcement
of the cult of Ashur but submission to sovereignty of Ashur's rep-
resentative and being aware of Ashur."243 The iconography of obelisks
and palace reliefs of the capital cities certainly reinforce the ideol-
ogy of the king as the unique servant of the gods,244 and the active
role of the gods in securing imperial objectives. The question is, who
was the actual audience, and who was the intended audience?243
Cifarelli, working out of a sophisticated reader-response methodol-
ogy, concludes that the primary audience of the Middle and early
Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions and monumental narrative objects
was "the elite, male, Assyrian courtiers and officials."246 Reade's the-
matic survey of Sargon's palace at Khorsabad reveals a relief pro-
gram in the more accessible outer courtyard and throneroom of
winding lines of tribute-bearers, military engagements and deterrent
propaganda in the guise of the Assyrian-style execution of rebels.247
Russell's painstaking analysis of the decorative program of Sennacherib's
242
F. M. Fales, "The Enemy in Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: 'The Moral Judgment',"
in Mesopotamia, und seine Nachbarn: Politische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehungen im Alien
Vorderasien vom 4. bis 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. XXV Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale,
Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 1982) 425-35; B. Oded, "The Command of the God' as
a Reason for Going to War in the Assyrian Royal Inscriptions," in Ah, Assyria . . .
Studies in Assyrian History and Ancient Near Eastern Historiography Presented to Hayim Tadmor,
edited by M. Cogan and I. Eph'al (ScrHie 33; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1991)
223-30; idem, War, Peace and Empire: Justifications for War in Assyrian Royal Inscriptions
(Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1992) 12-13, 56-57, 87-94, 97-99,
121-37.
243
Oded, War, Peace and Empire, 187.
244
Reade, "Ideology and Propaganda," 332.
243
J. M. Russell, Sennacherib's Palace Without Rival at Nineveh (Chicago: The University
of Chicago Press, 1991) 223-40, is among the best-documented studies of actual
palace audiences in print.
246
M. Cifarelli, "Enmity, Alienation and Assyrianization: the Role of Cultural
Difference in the Visual and Verbal Expression of Assyrian Ideology in the Reign
of Assurnasirpal II (883-859 B.C.)" (Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1995)
37. I. J. \Vinter, "Royal Rhetoric and the Development of Historical Narrative in
Neo-Assyrian Reliefs," Studies in Visual Communication 7/2 (1981) 2~38 is rather opti-
mistic that the messages of the throneroom of the Nimrud Northwest Palace were
"beamed" at foreigners on business in the palace.
247
Reade, "Ideology and Propaganda," 338-39.
"Palace Without Rival" suggests that the art of the more public
areas—outer court and throneroom—was directed at outsiders, empha-
sizing the military consequences of rebellion, while the relief themes
of the private bitdnu celebrated the arts of stable government together
with the penalties for dissent and revolt, a message cogently aimed
at the royal family, court, and highest echelon of administration.248
Porter's study of Esarhaddon's Babylonian policy deals at length
with Assyrian ideas about and aspirations for Marduk.249 A substantial
portion of her argumentation turns on the presumption of a broader
human audience than the king and his immediate entourage as
engaged at some point with the ideological messages of the official
royal documents, including foundation inscriptions. Her own brand
of "reader-response" methodology brings her to posit two discrete
political cultures, Assyrian and Babylonian, each of which received
such messages about the Assyrian and Babylonian state gods as the
master-architects of the documents saw fit to encode. Earlier, Paul
Garelli advanced similar arguments for the ideological shaping of
Sargonid royal inscriptions according to the differing expectations of
the elite citizens of the Assyrian capital cities Nineveh and Assur.250
As Porter herself acknowledges, the weakness in this presumption
rides on the near wholesale lack of evidence for public readings or
access to the contents of these texts.2M Tadmor has recently dealt
with the vexatious topic of audience and access.252 While he leaves
open the "hypothesis of 'public reading'," his position is that the
intended audience was the gods a la Oppenheim, auditors of a mes-
sage crafted by the kings and his master scribes. If I read Tadmor
248
Russell, Sennacherib's Palace Without Rival, 241-62.
249
B. N. Porter, Images, Power, and Politics: Figurative Aspects of Esarhaddon's Babylonian
Policy (MAPS 208; Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1993).
>5o p Garelli; "La propaganda royale assyrienne," Akkadica 27 (1982) 17-19, con-
trasting the Ninevite audience of the royal administration and the clerical audience
of Assur in the inscriptions of Sennacherib. See also M. Liverani, "Critique of
Variants and the Titulary of Sennacherib," in Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: New Horizons
in Literary, Ideological, and Historical Analysis. Papers of a Symposium held in Cetona (Siena),
June 26-28, 1980, edited by F. M. Fales (OrAntC 17; Rome: Istituto per 1'Oriente,
1981) 250-51.
2;>i pOrter, Images, Power, and Politics, 105-15.
-:'2 H. Tadmor, "Propaganda, Literature, Historiography: Cracking the Code of
the Assyrian Royal Inscriptions," in Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary
Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, September 7—11, 1995, edited
by S. Parpola and R. M. Whiting (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project,
1997) 325-38.
76 CHAPTER ONE
correctly, he is dubious of the existence of public opinion and pub-

lic audience in Assyria as media targets systematically exploited by
imperial image-makers.
Assyro-Baby Ionian Relations
Commonly within the Assyrian heartland and more rarely abroad,

Assyrian kings actualized the royal epithets of the king as protector
of the great gods and their cults by restoring decayed or war-ravaged
temples, returning of deported divine images and provisioning of the
great urban cults.203 Babylonia in the reigns of Esarhaddon and
Assurbanipal was the primary recipient of such largesse.204 Implications
of the theological supplanting of Marduk by Assur in certain manu-
scripts of the politically charged Babylonian creation epic Enuma elis
and the construction of the bit akiti sa seri of Assur in the reign of
Sennacherib has been the subject of several studies and extended
notes.205 Acts of cultic sponsorship in Babylonia by Assyrian kings as
components of a grander geo-political strategy have been treated in
passing by Brinkman,256 Frame207 and Grayson.208 Various studies
253
Oded, War, Peace and Empire, 132-35.
254
Porter, Images, Power, and Politics, deals with both the historical and ideologi-
cal nature of Esarhaddon's Babylonian policy.
25j
J. A. Brinkman, "Sennacherib's Babylonian Problem: an Interpretation," JCS
25 (1973) 89-95; Menzel Tempel, 56; W. von Soden, "Reflektierte und kon-
struierte Mythen in Babylonien und Assyrien," in Memoriae Jussi Aw dedicata, edited
by H. Halen (StOr 55/3; Helsinki: Societas Orientalis Fennica, 1984) 147-57;
P. Machinist, "The Assyrians and Their Babylonian Problem: Some Reflections,"
Wissenschaftskolleg z.u Berlin, Jahrbuch (1984-85) 353-64; A. Livingstone, Mystical and
Mythological Explanatory Works of Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1986) 204-53; SAA 3 xxix, nos. 34-35; J. Pecirkova, "Assyria Under
Sennacherib," ArOr 61 (1993) 4-7; Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 57-59; Pongratz-
Leisten, Ina sulmi frub, 104, 109-11; A. Berlejung, Die Theologie der Bilder: Herstellung
und Einweihung von Kultbildem in Mesopotamien und die alttestamentliche Bilderpolemik (OBO
162; Fribourg: Universitatsverlag; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1998)
106-12; Frahm Einleitung, 282~88.
256
Brinkman PKB; idem, "Babylonia under the Assyrian Empire, 745-627 B.C.,"
in Power and Propaganda: A Symposium on Ancient Empires, edited by M. T. Larsen
(Mes[C] 7; Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag, 1979) 223-50; idem, "Through A Glass
Darkly: Esarhaddon's Retrospects on the Downfall of Babylon," JAOS 103 (1983)
35-42; idem, Prelude to Empire: Babylonian Society and Politics, 747~626 B.C. (OPBF 7;
Philadelphia: Babylonian Fund of the University Museum, 1984) 53, 56, 67-70,
73-77, 86-87, 90; idem, "Babylonia in the Shadow of Assyria (747-626 B.C.),"
CAM2 3/2, 38-47.
257
Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 56-59, 68-78, 104-5, 111-13.
258
A. K. Grayson, "Assyria: Tiglath-Pileser III to Sargon II (744-705 B.C.),"
have dealt with the reign of Sennacherib and his varying Babylonian
policies, culminating with the destruction of Esagila, Marduk's tem-
ple in Babylon, and the deportation or destruction of the central
image of Marduk himself.239 Porter deals with Esarhaddon's Babylonian
policy in a monograph-length study, a major contribution to the
understanding of Neo-Assyrian religious imperialism.260 Within the
first year of his accession to the throne, Esarhaddon embarked on
an ambitious, shrewd, and effective foreign policy aimed at Babylonian
conciliation through high profile building works and a nuanced self-
image propaganda initiative. Babylon, symbolic seat of Babylonian
kingship and divine custodianship of the land, ignominiously razed
by Sennacherib, was to see the temple complex of the patron deity
Marduk restored by an Assyrian king assiduously cultivating an image
of the Bauherr, the public livery of a traditional Babylonian king.
Other venerable city-temples in Babylonia will receive similar levels
of Assyrian sponsorship. Over the course of his reign, the titulary
and divine summons to kingship in Esarhaddon's official texts increas-
ingly will communicate the ideal of a single national identity for
Assyrians and Babylonians, an unthinkable formula in the final years
of Sennacherib. That Esarhaddon's formal and pragmatic political
identity was that of the king of Assyria was muted in texts destined
for Babylonian consumption. Within the Assyrian capital cities, how-
ever, Assyria diplomatically took pride of place as primus inter pares,
a reality expressed through a robustly expanded empire, an architec-
turally enhanced military infrastructure, and the "audacious" theological
feint of rewriting Marduk's genealogy as a "child" of Assur. This
latter notion would take concrete expression through the refurbishment
of the great statue of Marduk, exiled to Assyria by Sennacherib, in
preparation to its (abortive) return amidst a richly orchestrated pub-
lic procession,261 and the legitimization of a process already underway
in Assyria of inculturating Marduk as an "Assyrian" deity.262 Porter
CAH1 3/2, 71-102; idem, "Assyria: Sennacherib and Esarhaddon (704-669 B.C.),"
CAH1 3/2, 103-41; idem, "Assyria 668-635 B.C.: the Reign of Ashurbanipal,"
CAH2 3/2, 142-61.
259
Citations in n. 255 supra.
260 p or t erj Images, Power, and Politics.
261
B. N. Porter, "Gods' Statues as a Tool of Assyrian Political Policy: Esarhaddon's
Return of Marduk to Babylon," in Religious Transformations and Socio-Political Change:
Eastern Europe and Latin America, edited by L. H. Martin (New York and Berlin:
Walter de Gruyter, 1993) 9-24.
262
B. N. Porter, "What the Assyrians Thought the Babylonians Thought about
78 CHAPTER ONE
succeeds admirably in laying to rest over 75 years of scholarly mis-

representation of Esarhaddon as a weak and "superstition-ridden"
monarch,263 and illustrates with nearly all the available evidence how
an Assyrian king could and did use a massive cultic rebuilding pro-
gram and ideological reform to craft a workable solution to the
chronic political chafing of Babylonia under Assyrian hegemony.
Human sacrifice in the guise of the substitute king ritual (sar puhi]
was primarily an internal procedure of the Assyrian court and reli-
gious advisors. Under the mortal threat signified by lunar or solar
eclipses meeting certain astronomical criteria, the Assyrian monarch
assumed an innocuous title and an inconspicuous profile while the
victim was invested with a limited form of the royal ceremonial and
entourage prior to his execution, enjoying a "reign" lasting at most
one hundred days. However, correspondence from the reign of
Esarhaddon describes the sacrifice of a native Babylonian on Babylonian
soil in this role, with the innuendo that Assyrian political authority
was bolstered in the process.264
Prophecy and Politics

All of the Neo-Assyrian prophecies that have survived and most of
the references to prophecies in other texts from the Assyrian capi-
tals date from the reigns of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, which
makes generalizations to other reigns hazardous.263 The extant prophe-
the Relative Status of Nabu and Marduk in the Late Assyrian Period," in Assyria
1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project,
Helsinki, September 7-11, 1995, edited by S. Parpola and R. M. Whiting (Helsinki:
The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1997) 253-60.
263
Examples drawn almost at random: "A sentimental son, Esarhaddon, rebuilt
it [Babylon] and granted almost complete autonomy, 'so that a dog entering its
borders should not be killed.' Babylon succeeded Assyria. Rome was wiser when
she destroyed Carthage and Corinth." Olmstead, "Oriental Imperialism," 758. "In
Esarhaddon, also, appears more distinctly than before something of that oriental-
ism in manners and taste which is accustomed to be associated with eastern mon-
archs. He is the first of the Sargonids to boast of his lineage and to trace it back
to a fabulous royal ancestry . . . His religiosity, amounting almost to dependence
upon the priesthood and their oracles, is another marked and not altogether favor-
able trait of character," G. S. Goodspeed, A History of the Babylonians and Assyrians
(HSBS 6; New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1927) 299-300.
264
ABL no. 437 = LAS I no. 280 = SAA 10 no. 352 (K 168); M. Nissinen,
References to Prophecy in Neo-Assyrian Sources (SAAS 7; Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text
Corpus Project, 1998) 68-77, 166.
255
For the prophecies themselves, consult M. Weippert, "Assyrische Prophetien
cies were uttered by named prophets and prophetesses primarily in

the voices of the goddesses Mullissu and Istar of Arba'il; in some
cases the historical context of the individual prophecy has been pre-
served. The prophecies themselves are uniformly positive, often
couched in overtly maternal imagery, promising unwavering divine
support for the sovereignty and imperial ambitions of the king.
" [Mullis] su [has] said: [You shall ru]le over [the kingjs of the lands,
you shall show them their frontiers and set the courses they take."266
In one fragment, Esarhaddon was told by Istar of Arba'il to make
sacrifices to the gods of Esagila, presumably the divine images abducted
to Assyria by Sennacherib.267 Otherwise, the surviving prophecies
make no allusion to other non-Assyrian gods, cults or temples. Since
these prophecies are cast as the direct speech of members of the
Assyrian state pantheon and were revealed by individuals with vested
interests in these same cults, they represented ideal venues for incit-
ing the king to increase their worshipers or construct new temples,
domestically and abroad. There are no such "plugs" for bankrolling
temple construction beyond the Assyrian heartland. If this tiny sam-
ple of texts is representative of the whole, the ideology of imperial
prophecy was untouched by visions of cultic expansion into Greater
Assyria as a policy definable apart from political conquest. Prophecies
materially influenced the complex course of political instrumentality
adopted by Esarhaddon towards Babylonia.268 Prophecies aimed at
toppling Esarhaddon were received by a certain Nabu-rehtu-usur
with the utmost gravity.269
der Zeit Asarhaddons und Assurbanipals," in Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: New Horizons
in Literary, Ideological, and Historical Analysis. Papers of a Symposium held in Cetona (Siena),
June 26-28, 1980, edited by F. M. Fales (OrAntC 17; Rome: Istituto per 1'Oriente,
1981) 71-111 and Parpola, SAA 9, with an excellent bibliography of 20th-century
primary and secondary studies. Nissinen, References to Prophecy, drawing heavily on
Parpola's editions, attempts to coordinate the citations to prophecies in the texts of
Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal with the historical contexts.
266
SAA 9 no. 7:12-13 (K 883).
267
SAA 9 no. 2.3:24' (K 12033 + 82-5-22,527).
2<)8
As attested by the substitute king ritual involving the son of the satammu-official
of Akkad in the reign of Esarhaddon (Nissinen, References to Prophecy, 68-77), and
the abortive attempt to restore to Babylon the great Marduk statue purloined by
Sennacherib, whether it was the original or a forgery manufactured for the pur-
pose; W. G. Lambert, "Esarhaddon's Attempt to Return Marduk to Babylon," in
Ad bene et fideliter seminandum: Festgabe fur Karlheinz Deller zum 21. Februar 1987, edited
by G. Mauer. and U. Magen (AOAT 220; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker;
Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1988) 157-74.
269
Nissinen, References to Prophecy, 108-53.
CHAPTER TWO
TERROR IN THE EXERCISE OF EMPIRE: COERCION

AND CONFORMITY
I left behind a terror never to be forgotten.

—Sargon II
The Imperial Archive
Numerous private, temple and royal archives from the Neo-Assyrian

Empire have been identified and, in many instances, published. Such
documents act as extensions and in many cases correctives to the
ideologically sculpted messages of the better-known royal inscriptions,
palace reliefs and steles that dot the imperial landscape. The archive
that I shall discuss in the following paragraphs, however, represents
an ideal and partially fictive corpus of state-controlled knowledge
that corresponds to the partially fictive nature of all empires.1 The
political control of an imperial home territory, whether it consisted
of a network of city-states in the case of ancient Assyria or the con-
fines of an island-state in the instance of the British Empire, utilizes
the equivalents of a police force, a penal system, educational indoc-
trination and public propaganda to enforce its identity over time.
Outside the home territory, the logistics of long-distance control con-
script a different set of tools: military campaigns, occupation forces,
economic leverage, the arts of international diplomacy, all of which
wield the palpable threat of conquest, random violence, economic
strangulation, enslavement, deportation, and attempted ethnocide.
Empires advertise to themselves and the world at large a territorial
unity honored more in symbol than in the breach.
An empire is partly a fiction. No nation can close its hand around
the world; the reach of any nation's empire always exceeds its final
1
T. Richards, The Imperial Archive: Knowledge and the Fantasy of Empire (London;
New York: Verso, 1993) 1. Richard's informing notion of "archive" is an episte-
mological theorem of Foucault, Archaeology of Knowledge, 128-31.
TERROR IN THE EXERCISE OF EMPIRE 81
grasp. An empire is by definition and default a nation in overreach,

one nation that has gone too far, a nation that has taken over too
many countries too far away from home to control them effectively.
All the great historical empires, ancient and modern, have had to come
to terms with the problems of control at a distance . . . The narratives
of the late nineteenth century are full of fantasies about an empire
united not by force but by information.2
A map of the elastic borders of effective imperial control by the indi-

vidual Sargonid kings betrays the boast of territorial inclusion through
the assumption of the "yoke of Assur," propagandistic shorthand for
provincial status whose peripheral holdings moved in and out of
Assyrian control with dismaying regularity.3 In modern times, Queen
Victoria's elevation to Empress of India in 1876 created a unifying
symbol suitable for numismatic circulation and stunning state the-
ater, but did not forestall the "small wars" that continued to wrrack
British India and much of the empire throughout the balance of her
reign and beyond.4 Both empires were bound to reassert their impe-
rial claims repeatedly, at vast cost of materiel and human life, for a
lasting humiliation spelled international loss of prestige, and empires
must maintain the fiction of invincibility at their peril.
The British Foreign Office, the British Museum, the Royal Geo-
graphical Society, and other learned societies and university faculty
engaged in the acquisition of "intelligence," both public and clandestine,
on behalf of the state. The Victorian Utopian quest of achieving
2
Richards, The Imperial Archive, 1.
3
For orientations to this issue, see M. Liverani, "The Growth of the Assyrian
Empire in the Habur/Middle Euphrates Area: A New Paradigm," SAAB 2 (1988)
81-88; A. K. Grayson, "The Struggle for Power in Assyria: Challenge to Absolute
Monarchy in the Ninth and Eighth Centuries B.C.," in Priests and Officials in the
Ancient Near East: Papers of the Second Colloquium on the Ancient Near East—the City and
its Life—held at the Middle Eastern Culture Center in Japan (Mitaka, Tokyo), A-Iarch 22~24,
1996, edited by K. Watanabe (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1999) 253-70.
4
A concept pragmatically delineated for the British War office by C. E. Callwell,
Small Wars. Their Principles and Practice (3rd ed.; London: Printed for H. M. Stationery
Office by Harrison and Sons, 1906): "Small wars . . . may be said to include all
campaigns other than those where both the opposing sides consist of regular troops"
(21); "Small wars may broadly be divided into three classes—campaigns of con-
quest or annexation, campaigns for the suppression of insurrections or lawlessness
or for the settlement of conquered or annexed territory, and campaigns undertaken
to cope with an insult, to avenge a wrong, or to overthrow a dangerous enemy"
(25). With the exception of a handful of fateful contests in which the Assyrian army
faced troops and cavalry formed into battle lines, most of the military history
recounted in the Assyrian royal inscriptions consisted of lopsided "small wars" of
conquest, suppression, or vengeance.
82 CHAPTER TWO
comprehensive knowledge was most fully invested in the agency of the

British Museum, a data-collecting organization and colonial trophy-
house whose tentacles embraced the entire empire.5 Military strategists
required precision ordnance surveys; colonial administrators relied
on accurate cadastral surveys for taxation; economists ingested infor-
mation on natural resources for the long-range planning of trade
networks and development through agriculture, forestry and mining;
diplomats called upon the services of linguists, ethnologists and his-
torians for raw information for policy devolution. That far more
"intelligence" than anyone or any organization could conceivably
synthesize was generated in the guise of diplomatic reports, military
dispatches, academic monographs, shipping manifests, routine admin-
istrative paperwork, museum acquisitions, and fashionable weekly
essays in the Athenaeum and the Illustrated London News did not staunch
the flow. Conviction in the ultimate value of this "archive" for the
preservation of the empire, however, was never seriously in question.
The Neo-Assyrian Empire maintained its own form of imperial
archive, and, one fancies, information excess. Most of the expected
genres of imperial administration are attested: military reports detailing
espionage, troop movements, and combat engagements;6 royal and
private land grants and conveyances;7 state treaties;8 cadastral surveys;9
3
Richards, Imperial Archive, 14-17.
6
SAA 5 nos. 2, 3, 5, 12, 21, 32, 44, 45, 53, 67, 68, 69, 83, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89,
90, 92, 97, 112, 114, 115, 126, 131, 144, 145, 158, 164, 166, 167, 168, 173, 174,
176, 177, 178, 182, 187, 199, 200, 215, 223, 250, 277, 279.
7
SAA 6; SAA 12.
8
SAA 2.
9
Johns Doomsday Book no. 1 = SAA 11 no. 201 (K 2017); Johns Doomsday
Book no. 2 = SAA 11 no. 202 (K 8125+); Johns Doomsday Book no. 3 = SAA
11 no. 203 (K 8134); Johns Doomsday Book no. 4 = SAA 11 no. 213 (K
4767+11918+13129+13548); Johns Doomsday Book no. 5 = SAA 11 no. 219 (K
4729); Johns Doomsday Book no. 6 = SAA 11 no. 207 (K 4754+11396+11416+Sm
1178); Johns Doomsday Book no. 7 = SAA 11 no. 220 (Rm 2,130+79-7-8,102);
Johns Doomsday Book no. 8 = SAA 11 no. 206 (K 8179); Johns Doomsday Book
no. 9+ = SAA 11 no. 209 (K 9728+); Johns Doomsday Book no. 10 = SAA 11
no. 210 (K 13132+91-5-9,103); Johns Doomsday Book no. 13 = SAA 11 no. 205
(K 8957); Johns Doomsday Book no. 14 = SAA 11 no. 208 (K 13394); Johns
Doomsday Book no. 15 = SAA 11 no. 215 (K 13224); Johns Doomsday Book no.
17 = SAA 11 no. 217 (K 13204); Johns Doomsday Book no. 18 = SAA 11 no.
212 (K 12956); Johns Doomsday Book no. 19 = SAA 11 no. 211 (79-7-8,337);
Johns Doomsday Book no. 20 = SAA 11 no. 218 (K 6951); Johns Doomsday Book
no. 21 = SAA 11 no. 214 (Rm 478); Johns Doomsday Book no. 22 = SAA 11
no. 204 (K 14302); ADD no. 1064 = SAA 11 no. 216 (K 13222); Postgate Taxation,
28-39; F. M. Fales, Censimenti e catasti di epoca neo-assira (Centro per le antichita e
progress reports on royal building projects;10 the minutiae of provin-

cial administrative correspondence; charges of treason, nonfeasance
and falsetto-pitched pleas for personal favors (the notorious "tattling"
and "whining" of the Neo-Assyrian epistolary corpus);" religious phe-
nomena such as divination, omina, prophecies, and astrological re-
ports.12 The latter category drives home the fact that, in Sargonid
Assyria, a primary dimension of internal imperial statecraft was the
twofold determination of the divine will and its exploitation as legit-
imizing authority.13 Magic epistemology in the operation of the state
has a venerable pedigree in the ancient Near East, and the tradi-
tion certainly did not perish with the fall of Nineveh. One has only
to think of the official preoccupation with bird flights, uncanny events
and orders passed on to the military chaplains to pray for a letup
in the rain by the Allied High Command on the eve of the Normandy
invasion in 1944,14 or reliance on astrology by a late 20th-century
president of the United States.
There is substantial evidence that Sargonid kings cultivated a "profes-
sional" image of technical and informational competency.15 In their nar-
rative inscriptions the kings describe themselves as wise (ersu},^ intelligent
(hassu),17 understanding (hasisu),18 experienced (itpesu),19 knowledgeable
la storia dell'arte del Vicino Oriente: Studi economic! e technologic! 2; Rome:

[Centro per le antichita e la storia dell'arte del Vicino Oriente], 1973) 12, 91-98.
10
SAA 1 nos. 25-26, 56-71, 77-81, 95-102, 114, 119-21, 139-45, 164-68.
11
Examples chosen almost at random: SAA 13 no. 20:6-7, 12—rev. 3: (writer:
Dadi): "Arba'ilayu and Gfrittu, the shepherds . . . [re]fuse to come in [for the tax
collection. They do not fear [the king]. They rove about like runaways." SAA 13
no. 190 rev. 16-24 (writer: Samas-sumu-lesir): "Am I not your servant? O king,
my lord, let me behold that beautiful face of yours. Why must I die for want of
food? Like a dog, I am bound about and roam around. I have no house, no maid,
no servant. (If this is) the way the king, my lord, regards me, I am finished."
12
LAS I, SAA 4, SAA 8, SAA 10, SAA 13 nos. 37, 131, 133, 144.
13
On this see the useful analysis in F. M. Fales and G. B. Lanfranchi, "The
Impact of Oracular Material on the Political Utterances and Political Action in the
Royal Inscriptions of the Sargonid Dynasty," in Oracles et Propheties dans I'Antiquite:
Actes du Colloque de Strasbourg 15-17 juin 1995, edited by J.-G. Heintz (Travaux du
Centre de Recherche sur le Proche-Orient et la Grece Antiques 15; Paris: De
Boccard, 1997) 99-114.
14
C. Ryan, The Longest Day: June 6, 1944 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1959)
13-99.
1:)
For the history of the "wise king" as evidenced in Akkadian royal inscrip-
tions, see M.-J. Seux, Epithetes royales akkadiennes et sumeriennes (Paris: Letouzey et Ane,
1967) 22.
16
OIP 2, 66:1 (Frahm Einleitung, T 29 = 3 R 12, Bull Inscription no. 4, Fl).
17
Borger Esarh., §27, Nin. A, Ep. 3, 45 ii 19; §58, AsBbF, 89 i 2.
18
TCL 3, 113.
19
OIP 2, 66:1 (Frahm Einleitung, T 29 = 3 R 12, Bull Inscription no. 4, Fl);
84 CHAPTER TWO
(mudu}, informed (muntalku}™ circumspect (pitqudu),'21 broad of under-

standing (sadal karse},2'2 and competent (le'u}.'23 In an exercise of heroic
priority,24 Sargon II plumes himself as "most competent of princes"
(le'e kal malki}^ "the wisest prince in the world" (igigal malki sa kissati).'26
In the arts of peace Sennacherib's reconstruction of Nineveh entailed
sophisticated environmental engineering, the importation of novel
botanical species, and an undisguised relish in boasting about his
metallurgical innovations in the decoration of his "Palace Without
Rival":
But I, Sennacherib, foremost among princes, expert in all craftsman-

ship (mude sipri kalama), great bronze pillars, striding lion colossi, (the
like of) which no king before me had ever cast, with the ingenuity
(ina u&d nikilti] which the noble DN has granted me, (and) taking coun-
sel with myself (ina situlti ramaniyd) regarding this artistic work I delib-
erated deeply (rabis amtallifc): out of my own intelligence and knowledge
of my mind (ina milik temiya u meres kabattiyd), I fashioned (the objects)
by casting bronze and did it with consummate skill (unakkila niklasu).21
Assurbanipal amplifies the traditional status of the Assyrian king as

hierophant, chief executive worshiper, by professing to have mastered
all of the scribal arts, including "the arts of divination, the secrets of
heaven and earth, the wisdom of Samas and Adad" (barilla piristi
Border Esarh., §27, Nin. A, Ep. 3, 45 ii 18; §47, Uruk A, 74:24; 858, AsBbF,
O " O " " L ~ " O ~ " ~ O ' "
89 i 2.
20
Borger Esarh., §53, AsBbF, 80:24; §63, K 2388, 92:5.
21
Borger Esarh., §58, AsBbF, 89 i 2.
22
TCL 3, 23.
23
Borger Esarh., §68, Gbr. II, 103:10.
24
Liverani, Ideology, 308-309.
25
Fuchs Khorsabad, 32:6 (Zyl); 46:13 (Bro); 55:6 (R).
26
TCL 3, 115. On the terminology of the king as a wise man, see R. F. G.
Sweet, "The Sage in Akkadian Literature: a Philological Study," in Tlie Sage in Israel
and the Ancient Near East, edited by J. G. Gammie and L. G. Perdue (Winona Lake:
Eisenbrauns, 1990) 51-57.
27
OIP 2, 109 vi 89-vii 8 (Frahm Einleitung, T 12 = BM 103000 [1909-3-13,1]
= CT 26 pi. 17; BM 102966 = CT 26 pi. 38); duplicate text in Heidel, "Octagonal
Sennacherib Prism," 163 vii 15-25 (IM 56578). On Sennacherib's self-professed
cleverness with regard to technological innovation and originality, see S. Dalley,
"Neo-Assyrian Textual Evidence for Bronzeworking Centres," in Bronze-working Centres
of Western Asia, c. 1000~539 B.C.. edited by J. Curtis (London and New York: Kegan
Paul International in association with the British Museum, 1988) 103-5: idem,
"Nineveh, Babylon and the Hanging Gardens: Cuneiform and Classical Sources
Reconciled," Iraq 56 (1994) 53; Frahm Einleitung, 277-78. For the evidence of
Sennacherib's hydrological planning at Nineveh, see T. Jacobsen and S. Lloyd,
Sennacherib's Aqueduct at Jerwan (OIP 24; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,
1935).
d
Adad).28 Marduk-sumu-usur, Assurbanipal's
chief haruspex, addresses the king through the medium of a dream
as "the offspring of a sage and Adapa. You have surpassed the wis-
dom of Apsu and of all scholarship."29 A rare letter to Esarhaddon
from his son Samas-sumu-ukm denounces three Babylonian divina-
tion experts for failure to inform the king of their findings.30 Several
sources make clear that such specialists were under standing orders
to disclose their research and prognostications directly to the king.
Court astrologers and diviners, ideally, were "managed" like state
scientists employed in an ongoing Assyrian Manhattan Project. Par-
ticipants contravening royal directives in a closed information econ-
omy designed to maintain the well-being of the king himself and his
empire, if detected, were punished as traitors. Obedient members of
this knowledge factory took pains to see that the king understood
the import of their esoteric reports: "Let them read the te[xt] two
or three times before the king so that the king can penetrate the
words. Let the king discern that I wrote true words to the king my
lord."31 The codification of centuries of accumulated omina into vast
compendia of ordered information, such as the celestial omen series
Enuma Ann Enlil and MUL.APIN, was accomplished under the spon-
sorship of Sargonid kings.32 Enuma Ann Enlil, as a catalogue of prog-
nostic positive knowledge, was designed to further the dynastic and
national ends of the Assyrian state, in much the same wise that the
19th-century British Frontier Surveys of India generated fabulously
detailed maps for the purpose of imperial control through cadastral
28
Streck Asb.. 362:1; Seux, Epithetes, 37.
29
ABL no. 923 = SAA 10 mx 174:8-9 (K 2701 A).
30
S. Parpola, "A Letter from Samas-sumu-ukm to Esarhaddon," Iraq 34 (1972)
21-34 (BM 135586 [1971-7-5,1]).
31
Thompson Rep. no. 268 = SAA 8 no. 316 rev. 14-16 (edge) (K 2085) (writer:
Munnabitu). On the role of knowledge in Assyrian statecraft and the not infre-
quently precarious lives of those assigned to create it, see P. Charlier, "Splendeur
et misere des courtisans, aspects du quotidien des devins a la cour des Sargonides,"
in Le sciences des deux: sages, mages, astrologues, edited by R. Gyselen (Res Orientales
12; Bures-sur-Yvette, France: Groupe pour 1'Etude de la Civilisation du Moyen-
Orient; Louvain: Peeters, 1999) 53-74; B. Pongratz-Leisten, Herrschaftswissen in Meso-
potamien: Formen der Kommunikation zwischen Gott und KiJnig im 2. und 1. Jahrtausend v.Chr.
(SAAS 10; Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1999).
32
Rochberg-Halton, Aspects of Babylonian Celestial Divination, 26-27; H. Hunger and
D. Pingree, MULAPIN: An Astronomical Compendium in Cuneiform (AfOB 24; Horn,
Austria: Ve'rlag Ferdinand Berger & Sohne, 1989) 10-12; see also W. H. Van Soldi,
Solar Omens of Enuma Ann Enlil: Tablets 23 (24)-29 (30) (UNHAII 73; Leiden:
Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, 1995).
86 CHAPTER TWO
possession. Like the French king Louis XIV, the Assyrian emperor
might have counseled the crown prince
The task of kings consists . . . in keeping one's eyes open on the whole
world, incessantly learning the news from every province and every
nation, finding out the secrets of every court, the whims and weak-
nesses of every prince and every foreign minister, informing oneself on
an endless number of matters of which we are believed ignorant and,
likewise, seeing in our own surroundings what is most carefully con-
cealed from us, discovering each of the views and thoughts of our own
courtiers.33
The custodians of the imperial archive had at their command many

avenues for accumulating knowledge of the religious practices and
beliefs of other polities. Such data had their value. International
treaties enumerated the top echelon of the foreign party's state or
dynastic pantheon, thereby maximizing the punitive consequences
for the treaty-breaker in the divine sphere.34 At one point we know
that Sargon IPs intelligence network informed him of participation
by the Urartian king and his notables in state rituals at Turuspa,
the Urartian capital, and elsewhere.30 Urzana, king of the buffer state
of Musasir where the Urartian national temple of Haldi was located,
was issued unenforceable orders by Assyria that no-one, meaning
probably high officials and the king of Urartu, was to be permitted
to participate in temple rituals without the express permission of the
king of Assyria,36 pellucid evidence that Assyria endeavored to con-
33
N. Elias, The Court Society (trans. E. Jephcott; Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1983)
128, quoted in a different context in Grayson, "Struggle for Power," 265.
34
SAA 2 xxx; nos. 2, 5, 6, 9.
35
ABL no. 381 = SAA 5 no. 84 (81-2-4,55) (writer: Assur-resuwa), ABL no.
148 = SAA 5 no. 85 (K 1907) (writer: Assur-resuwa), ABL no. 1298+CT 53 no.
793 = SAA 5 no. 165 (K 4695+K 16529) (Bel-iddina).
36
ABL no. 409 = SAA 5 no. 147 (Rm 2,2). Lanfranchi and Parpola argue that
this letter was written after Sargon's eighth campaign, indicating that Urzana (and
presumably the cult statue of Haldi) had been returned from Assyrian exile to
Musasir (SAA 5 xvii-xviii); the letter is addressed to the ndgir ekalli. evidence that
the king of Musasir was administratively subordinate to this powerful figure. Earlier
in Sargon's reign, support for Assyria among the neighboring nations had proven
vexatious: Argisti of Urartu, quoted from a letter addressed to the Kummeans, com-
plains that "Ever since I have been on the throne, you have sent no-one for an
audience with me; everyone comes to me in the name of Assur and your gods"
CT 53 no. 858+CT 53 no. 172 = SAA 5 no. 95:3-5 (Sm 1934+K 1258). The
Elamite king Tammarftu I greeted Assurbanipal by invoking Bel, Nabu, Assur,
Samas, and probably other Assyrian deities (ABL no. 1400:3-5 [1904-10-9,271]),
while in another letter king Urzana himself diplomatically blessed Sargon by Assur,
Bel, [Nabu], and Istar; ABL no. 768 = SAA 5 no. 146 rev. 6-7 (Sm 1056).
trol Urartian affairs through limiting access to the tutelary cult of

the nation. Presumably, these rituals were thought to harbinger bel-
licose developments; presumably, too, the Assyrian spies were capa-
ble of discerning which Urartian rituals were politically significant,
and which were sufficiently innocuous to ignore. With the political
capital of Assyrian investment in Babylonian temple infrastructure
came the opportunity to create foundation inscriptions that faithfully
reproduced the divine epithets of the patron deity, and other liter-
ary flourishes suitable to tradition and occasion. Whether such doc-
uments were read aloud or officially bruited about by some means
prior to internment remains warmly debated.37 In one instance we
have hard evidence for the means by which the Assyrian scribes
acquired their information. In 1953, during the final season of the
British excavations directed by Mallowan at the Assyrian capital
Kalhu, biblical Calah, modern Nimrud, a clay cylinder inscribed by
Marduk-apla-iddina II was unearthed. It was a significant find, for
the text corpus of that Babylonian ruler is quite small, and its dis-
covery thrilled the biblical archaeologists, hoping for late-breaking
news of Hezekiah or Judah, for Marduk-apla-iddina II is the bibli-
cal Merodach-baladan. The biblical archaeologists were disappointed;
Merodach-baladan IFs text, ND 2090, is a pedestrian foundation
inscription that describes the Babylonian king's restoration of the
temple of E.an.na of Uruk.38 YBC 2181, purchased on the antiqui-
ties market during WVVI, was said to have come from Uruk, mod-
ern Tulul al-Warka3, and in light of the inscription there is no good
reason to doubt it.39 The Standard Babylonian text of YBC 2181,
drafted in a contemporary Babylonian script, describes Sargon II's
rebuilding of E.an.na of Uruk sometime between 710 and 705. A
substantial portion of the text of Sargon II's inscription was lifted
bodily from that of his arch rival and inserted into his own foundation
document without benefit of footnotes. Merodach-baladan IPs foun-
dation inscription was found in the so-called scribal chamber ZT4
37
See chapter 1 74-76 supra 80-84.
38
M. E. L. Mallowan, ILN, no. 5914, August 23, 1952, 294-96; C. J. Gadd,
"Inscribed Barrel Cylinder of Marduk-apla-iddina II," Iraq 15 (1953) 123-34.
30
"The inscription was found in that city [Warka] during recent activity on the
part of Arab diggers"; A. T. Clay, Miscellaneous Inscriptions in the Yale Babylonian
Collection (YOS 1; New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1915) 50. For
an overview of the archaeology of Tulul al-Warka3. see R. M. Boehmer, "Uruk-
Warka," OEA.NE 5:294a-98b.
OO CHAPTER TWO
of the Northwest Palace at Nimrud, a room that contained about

350 tablets, mostly correspondence of Sargon II.40 As a matter of
record, Sargon II did not have literary tablets in Babylonia copied
and carted off to Assyria for the creation of his own reference col-
lection, as would his great-grandson Assurbanipal, and even Assur-
banipal evinced no interest in collecting examples of hum-drum
foundation inscriptions. The single reasonable explanation for the
presence of an Uruk foundation inscription of Merodach-baladan II
in the hostile Assyrian capital was so that Sargon IFs scribes could
plagiarize it.41 Other less dramatic examples of literary borrowing by
Sargonid kings are attested. For instance, numerous examples of
inscribed bricks commemorating Assurbanipal's restoration of E.kur,
Enlil's temple in Nippur in southern Babylonia, are patterned on an
inscription by the earlier Babylonian king Adad-sumu-usur found on
several bricks at the same city.42 The scribes of the Assyrian king's
son and successor, Assur-etel-ilani, also followed Assurbanipal's exam-
ple in copying the available bricks of Adad-sumu-usur.43
w
M. E. L. Mallowan, Nimrud and Its Remains (New York: Dodd, Mead & Company,
1966) 1:173-75. This palace was originally constructed by Assur-nasir-pal II (883-859
B.C.E.) and utilized by later Assyrian emperors, including Sargon II. The corre-
spondence and administrative documents of kings other than Sargon II found in
ZT4 and nearby rooms in the Northwest Palace indicate that the 9th-century palace
maintained a bureaucratic existence until the fall of Assyria.
41
Both Mallowan and Gadd recognized from the start that the authors of YBC
2181 borrowed heavily from ND 2090. The combination of striking similarities in
form, content and vocabulary, and the highly suspect findspot of ND 2090 in an
active scribal chamber of Sargon II, is quite persuasive. This point has never been
challenged; see, for example, RIMB 2 146; Tadmor, "Propaganda, Literature,
Historiography," 333-34. R. Follet, "Une nouvelle inscription de Merodach-Baladan
II," Bib 35 (1954) 413-28 compared the two texts, observing that both combine
traditional foundation-text phraseology with specifically "Urukean" motifs, as seen
in the Uruk inscriptions of later Sargonid kings. H. Lenzen, "The Ningiszida Temple
Built by Marduk-apla-iddina II at Uruk (Warka)," Iraq 19 (1957) 146-50 explores
the archaeological evidence for the contributions made by Sargon II and Merodach-
baladan II to the E.an.na temple complex.
42
RIMB 2 B.6.32.16, restoration of E.kur, Enlil's temple: BM 90807 [51-10-9,78R],
BM 114299 [1919-10-11,4743], Ashm 1922.181, Ashm 1924.627, Bristol H 5097,
CBS 1632a, CBS 8632, CBS 8633, CBS 8654, UM 84-26-8, UM 84-26-9, UM
84-26-10, UM 84-26-11 [bis], 6 examples in ES, number unknown, YBC 2372,
R. F. Harper Collection, number unknown, 5 NT 703, HS 2981, McGill Ethnological
Collection ML 1.18. Streck Asb., Ixiv, was the first to note that the text later pub-
lished as RIMB 2 B.6.32.16, which lacks Assyrian royal titulary and deities, is mod-
eled on an Adad-sumu-usur inscription found on several bricks at Nippur.
43
D. O. Edzard, "Eine Inschrift Assuretellilanis aus Nippur," AfO 19 (1959-60)
143 = RIMB 2 B.6.35.4 (Sumerian brick inscription, HS 1958, formerly HS 42).
Regarding the highly visible involvement of Neo-Assyrian kings in

the municipal temple cults of select extra-Assyrian polities, it is log-
ical to suppose that they received "professional" advice on prece-
dents and correct protocol, since their efforts were calculated to win
the approbation of the local elites. Adad-nararT II sacrificed before
Adad of Kumme44 and Shalmaneser III performed sacrifices at the
temple of Adad of Aleppo,40 both key regional cults in the 2nd mil-
lennium. Shalmaneser III,46 SamsT-Adad V,47 Adad-narari III,48 Tiglath-
pileser III,49 Sargon 11,°° Esarhaddon01 and Assurbanipal52 all claimed
to have sacrificed at various major temples in Babylonia and to have
participated in other state rituals. Temple refurbishment, sacrifice,
priestly appointments and other cultic affairs were orchestrated and
underwritten at the politically pivotal temple of the moon-god of
Harran by Shalmaneser III, Sargon II, Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal.03
For Babylonia in the reigns of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, we
have an extensive epistolary corpus from Babylonian priests and reli-
gious specialists, together with reports from Assyrian scholars and
crowTi agents such as Mar-Istar who moved freely in the southern
kingdom, many of whom described the minutiae of daily life in the
temples.54 Other possible sources of information included foreign
priests living in Assyrian exile,35 including the Arabian queen/priestess
Lacking any mention of Assyrian deities or royal titulary, it is probable that Assur-
etel-ilani's scribe(s) in preparing the text copied an inscription of Adad-sumu-usur's
that has been found on several Nippur bricks (observation by Edzard).
44
Chapter 3 Table 6:1 infra.
45
46
47
48
49
Chapter 3 Table 6:9-12 infra.
See Chapter 3 Tables 5-7, 9, 11 infra.
LAS I; SAA 10; SAA 13.
"Kassite" (Babylonian) divination experts (barute}: CTN 1 no. 12:4, 20 (ND
10027); CTN 3 no. 120:16' (ND 10038); CTN 1 no. 35 ii 13 (barute mar Babili,
ND 2489); Kummuhean augurs (dagil issure Kummuhaia] CTN 1 no. 3:4-5. Esarhaddon
claims to have deported Egyptian diviners following the sack of Memphis; Borger
Esarh., §67. Mnm. C. 102:26. Three Egyptian dream-interpreters (hartibi} are men-
tioned in a Nineveh document, ADD no. 851 iv 1-2; CAD 6 s.v. hartibi, 116.
Diviners from hostile countries were considered sufficiently consequential to merit
mention in the apodoses of a divination series attested in Nineveh; I. Starr and F. N. H.
Al-Rawi, "Tablets from the Sippar Library VIII. Omens for the Gall-Bladder," Iraq
90 CHAPTER TWO
Te'elhunu56 and the priests captured during Assurbanipal's 5th Elamite

campaign.0/ Nabu-pasir, a high official stationed in Harran, informed
Sargon II of the performance of rituals and repairs in the temples
of Harran,58 whereas Esarhaddon was apprised of ritual activity in
the same city by Urad-Ea, the chief lamentation-priest (galamdhu) of
Sin of Harran.39 Finally, one must leave open the possibility that sig-
nificant information about foreign cults was garnered through informal
contacts with merchants, soldiers, diplomats, administrators,60 locals
"questioned" during Assyrian campaigns, and classes of exiles other
than priests.61
Historical Transparency of the Assyrian Imperial Archive
All modern critical syntheses of the political and military history of

the Neo-Assyrian Empire rely massively on the "official" narrative
texts and visual sources created to immortalize the reigns of indi-
vidual monarchs.62 Although most of these texts and iconographic
59 (1999) 174:18. 2 Kgs 17:25-28, if it is anything more than a post-exilic anti-

Samaritan legendum, recounts the return of a Yahweh priest by an unnamed Assyrian
king.
36
Table 3:43 infra.
57
Table 3:49 infra.
58
59
60
Note Chapter 3 Table 12:1, a Nimrud letter from the reign of either Tiglath-
pileser III or Sargon II by an Assyrian official who prevents the transportation to
Tyre of a cult-object belonging to a Sidonian temple.
61
CTN 1 no. 9 rev. 19-20 (ND 10048) lists Egyptian and Aramaean scribes as
recipients of wine rations in Kalhu, quite a cosmopolitan metropolis by the early
8th century.
b
- A deluge of articles dealing with aspects of Assyrian historiography have
appeared since the renaissance of Neo-Assyrian studies in the 1970s; see P. Garelli,
"L'Etat et la legitimite royale sous 1'empire assyrien," in Power and Propaganda: A
Symposium on Ancient Empires, edited by M. T. Larsen (Mes[C] 7; Copenhagen:
Akademisk Forlag, 1979) 319-28; Liverani, "Ideology of the Assyrian Empire";
Grayson, "Histories and Historians of the Ancient Near East"; F. M. Fales, ed.
Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: New Horizons in Literary, Ideological, and Historical Analysis
(OrAntC 17; Rome: Istituto per 1'Oriente, 1981) passim; M. Cogan, "Omens and
Ideology in the Babylonian Inscription of Esarhaddon," in History, Historiography and
Interpretation: Studies in Biblical and Cuneiform Literatures, edited by H. Tadmor and M.
Weinfeld (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1983) 76-87; L. D. Levine, "Preliminary Remarks
on the Historical Inscriptions of Sennacherib." in History, Historiography and Interpretation:
Studies in Biblical and Cuneiform Literatures, edited by H. Tadmor and M. Weinfeld
(Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1983) 58-75; H. Tadmor, "Autobiographical Apology in
the Royal Assyrian Literature," in History, Historiography and Interpretation: Studies in
sources were never available to general public view, all without excep-
tion were created to serve the ideological ends of their kings, and
thus share informing visions of kingship and empire far removed
from the ideals of the chimerically dispassionate post-Enlightenment
historian. By Assyrian royal inscriptions I refer to tablets and other
inscribed media concealed in palace and temple foundations at the
time of their construction; narrative inscriptions and epigrams on
palace and temple walls, gates, sculpture, statues, thresholds and
paving stones; royal steles and steleform reliefs bearing inscriptions;
commemorative labels inscribed on a variety of artifacts; and a hand-
ful of epical compositions, including a genre in which the king relates
his accomplishments in a letter to a god. "Official" visual sources
include palace and temple narrative reliefs, bronze narrative bands
that once adorned palace and temple gates; freestanding steles and
rupestral steleform reliefs; representational sculpture; friezework in
glazed bricks and glass; glyptics; and a wide variety of other media
bearing relevant artwork commissioned by the crown. Unlike the
maddeningly imprecise world of biblical studies, in which anony-
mously authored, unprovenanced and radically redacted texts can-
not be securely dated more precisely than a range of several centuries,
the Assyrian royal inscriptions are usually identifiable by reign and
often, by eponym or campaign, within a single year, and archaeological
provenance from post-World War II excavations is rarely at issue.
Unfortunately, the quantity, opulent wealth of detail and exciting
Biblical and Cuneiform Literatures, edited by H. Tadmor and M. Weinfeld (Jerusalem:

Magnes Press, 1983) 36-57; M. Cogan, "A Plaidoyer on Behalf of the Royal Scribes,"
in Ah, Assyria . . . Studies in Assyrian History and Ancient Near Eastern Historiography Presented
to Hayim Tadmor, edited by M. Cogan and I. Eph'al (ScrHier 33; Jerusalem: Magnes
Press, 1991) 121-28; F. M. Fales, "Narrative and Ideological Variations in the
Account of Sargon's Eighth Campaign," in Ah, Assyria . . . Studies in Assyrian History
and Ancient Near Eastern Historiography Presented to Hayim Tadmor, edited by M. Cogan
and I. Eph'al (ScrHier 33; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1991) 129-47; T. Ishida, "The
Succession Narrative and Esarhaddon's Apology: A Comparison," in Ah, Assyria . . .
Studies in Assyrian History and Ancient Near Eastern Historiography Presented to Hayim Tadmor,
edited by M. Cogan and I. Eph'al (ScrHier 33; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1991)
166-73; Oded, '"The Command of the God'"; A. R. Millard, "Large Numbers in
the Assyrian Royal Inscriptions," in Ah, Assyria . . . Studies in Assyrian History and Ancient
Near Eastern Historiography Presented to Hayim Tadmor, edited by M. Cogan and I. Eph'al
(ScrHier 33; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1991) 213-22; P. Michalowski, "Memory
and Deed: the Historiography of the Political Expansion of the Akkad State," in
Akkad the First World Empire: Structure, Ideology, Traditions, edited by M. Liverani (History
of the Ancient Near East/Studies 5; Padova: Sargon srl, 1993) 69-90; M. De
Odorico, The Use of Numbers and Quantifications in the Assyrian Royal Inscriptions (SAAS
3; Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1995).
92 CHAPTER TWO
narrative dramaturgy of the royal Assyrian inscriptions and artwork

conceal a host of beguiling traps for the unwary empiricist historian.
For example, narrative truncation or condensation was a common
technique in the texts of kings who enjoyed lengthy reigns, such as
Shalmaneser III, as the earliest years or campaigns underwent abridg-
ment in order to conserve physical space for more contemporaneous
"news."63 Olmstead's "law" that the earliest narratives are to be pre-
ferred over later recensions, however, must be tempered in light of
the habit of some kings to enhance the parlous first year of their
reign with fantastic numbers, e.g., Sennacherib's boast of having cap-
tured 208,000 persons and taken 600,600 or 800,600 sheep as booty
during his first campaign!64 A related form of initial regnal year
embellishment was accomplished by inserting deeds into the record
that actually occurred years later, e.g., Esarhaddon's claim to have
restored the devastated temples of Babylon, or Assurbanipal's equally
suspicious claim to have refurbished the important temple of the
moon god of Harran, during the regnal years they each ascended
the throne (12 days in the case of Esarhaddon).65 In some instances
the same king organized his official narratives according to different
chronological schemas, or even achronologically by geography, all of
which we find in the case of Sargon II.66 Omission of crucial details
is the bane of every ancient historiographic text, but the Assyrians
adopted a policy of complete blackout in the case of their own mil-
itary defeats. The Assyrians never lost a battle, according to the royal
inscriptions. So, for example the stunning "victory" of Sennacherib
during his 8th campaign at Halule, where he claims to have slaugh-
tered 150,000 enemy soldiers,67 conceals what was probably at best
63
A. T. E. Olmstead, "Assyrian Historiography: A Source Study," (University of
Missouri Studies, Social Science Series 3/1; Columbia, MO: University of Missouri,
1916) 64-65; Grayson, "Histories and Historians of the Ancient Near East," 164-71.
64
De Odorico, Use of Numbers and Quantifications, 58. "The 'inflating' of numbers
does not seem to have taken place during the phase of the re-edition of pre-exist-
ing inscriptions . . . [wjhenever we may think we are in the presence of numbers
exaggerated with the aim of giving importance to the deeds there narrated, we
should consider that this operation has been undertaken during the phase of the
original editing of the texts" (73).
65
H. Tadmor, "History and Ideology in the Assyrian Royal Inscriptions," in
Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: New Horizons in Literary, Ideological, and Historical Analysis.
Papers of a Symposium held in Cetona (Siena), June 26-28, 1980, edited by F. M. Fales
(OrAntC 17; Rome: Istituto per 1'Oriente, 1981) 22~23.
66
H. Tadmor, "The Campaigns of Sargon II of Assur: A Chronological-Historical
Study," JCS 12 (1958) 22-40, 77-100; Fuchs Khorsabad.
67
De Odorico, Use of Numbers and Quantifications, 116, 175.
an Assyrian stalemate whose hyperbolic language mirrors Assyrian

vitriol on the eve of the destruction of Babylon.68 A concomitant
censorship in Assyrian visual sources includes a taboo on represent-
ing Assyrian military defeats, symptoms of physical weakness on the
part of the great king or his army, or scenes revealing the offensive
military strength of the opposition (formed battles lines, etc.). The
study of "intertextuality" in Assyrian royal inscriptions is in its infancy.
For example, the rhetorical strategy of the aforesaid battle of Halule
entailed a demonization of the Babylonians through multiple allusions
to Enuma elis, a mythologem that turns the enemies into chaotic—and
doomed—entities of evil. In the words of Weissert, ". . . the mythic
presentation of the past events of Halule served in effect to create
the right political climate in Assyria for the impending materialisa-
tion of Sennacherib's horrendous plans" to sack Babylon.69 Failure
on the part of modern exegetes to factor this literary atmosphere
into their analyses of the narratives of the battle of Halule as his-
torical event ultimately insulates the historian from his or her pri-
mary material.
Like the official propagandistic constructions of the Stalinist Soviet
Union or the China of Chairman Mao's "Great Leap Forward," his-
torical information is undoubtedly embedded in these texts and
images, but forensic, discursive history was the goal of neither the
modern nor the Assyrian propaganda facades,70 and the naive student
68
Brinkman, Prelude to Empire, 64 n. 308; J. Scurlock, "Neo-Assyrian Battle Tactics,"
in Crossing Boundaries and Linking Horizons: Studies in Honor of Michael C. Astour on his
80th Birthday, edited by G. D. Young, M. W. Chavalas and R. E. Averbeck (Bethesda,
MD: CDL Press, 1997) 509-15. Some earlier studies concluded that Sennacherib's
narratives of the battle were a "prodigious falsehood" concealing a wholesale Assyrian
rout; A. K. Grayson, "Problematical Battles in Mesopotamian History," in Studies
in Honor of Benno Landsberger on his Seventy-Fifth Birthday, April 21, 1965, edited by H. G.
Giiterbock and T. Jacobsen (AS 16; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,
1965) 342.
69
E. Weissert, "Creating a Political Climate: Literary Allusions to Enuma Elis
in Sennacherib's Account of the Battle of Halule," in Assyrien im Wandel der Zjdten:
XXXIXe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Heidelberg 6.—10. Juli 1992, edited by
H. Waetzoldt and H. Hauptmann (HSAO 6; Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag,
1997) 202. The trick of literally demonizing one's nemeses and traditional adver-
saries has a rich pedigree in cuneiform literature; see V. Haas, "Die Damonisierung
des Fremden und des Feindes im Alten Orient," RoczOr 41 (1980) 37-44.
/0
In the words of Brinkman, "[w]e tend to forget that the Assyrians were not
writing non-partisan history to be read by a putatively dispassionate scholarly audi-
ence (should such a constituency ever exist); they were writing for an Assyrian audi-
ence very partisan narratives in praise of Assyria and Assyrian kings." J. A. Brinkman,
"Political Covenants, Treaties, and Loyalty Oaths in Babylonia and Between Assyria
94 CHAPTER TWO
of the past quickly becomes an unwitting accomplice in the reinvention

of Assyrian self-aggrandizement in the absence of a hermeneutic of
suspicion. Arresting visual sources—palace reliefs and royal steles—
bring to the historian's desk uniquely crafted narrative programs and
an intricate semiotic grammar that must be evaluated on their own
contextual merits. It is an exercise in reductionism to treat these icon-
ographic sources as non-verbal footnotes or mere embellishments to
the written texts. Fortunately, documents describing many of the
same activities from a different perspective have survived and func-
tion as partial checks against the chronic hyperbole, censorship and
outright disinformation of the Assyrian royal inscriptions: royal cor-
respondence, administrative and economic texts, astrological reports,
and other relics of the state archives of Assyria recovered from the
Assyrian capital cities. Such archival "data" immeasurably broaden
our comprehension of the day-to-day operation of the royal court,
temple system, and the minutiae of managing the largest conquest
empire the world had yet seen. Note that the facticity of the state
archives themselves is not above suspicion. Courtiers eager for advance-
ment exaggerate the completeness of a military victory; court ummdne
whose livelihood and status hang on the king's good pleasure flatter
their patron by extolling his intellectual graces and wit, while ancient
scribes writing on clay committed clerical errors no different in kind
than those of their modern bureaucratic successors using state-of-
the-art word-processors. Yet, unlike the Assyrian royal inscriptions,
the information contained in the state archives was open to verification,
and writers who dared to lie openly to the Great Kings knowingly
courted death. Major difficulties encountered in their historiographic
use, aside from the less tractable obscurities of the Neo-Assyrian dialect
and irreparably damaged texts, involve the accident of both scribal
output and archaeological survival, and nagging mysteries regarding
the original context and purpose. The archives of nearly all the early
Neo-Assyrian kings and those of Shalmaneser V and Sennacherib
have never been recovered; the latter two were probably deliberately
destroyed in antiquity. The ratio of text survival to loss will never
be known with certainty, but, judging from the minutiae in detail
and abundance of writers, the loss is immense, and the peril of com-
and Babylonia," in I trattati ml mondo antico. Forma, ideologia, funzione, edited by

L. Canfora, M. Liverani and C. Zaccagnini (Saggi di storia antica 2; Rome: "L'Erma"
di Bretschneider, 1990) 85.
mitting historical errors by argumenta e silentio is accordingly great.71

The original legal, procedural and practical contexts of many of these
documents lie beyond the competence of current scholarship to divine,
and hence our use of these materials to reconstruct the social and
political patterns of a dead civilization may be dead wrong.
The final interpretative issue surrounding the physical corpus of
the imperial archive—the Assyrian royal inscriptions, official visual
sources and the state archives—is that of hermeneutics and engage-
ment with the past via the writing of history. The hallmark assump-
tions of Enlightenment historiography, and its modernist realization
within the historians' guild, maintain that the past can be accurately
recovered by inflexibly objective analyses of primary sources, because
the realia of the past is ultimately transparent to reason and thus
empirically disclosive. The historians' biases can be mastered through
correct methodology and consummate analytical skill. Within this
conceptual space, the ideal of the scientist and the ideal of the his-
torian merge: the "facts" of history are unaffected by the historian's
subjectivity. Pure historical induction, unencumbered by theoretical
assumptions, forms the basis for the recovery of objective historical
truth. Philological precision and an unwavering attention to the details
of the archaeological horizon culminate in Leopold von Ranke's con-
viction that history is wie es eigentlich gewesen.72 Traditionally speaking,
'' Regarding the subject matter of this chapter, the limited corroborative checks
possible on the historical inscriptions by the state archives reflects the fact that most
of the decisions behind the narratives of the historical inscriptions were made by
the Assyrian emperor himself and his counselors in their capitals or in res media
while on campaign. For example, to whom would Sennacherib have sent a letter
describing his intentions to sack Babylon in 689? Perhaps he himself was undecided
as to the severity of the measures to be taken against the city until the last days
of the siege itself. Correspondence and administrative records will play a far more
important role in defining the subject matter of the next chapter, Assyria's "reli-
gious foreign aid."
/2
This approach to historiography has been aptly labeled empiricist reconstruc-
tionism. For a rearguard defense of the most conservative branch of this method-
ology, see G. R. Elton, The Practice of History (London: Methuen, 1967) and idem,
Return to Essentials: Some Reflections on the Present State of Historical Study (Cambridge and
New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991); in this connection see also A. Marwick,
The Nature of History (3rd ed.; Chicago: Lyceum Books, 1989). A centrist proponent
of this approach that one occasionally encounters in Near Eastern studies bibli-
ographies is E. H. Carr, IVhat is History? (The George Macaulay Trevelyan Lectures,
1961; London: Macmillan; New York: St. Martin's Press, 1961). The most acces-
sible and widely read moderate defense of this position is possibly J. O. Appleby,
L. A. Hunt and M. C. Jacob, Telling the Truth about History (New York: Norton,
1994).
96 CHAPTER TWO
the discipline of ancient Mesopotamian historiography has been strongly

anti-theoretical, committed to the optimistic vision that the diligent
translation of king lists and economic tablets, for instance, when weeded,
ordered and wedded to stratigraphically-controlled excavations, results
in a professional narrative that accurately mirrors the unique histoire
evenementielle. This empiricist self-perception, slipping over into posi-
tivism in extreme cases, has been widely modified in the course of
the 20th century by the methods of the Annales school and the increas-
ing adoption of divers social theories as relevant hermeneutical frame-
works for understanding historical agency.73 Within the historical
constructionist camp, that elusive reality, human nature, can be ab-
stracted and harnessed as an analytical grid to be superimposed on
the "blooming, buzzing confusion" of historical events. Anthropologi-
cal studies of Neo-Assyrian settlement patterns, for instance,74 or in-
vestigation of Mesopotamian belief in ghosts that includes substantive
cross-cultural comparisons75 are manifestations of this methodologi-
cal retooling. Historical constructionism shares the same assumptions
of reconstructionism in so far as historical objectivity is perceived as
more or less achievable, and the exchange medium of the historical
profession, historical narratives, are treated as vehicles for commu-
nicating the Ding an sich rather than the ultimate structures of his-
tory itself. The postmodern dilemmas of the death of the author and
the inescapable maze of the self-referentiality of representation have
left the cloistered assyriological project largely unscathed.76 Sustained
73
Social theory constructionism, the second major avenue followed by historians
of the 20th century, is explained and defended in P. Burke, History and Social Theory
(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993) and A. Callinicos, Theories and Narratives:
Reflections on the Philosophy of History (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1995).
74
D. Morandi Bonacossi, "'Landscapes of Power': the Political Organisation of
Space in the Lower Habur Valley in the Neo-Assyrian Period," SAAB 10/2 (1996)
15-49.
15
J. Scurlock, "Ghosts in the Ancient Near East: Weak or Powerful?," HUCA
68 (1997) 77-96.
/f>
Contemporary deconstructionist historiography was foreshadowed by the stun-
ningly perceptive study of R. G. Collingwood, The Idea of History (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1946). The controversial and most articulate proponent of this approach is
H. V. White, Metahistory: the Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Baltimore:
Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975), and idem, The Content of the Form: Narrative
Discourse and Historical Representation (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990).
White himself was heavily influenced by the thought of the French social critic
Michael Foucault; H. V. White, "Foucault Decoded: Notes from Underground,"
HTh (1973) 23~54, and idem, "Structuralism and Popular Culture," Journal of Popular
Culture 7 (1974) 759-75. An intelligent and highly informed survey of the merits of
investigations into the ideologies of the Assyrian royal inscriptions

represent early beachheads of postmodern or deconstructive histo-
ries. So too are surveys of the discipline that attempt to illustrate
the profound cultural relativity of the enterprise, as for example the
discovery of a simulacrum of the Ottoman Empire in Neo-Assyrian
"oriental despotism" by British soldiers and scholars writing in high
Victorian England, or the ideological struggle between fascism and
democracy of World War II retrojected into the Sumerian pantheon.
The attentive reader of this monograph will find all three of these
histories at work cheek to jowl: the attempt to draw infinitely close
to a point in absolute history that does not exist, like the calculus,
through respect of philological niceties and archaeological survivals;
the use of comparative materials with the implicit assumption that
the grid of human experience illustratively crosses cultural space and
time; and the postmodern conviction that the historian perforce
encounters his or her own civilization and real-world engagements
in the construction of historical narrative. Consciousness of the opac-
ity of much of the Assyrian imperial archive and the limitations of
historical representation chasten this writer from asserting many global
"facts" regarding Neo-Assyrian religious imperialism. The empire
lasted too long, covered too much space, encroached on and absorbed
too many cultures and was guided by too many idiosyncratic kings;
the imperial archive is at once too fragmentary, cryptic and blatantly
propagandistic; and the boundaries of historical epistemology are too
provincial to encourage sweeping generalities and the construction
of a monolithic "policy" binding the entire Neo-Assyrian world. And,
without anticipating the analyses of the following pages overmuch,
it is this investigator's opinion that Assyrian foreign policy directives
consisted almost entirely of correspondence and face-to-face instruc-
tions issued military leaders and other imperial magnates, and of
course the pregnant messages of the royal steles. Recent studies that
deal with Roman imperial administration are very close to the mark:
The (Roman) imperial administration is perhaps best conceptualized
through the model... which sees the emperor as responding to individual
petitions and issuing ad hoc orders in reaction to local, provincial or
senatorial initiatives rather than developing grand policies. To be sure,
and debates between the advocates of reconstructionist, constructionist and decon-

structist history is A. Munslow, Deconstructing History (London and New York: Routledge,
1997).
98 CHAPTER TWO
journeys of emperors and governors would establish a governmental

representation in provincial cities. The emperor's written pronounce-
ments, together with the mandata issued to governors in both imperial
and public provinces, would be felt to assert a positive, if rudimen-
tary, policy across the empire. Yet, it was iconographic and epigraphic
media, not a consistent body of regulations duly transmitted to the
provinces, which constituted the imperial presence. The system's efficiency
was determined by the parameters of a patrimonial regime, reactive
rather than active and working on the basis of personal patronage and
conditional response.77
Definitions
For the purposes of this study, a foreign cult is defined as any cult asso-
ciated with a temple or shrine located outside the Assyrian heartland.
Historically, the core of Assyria comprised the city-state of Assur
(QaTat as-Sarqat), which expanded in the 14th century to incorpo-
rate Nineveh, Kalhu (Nimrud), Arba'il (Erbll), and Kilizi/Kalzi (Qasr
Simamuk). The Assyrian heartland was defined by Assur to the south,
with the Lower Zab as a natural boundary, the Zagros foothills to
the north and northeast, and the Sinjar mountain chain to the north-
west. Sibanibe (Tell Billa) and Tarblsu (Sarff Han), not far north of
Nineveh, might have been border towns in the 10th century, while
Zamahu (Tell ar-Rimah) and Nemed-Istar (Tell cAfar) occupied sim-
ilar positions to the west. There was no natural geographical bar-
rier to the west in the Jazfra steppeland, and by the 13th century
Assyrian conquests had expanded into the lower Habur region. Such
an Assyro-centric definition of foreign cults has no bearing on either
the size or official nature of the non-Assyrian cults analyzed: the
rubric "foreign cults" includes the state cult of Haldi at Musasir, as
well as the internationally revered city cults of Harran and Babylonia.
The ancient temple complex devoted to the moon god and his divine
family at Harran, and the major cult centers of Babylonia fall under
this umbrella definition as "foreign cults," despite the magnitude of
direct Assyrian economic and administrative efforts expended in their
behalf. The autonomous nature of these cults may be gauged by
77
A. Bendlin, "Peripheral Centres—Central Peripheries: Religious Communication
in the Roman Empire," in RiJmische Reichsreligion und Provinzialreligion, edited by
H. Cancik and J. Rupke (Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1997) 35~68.
their antedating and postdating of Assyrian parochial national inter-

ests by units of centuries.
Religious imperialism is defined as deliberate, coercive involvement
in the affairs of a foreign and subordinate polity with the intention
of either manipulating the internal affairs of the foreign cult, or of
imposing cultic dues and obligations consciously understood by both
polities for the support of the cult(s) of the imperial polity, or both.
While, speaking on the ideological level, every element of every vic-
torious Assyrian campaign was an act of religious imperialism, since
the entire enterprise of conquest was undertaken at the command
of Assur and the great gods of Assyria, and, concomitantly, every
act of political rebellion against the Assyrian state was rationalizable
as both treason and apostasy,78 I wish to limit this chapter to those
aspects of Assyrian foreign intervention which might reasonably have
been perceived as cultic interference and/or aggressive subordination
to the cult of a politically dominant nation. For example, the doc-
umented dedication of secular campaign spoils by the Assyrians to
Assyrian temples does not count under the strict rubric of coercive
religious imperialism, whereas the spoliation of foreign cultic para-
phernalia and divine images certainly does. Similarly, although Assyrian
royal steles and rupestral reliefs that bore the symbols of the state
pantheon were treated as sacred objects by the Assyrians themselves,
only those examples explicitly erected in foreign temples or added
to a foreign ruler's pantheon will be dealt with in this chapter.
78
A clear example of this political theology is found in the misleadingly called
Vassal Treaties of Esarhaddon, a document ratified in a public ceremony in which
the client ruler was required to state his subordination to the ruling members of
the royal family and the national god, Assur: "For all time to come Assur shall be
your god, and Assurbanipal, the great crown prince from the Succession Palace,
shall be your lord," SAA 2 no. 6, 44:393-94. Among the reliefs of Assurbanipal
published from the "Palace Without Rival" of Sennacherib at Nineveh, the victory
scenes from his Elamite campaign include graphic depictions of Assyrian tortures
inflicted upon the captives (A. Paterson, Assyrian Sculptures: Palace of Sinacherib [The
Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1915] 65-66, Room XXXIII, nos. 4-6); the epigraph
reads "(PN1 and PN2) spoke great insults (sillatu) against Assur, the god, my cre-
ator. Their tongues I ripped out, their flesh I flayed"; P. Gerardi, "Epigraphs and
Assyrian Palace Reliefs: The Development of the Epigraphic Text," JCS 40 (1988)
31. While it is theoretically possible that these unfortunate rebels were actually
caught and executed for blaspheming the Assyrian national god, the scope of their
offenses may have been entirely political and military: treason and blasphemy were
one. Terminological aside: "vassal" and other legal expressions drawn from European
feudalism should be eschewed because of their heavy freight of anachronistic polit-
ical and social infrastructures.
100 CHAPTER TWO
Provincial Dues for the Cult of Assur
The Neo-Assyrian political cosmos was divided into four more-or-

less concentric regions. The most distant regions into which the
Assyrian emperors never ventured or received tribute included Nubia
and the central Iranian plain, and beyond. Bordering these remote
areas were polities such as Egypt and Elam whose realms, over the
centuries, moved in a complex orbit between detente cordiale, elas-
tic hostility and violent reduction to client-state dependency. At the
risk of historical oversimplification, client states, the term lately pre-
ferred over vassal, paid yearly "tax and tribute" but retained their
own rulers and functioned more or less as autonomous political enti-
ties. Assyria proper—the "land of Assur"—was itself divided into
provincial districts, ruled by governors, each of whose district was a
tightly monitored network of economic enterprises and military capa-
bilities. The entirety of the land of Assur was apportioned into
provinces, named after the capital city, including the capital cities
in the historical heartland: if you stood within the borders of the
"land of Assyria," you were by definition standing in a province.79
There is substantial but not comprehensive evidence that Neo-
Assyrian religious imperialism, as embodied by the formal require-
ment of polities outside the Assyrian heartland to provide material
support for the Assyrian temple cults in the Assyrian heartland, was
a duty exacted of provincial rulers, not client states.80 Correspondence
indicates that many provincial governors (bel pdhete, LU.NAM.MES)
were required to provide livestock, grain, and bread for the regular
79
Postgate, "Land of Assur," 251-52.
80
For an orientation to the topic of Assyrian administrative organization, see the
discussions in Postgate Taxation, 200-44; idem, "The Economic Structure of the
Assyrian Empire," in Power and Propaganda: A Symposium on Ancient Empires, edited by
M. T. Larsen (Mes[C] 7; Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag, 1979) 193-221; J.
Pecirkova, "The Administrative Methods of Assyrian Imperialism," ArOr 55 (1987)
162-75; Postgate, "Review o f . . . Khaled Nashef"; idem, "Land of Assur," 247-63;
the useful introductions in SAA 2 xv-xxv; SAA 5 xxi-xxx; SAA 11 xiii-xxxv; SAA
12 xiii-xxxvi; SAA 13 xvi-xvii; R. Lamprichs, Die Westexpansion des neuassyrischen
Roches: eine Strukturanalyse (AOAT 239; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-
Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1995) 185-260; G. B. Lanfranchi, "Consensus to
Empire: Some Aspects of Sargon II's Foreign Policy," in Assyrien im Wandel der êiten:
XXXIX" Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Heidelberg 6.-10. Juli 1992, edited by H.
Waetzoldt and H. Hauptmann (HSAO 6; Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag,
1997) 81-87.
temple offerings (ginu},81 the daily rations of the gods, as well as other
types of perishable offerings and provisions (sattukku, dariu, resetu} des-
tined for the temple of Assur at Assur.82 Akkullanu, a priest of Assur,
informed Assurbanipal which governors had failed to provide sheep
for the dariu-offering and wheat for the ginu-offering of Assur; the
former included the distant North Syrian provinces of Kullania and
Arpad, while the latter include Guzana.83 Nadin-Assur wrote to the
81
On the materials identified as ginu-offerings in Neo-Assyrian texts, see van Driel
Cult of Assur, Appendix III, and SAA 7 nos. 182-219. The rich variety of pre-
pared meats, breads, wines, fruits, nuts, vegetables and grains, some of which like
olives were imported great distances, advertised the international dimensions of the
larder of the land of Assur, whose state pantheon daily consumed the finest deli-
cacies obtainable in the empire. In some circumstances it would appear that ginu-
offerings could be commuted for cash: 9 MA.NA 15 GIN KU.BABBAR gi-nu-u sa
as+sur, available at the "New Palace"; ADD no. 49 = Kwasman, Neo-Assyrian Legal
Documents, no. 40b:l-2 (K 342b). The term ginu was also used in the Neo-Assyrian
dialect to mean secular rations; CTN 1 passim.
82
On the nature of the resetu (SAG.MES) temple offering, see S. Zawadzki, "Neo-
Assyrian Temple Sacrifices: I. reseti" RoczOr 41 (1980) 151-55; J. N. Postgate,
"Review of Assyrische Tempel, by Brigitte Menzel," JSS 28 (1983) 155-59; CAD 14
restu, 273. Human beings could also be dedicated as resetu to Assyrian gods, in
this case Elamite POWs and their spoil; Borger BIWA, A vi 125, vii 1, F vi 12,
14. Note that routine tribute extraction and transportation was under the direct
supervision of the central authorities, not the provincial governors, with the impli-
cation that ginu and other types of offerings derived from different resources; see
Postgate Taxation, 123. Provincial governors were personally accountable to the
king for malfeasance in the regular delivery of offering materials to the national
Assur temple.
83
ABL no. 43 = LAS I no. 309 = SAA 10 no. 96:13-25 (K 122); on the geog-
raphy and political status of these cities, see LAS II, 318-19. Parpola's raising of
the possibility that an Assur temple other than the one at Assur was meant dis-
plays admirable scholarly skepticism, but in fact, as he himself admits, the empire-
wide dimensions of the provincial provender supplies is the best argument that
Assurbanipal's curiosity had to do with provisioning the Assur temple at Assur; LAS
II, 317.
There were no insurmountable physical or technical difficulties in moving large
herds of sheep from Kullania to Assur—or elsewhere—across the Fertile Crescent.
For instance, a drive from Tell Ta'yfnat (Kinalua? the capital of Kullania) on the
old road that began at the mouth of the Orontes, running eastward to Halab, then
turning northeast by way of the Nappigi oasis to the Carchemish ford on the
Euphrates, following the harran sarri across northern Mesopotamia to Guzana then
Nasibfna, ultimately tracing the roads south to Assur, a plausible route through
Sargonid Greater Assyria, would have spanned approximately 700 km. Transhumant
pastoralists in Iran such as the Bakhtiyari, Qasqai and Basseri tribal groups once
annually trekked their herds 400-500 km in the spring in search of summer pas-
ture. Such journeys could be accomplished in five weeks by requiring the animals
to travel no more than five hours at a stretch, often beginning in the pre-dawn
hours of the morning, thus covering no more than 12 km per day. Most of these
migrations began around the vernal equinox; newborn lambs had to be carried or
slaughtered. See the overview in M. L. Ryder, Sheep & Man (London: Duckworth,
102 CHAPTER TWO
king explaining that he sold the king's servants for cash (ina kaspi) in
order to make up for the delinquent payment of first-fruits (SAG.MES)
and "one-fifth tax" (hamussu) of the governor of Barhalzi to (the tem-
1983), 239-43. Negev Bedouin drive their herds between 4 and 20 km daily, mov-
ing them no more than 8 km at a time; T. E. Levy, "Transhumance, Subsistence,
and Social Evolution in the Northern Negev Desert," in Pastoralism in the Levant:
Archaeological Materials in Anthropological Perspectives, edited by O. Bar-Yosef and A.
Khazanov (Monographs in World Archaeology 10; Madison, WI: Prehistory Press,
1992) 69-70. By employing similar strategies of moving before the heat of the day
and limiting the distances covered daily, sheep herds numbering in the thousands
were successfully driven across the western regions of the United States and the
Australian outback during the second half of the nineteenth century; see E. N.
Wentworth, America's Sheep Trails: History, Personalities (Ames, IA: Iowa State College
Press, 1948), 258-62, and G. P. Walsh, Pioneering Days: People and Innovations in
Australia's Rural Past (St. Leonard, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 1993), 216-21. In 1876
a sheep herd 10,000 strong was driven from Merced County, California, to Puerto
de Luna, New Mexico, a total distance of 1,600 miles, a journey that took 7Vz
months; Wentworth, America's Sheep Trails, 261. Although droughts, floods, preda-
tors and rustlers could wreck havoc, there were some amazingly successful long-dis-
tance drives, such as the 14,000 wethers herded 900 miles across Australia in 1904
reportedly without the loss of a single animal; Walsh, Pioneering Days, 220. The great
majority of the animals herded long distances in late 19th-century Australia and
the United States were yearlings or two-year-old ewes or wethers, better equipped
than lambs or older specimens to survive the rigors of travel. By analyzing faunal
remains from the 7th-century Assyrian occupation at Tell Jemmeh by species and
age, Wapnish has found an anomalous 80% of the identifiable sheep/goat remains
are of animals three years or older, animals normally of breeding stock age. Tell
Jemmeh, a strategically important coastal site located on the edge of the desert,
probably functioned as a regional market-node, where valuable local resources with
an elevated exchange value within the international Assyrian trade and tribute econ-
omy would have been collected and exported. The scarcity of market-age animals
(under three years of age) at the site suggests that these animals were being siphoned
off from local consumption and marketed elsewhere, a pattern in keeping with
Assyrian royal inscriptions and economic documents that describe vast movements
of livestock across the empire. On the evidence at Tell Jemmeh see P. Wapnish,
"Is sent ana la mdni an Accurate Description or a Royal Boast?," in Retrieving the
Past: Essays on Archaeological Research and Methodology in Honor of Gus W. Van Beek, edited
by J. D. Seger (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1996) 285-96. The Assyrian emperors
frequently boasted of the quantity of sheep acquired as booty or tribute, with num-
bers ranging from the reasonable (Assur-nasir-pal II received 10,000 as tribute) to
the preposterous (Sennacherib claimed to carry off 800,600 in the course of his first
campaign); see De Odorico, Use of Numbers, 184-85. In the annals of Sargonid kings
the metaphor of apportioning captives "like sheep" among royal properties, nobil-
ity, soldiers and Assyrian citizens is a commonplace. In the world of administrative
texts, ADD no. 952 = SAA 11 no. 80 (K 9996+14270+14309) lists a total of 1,998
grain-fed sheep inspected or at the disposal of the Nineveh banquet-shepherd
(LU.SIPA-BUR), itemized from provinces west of the Euphrates, including Sam'al,
Arpad, Kullania, Damascus, and Megiddo. A broken list of tribute or booty men-
tions 16,000 sheep; SAA 11 no. 104:9 (K 8683+20329). NL no. 19 = SAA 1 no.
175 (ND 2381 [IM 64018]), written by Adda-hati, governor of Hamath, describes
an ambush laid against 3,000 or more "booty sheep" being driven from Damascus
to Assyria. That sheep driven en masse to the Assyrian capital cities forfeited the
pie of) Assur.84 The king is cautioned about allowing this abuse to
go unchecked: "[if] a governor does [not] bring the one-fifth tax and
deliver it to your temple, the rest of the high officials (LU.GAL.MES),
upon seeing him, will stop performing (their duty) to your temples."80
The scribe of the Assur temple complains to the king that the Assyrian
cities of Talmusa and Kurba'il have failed to deliver their animals
for sacrifice on the appointed day of the month.86 Other correspond-
ence indicates that some cities were years in arrears with their ani-
mal deliveries to the Assur temple; the problem included deadbeat
or renegade shepherds.87 Other texts reveal that gzrcw-offerings were
supplied to the Assur temple by "high officials" (LU.GAL.MES),88
the queen,89 crown prince,90 turtdnu91 rab sage,92 the governor of the
land (of Assur province, sdkin mdti)95 the steward of the Assur temple
(masenni sa bit d Assur),94 and the chief steward (rab masenni}?3 Assyrian
same solicitous care expended by nomads on their own herds may be attested by
the enigmatic text ADD no. 1134 = SAA 11 no. 94:7-rev. 1 (K 1391), that enu-
merates totals of animals inspected and dead, including, for Nineveh, 543 sheep
inspected and 2,215 dead, although other factors could account for the high mor-
tality rate. On the terminology and documentation of cattle, sheep and goat hus-
bandry in ancient Mesopotamia, see the conference papers published as J. N. Postgate
and M. A. Powell, eds. "Domestic Animals of Mesopotamia, Parts 1-2" Bulletin on
Sumerian Agriculture 7-8 (1993, 1995).
84
ABL no. 532 = SAA 13 no. 31:1-31 (83-1-18,15); see the comments in
Postgate Taxation, 214-15.
85
SAA 13 no. 31 rev. 5-10.
86
ABL no. 1023 = SAA 13 no. 8 (K 5213B), ABL no. 1171 = SAA 13 no. 9
(Bu 91-5-9,11), ABL no. 1384 = SAA 13 no. 10 (Ki 1904-10-9,41), ABL no.
1160 = SAA 13 no. 11 (83-1-18,282) (writer: Marduk sallim-ahhe).
87
ABL no. 724 = SAA 13 no. 18 (K 548), ABL no. 726 = SAA 13 no. 19
(80-7-19,24), ABL no. 727 = SAA 13 no. 20 (83-1-18,67), ABL no. 1377 = CT
53 no. 129 = SAA 13 no. 21 (Sm 1097+Ki 1904-10-9,26) (writer: Dadi).
88
ABL no. 43 = LAS I no. 309 = SAA 10 no. 96:7, 11 (K 122). The offices
covered by LU.SAG.MES included high state officials, such as the turtdnu and rab
masenni, and provincial governors; see S. Parpola, "The Assyrian Cabinet," in Vom
Alien Orient zum Alien Testament: Festschrift fur Wolfram Freiherm von Soden zu.rn 85. Geburtstag
am 19. Juni 1993, edited by M. Dietrich and O. Loretz (AOAT 240; Kevelaer: Verlag
Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1995) 379 n. 2; R. Mattila,
The King's Magnates: a Study of the Highest Officials of the Neo-Assyrian Empire (SAAS 11;
Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 2000) 23 (masennu], 40 (ndgir ekalli],
55-56 (rab sdqe], 102 (sukkallu), 120-21 (turtdnu).
89
ADD no. 999 = SAA 7 no. 184 (K 708).
90
ADD no. 1001 = SAA 7 no. 185 (Sm 1039); ADD no. 1092 = SAA 7 no.
193 (K 837); ADD no. 1017 = SAA 7 no. 215 (K 1114).
91
ADD no. 1007 + 1072 = SAA 7 no. 211 (K 1131+3039+7328).
92
ADD no. 1010 = SAA 7 no. 209 (81-2-4,90).
93
ADD no. 1010 = SAA 7 nos. 209 (81-2-4,90); 210 (private collection).
94
ADD no. 1007 + 1072 = SAA 7 no. 211 (K 1131+3039+7328).
95
ADD no. 1000 = SAA 7 no. 186 (K 797); ADD no. 1024 = SAA 7 no. 208
104 CHAPTER TWO
temples, including the national temple of Assur at Assur, had many

sources of income and supply.96 ADD no. 960+ = SAA 7 no. 161
(K 108+1579) lists food offerings by province or individual, pre-
sumably received by a temple in Assur or another Assyrian capital
city for the offerings of Tammuz (month IV) 28th. Dur-Istar and
Balata were located within Assyria proper, but the offerings sent
from Kar-Adad (rev. i 9), if this is the same city renamed by Sargon
II following its capture during his 7th campaign, was in Median ter-
ritory. The editors of SAA 7 accept this identification; Kessler, on
the basis of the orthography, is dubious.97 The quantity of offerings
enumerated—cakes, bread, leeks, garlic, shallots, 2 sheep, beer, and
roasted grain—duplicated by several provincial officers in this text,
would have gone far to supply the daily needs of an unknown tem-
ple. If the destination was not the Assur temple at Assur, then it is
possible that other Assyrian temples were provisioned by provincial
resources in late Sargonid times.
It is likely that the administrative procedure of supplying the tem-
ple of Assur by provinces in the Neo-Assyrian period was one of
many traditions carried over from the 10th-century "Dark Age" from
the time of Tiglath-pileser I and before, a pragmatic means of dis-
tributing among crown officials an onerous cultic obligation fraught
with the symbolism of political submission.98 A Middle Assyrian
(K 881); ADD no. 1013 = SAA 7 no. 212 (82-5-22,170). SAA 7 nos. 182-219,
although clearly dealing with sacrifices provided for the Assur temple at Assur, were
all excavated at Kuyunjik, a fact that bears witness to the significance the crown
attributed to the steady supplying of the Assur cult by the royal family and court. On
this text archive see Appendix III in van Driel Cult of Assur, especially 190 n. 77.
96
See the discussions in van Driel Cult of Assur, 185—91; Postgate Taxation,
214-16; Menzel Tempel, 59-61. The responsibility shared by certain Ur III ensis
(city-governors) to supply the temples of Nippur on a monthly(?), or at least rotat-
ing basis bears a similarity to the cultic duties of the Neo-Assyrian governor. If
Hallo's interpretation is correct, the ensis were held accountable for the provisioning
of the national religious center, although it was their individual cities that bore the
burden of the payments in kind; W. W. Hallo, "A Sumerian Amphictyony," JCS
14 (1960) 89; see PSD 2 s.v. bala B, 65-67; P. Steinkeller, "The Administrative
and Economic Organization of the Ur III State: The Core and the Periphery,"
in The Organization of Power: Aspects of Bureaucracy in the Ancient Near East, edited by
M. Gibson and R. D. Biggs (revised ed.; SAOC 46; Chicago: Oriental Institute of
The University of Chicago, 1991) 15-33. ^
A letter from Ina-sar-Bel-allak in Dur-Sarrukfn describes the continual sheep-
offerings (UDU/MES1 da-ri-[e\) which the king had organized (kasa.ru) for the Nabu
temple and is being provided by the cohort (kisru) within the city; ABL no. 1087 =
SAA 1 no. 129 (Rm 2,13).
97
K. Kessler, "Kar-Adad," RLA 5:401b-2a.
98
A sizeable Assur archive from the brief reign of the Middle Assyrian king
administrative archive from the Assur temple at Assur reveals that

gina'u-offerings, in the time of Tiglath-pileser I at least, were supplied
by provinces." The gina'u attested in these texts consist of barley,
honey, sesame/linseed oil, and fruit;100 all were delivered to Ezbu-
lesir, the rab gina'u, "overseer of the gmaVofferings"101 who received
his offering materials from Idu,102 Assur province,103 Arba'il,104 "the
Lower Province,"105 Apku,106 Kurda,107 Amasakku,108 Rimusu,109 Kalhu, no
"the banks of the Habur,"111 Halahhu,112 Sa-blre-su,113 and Kulishinas,
most if not all of which were provincial capitals at the time."5
Ninurta-tukulti-Assur lists animals brought to the palace or temple for gifts or

sacrifice, though none are called gina'u; V. Donbaz, Ninurta-Tukulti-Assur zamanma ait
orta Asur idari belgeleri (TTKY 6/19; Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi, 1976);
V. Donbaz, "Notes on an Assyrian 'Shadow' King," JCS 32 (1980) 211-28.
99
VAS 19 nos. 21 (VAT 18008), 25 (VAT 16389), 49 (VAT 16398), 56(?) (VAT
18037), 62 (VAT 13084), 73 (VAT 16399+16400). On the identification of this col-
lection of Assur tablets as part of the temple archive, see Postgate, "Review of
Mittelassyrische Rechtsurkunden" 69, O. Pedersen, Archives and Libraries in the City of Assur:
A Survey of the Material from the German Excavations, Part /(Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis,
Studia Semitica Upsaliensia 6; Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1985), 43-53, and
H. Freydank, "Mittelassyrische Opferlisten aus Assur," in Assyrien im Wandel der êiten:
XXXIX' Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Heidelberg 6.-10. Juli 1992, edited by
H. Waetzoldt and H. Hauptmann (HSAO 6; Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag,
1997) 47-52.
100
Barley (§E-wn): VAS 19 nos. 21 rev. 21; 25:1, 6, etc.; honey (LAL.MES): nos.
62:1; sesame/linseed oil (SE.GlS.I): no. 73:1; fruit (a-za-am-ru): no. 56:49, 58. Although
the readable portion of no. 56 does not mention gina'u, the materials mentioned,
the quantities, the cities/regions of origination, and its presence in the archive argue
for its purpose as a list of gmflVpayments.
101
VAS 19 nos. 25 (envelope), 3'-4'; 49:3; 73:12 and envelope 8-9.
102
VAS 19 nos. 21:29; 25:16.
103
VAS 19 no. 21:26 (gi-na-a sa KUR-fe).
104
VAS 19 no. 62:2.
105
VAS 19 no. 56:43 (KUR.pa-hu-tu KI.TA).
106
VAS 19 no. 56:45, 46.
107
VAS 19 no. 56:47.
108
VAS 19 no. 56:58, 61, 64.
109
VAS 19 no. 56:49, 52. The northern Assyrian city of Rimusu is not to be
confused with Talmusu/Talmusa, located in the district (later kingdom) of Karana;
see the discussion in M. C. Astour, "Semites and Hurrians in Northern Transtigris,"
in Studies of the Civilization and Culture ofNuzi and the Hurrians, Vol. 2, edited by D. I.
Owen and M. A. Morrison (General Studies and Excavations at Nuzi 9/1; Winona
Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1987) 30-31.
110
VAS 19 no. 56:50, 51.
111
VAS 19 no. 56:59 (a-ah ID.fa-bur).
112
VAS 19 no. 56:60.
113
VAS 19 no. 56:62 (rURU./« PUVfa).
114
VAS 19 no. 73:3, 11.
1|D
See the discussion in Postgate, "Review of Mittelassyrische Rechtsurkunden," 69-70;
idem, "Review of ... Khalid Nashef," 65-101.
106 CHAPTER TWO
Assyrian royal inscriptions provide sporadic examples of the oblig-

ation to supply Assyrian temples with provisions imposed on newly
organized provincial or other "pacified" territories. Sargon II imposed
a sibtu-tax in large and small cattle and the provision of sattukku-
offerings on newly conquered Hamath in 720. Although the destined
recipient of the imposts is lost in a lacuna, it was probably Assur
and/or the great gods of Assyria.116 Upon the newly organized Baby-
lonian district (nagfy of Hirimmu, Sennacherib imposed fixed quantities
of oxen, sheep, wine, and dates, "its first-fruits (resetisu) for the gods
of Assyria, my lords, I established in perpetuity."117 In remote Egypt
Esarhaddon boasts of having established sattukku- and ^Vm-offerings
for Assur and the great gods in perpetuity.118 Following the defeat
of Samas-sumu-ukln, Assurbanipal maintains that, for Akkad, Chaldea,
116
F. Thureau-Dangin, "La stele d'Asharne," RA 30 (1933) 54:B 17-18. A Sargon
stele fragment of unknown provenience describes the "tax, tribute, corvee and forced
labor" (GUN ma-da-tu z.a-bal ku-du-u-ri a-lik KASKAL) imposed on 6300 "guilty
Assyrians" (UJ.as+sur-a-a EN hi-it-ti) who were settled in Hamath. W. G. Lambert
in O. W. Muscarella, ed. Ladders to Heaven: Art Treasures from Lands of the Bible (Toronto:
McClelland and Stewart, 1981) no. 83, p. 125. Both inscriptions describe events of
Sargon IPs second regnal year; it is likely that the civil and cultic obligations alike
were imposed on all inhabitants of Hamath.
117
OIP 2, 26 i 61-64 (Frahm Einleitung, T 16 = Oriental Institute/Chicago
Prism A 2793; Taylor Prism, 55-10-3,1); 57:19 (Frahm Einleitung, T 3 = K 1680);
67:9 (Frahm Einleitung, T 29 = Bull Inscription no. 4 = 3 R 12-13 [BM
118815a+b+l 18821 + 118819+118817]); P. Ling-Israel, "The Sennacherib Prism in
the Israel Museum—Jerusalem," in Bar-Han Studies in Assyriology Dedicated to Pinhas
Artzi, edited by J. Klein and A. Skaist (Ramat Gan: Bar-Han University Press, 1990)
213-48, Jerusalem Prism 223 i 55-58 (Frahm Einleitung, T 17 = Israel Museum
71.72.249). Hirimmu appears to have been located east of the Tigris near the
Assyrian border; W. Rollig, "Hirimmu," RLA 4:418b; Rep. geog. 8, 162. In his tit-
ulary Assur-nasir-pal II claims to have restored territory east of the Tigris under
Assyrian authority, including Hirimmu; see Brinkman PKB, 188-89, 391-93.
Sennacherib took Hirimmu by force during his first campaign, probably in 702,
when he installed the Assyrian-court protege Bel-ibni as king over Babylonia. It is
possible that an unpublished text dated to Sargon IPs 4th year as king of Babylon
(706), written in Harimmu, was the same city; J. A. Brinkman and D. A. Kennedy,
"Documentary Evidence for the Economic Base of Early Neo-Babylonian Society:
A Survey of Dated Babylonian Economic Texts," JCS 35 (1983) 13 (79-B-34).
Sennacherib's cultic exactions imposed on Hirimmu make sense in light of the prior
history of the old border fortress: he treated it like a lost provincial center. The
Bull Inscription T 29 substitutes URU for nagu in the phrase su-a-tu a-na es-su-ti as-
bat, "I rebuilt that town" an action consonant with the perception of conquest as
the re-establishment of Assyrian authority.
118
Borger Esarh., §65, Mnm. A, 99:48-49 (Zinjirli Stele). While it is true that
Egypt was never securely established in the Assyrian provincial system, Esarhaddon
claims to have tried virtually the spectrum of available administrative offices there,
including that of governor, so it is not unduly surprising that the cultic dues assigned
to Assyrian governors appear in a description of Egypt under Assyrian rule.
and the Sealands, he demanded annual tribute and re-established

sattukku-offerings, gz/zw-offerings and first-fruits for Assur, Ninlil/Mullissu,
and the gods of Assyria.119 It is my assumption that the Assyrian
cults whose maintenance was mandated for these conquered terri-
tories were those located in Assyria, in conformity with the custo-
mary expectations placed on Assyrian governors to make provisions
available for Assyrian temples in the heartland. It is possible, of
course, that these supplies were intended for Assyrian cults installed
in Hamath, Egypt, Babylonia, etc. at the time of conquest. However,
none of the narratives dealing with the installation of Assyrian deities
in conquered territories correspond with the accounts in the royal
inscriptions of the imposition of offerings for Assyrian cults (Table
4). This, plus the fact that none of the voluminous Kuyunjik corpus
written from or about Babylonia deals substantively with the cults
of Assyrian gods located in Babylonia, leads me to doubt that the
Assyrians as a matter of policy demanded of conquered territories
the special provision of offerings for Assyrian gods in cult places out-
side the major cult centers of Assyria.120 However, this doubt relies
119
Borger BIWA, A iv 106-7. A list of offerings for the 25th day for the Assur
temple includes a short list of ra7to-offerings "which the king imposed on Akkad,"
SAA 7 no. 212 rev. 12. The commodities include an ox, goose, duck, 3 kinds of
bread, beer, and, reflecting the regional agriculture, dates. I suspect, but cannot
prove, that this Kuyunjik text dates from the reign of Assurbanipal, and thus inde-
pendently confirms that king's claim to have imposed ginu-exactions upon "Akkad"
in addition to the tribute normally expected of client states. The examples cited in
n. 249 infra appear to challenge the sharp policy distinction made between province
and client state with regard to offerings for the Assur temple by Cogan, Imperialism
and Religion, 49-61, and Postgate, "Land of Assur," 251-55. I sustain the judge-
ment of these two scholars on this issue. Sennacherib's "Assyrianization" of Hirimmu
at the beginning of his campaigns echoed the harsh and definitive treatment of
Aramaean enclaves in Babylonia by Tiglath-pileser III and Sargon II, and makes
sense in the light of Assyrian claims to sovereignty stretching over 150 years. During
the reigns of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, both Egypt and Babylonia were sub-
ject to multiple Assyrian invasions and a subsequent series of complex administra-
tive experiments—some of which were short-lived—over portions of the former
kingdoms, which included appointment of provincial governors and concomitant
assignment of gz/zw-responsibilities for the Assur cult. The correlation of historical
inscriptions, royal correspondence and administrative texts bears out the hypothe-
sis that the mandatory supply of ginu-offering materials for the Assur temple in Assur
was a policy enforced for provinces, including polities briefly governed as provinces,
and not client states.
120 por inose reaclers interested in the 150-year-old debate concerning the con-
struction of an Assyrian-style altar by Ahaz of Judah during the reign of Tiglath-
pileser III (2 Kgs 16), there is not the slightest evidence that the historical Assyrians
forcibly exported liturgical architecture anywhere. For the Assyrian material evi-
dence, or one should say lack of evidence, see Holloway, "Case for Assyrian Religious
108 CHAPTER TWO
upon an argument from silence, and it may require modification in

light of texts excavated in the future.
The supplying of ginu-offerings by provincial governors and others
to the Assur temple was a prime example of the Assyrian perception
of acceptable cultic submission as orthopraxy, not orthodoxy. Sedition
against god and king involved publicly verifiable acts of rebellion.
Whether the subordinate parties actively assimilated the official ide-
ology of the state was irrelevant, so long as visible acquiescence
within the theater of official scrutiny characterized the comportment
of servant to master, governor to king. Resistance to Assyrian hege-
mony ran the gamut from open rebellion to covert expressions of
discontent, some of which can be reconstructed from existing records.
"Footdragging" by provincial rulers in the monthly payment of ginu
and other offering types for the state temple of Assur, in some cases,
may have represented a safely ambiguous means of resisting Assyrian
overlordship without evoking military reprisal. That valuable livestock
and other goods destined for the Assur temple disappeared due to
simple human greed, avarice, and peculation, on the other hand, is
amply attested.121 None of these infractions of the cultic dues to the
supreme state god were cited in so many words in the royal inscriptions.
For instance, the account of the civil war waged over the accession
of SamsT-Adad V to the throne lists the rebellious cities but says
nothing about a reduction or diversion of rations for the cult of
Assur.122 Such frank declarations of cultic rebellion would have pro-
vided (additional) evidence of division within the Assyrian ruling elite,
sending an undesirable message to wavering provincial and client
rulers, and indirectly challenge the Assyrian court notables' self-image
as a monolithic bloc united in their service to the state pantheon.
Influence," 447-56; for a judicious treatment of the current scholarship on this

question see Smelik, "New Altar of King Ahaz," passim.
121
KAV 197, edited by Postgate Taxation, 363-67, translated and critiqued in
F. M. Fales, "People and Professions in Neo-Assyrian Assur," in Assyrun im Wandel
der êiten: XXXIX' Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Heidelberg 6.-10. Juli 1992, edited
by H. Waetzoldt and H. Hauptmann (HSAO 6; Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag,
1997) 39-40, describes Assur temple officials guilty of embezzling wine and meat
destined for the meals of the gods. ABL no. 429 = LAS I no. 315 = SAA 10 no.
107 (Rm 69) (writer: Akkullanu, astrologer and erib-biti priest of Assur, reign of
Assurbanipal), and ABL no. 150 = SAA 13 no. 25 (K 598) (writer: Sin-na'id), ABL
no. 551 = SAA 13 no. 26 (K 634) (writer: name lost but probably Sin-na'id), deal
with the theft of goldwork from the Assur temple. See other citations of the theft
of valuable temple furnishings and property in SAA 13 xviii-xix.
122
RIMA 3 A.O.I03.1 i 39-53a (BM 118892, VA Ass 4511, Ass 6596, Ass Ph
784-787, 3394).
TABLE 1. Aggression Against Foreign Cults: Destruction of Temples
King Action Source Geography and Human

Political Status Deportation
1) Sargon II burning of "letter" to Urartian mass
(714, eighth the Urartian Assur123 territory deportation
campaign) temple of
Haldi in the
environs of
Arbu and
Riar
2) Sennacherib destruction of royal Babylonia: mass

(689, eighth city, temples inscriptions124 Babylon deportation
campaign) and ziggurat
of Babylon
123
TCL 3, 279; W. Mayer, "Sargons Feldzug gegen Urartu—714 v. Chr. Text
und Ubersetzung," MDOG 115 (1983) 96 iii 279. In the so-called "Letter to Assur,"
Sargon's next stop on his 8th campaign after Bit-Sangibuti was the district Armarialr,
in which were located the royal Urartian cities of Arbu and Riar. On the possible
size and status of Arbu and Riar, see P. E. Zimansky, Ecology and Empire: the Structure
of the Urartian State (SAOC 41; Chicago: Oriental Institute of The University of
Chicago, 1985), 44. Thureau-Dangin and others have located Armarialr northwest
of Lake Urmia; Vera Chamaza is representative of the school of thought that locates
it along the southwest border of the lake; G. W. Vera Chamaza, "Der VIII. Feldzug
Sargons II: eine Untersuchung zu Politik und historischer Geographic des spaten
8. Jhs v. Chr. (II)," AIM 28 (1997) 235-67. Until positive archaeological correlations
are fixed between more toponyms in Sargon II's "Letter to Assur," the guesswork
shall continue to keep a number of scholars in print.
124
OIP 2, 83-84:50-54 (Frahm Einleitung, T 122 = Bawian inscriptions, 3 R
14-15); K 1634 (Frahm Einleitung, T 18); OIP 2, 137:36-37 (Frahm Einleitung,
T 139 = VA 8248 [Ass 11159]). English translation in Mordechai Coogan,
"Sennacherib: the Capture and Destruction of Babylon (2.119E)," COS 2:305. For
citations to published and unpublished accounts of Sennacherib's campaign of 689,
see J. E. Reade, "Sources for Sennacherib: the Prisms," JCS 27 (1975) 194, Borger
BAL2, 66. Neo-Babylonian sources for Sennacherib's destruction of Babylonian tem-
ples: L. Stephen, Die neubabylonischen Konigsinschriften (trans. R. Zehnpfund; Vorder-
asiatische Bibliothek 4; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1912), Nabonid no. 8, 270 i l'-25'
(ES, 1327, the Nabonidus stele found in the royal palace at Babylon; see also
P.-R. Berger, Die neubabylonischen Konigsinschriften: Konigsinschriften des ausgehenden baby-
lonischen Reiches (626-539 a. Chr.) (AOAT 4/1; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker;
Neukirchener-Vluyn: Neukirchen Verlag, 1973), 384-86; P.-A. Beaulieu, The Reign
of Nabonidus King of Babylon 556-539 B.C. (YNER 10; New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1989) 20-22. On the nature of this campaign and its consequences, see
L. D. Levine, "Sennacherib's Southern Front: 704-689 B.C.," JCS 34 (1982) 50-51,
53-55; Brinkman, Prelude to Empire, 67-70, and Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C.,
52-63. On the literary presentation of the narratives and their ideological import,
see the percipient analysis in H. D. Gaiter, "Die Zerstorung Babylons durch Sanherib,"
in Memoriae Jussi Aro dedicata, edited by H. Halen (StOr 55/5; Helsinki: Societas
110 CHAPTER TWO
Table 1 (cont.)

3) Sennacherib destruction building Babylonia:

(689 or later) of the city inscription of Sippar-
Sippar- Nabonidus120 Anunftum
Anunftum
and its
temple,
E.ul.mas
4) Assurbanipal destruction royal Elam: Susa mass

(month of the inscriptions126 deportation127
VIII-IX 647) ziggurat and
temples of
Susa
Orientalis Fennica, 1984) 161-73. Analyses of the archaeological evidence of the

extent of Sennacherib's demolition work in Babylon, especially in Merkes, appear
in O. Reuther, Die Innenstadt von Babylon (Merkes) (WVDOG 47; Leipzig: J. C.
Hinrichs, 1926) 21-25, 60-64 and Porter, Images, Power, and Politics, 47-49.
123
Langdon, Die neubabylonischen Konigsinschriften, Nabonid no. 4 = CT 34, pi. 34
iii 26-29 (BM 104738 [1912-7-6,9], Nabonidus cylinder; see Berger, Die neubaby-
lonischen Konigsinschriften, 377—78); Sennacherib is mentioned by name [28), and it is
claimed that "he turned that city and temple into a ruin," URU u E sd-a-su u-sd-
lik kar-niU'tu (29).
126
Borger BIWA, A vi 27~29, F v 19-21. On the texts of edition A, in addi-
tion to Borger BIWA, 1-7, see Streck Asb., xvii-xxi; C. Bezold, Catalogue of the
Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouyunjik Collection of the British Museum, Vol. IV (London:
Trustees of the British Museum, 1896), no, 1570; E. Leichty, A Bibliography of the
Cuneiform Tablets of the Kouyunjik Collection in the British Museum (London: Trustees of
the British Museum, 1964), no. 222. Unpublished Assurbanipal edition A texts in
the British Museum collections are catalogued in W. G. Lambert and A. R. Millard,
Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouyunjik Collection of the British Museum, Second
Supplement (London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1968), 94 (index), and W. G.
Lambert, Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouynjik Collection of the British Museum,
3rd Supplement (London: British Museum, 1992), passim (citations are to pages and
line numbers in Streck Asb., without specifying the edition). The unpublished
Assurbanipal edition A texts in the Oriental Institute collection are catalogued in
M. Cogan and H. Tadmor, "Ashurbanipal Texts in the Collection of the Oriental
Institute, University of Chicago," JCS 40 (1988) 84-96 (A 8088-8101, 8103, 8127,
8129, 8144, 8160, 11848, 11850, 11854 [Chicago]). On the texts of edition F, in
addition to Borger BIWA, 7-11, see J.-M. Aynard, Le prisme du Louvre AO 19.939
(Paris: Librairie ancienne Honore Champion, 1957); R. D. Freedman, "The Cuneiform
Tablets in St. Louis" (Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1975), 132-36 (vari-
ants to AO 19939); M. Cogan, "Ashurbanipal Prism F: Notes on Scribal Techniques
and Editorial Procedures," JCS 29 (1977) 97-107; and idem. "Ashurbanipal Prism
F: Additions to Catalogue," JCS 35 (1983) 146. Unpublished Assurbanipal texts in
the Oriental Institute collection, the majority of which are of edition F, are cata-
logued in Cogan and Tadmor, "Ashurbanipal Texts in the Collection of the Oriental
Table 1 (cont.)

5) Sin-sar-iskun burning of Babylonian Babylonia:

(month VI? a temple in Chronicle128 Saznaku
627/626) Saznaku
The Assyrian royal inscriptions are replete with tropes such as "their
towns I burned, devastated and destroyed and turned into heaps of
ruins."129 The lack of references in the same inscriptional corpus to
the destruction of foreign temples represents an omission of an event
Institute, University of Chicago," 84-96 (A 8013-8087, 8102, 8106, 8124, 8139,

8145, 11849, 11851, 11852, 11857, 11860, 11863, 11864, 11866, 11868-11870
[Chicago]). Unpublished Assurbanipal edition F texts in the British Museum col-
lections are listed in Lambert and Millard, Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets in the
Kouyunjik Collection of the British Museum, Second Supplement, 94 (index), and Lambert,
Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouyunjik Collection of the British Museum, Third
Supplement, passim. On the sequence of events, chronology, and literary shaping of
the texts recording Assurbanipal's fifth Elamite campaign, see P. D. Gerardi,
"Assurbanipal's Elamite Campaigns: A Literary and Political Study" (Ph.D. disser-
tation, University of Pennsylvania, 1987), 195-213. On the geography of this cam-
paign, see the analysis in P. de Miroschedji, "La localisation de Madaktu et
1'organisation politique de 1'Elam a 1'epoque neo-elamite," in Fragmenta Historiae
Elamicae: Melanges qfferts a M. J. Steve, edited by L. D. Meyer, H. Gasche and F.
Vallat (Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1986) 209-25, and the remarks
in E. Carter, "The Neo-Elamite Period circa 900-600 B.C.," in The Royal City of
Susa; Ancient Near Eastern Treasures in the Louvre, edited by P. O. Harper, J. Aruz and
F. Tallon (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992) 197.
127
Borger BIWA, A vi 77-106, F v 55-71.
128
Grayson Chronicles, no. 2, 88:4-5 (BM 25127); the terse statement reveals
nothing about possible deportations. Zadok identifies the Babylonian Chronicle entry
with Saznaku, a city probably located near Sippar; Rep. geog. 8. 289-90. On the
unsatisfactory state of affairs regarding the chronology of Sin-sar-iskun, see R. Borger,
"Der Aufstieg des neubabylonischen Reiches," JCS 19 (1965) 67-71; J. E. Reade,
"The Accession of Sinsharishkun," JCS 23 (1970) 1-9; S. Zawadzki, "A Contribution
to the Chronology of the Last Days of the Assyrian Empire," %A 85 (1995) 77-92;
M. Gerber, "Die Inschrift H(arran) l.A/B und die neubabylonische Chronologic,"
%A 88 (1998) 72-93; Reade, "Assyrian Eponyms, Kings and Pretenders," 264. Lists
of dated Neo-Babylonian economic texts from the reign of Sin-sar-iskun are com-
piled in Brinkman and Kennedy, "Documentary Evidence for the Economic Basis
of Early Neo-Babylonian Society," 54-59, and idem, "Supplement to the Survey
of Dated Neo-Babylonian Economic Texts, 721-626 B.C. (JCS 35 [1983] 1-90),"
JCS 38 (1986) 104. On the basis of these economic texts and reanalysis of BM 25127,
Na'aman would assign the destruction of the Saznaku temple to 626; N. Na'aman,
"Chronology and History in the Late Assyrian Empire (631-619 B.C.)," Â 81
(1991) 259.
129
alanisunu ina isdti asrup appul aqqur ana tlli u karme uter, AKA 57 iii 83-85 —
RIMA 2 A.0.87.1 iii 83-85.
1 12 CHAPTER TWO
that must have occurred almost inevitably when a defeated city was
torched.130 It is more likely that the Assyrians omitted references to
these events because they were so routine an aspect of imperial cam-
paigning that the chancellery scribes could depend upon their read-
ers, divine or human, to supply the missing details. When, for instance
Sennacherib's army abducted the gods of distant Til-Garimmu and
"turned (the city) into tells and ruins," nothing was said or needed
to have been said regarding the fate of the city temple(s).131 Archaeo-
logically speaking, the "clean sweep" made by Sargon II in 720 of
the acropolis of Hamath took with it Batiment III and whatever
other temples and cult sites were there at the time: there is no explicit
reference to this destruction of Hamathite temple(s) in any published
inscriptions.132 Nabonidus's reference to the impious Sennacherib's
130
That certain temples could be declared "off-limits" to random military vio-
lence is clear from ABL no. 1339 (K 8379), a response to a heated royal query
from Assurbanipal(?) as to why a captured temple had been "shot up" by the vic-
torious Assyrian troops, whom the writer (Marduk-apla-iddina) is at pains to accuse
of disobedience to orders.
131
OIP 2, 63 v 12-14 (Frahm Einleitung, T 12 = BM 103000 [1909-3-13,1] =
CT 26 pi. 17; Frahm Einleitung, T 12 = BM 102996 [1909-2-13,1] = CT 26 pi.
38); duplicate text in A. Heidel, "The Octagonal Sennacherib Prism in the Iraq
Museum," Sumer 9 (1953) 150 v 40-43 (Frahm Einleitung, T 12 = IM 56578); for
other duplicates, see Frahm Einleitung, 87-89.
132
The Syrian city-state Hamath, modern Kama, first encountered Assyrian troops
under Assur-nasir-pal II and Shalmaneser III; the latter king captured several Hama-
thite cities, but a coalition of "twelve kings of the sea coast" led by Adad-idri of
Damascus and Irhuleni of Hamath fought the Assyrians to a draw. J. D. Hawkins,
"Hamath," RLA 4:67a. From roughly 800-750 BCE the turtdnu Samsf-ilu, self-styled
"governor of the land of Hatti," left sculptures at Til Barsip, claimed victories over
the Urartians and Phrygians (Mushku), and campaigned against Damascus in 773;
J. D. Hawkins, "The Neo-Hittite States in Syria and Anatolia," CAH1 3/1 404-5.
During his massive reorganization of Syria in 738, Tiglath-pileser III created four(?)
provinces from Hamathite territory: Simirra, Kullania, Hatarikka, and Mansuate;
E. Forrer, Die Provinzeinteilung des assyrischen Retches (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1921)
57-59; Hawkins, "Hamath," 69a. The king of Hamath, Eni-ilu, was permitted to
retain his throne and to pay tribute together with other vassal rulers, indicating
that the capital city was the seat of an Assyrian vassal state. On the rulers of
Hamath and their chronology, see M. M. Abu Taleb, "Investigations in the History
of North Syria 1115-717 B.C." (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1973)
104-11. In 720, Sargon II crushed a revolt among the provinces of Arpad, Simirra,
Damascus and Samerma led by Yau-bi5di, king of Hamath: the rebel Yau-bi'di was
flayed at Assur and the Hamath citadel was destroyed. However, since the city
name Hamath does not appear subsequently as a Neo-Assyrian province, it is likely
that it was incorporated into a pre-existing provincial district.
The monumental architecture of the citadel at Hama, Stratum E, corresponds
to the period 900-720 B.C.E.; the destruction of the buildings by Sargon II in 720
fixes a terminus ad quern for their occupation. The citadel does not appear to have
TERROR IN THE EXERCISE OF EMPIRE 1 13
destruction of Sippar-Annumtum and its temple (Table 1:3) provided

a useful foil for the Neo-Babylonian emperor's own restoration of the
temple in that city. The narrative of the destruction of a Babylonian
sustained any substantial occupation until the Hellenistic period. A severely dam-
aged building flanking the massive Batiment II to the north (area O 13) may have
been a small chapel of the familiar megaron type. E. Fugmann, Hama: Fouilles et
recherches de la Fondation Carlsberg, 1931-1938, Vol. 2, Part 1: Hama: L'architecture des
periodes prehellenistiques (Nationalmuseets Skrifter 4; Copenhagen: Nationalmuseet, 1958)
202, drawing on 192. Aramaic inscriptions of a dedicatory nature and fragments
of a basalt orthostat with Neo-Luwian characters found in and nearby the struc-
ture support its interpretation as a temple. Fugmann, Hama, 200-204; B. Otzen,
"The Aramaic Inscriptions," in Hama: Fouilles et recherches de la Fondation Carlsberg,
1931-1938, Vol. 2, Part 2: Hama: Les objets de la periode dite syro-hittite (Age du Per),
edited by P. J. Riis and M.-L. Buhl (Nationalmuseets Skrifter 12; Copenhagen:
Nationalmuseet, 1990) 268-70. Batiment III, Stratum E, found immediately to the
north of the citadel portal, was clearly a reconstruction of a building erected in
Stratum Fl, ca. 1000 B.C.E.: primarily on the basis of epigraphic finds the exca-
vator identified it as a temple. Fugmann, Hama, 143-46; most recently, P. J. Riis,
"Les donnees topographiques, historiques et stratigraphiques," in Hama: Fouilles et
recherches de la Fondation Carlsberg, 1931-1938, Vol. 2, Part 2: Hama: Les objets de la peri-
ode dite syro-hittite (Age du Per), edited by P. J. Riis and M.-L. Buhl (Nationalmuseets
Skrifter 12; Copenhagen: Nationalmuseet, 1990) 10, who supports the identification
not only because of the cuneiform archive, but also because of a royal Neo-Luwian
inscription dedicated to the god Tarhunzas and several dedicatory Aramaic graffiti
found on or around the two podia flanking the main entrance; see also Otzen,
"The Aramaic Inscriptions," 268. This was the only building on the citadel con-
structed with a definite cardinal orientation (main entrance facing west); Fugmann,
Hama, 173. Cardinal orientation is a feature shared by the temple at Tell Ta'ylnat
and, possibly, the Solomonic temple at Jerusalem. Ussishkin's contention that Batiment
IV, Stratum E at Hamath demonstrated cardinal orientation is strained; the sketch
he provides with his article (fig. 3) clearly reveals that Batiment IV diverges nearly
45° from an "east-west axis." Whether this building was a temple, as Ussishkin
believes, is a moot point: the excavators were of the opinion that it was the palace
harem, an even less plausible suggestion. The thickly walled structure consisted of
three roughly similar Breitrdume with a single, central entrance; it had been built
next to Batiment II, which Ussishkin and the excavators believe to have been the
royal palace. The innermost room contained the carbonized remains of furniture
with bone inlay; no epigraphic materials were found. D. Ussishkin, "Building IV
in Hamath and the Temples of Solomon and Tell Tayanat," IEJ 16 (1966) 104-10.
Architecturally speaking, neither this building nor any others found on the acro-
polis bore much resemblance to Neo-Assyrian building formulae. For overviews of
the archaeology of the site, see R. H. Dornemann, "Hama," OEANE 2:466-68;
M.-L. Buhl, "Hamath," ABD 3:33-36. In this connection, however, of the twenty
cuneiform tablets, eleven Aramaic graffiti, and some fragmentary hieroglyphic Hittite
inscriptions discovered on the citadel, all of the cuneiform texts were found in
Batiment III. Hawkins, "Hamath," 70; Fugmann, Hama, 190; A. de Maigret, La
citadella aramaica di Hama: Attivitd, funîoni e comportamento (OrAntC 15; Rome: Istituto
per 1'Oriente, 1979), 47. Two or three texts were described as medical rituals; one
was simply listed as a "texte religieux (hymne?)"; one was part of the omen series
summa izbu; two or three were described as magical texts; one was an exorcism text
against sorcery; two were epistolary; Fugmann, Hama, 190-91; see now S. Parpola,
1 14 CHAPTER TWO
temple by Sin-sar-iskim (Table 1:5) made for a choice anti-Assyrian

note in the Babylonian Chronicle.
In addition, it is conceivable that the Assyrians sought to conceal
these sacrilegious—and thus socially controversial—acts by passing them
"A Letter from Marduk-apla-usur of Anah to Rudamu/Urtamis, King of Hamath,"

in Hama: Fouilles et recherches de la Fondation Carlsberg, 1931~1938, Vol. 2, Part 2: Hama:
Les objets de la periode dite syro-hittite (Age du Per), edited by P. J. Riis and M.-L. Buhl
(Nationalmuseets Skrifter 12; Copenhagen: Nationalmuseet, 1990) 257-65, and the
only one published in a critical edition so far is a namburbi "against the evil of a
snake." J. Laess0e, "A Prayer to Ea, Shamash, and Marduk, from Hama," Iraq 18
(1956) 62:33. One of the epistolary texts, a letter with mixed Middle and Neo-
Babylonian forms addressed to the king of Hamath from the city Anat of Suhu, is
dated fairly securely to 840-838; Parpola, "A Letter from Marduk-apla-usur," 257.
The namburbi tablet was written in Neo-Babylonian with a number of peripheral
Akkadian forms indicative of a provincial origin; Parpola, "A Letter from Marduk-
apla-usur," 60, 66. Caplice believes that "the Hama text informs us that the nam-
burbi was known in Syria during some part of the century preceding the accession
of Sargon II of Assyria." R. I. Caplice, "The Akkadian Text Genre Namburbi"
(Ph.D. dissertation, The University of Chicago, 1963), 134. "The text of the [Hama]
tablet is not typical of the namburbis, however, for in place of the normally cen-
tral ritual, to which prayers may also be added, this text consists only of a prayer
whose purpose is prophylactic. This fact, and the early dating of the text supplied
by its archeological context, suggest that it was composed and written down at a
period preceding the formulation of a well-defined namburbi typology" (133). Parpola,
on the basis of ductus and grammatical forms, concludes that both the royal letter
and the namburbi were contemporary documents, and speculates that the entire
cuneiform archive may have been imported from Suhu, part of the Babylonian
Kulturkreis in the 9th century, to the Hamathite capital (Parpola, "A Letter from
Marduk-apla-usur," 264), thus accounting for the appearance of these Babylonian
texts in the midst of a Neo-Luwian and Aramaic population. Akkadian texts of
comparable genres have been found in temple archives at Sultantepe, O. R. Gurney
and J. J. Finkelstein, The Sultantepe Tablets I (Occasional Publications of the British
Institute of Archaeology at Ankara 3; London: British Institute of Archaeology at
Ankara, 1957), 1-10, and O. R. Gurney and P. Hulin, The Sultantepe Tablets II
(Occasional Publications of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara 7; London:
British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, 1964), 1-20; E. Reiner, "Another Volume
of Sultantepe Tablets," JNES 26 (1967) 177-200; Tell Halaf (the Assyrian "City-
Temple"), J. Friedrich, G. R. Meyer, A. Ungnad and E. F. Weidner, Die Inschriften
vom Tell Halaf: Keilschrifttexte und aramdische Urkunden am einer assyrischen Provinzhauptstadt
[1940] (AfOB 6; Osnabruck: Biblio-Verlag, 1967 [1940]) no. 99, is a portion of the
series utukku lemnuti; and Khorsabad. The Dur-Sarrukin texts, with the exception of
the many annal fragments found in the palaces, were mostly recovered from the
Nabu temple on the acropolis. The following genres are attested: literary texts (DS
32-8, 32-15, 1005); school texts (DS 32-51, 32-52, others), administrative texts
(DS 32-17+20+38, 32-37, 32-49, 32-43; DS 32-9 was found in the palace chapel
of Sin between rooms XXVI and 167), letters (DS 32-43), legal texts (D§ 32-16,
32-50), historical texts (over forty pieces of annal texts of Sargon II), astrological
and astronomical omens and commentaries (DS 32~22, 32-23 [Enuma Ann Enlil
19], 32-18, 32-27, 32-28), prognostic omens (portions of Enuma dsipu ana bit marsi
illiku, DS 32-15), menologies (Iqqur jjtaw §§67:12-68:7, DS 32-18), prayers (DS 32-26,
published in W. G. Lambert, "Literary Style in First Millennium Mesopotamia,"
over in silence. The destruction of prominent cities and temples was

a topos in the guise of the Sumerian emesal literature, the liturgy of
the gala-priests, of the 1st millennium.133 Among other settings for
their performance, the emesal could be chanted during the razing of
a decayed temple prior to its restoration. Numerous incipits of tra-
ditional emesals are attested in the library of Assurbanipal, suggesting
that the imagery of war-torn cities and ruined, desecrated temples was
a staple component of the temple liturgy in Sargonid Assyria. Unlike
the emesal corpus, which rarely supplies provocative historical details
such as the agents of destruction, the composition known as The
Curse of Agade describes the divine retribution visited upon Akkad fol-
lowing Naram-Sin's impious destruction of the E.kur of Nippur.134
JAOS 88 [1968] 130-32), ritual texts (DS 32-53, an unidentified namburbi fragment;
DS 32-37, (Takultu obv. 1), incantations (DS 32-29+42+43, Ninsubur building
incantation, corresponding to R. Borger, "Tonmannchen und Puppen," BiOr 30
[1973] 176-83, 11. 49—91; see W. Farber, "Ritual fur das Legen eines Tempelgrund-
steins." in Rituale und Beschworungen. Part 1., edited by O. Kaiser (TUAT 2/2;
Giitersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1987) 241-44. I wish to express my thanks to Professors
John A. Brinkman and Simo Parpola for permission to examine unpublished descrip-
tions, handcopies, transliterations, and translations of many of the Dur-Sarrukln
texts found in the Oriental Institute excavations at Khorsabad.
During the 9th century, Neo-Luwian inscriptions indicate that the chief goddess
of Hamath was Pahalatis, presumably the Neo-Luwian rendering of Semitic ba'alat,
"lady, mistress." Hawkins, "Hamath," 68; R. Werner, Kleine Einfuhrung in Hieroglyphen-
Luwische (OBO 106; Fribourg: Universitatsverlag; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1991) no. 27. In the 8th century, when Zakkur was king of Lu'ath and Hamath,
the Semitic pantheon of the king was centered on Ba'al-samem J. C. L. Gibson,
Textbook of Syrian Semitic Inscriptions. Vol. 2: Aramaic Inscriptions (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1975) 5. A. 2, 11-15. and possibly Ilu-Wer; Gibson, Textbook of Syrian Semitic
Inscriptions 2, 5. B. 10-20. See also A. R. Millard, "The Homeland of Zakkur," San
39 (1990) 47-52, and idem, "The Inscription of Zakkur, King of Hamath (2.35),"
COS 2:155. Ilu-Wer was worshipped at Afis. W. G. Lambert believes that Ilu-Wer
was a name for an old storm god of northern Mesopotamia and Syria, and that
this god was the patron deity of Mari. In Middle Assyrian and Neo-Assyrian texts
he appears under the name Ber. W. G. Lambert, "The Pantheon of Mari," M.A.R.I.
4 (1985) 533-35. Semes and Sahr, solar and lunar deities, respectively, are also
mentioned in the Zakkur inscription. Gibson, Textbook of Syrian Semitic Inscriptions 2,
5. B. 24. Batiment III at Hamath, Stratum E, if it was a temple, was probably
dedicated to a Semitic deity or pantheon. The cache of cuneiform texts found in
the building indicate that Mesopotamian magic and medicine were prized by some
of the occupants of the citadel while the city was a Neo-Assyrian client state seat
(738-720) and earlier, and that the "official" religion conducted on the citadel coex-
isted side by side with the exercise of Mesopotamian "practical theology," a situa-
tion aptly described as mixed religion.
133
M. E. Cohen, The Canonical Lamentations of Ancient Mesopotamia (Potomac, MD:
CDL Press, 1988) 15-23.
134
J. S. Cooper, The Curse of Agade (Johns Hopkins Near Eastern Studies; Baltimore:
Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983).
1 16 CHAPTER TWO
The early Assyrian king Puzur-Sin accused Samsf-Addu I, "a foreign

plague(?), not of the flesh of Assur," of having destroyed temples in
Assur.135 In the royal inscriptions, the Babylonian king Nebuchad-
nezzar I, for instance, never claims the honor of having destroyed
a temple, yet, in his inscriptions, "the wicked Elamite . . . carried off
the gods (and) turned the (Babylonian) sanctuaries into ruins" with
the permission of Marduk.136 An inscription of Bel-ibni, the Assyrian-
appointed king of Babylonia (702-700) which records the granting
of privileges to the southern Babylonian town of Sa-usur-Adad, claims
improbably that "he [Merodach-baladan II] tore down the sanctu-
aries of their [the Babylonians'] gods, plundered them, and removed
[the statues of their] gods."137 In an unpublished letter to Elamite elders,
Assurbanipal asserts that the Assyrian soldiers he sent to depose Teum-
man had spared the Elamite temples and cities and even refrained
from taking booty, actions apparently quite out of the ordinary.138
The three instances of temple destructions recorded in Assyrian sources
(Table 1:1—2, 4) were all devoted to the destruction of national cult
places of great fame and antiquity, particularly the razing of Esagila
and the cult places of the ceremonial center Susa. Both Oppenheim
and Gerardi note the strong stylistic parallels between Assurbanipal's
5th Elamite campaign, with its destruction of Susa and its temples,
and Sargon's "Letter to Assur," in which he details the sack of
Urartian Musasir.139 The fulsome style of the narratives detailing the
sack of Musasir, Babylon and Susa, coupled with the exultant inven-
tory of divine images seized and votive objects carried off in the
accounts of Musasir and Susa (the rape of Babylon was too shock-
ing for such revelations), underscores the uniqueness of these events
in the careers of Sargon II, Sennacherib and Assurbanipal, and the
135
RIMA 1 A.0.40.1001:24-27 (Ass 6366, BM 115688 [1922-8-12,63]).
136
RIMB 2 6.2.4.8:23-24; cf. RIMB 2 B.2.4.6:9'. Simbar-Sipak hyperbolically
describes the destruction of "all the temples" of Babylonian by Aramaeans and
Suteans during the reign of Adad-apla-iddina, RIMB 2 8.3.1.1:10-13. BM 34026
(Sp 158 + Sp II 9623) provides a graphic description of the plundering and destruc-
tion of a Mesopotamian temple, the E.kur; W. G. Lambert, "The Fall of the Cassite
Dynasty to the Elamites: An Historical Epic," in Cinquante-deux reflexions sur le Proche-
Orient ancien, qffertes en hommage a Leon De Meyer, edited by H. Gasche, et al. (MHE
2; Louvain: Peeters, 1994) 67-72.
137
RIMB 2 8.6.26.1 7' (Frame's translation).
138
Frame, Babylonia., 123, a reference to BM 132980 which is scheduled to be
published by A. R. Millard.
139
A. L. Oppenheim, "The City of Assur in 714 B.C.," JNES 19 (1960) 133-35,
and Gerardi, "Assurbanipal's Elamite Campaigns," 202-4.
grim determination of the Assyrians to communicate to the world

at large that these three kingdoms had been cultically and politically
nullified. Musasir, Babylon and Susa were ancient ceremonial centers
that housed the dynastic cults whose blessings legitimated the kings
of Urartu, Babylonia and Elam, respectively. Prior to Assyrian reduc-
tion, the actual operation of the governments of these realms was
dispersed among several urban sites, so the symbolic capital gained
from the destruction of the national shrines was prodigious.
Comparative examples drawn from Roman sources are instruc-
tive. In the idealized narratives of the Roman elites, such as Polybius,
the conquering general in charge of a direptio (military sack of a city)
was portrayed as competently orchestrating the actions of the army,
usually following the canons of Roman dementia when surrender was
obtained, which meant sparing the sacred fabric of a city—its tem-
ples and altars, tombs, and the walls of the city itself (res sacrae, res
religiosae, res sanctae, respectively). The actions of individual soldiers,
judging from the limited evidence, on the contrary, usually entailed
rape, plunder and murder both in conquered cities as well as those
gained by surrender.140 The death of humans in warfare was the
coin of the realm; destruction of temples, however, was shunned (at
least in Roman self-portraiture). In Appian's narrative of the sack of
Carthage, it is the immolation of the main city temple that forms
the dramatic climax, symbolizing the complete obliteration of the city
from the human landscape. In a speech invented for the Carthaginian
Banno, a plea is made to the Romans to spare "an ancient city
founded by the command of the gods . . . on behalf of the many
temples it contains and of its gods who have done no wrong. Do
not deprive them of their nightly festivals, their processions, and their
solemnities. Deprive not the tombs of the dead, who harm you no
more, of their offerings."141 Mass-produced images of Roman cities
generally depicted major public buildings and the leading temple,
even though a plethora of temples may have existed within the
municipal boundaries, thus reinforcing the idea that the res sacrae
were at the core of the identity of a city and its inhabitants. The
destruction of a city, its temples and tombs, was counted an impious
140
A. Ziolkowski, "Urbs direpta, or How the Romans Sacked Cities," in War and
Society in the Roman World, edited by J. Rich and G. Shipley (Leicester-Nottingham
Studies in Ancient Society 5; London and New York: Routledge, 1993) 69-91.
141
Appian, Pun. 84.
118 CHAPTER TWO
act of hubris, and it was feared that the forces of chaos it unleashed
could infect the victor's own cities.142
TABLE 2. Aggression Against Foreign Cults:

Destruction of Divine Images

1) Sennacherib smashing of royal Babylonia: king, royal

(month IX 689) the "gods who inscriptions143 Babylon family and
dwell" in nobles
Babylon deported
2) Assurbanipal smashed the royal Elam mass

(647/646) gods of inscriptions144 deportation
Elamite cities
The destruction of cult statues during warfare garners an exceedingly

ancient pedigree. Uru'inimgina, the last pre-Sargonic ruler of Lagas,
chronicles the secular and cultic depredations of Lugalzaggesi which
include the destruction of various cult statues. The narrative adds
the droll image of his tossing the statue of Amagestin of Sagug or
142
R. Laurence, "Ritual, Landscape, and the Destruction of Place in the Roman
Imagination," in Approaches to the Study of Ritual: Italy and the Ancient Mediterranean,
edited byj. B. Wilkins (Specialist Studies of the Mediterranean 2; London: Accordia
Research Centre, 1996) 111—21. Several Greek sources describe the destruction of
the temples of Thebes by Cambyses: Diodorus 1.46.2-4, 1.49.5; Strabo XVII. 1.46
(C 816). Herodotus recounts the destruction of Athenian temples by Xerxes (IX. 13),
while the temple of Apollo at Didymae was torched by either Darius I or Xerxes;
Herodotus VI. 19; Strabo XIV. 1.5 (C 634); Pausanius 1.16.3; VIII.46.3. While the
precise historicity of each of these events has been called into question, the burn-
ing of temples was enough of a commonplace to act as a creditable dodge for
Greek historians. Nebuchadnezzar II destroys Egyptian temples in the Hebrew
Scriptures (Jer 43:10-13).
143
DINGIR.MES a-sib llb-bi-su SU11 UN.MES-z'a ik-m-su-nu-ti-ma u-sab-bi-ru, "the
gods who dwell there—the hands of my people seized them and pulverized (them)"
OIP 2, 83:48 (Frahm Einleitung, T 122 = Bawian inscriptions = 3 R 14-15); K
1634 (Frahm Einleitung, T 18); OIP 2, 137:36-37 (Frahm Einleitung, T 139 =
VA 8248 [Ass 11159]).
144
u-sab-bir DINGIR.MES-.m-Mn u-sap-si-ih ka-bat-ti EN EN.EN, "I smashed their
gods (and thereby) appeased the lord of lords" Borger BIWA, A v 119-20, F iv
61-62. This line follows an enumeration of the Elamite cities and districts laid waste
in this punitive campaign; "their gods" refers to all Elamite gods, a hyperbolic image
typical of the exaggerated claims of this narrative, followed immediately if incon-
sistently by the assertion that "his gods (and) goddesses" (presumably those of the
Elamite king) were deported to Assyria.
Sagub down a well.145 At the fall of the Ur III Dynasty, a poetic

work laments "The E.kis.nu.gal of Nanna (of Ur) is inhabited by the
enemy. Its heavy . . . they shatter, its divine statues thai filled the shrines
they cut to pieces."146
La tradition de cette pensee se montrant aussi ancienne que le fait de

la destruction de statues divines, on serait amene a rapprocher ces
deux phenomenes. Cela voudrait dire que la mutilation ou la destruc-
tion des statues divines serait la consequence logique, inevitable de la
victoire d'un dieu mesopotamien sur tel autre—sous 1'aspect d'execu-
tants mortels—et que la destruction parallelle des statues royales refleterait
ce meme symptome sur un niveau plus terrestre, seculaire, politique,
mais s'imposant avec la meme vigueur et rigueur.147
Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions and palace reliefs are notably taci-

turn about the destruction of foreign temple images. Unlike the con-
comitant burning of temples with the destruction of their cities, the
smashing of divine images by the victorious Assyrian army was a deli-
berate—hence avoidable—act, which may or may not have been as
uncommon as the inscriptional evidence seems to indicate. Certainly
the number of temple images available for seizure in the campaigns
of the Sargonid era alone would have figured in the hundreds, pos-
ing enormous logistical difficulties of safety, transportation and stor-
age. The depiction in Sargon II's palace of the destruction, by soldiers
wielding axes, of a life-sized anthropomorphic image during the sack
of the Haldi temple at Musasir probably represents the demolition of
a human votive image, possibly one of the Urartian emperors.148 [See
145
H. Steible, Die Altsumerischen Ban- und Weihinschriften (FAOS 5; Wiesbaden:
F. Steiner, 1982) Uru'inimgina no. 16 vi 11-vii 6 (AO 4162); M. A. Brandes, "De-
struction et mutilation de statues en Mesopotamie," Akkadica 16 (1980) 33 and passim.
146
Samuel Noah Kramer, "Lamentation over the Destruction of Sumer and Ur,"
ANET3, 614:153.
147
Brandes, "Destruction et mutilation," 39.
148
Botta and Flandin, Monument de Mnive, vol. 2, pi. 140, Room 13, slab 3 =
P. Albenda, The Palace of Sargon fang of Assyria: Monumental Wall Reliefs at Dur-Sharrukin,
from Original Drawings Made at the Time of their Original Discovery in 1843-1844 by Botta
and Flandin (trans. A. Caubet; "Synthese" no. 22; Paris: Editions Recherche sur les
Civilisations, 1986) pi. 113, description p. 91. The original slab was probably
destroyed in 1855 together with the balance of Victor Place's archaeological trea-
sures during a rafting disaster on the Tigris. On the location of Urartian Musasir,
modern Mujaisir, a village on the Baradust plain in Kurdistan, see the excellent
treatment in N. Hannoon, "Studies in the Historical Geography of Northern Iraq
During the Middle and Neo-Assyrian Periods" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of
Toronto, 1986), 303-7, although credit for the detective work behind this identification
must go to R. M. Boehmer, "Zur Lage von Musasir," BaghM 6 (1973) 31-40. For
120 CHAPTER TWO
Figure 4] It is improbable that Sargon's chancellery scribes would

have deliberately omitted the destruction of a divine image from the
expansive "Letter to Assur" that almost obsessively itemized the con-
tents of the Urartian temple, while at the same time his artisans
were instructed to include a visual record of the act among his palace
reliefs at Dur-Sarrukln.
Silences in the Assyrian royal inscriptions are always worth not-
ing. Temple images in Mesopotamia and presumably across Western
Asia were fabricated of precious metals and stones, repositories of
instant wealth for those blessed with opportunity and devoid of reli-
gious scruples. The Assyrian stock phrase for the destruction of a
city, appul aqqur ina isati asrup, "I devastated, destroyed, I burned with
fire," conceals the manifold horrors of military conquest, which include
the glittering lure of plunder for the common soldier. Was the army
so utterly disciplined that valuable temple furnishings were safe from
marauding troops? Were there standing orders that temples were
inviolate save for extraordinary occasions, such as the sack of Babylon
in 689? And were such orders enforceable? In a Babylonian letter
written to an Assyrian king, probably Assurbanipal, a military com-
mander on the hot spot attempts to shift the blame for a damaged
temple to his troops: "[regarding what the king] wrote: 'When you
deployed your soldiers, as soon as they had cut breaches into the
city, they showered the wall of the temple with arrows!' My soldiers
agreed among themselves that they must not fight with each other,
nobody must be hostile, (but) they did not fear the name of the
gods."149 The letter illustrates the practical limits of military disci-
the history and archaeology of the site with bibliography, see M. Salvini and R.
M. Boehmer, "Musasir," RLA 8:444b-50a. Fortunately Sargon II's route to Musasir
is irrelevant to this discussion, as the high-water mark of scholarly speculation regard-
ing the itinerary of that king's 8th campaign is nowhere in sight. W. Mayer, "Die
Finanzierung einer Kampagne (TCL 3,346-410)," UF 11 (1979) 593-95, fig. 7,
acknowledging the difficulty of the identification of the relief image with the text
of the "Letter of Assur," evokes lines 400-4 which describe the removal of images
(salmu) of the Urartian kings Sarduri, Argisti and Rusa from the plundered temple
(595). On the symbolic murder of kings through the destruction of their statues,
see Brandes, "Destruction et mutilation," 34-40; T. Beran, "Leben und Tod der
Bilder," in Ad bene et fideliter seminandum: Festgabe fur Karlhdnz. Deller zum 21. Februar
1987, edited by G. Mauer and U. Magen (AOAT 220; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon
& Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1988) 55-60; Bahrani, "Assault
and Abduction," 363-82. W. Zwickel, "Dagons abgeschlagener Kopf (1 Sam V
3-4)," VT 44 (1994) 244-49 provides a lengthy list of headless (or torsoless) stat-
ues of humans and deities recovered from Palestine, Bronze Age through the
Hellenistic period, presumably victims of deliberate malice.
149
[sa sarri] is-pu-ra um-ma ERIN.MES-A;<2 ki-i tas-pu-ru ni-ka-si a-na lib-bi URU hi-
pline in the field, and the predictable fate of captured property. And
consider this example drawn from Roman historiography:
They (the Roman soldiers who captured Carthaginian Gothon) entered
the temple of Apollo, whose statue was there, covered with gold in a
shrine of beaten gold, weighing 1,000 talents, which they plundered,
chopping it with their swords and disregarding the commands of their
officers until they had divided it among themselves, after which they
returned to their duty.150
The grittier Roman sources affirm that the right of the common sol-
dier to plunder was assumed by the commanding officers and unhin-
dered except in the rarest instances, and in fact some Roman
commanders who attempted to interfere with the looting were slain
by their own troops.151 Assyrian conquest narratives routinely omit
another "privilege" of the successful siege: rape. That such an act
was ever committed by an Assyrian soldier is never hinted in the
Assyrian royal inscriptions, and among the palace reliefs I know of
only one illustration, that of the soldiers of Assurbanipal assaulting
an Arab woman.152 Again, Roman authors indicate that Roman
troops, following the storming or capitulation of a city, normally
raped, plundered and slaughtered at will. It is difficult to image that
the Assyrian army observed a significantly more refined Kriegsethik.
That the contents of temples captured by Assyrian armies were safe
from the commonplace depredations of warfare cannot be main-
tained by the silence of the Assyrian royal inscriptions.
The accounts of the campaigns of Sennacherib against Babylon
and Assurbanipal against Elam were both cast in the rhetoric of total
warfare. It was not enough for Sennacherib to plunder the interna-
tionally venerated temples of Babylon of its gods: the annals graph-
ically report that his "people" smashed them (the scribe perhaps
shrinks from attributing this sacrilege to the king's own hands).153 He
claims to have dug canals in order to inundate the city and effectively
i u-nak-ki-su sil-ta-hu E.GAR8 E DINGIR.MES un-dal-lu-u ERIN.ME§-zfl te-e-ma a-

ha-mes is-ku-nu um-ma mam-ma la RA-has-u §Ull'-su mam-ma la id-ek-ku ul a-na MU-T
sd DINGIR.MES ip-la-f}u-ma, ABL no. 1339:3-8 (K 8379) (writer: Marduk-apla-
iddina), collation in CAD 3, 127.
150
Appian, Pun. 127.
151
Ziolkowski, "Urbs direpta, or How the Romans Sacked Cities," 61-91.
152
SAA 2, 47, fig. 13 (BM 124927). An incantation in the Neo-Assyrian dialect
against an otherwise unknown Bel-etir refers contemptuously to him as a "raped
captive" (hibtu nlku}\ SAA 3 no. 30: f (82-5-22,88).
153
Brinkman, "Sennacherib's Babylonian Problem," 95.
122 CHAPTER TWO
turn it into a swamp. Whether or not this was true, the literary trope
is that of cosmogonic reversal: the inhabited world (Babylon) is over-
come like the Primal Flood and returned to its constituent mud.
Frame raises the possibility that the supreme image of Marduk in
Esagila was destroyed at this time, and that a counterfeit was man-
ufactured during the reign of Esarhaddon and "returned" amidst
carefully orchestrated pomp and circumstances, at the beginning of
Assurbanipal's reign.154 Reasonably convincing evidence that the image
was in fact deported and not destroyed is found in a letter from the
reign of Assurbanipal that describes the location of Bel of Babylon
in Assyrian exile.150 Less reliable corroboration occurs in partisan
Assyrian chronographic literature, which states that Marduk resided
in Assur for the last eight years of Sennacherib's reign.156 Aside from
the imperative to crush a Babylonian-Elamite military coalition,
revenge figures in this passage as Sennacherib describes his repatriation
of the images of gods looted from Assyrian Ekallate during the reign
of the Babylonian king Marduk-nadin-ahhe some 400 years earlier,
a quid-pro-quo for the obliteration of the Babylonian pantheon. As
for Elam,
In his anger, Ashurbanipal decided to make an object lesson of Susa,
the venerable political and religious capital. He took up residence there
in the royal palace and stripped it of treasure, furniture, vehicles, and
animals. He had his soldiers destroy the temples and sanctuaries, pull
down the ziggurat, and set fire to the sacred groves reserved for secret
rites. The Assyrians took away the cult images of the principal gods
and goddesses, their priests and sacred vessels, and the statues of ear-
lier Elamite kings.157
In both accounts the scribes refrain from naming the divine images
destroyed. In Assyrian royal inscriptions explicitly describing the de-
portation of these objects, god names were used only twice, both
times for the patron deities of major military conquests (Urartu in
714 [Table 3:35] and Elam in 647/646 [Table 3:52]).
154
Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 56-57.
155
Table 3:45.
156
Grayson Chronicles, no. 14, 127:31-32, 35-36 (BM 25091 [98-2-16,145]);
no. 16, 131:1-7 (BM 86379).
1;>y
Brinkman, Prelude to Empire, 102; see also the similar remarks in M. W. Stolper,
"Political History," in E. Garter and M. W. Stolper, Elam: Surveys of Political History
and Archaeology (UCPNES 25; Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California
Press, 1984), 52.
TABLE 3. Aggression Against Foreign Cults:

Deportation of Divine Images
1) Tiglath- gods of Kili- royal Katmuhu king and
pileser I, Tesub, king of inscriptions158 (upper Tigris family
1114-1076 the land of region, deported
Katmuhu, eastern
which were Kasyari
given to Adad range):
in Assyria rebellious
client ruler
2) Tiglath- gods of the royal area east of
pileser I, cities Saraus inscriptions1'9 the Lower
1114-1076 and Ammaus Zab:
of the land previously
of Haria not subject to
Assyria
3) Tiglath- gods of the royal area east of
pileser I, cities Murattas inscriptions160 the Lower
1114-1076 and Saradaus Zab
4) Tiglath- twenty-five royal region of troops that
pileser I, gods of the inscriptions161 Habhu, on surrendered
1114-1076 land Sugu, the northern were allowed
which were Assyrian to remain in
presented to frontier the land
the temples of
Ninlil,
Anu-Adad and
Istar in Assur
158
AKA 41 ii 31-32 = RIMA 2 A.0.87.1 ii 31-32 (for catalogue of documents
consulted see RIMA 2 8-10); A. T. E. Olmstead, "Tiglath-pileser I and His Wars,"
JAOS 17 (1917) 171. The gods of Katmuhu were explicitly given to (Assyrian) Adad
by Tiglath-pileser I; AKA 44 ii 58-62 = RIMA 2 A.0.87.1 ii 58-62. On the loca-
tion of Kadmuhu/Katmuhu,
^ ~
see T. N. Postgate,
; , j o " "Katmuhu,"
w 3 RLA 5:487a~88a; 7
Kessler, Topographic Nordmesopotamiens, 16-20. As the internal chronology of the reign

of Tiglath-pileser I remains poorly understood, no attempt will be made to specify
the year of each action.
159
AKA 57 Hi 81 = RIMA 2 A.0.87.1 iii 81; Olmstead, "Tiglath-pileser I and
His Wars," 174.
1611
AKA 58 iii 102 = RIMA 2 A.0.87.1 iii 102; Olmstead, "Tiglath-pileser I and
His Wars," 174. On the location of Saradaus (= Surdas), see Hannoon, "Historical
Geography of Northern Iraq," 384-85. For the location of Murattas, see W. Rollig,
"Murattas." RLA 8:429a; Rep. geog. 5, 197-98.
161
AKA 62 iv 23-24 = RIMA 2 A.0.87.1 iv 23 (capture); AKA 62-63 iv 32-39
124 CHAPTER TWO
Table 3 (cont.)

5) Tiglath- gods of the royal mountainous

pileser I, city Hunusa of inscriptions'62 region north
1114-1076 Musru (not of Khorsabad,
Egypt); possibly
inscribed a modern
bronze Hmis near
lightning bolt Bawian
with an
account of his
conquest and
a warning
not to occupy
the city, and
made a house
(temple?) to
shelter the
bronze object
6) Tiglath- gods of Suhu, royal Middle prisoners

pileser I, including inscriptions163 Euphrates deported to
1114-1076 Hindanu Assur
= RIMA 2 A.0.87.1 iv 32~39 (donation of same divine images to the temples of

Assur); Olmstead, "Tiglath-pileser I and His Wars," 174, 182, n. 33. On the loca-
tion of Habhu, see L. D. Levine, "Habhu," RLA 4:12b-13b; Kessler, Topographie
Nordmesopotamiens, 51-54; Hannoon, "Historical Geography of Northern Iraq," 247.
162
AKA 79-80 vi 9-21 = RIMA 2 A.0.87.1 vi 9-21; Olmstead, "Tiglath-pileser
I and His Wars," 178 n. 28. See V. Hurowitz and J. G. Westenholz, "LKA 63:
A Heroic Poem in Celebration of Tiglath-pileser I's Musru-Qumanu Campaign,"
JCS 42 (1990) 34-35, who suggest that the inscribed bronze lightning bolt set up
in Hunusa was a reproduction of Tiglath-pileser's Adad battle standard. LKA no.
63 rev. 14-15 (VAT 9940), may contain references to the destruction of Qumanian
cult centers. The tentative identification of Hunusa with modern Hinis appears in
Khaled Nashef, TAVO B III 7, and is supported by J. N. Postgate, "Assyria: the
Home Provinces," in Neo-Assyrian Geography, edited by M. Liverani (Quaderni di
Geografia Storica 5; Rome: Universita di Roma "La Sapienza", 1995) 7.
163
RIMA 2 A.0.87.4:41-43 (for the catalogue of documents see RIMA 2 39-40).
E. F. Weidner, "Die Feldzuge und Bauten Tiglatpilesers I," AfO 18 (1957-58)
351:41-43; H. F. Russell, "The Historical Geography of the Euphrates and Habur
according to the Middle- and Neo-Assyrian Sources," Iraq 47 (1985) 57-74. Rep.
geog. 8, 161 identifies Hindanu with as-Seh Jabir; Rep. geog. 5, 127, discusses the
chief sites proposed in the earlier literature (Seh 'Ali, Seh Jabir, Abu-Kamal and
Tell al-Jabirlya) which all, however, remain tentative.
Table 3 (cont.)
7) Tiglath- twenty-five royal region

pileser I, gods of the inscriptions164 identical with
1114-1076 Lullume, given the later
to Ninlil, kingdom of
Anu-Adad, and Zamua, east
Istar temples of Assyria
in Assur
8) Assur-dan II gods of the royal region east

(934-912) land of inscriptions160 of the Upper
Kirruri/ Zab on the
Habruri, given NE frontier
as gifts to of Assyria,
Assur probably the
Dast-e Harfr
plain
9) Adad- gods of the royal northeast of king captured;
nararl II land of inscriptions'66 the Upper troops that
(911/910) Qumanu, Zab surrendered
given as gifts were allowed
to Assur to remain in
the land
164
Weidner, "Die Feldzuge und Bauten Tiglatpilesers I," 360, pi. 30:23-24 =
RIMA 2 A.0.87.2:23-24; Brinkman PKB, 112 n. 612. The precise numeric corre-
spondence between deported gods and the recipient Assyrian temples in this pas-
sage and in Table 3:4 (RIMA 2 A.0.87.1 iv 32-39) raises the possibly that historical
accuracy has been sacrificed for the sake of a literary topos. On the identity and
location of Lullume, see Hannoon, "Historical Geography of Northern Iraq," 378-79.
163
E. F. Weidner, "Die Annalen des Konigs Assurdan II. von Assyrien," AfO 3
(1926) 158 rev. 13; RIMA 2 A.0.98.1:58 (A 19 [Ass 4312a+4489a+4585, Istanbul],
A 39 [Ass 19086, Istanbul], VAT 9562 [Ass 10182]). Forrer, Provinzeinteilung, 7,
34—35, lists Kirruri/Habruri as a province in the reign of Shalmaneser III; on the
geography of Kirruri/Habruri, see L. D. Levine, Geographical Studies in the Neo-Assyrian
Zpgros (Toronto and London: Royal Ontario Museum and the British Institute of
Persian Studies, 1974) 120. L. D. Levine, "Kirruri, Kirriuri," RLA 5:606a-7a makes
the identification with Dast-e Harfr and cites the relevant Sultantepe limmu as evi-
dence that the correct reading is Habruri; H. W. F. Saggs, "The Land of Kirruri,"
Iraq 42 (1980) 79-83; Kessler, Topographic Nordmesopotamiens, 180-81; Hannoon,
"Historical Geography of Northern Iraq," 297-303; Postgate, "Assyria: the Home
Provinces," 9, 12.
166
J. Seidmann, Die Inschriften Adadnirdris II. (MAOG 9/3; Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz,
1935) 36:16-17; 63; RIMA 2, A.0.99.1:16-17 (VAT 9640 [Ass 44891]). On the
location of Qumanu, see Hannoon, "Historical Geography of Northern Iraq,"
247-48, and Postgate, "Assyria: the Home Provinces," 7 which he locates in the
126 CHAPTER TWO
Table 3 (cent.)

10) Adad- gods of an royal somewhere

naran II unknown city, inscriptions167 on the upper
(911-909) brought to Tigris
Assur
11) Adad- gods of Nur- royal Upper king and
naran II Adad, king inscriptions168 Habur troops
(896) of NasTblna region deported
(Nusaibln)
12) TukultT- gods of Bialasi royal Nai'ri lands son of the

Ninurta II (land of Nai'ri) inscriptions169 king and
;889-886) other "guilty
men"
deported to
Nineveh
13) Assur- gods of Ahi- royal Middle king,

nasir-pal II yababa, inscriptions170 Euphrates daughters,
(877-867) usurper of junction with palace
Suru in Bit- lower women and
Halupe tribal Habur: captives
region of Laqe Bft-Halupe; deported
rebellious
client state
mountains to the north and east of the Al-Kosh plain, in what would become part
of the province of the abarakku/rab masenni. On the history of Qumanu, see Hurowitz
and Westenholz, "LKA 63: A Heroic Poem in Celebration of Tiglath-pileser I's
Musru-Qumanu Campaign," 23~29.
167
RIMA 2 A.0.99.1 rev. l'-5' (VAT 9640, dated by eponym to 909). The bro-
ken narrative is followed immediately by a march to Habhu.
168
Seidmann, "Die Inschriften Adadniraris II.," 24:69 = RIMA 2 A.0.99.2:69
(VAT 8288 [Ass 18497], 9632 [Ass 1017], 11316, 11318 [Ass 4533t]); Forrer,
Provinzeinteilung, 7, 17. Nasibfna would become a provincial capital about 50 years
later early in the reign of Shalmaneser III.
169
W. Schramm, "Die Annalen des assyrischen Konigs Tukulti-Ninurta II. (890-884
v. Chr.)," BiOr 27 (1970) 148:7 = RIMA 2 A.0.100.5:7 (AO 4655, VAT 10422);
A. K. Grayson, "Assyria: Ashur-dan II to Ashur-nirari V (934-745 B.C.)," CAH2
3/1 252.
170
"His gods together with their possessions," AKA 283 i 85 = RIMA 2 A.0.101.1
i 85. LU.GAL.MES-a a-na E.GAL-su E.KUR.ME§-/« u-se-reb, "I sent my high
officials into his palace (and) his temples," RIMA 2 A.0.101.1 i 83. Sargon II used
similar terminology in describing the sack of the temple of Haldi at Musasir; see
infra, Table 3:35. Suru of Bit Halupe is to be distinguished from the homopho-
nous Suru in mat Suhi; see J. N. Postgate, "Laqe," RLA 6:492b-94b.
Table 3 (cont.)

14) Assur- gods of Azi-ilu royal Middle captives taken

nasir-pal II of Laqe inscriptions171 Euphrates:
(877-867) Laqe;
rebellious
client ruler
15) Shalmane- gods of Ahuni, royal North Syria king deported

ser III (855, king of Bit- inscriptions172 on the with his gods
palu 4) Adini Euphrates: and army to
Blt-Adini; Assyria
rebellious
client ruler
171
AKA 357 iii 40 = RIMA 2 A.O.I01.1 iii 40.
172
E. Michel, "Ein neuentdeckter Annalen-Text Salmanassars III. 31. Text," WO
1/6 (1952) 462 ii 7-9; idem, "Die Assur-Texte Salmanassars III. (858-824), 5. Text,"
WO 1/2 (1947) 66 iii 9-10; RIMA 3 A.O.I02.6 ii 7-9 (K 3106; VAT 9625; MAH
10830; IM 54669); idem, "Die Assur-Texte Salmanassars III. (858-824), 7. Text,"
WO 2/2 (1955) 146:48-50 = RIMA 3 A.0.102.14.1:48-50 (BM 118885, the "Black
Obelisk"); idem, "Die Assur-Texte Salmanassars III. (858-824), 9. Text," WO 2/5
(1959) 414 iii 5-6 = RIMA 3 A.0.102.5 iii 5-6 (BM 124667 [Rm 1047J+BM 128156;
BM 124665, 124666 [Rm 1046], the Balawat Gate inscription); RIMA 3 A.0.102.7:8'
(restored; Layard ICC, 12-16 [Nimrud Bull no. 1]; Layard ICC 13, 46-47 [Nimrud
Bull no. 2]; 3 R 5 no. 6); RIMA 3 A.O.I02.28:26-28 (ND 11000 = IM 65574, throne
base from Fort Shalmaneser); RIMA 3 A.0.102.29:8-11 (stone slab found at Fort
Shalmaneser, no excavation number); RIMA 3 A.O.I02.34:6-7a (stone slab found
at Fort Shalmaneser, no excavation number). Ahuni of Blt-Adini, presumably the
same individual, had rendered tribute to Assur-nasir-pal II; AKA 362~63 iii 55-56 —
RIMA 2 A.0.101.1 iii 55-56a. Interestingly, the version of the annals most nearly con-
temporary to the events mentions the deportation of Ahuni and his troops but omits
any reference to the loss of Ahuni's gods; RIMA 3 A.0.102.2 ii 66b~75a (BM 118884,
the "Kurkh Monolith"). English translation in K. L. Younger, Jr., "Shalmaneser III
(2.113) Kurkh Monolith (2.1 ISA)," COS 2:261-64. Similarly silent is the rock relief
carved near Kenk Bogazi, probably created immediately following the capture of
Ahuni; RIMA 3 A.0.102.20. The aggressive kingdom of Bit-Adini at its maximum
extent controlled the territory between the Nahr al-Balfh and land somewhat to the
west of the Euphrates, encroaching on the hinterland of Carchemish. Although the
vital Euphrates crossing Til Barsip (Luwian Masuwari, modern Tell Ahmar) was the
capital city of Ahuni when he was captured by Shalmaneser III (who promptly renamed
it Kar-Shalmaneser), Hawkins believes that it served as an Aramaean stronghold only
a short period before Assyrian occupation; J. D. Hawkins, "The Political Geography
of North Syria and South-East Anatolia in the Neo-Assyrian Period," in Neo-Assyrian
Geography, edited by M. Liverani (Quaderni di Geografia Storica 5; Rome: Universita
di Roma "La Sapienza", 1995) 91. See also I. Ikeda, "Looking from Til Barsip on
the Euphrates: Assyria and the West in Ninth and Eighth Centuries B.C.," in Priests
and Officials in the Ancient Near East: Papers of the Second Colloquium on the Ancient Near East—
the City and its Life—held at the Middle Eastern Culture Center in Japan (Mitaka, Tokyo),
March 22-24, 1996, edited by K. Watanabe (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1999) 271-302.
128 CHAPTER TWO
Table 3 (cont.)

16) Shalmane- gods of royal Zagros area: palace

ser III Marduk- inscriptions173 rebellious women
(843, palu 16) mudammiq, client ruler
Kassite king
of Namri
17) Shalma- gods of lanzu, royal Zagros area: king deported

neser III Kassite king of inscriptions'74 rebellious with his gods
(835, palu 24) Namri client ruler
18) Samsi- gods of royal Nai'ri lands deported

Adad V Sarsina/ inscriptions175 rulers'
(821-819 Hirsina of offspring
[second Uspina and gods
campaign])
19) SamsT- gods of Me- royal northern deported

Adad V Turran inscriptions; Babylonia: people and
(818-813 "Synchronis- Me-Turran gods
[fourth tic History"176 (Tell Haddad
campaign]) and Tulul
al Sib)
173
E. Michel, "Die Assur-Texte Salmanassars III. (858-824)," WO 1/1 (1947) 16
rev. 26 (VAT 9651); idem, "Die Assur-Texte Salmanassars III. (858-824), 7. Text,"
152:94-95 (BM 118885); idem, "Ein neuentdeckter Annalen-Text Salmanassars III.
31. Text," 472 iv 18-20 = RIMA 3 A.O.I02.6 iv 18-20 (IM 54669). Namri is first
mentioned in the inscriptions of Adad-narari II; Seidmann, "Die Inschriften Adadniraris
II.," 14:24. Shalmaneser III installed lanzu as king after Marduk-mudammiq had
abandoned his kingdom. Eight years later the unfortunate lanzu was driven to the
same expedient, and the royal gods of Namri would be abducted by the victorious
Assyrian monarch.
174
E. Michel, "Die Assur-Texte Salmanassars III. (858-824), 5. Text," 58 iii 1-2
= RIMA 3 A.0.102.40 iii 1-2 (E§ 4650, Ass 742, Ass Ph 438-45, 461-69, 482-83,
489-92); idem, "Die Assur-Texte Salmanassars III. (858-824), 7. Text," 156:121-26
= RIMA 3 A.0.102.14:121-26 (BM 118885, the "Black Obelisk").
1/5
L. Abel, "Inschrift Samsi-Ramman's (825-812 v. Chr.)," in Keilinschriftliche
Bibliothek: Sammlung von assyrischen und babylonischen Texten in Umschrift und Ubersetzung,
edited by E. Schrader (Berlin: H. Reuther, 1889) 178 ii 28 = RIMA 3 A.O.I03.1
ii 28 (BM 118892, VA Ass^4511, Ass 6596, Ass Ph 784-87). On the chronologi-
cal difficulties in reconciling Samsi-Adad V's regnal years with his campaign accounts
and entries preserved in the eponym lists, see J. E. Reade, "Assyrian Campaigns,
840-811 B.C., and the Babylonian Frontier," %A 68 (1978) 257-60. The range of
dates assigned to the campaigns of SamsI-Adad V are those proposed by Reade.
176
Abel, "Inschrift Samsi-Ramman's," 184 iv 6-8 = RIMA 3 A.0.103.1 iv 6-8
(BM 118892); Grayson Chronicles, no. 21, 168 iv 3-6 (K 4401a+Rm 854). For
the events of this campaign to Babylonia, see Brinkman PKB, 207—9. On the loca-
tion and history of Me-Turran, see W. Rollig, "Me-Turran, Me-Turnat," RLA
Table 3 (cant.}
20) Samsl- gods of royal Babylonia: deported

Adad V (818- Datebir and inscriptions177 Datebir and captives and
813 [fourth Izduia Izduia gods
campaign])
21) Samsf- gods of royal Babylonia: captives

Adad V (818- Qerebti-alani inscriptions178 Qerebti-alani deported
813 [fourth
campaign])
22) Samsf- gods of Dur- royal Babylonia: deported

Adad V (818- Papsukkal inscriptions; Dur- soldiers and
813 [fourth "Synchronis- Papsukkal palace
campaign]) tic History"179 women
23) Samsf- gods of Der royal Babylonia: Babylonian

Adad V inscriptions; Der (Tell king
(815-812 "Synchronis- cAqar) deported to
[fifth tic History"180 Assyria
campaign])
8:150b. Regarding the geography of the routes taken by Samsi-Adad V on his cam-
paigns to Babylonia (4th and 5th campaigns according to the annals), see K. Nashef,
"Der Taban-Fluss," BaghM 13 (1982) 126-31.
177
Abel, "Inschrift Samsi-Ramman's," 184 iv 17 = RIMA 3 A.0.103.1 iv 17 (BM
118892).
178
Abel, "Inschrift Samsi-Ramman's," 184 iv 21 = RIMA 3 A.O.I03.1 iv 21 (BM
118892).
179
Abel, "Inschrift Samsi-Ramman's," 184 iv 33 = RIMA 3 A.0.103.1 iv 33 (BM
118892); Grayson Chronicles, no. 21, 168 iv 3-6 (K 4401a+Rm 854).
180
E. F. Weidner, "Die Feldziige Samsi-Adads V. gegen Babylonien," AfO 9
(1933-34) 93 iii 42'-48' = RIMA 3 A.0.103.2 iii 42'-48' (VA Ass 4511, Ass 6596,
Ass Ph 784-87); Grayson Chronicles, no. 21, 168 iv 3-6 (K 4401a+Rm 854). In
addition to Der, Me-Turran and Dur-Papsukkal, the Synchronistic History relates
that the gods from the cities Lahfru, Gannanate, and Bit-Reduti were also taken
by Samsi-Adad V. The gods reportedly deported together with their property from
Der were Anu-rabu, Nanaia, Sarrat-Deri, Mar-bm'-sa-pan-bfti, Mar-bm'-sa-birit-nari,
Burruqu, Gula, Urkitu, Sukaniya, Ner-e-tagmil, and Sakkud-sa-Bube. Anu-rabu
(Istaran) and Sarrat-Deri were the patron gods of Der. The Mar-brti gods also had
cults in Babylon and Borsippa, and occur as theophoric elements in Babylonian
names; M. Krebernik, "Mar-blti," RLA 7:355b-57a. This is the first instance in
Neo-Assyrian annals that deported gods are individually named, a fact which bespeaks
the political significance of the border town Der and its cultus, located on the major
trade route between northern Babylonia and Elam. The curious "letter from Assur"
to SamsT-Adad V, RIMA 3 A.0.103.4:6'-20' (VAT 9628), states that 30,000 cap-
tives were taken in the sack of Der, a figure which, if accurate, could only reflect
130 CHAPTER TWO
Table 3 (cont.)
24) Samsf- gods of Dur- "Synchronis- Babylonia:

Adad V (815- Sarruku tic History"181 Dur-Sarruku
812 [fifth (Sippar-
campaign]) Areru)
25) Samsf- captured the royal Babylonia king, children

Adad V divine inscriptions182 and divine
(814-811 standard of standard
[sixth Baba-aha- deported to
campaign]) iddina, king Assyria
of Babylonia
26) reign of 'Anat, patron stele of Anat ('Ana):

unknown goddess of Ninurta- provincial
Neo-Assyrian Anat on the kudurrf-usur, city wavering
king (late Euphrates, was governor of between
9th-early shamefully Suhu and Assyrian and
8th cent "hidden" by Mari, regional
the "Assyrian" dedicated to allegiance
the goddess
c
Anat183
the "winnings" of the entire Babylonian campaign. On the reading of the divine
name Istaran, see W. G. Lambert, "The Reading of the God Name dKA.DI," %A
59 (1969) 100-3; G. Dossin, "AN.KA.DI, le dieu supreme de Der," in Kramer
Anniversary Volume: Cuneiform Studies in Honor of Samuel Noah Kramer, edited by B. L.
Eichler, J. W. Heimerdinger and A. W. Sjoberg (AOAT 25; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon
& Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1976) 135-38.
181
Grayson Chronicles, no. 21, 168 iv 7-9 (K 4401a+Rm 854): Humhum and
Simalfya, two of the gods which SamsI-Adad V is credited with deporting from
Babylonia, are known to have been among the principal gods of Dur-Sarruku. On
the basis of this, plus the fact that SamsT-Adad V captured the gods of other cities
in the region, it is likely that Dur-Sarruku was taken at this time; LAS II, 300.
SamsT-Adad V assumed the title "King of Sumer and Akkad," but was not recog-
nized as king in any known Babylonian administrative or chronicle texts.
182 \Yeidner, "Die Feldziige Samsi-Adads V. gegen Babylonien," 95 iv 16'—18' =
RIMA 3 A.0.103.2 iv 16'-18' (VA Ass 4511, Ass 6596, Ass Ph 784-87); Grayson
Chronicles, 244; Brinkman PKB, 211 and n. 1315.
183
B. K. Ismail, M. D. Roaf and J. A. Black, "cAna in the Cuneiform Sources,"
Sumer 39 (1983) 191-44; A. Cavigneaux and B. K. Ismail, "Die Statthalter von
Suhu und Mari im 8. Jh. v.Chr. anhand neuer Texte aus den irakischen Grabungen
im~Staugebiet des Qadissiya-Damms," BaghM 21 (1990) 380-83, pi. 35 no. 17;
RIMB 2 5.0.1002.10:22-23 (IM 132899, found by archaeologists on the Euphrates
island 'Ana). On the history of Anat under the governorships of Samas-resa-usur
and his son Ninurta-kudurrf-usur, see the discussions in RIMB 2 S.O, and A. K.
Grayson, "Studies in Neo-Assyrian History II: The Eighth Century B.C.," in Corolla
Torontonensis: Studies in Honour of Ronald Morton Smith, edited by E. Robbins and S. Sandahl
Table 3 (cant.}

27) Tiglath- gods of the Babylonian Babylonia:

pileser III city Sapazza/ Chronicle; Sapazza
(745) Bas palace
relief];?)184
(Toronto: TSAR, 1994) 80-84; P. E. Dion, "Les Arameens du Moyen-Euphrate au

VHP siecle a la lumiere des inscriptions des maitres de Suhu et Mari," in Congress Volume:
Paris 1992, edited byj. A. Emerton (SVT 61; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1995) 53-73. Ninurta-
kudurrf-usur and his father probably ruled their region of the Euphrates during the
first half of the 8th century following a period of Assyrian domination when the
Assyrian governor of Rasappa, Bel-Harran-belu-usur, ruled the entire western expanse
of the Euphrates south of the territory held by Samsi-ilu. The inscriptions of the two
self-styled governors project images of kingly prerogative in the guise of military prowess,
the inauguration of civic foundations and other benefits to sedentary life, including
the introduction of bee-keeping to the region! No Babylonian or Assyrian kings are
mentioned by name in these texts. Ninurta-kudurri-usur's claim to have restored the
divine image of cAnat and restored her regular offerings is a classic expression of the
repatriation motif utilized to great ideological effect in the inscriptions of Esarhaddon.
RIMB 2 S.0.1002.9 (IM 132897), a description of betrayal by Assyria and the citizens
of Anat, and the triumphal restoration of the city, elaborates how, after resettling the
displaced citizens of Anat, Ninurta-kudurrl-usur returned to "their dwellings" the gods
of Anat who had gone down to the city Ribanis "because of the Assyrian." Was this
the "hidden place" where the Assyrian rather conveniently sequestered the image and
appurtenances of goddess c Anat? It is entirely unclear whether the "Assyrian" of
RIMB 2 S.O.I002.10 meant the Assyrian king, a provincial governor or some other
individual, and it is equally unclear whether this action represents central Assyrian
"policy" or is simply a spontaneous act of political degradation achieved by striking
at the island pantheon. The gods and goddesses that appear in the inscriptions of
Samas-resa-usur and Ninurta-kudurn-usur are either West Semitic or Babylonian;
RIMB 2 S.0.1001.1 (E§ 7815: Adad,' Apla-Adad, Sala, Madanu, Nabu, Istar);
S.0.1001.3 JIM 124193: Madanu, Rammanu, Adad); S.0.1002.1 (IM 95917: Adad,
Misarum, Samas, Marduk, Apla-Adad, Istar); S.0.1002.10 is dedicated to 'Anat, a
West-Semitic goddess otherwise unattested in these inscriptions; S.0.1002.11 (IM
95916: Anu); S.0.1002.6 (IM 124195) describes an ofaa-temple of Adad and Misarum
in the city Udada, and S.0.1002.9 speaks of building one in Anat. The rhetoric of
these 8th-century Euphratean inscriptions, especially that of Ninurta-kudurri-usur, is
strongly reminiscent of Assyrian royal inscriptions. The stele of Samas-resa-usur, recov-
ered from Babylon in 1899, ES. 7815, depicts the governor standing between three gods,
presumably Adad, Istar and 'Anat. The king is coiffured and liveried like a contem-
porary Assyrian king, whereas the clothing and pedestals of the gods are primarily
Babylonian, with hints of Aramaean influence; see the remarks and photographs in
R. Mayer-Opificius, "Das Relief des Samas-res-usur aus Babylon," in Vom Alien Orient
Zum Alien Testament: Festschrift fur Wolfram Freiherrn von Soden zum 85. Geburtstag am 19.
Juni 1993, edited by M. Dietrich and O. Loretz (AOAT 240; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon
& Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1995) 333-48; J. M. Russell,
"Neuassyrische Kunstperiode. III. Reliefs.," RLA 9:252a-b. The cultural affiliations
between text, political model and iconography correspond with amazing precision.
184
Grayson Chronicles, no. 1, 71 i 5 (BM 92502 [84-2-11,356], BM 75976 [AH
132 CHAPTER TWO
Table 3 (cont.)

28) Tiglath- deportation of palace Median

pileser III four seated relief185 territory^?)
(744) and standing
divine statues
83-1-18,1338]). Sapazza, located near Sippar, may have been a late "vulgar" form
of Bas; Rep. geog. 8, 70-72; see also Brinkman PKB, 230-31. The presence of
palms ("typical Chaldaean scenery") suggests a southern Babylonian setting to
Tadmor; Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, 240. Brinkman raises the possibility that a
Nimrud relief from the palace of Tiglath-pileser III which shows Assyrian soldiers
carrying off divine images may depict the spoliation of Sapazza; see R. D. Barnett
and M. Falkner, The Sculptures of Assur-nasir-apli II, Tiglath-pileser III, Esarhaddon, from
the Central and South- West Palaces at Nimrud (Assyrian Sculpture in the British Museum
3; London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1962) pi. 7 (WAA, Or. Dr. III. Central
II.). This slab was re-excavated by the Polish team at Nimrud; M. Mierzewski and
R. Sobolewski, "Polish Excavations at Nimrud/Kalhu 1974-6," Sumer 36 (1980)
156; for a discussion of the compositional strategies of this scene (and others) from
the palace of Tiglath-pileser III, see E. Auerbach, "Emphasis and Eloquence in the
Reliefs of Tiglath-Pileser III," Iraq 51 (1989) 79-84. This is the earliest recorded
instance of the illustration of a non-Assyrian divine image in Neo-Assyrian palace
art. Even though the practice was attested in the royal inscriptions of Assur-nasir-
pal II and Shalmaneser III, there are no corollary illustrations in the palace reliefs
or bronze repousse narrative works of these kings. Oded, Mass Deportations, 19,
observes with justification that mass deportations first came to play a consistent role
in the expansionist strategies of Tiglath-pileser III. One can speculate that the depic-
tion of foreign cult statues as objects of physical deportation first entered the palace
relief repertoire as a visual and ideological reflex of Tiglath-pileser Ill's adoption
of mass deportations as a normative military "policy."
180
Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, vol. 1, pi. 65; Barnett and Falkner, Sculptures of
Tiglath-pileser III, pi. 93 (BM 118934+118931). This slab contains part of the cam-
paign narrative to Media (palu 2), though it would be rash to identify the scene
with a particular episode in the narrative; Barnett and Falkner, Sculptures of Tiglath-
pileser III, 29-30; J. E. Reade, "The Palace of Tiglath-Pileser III," Iraq 30 (1968)
71. While the seated goddess who faces the viewer sports several elements of Assyro-
Babylonian divine iconography, the first figure on the left, a standing storm god,
wears a short kilt above the knees—a style impossible for Assyria and improbable
for classic Babylonian divinities. C. Uehlinger, "Anthropomorphic Cult Statuary in
Iron Age Palestine and the Search for Yahweh's Cult Images," in The Image and the
Book: Iconic Cults, Aniconism, and the Rise of Book Religion in Israel and the Ancient Near
East, edited by K. van der Toorn (Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology
21; Louvain: Peeters, 1997) 124-25, identifies this scene with the deportation of
Hanunu of Gaza's divine images, though he provides no supporting arguments. As
is the case with the palace reliefs of Sennacherib, we have uncaptioned military
actions, the details of which may not have had narrative counterparts, or counter-
parts that have not survived, and the natural temptation to tidy up these loose ends
in our historical syntheses should be resisted. In this regard, see J. M. Russell, The
Writing on the Wall: Studies in the Architectural Context of Late Assyrian Palace Inscriptions
(Mesopotamian Civilizations 9; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1999) 124-43.
Table 3 (cont.)

29) Tiglath- deported gods royal Babylonia: surviving

pileser III of the inscriptions186 Sarrabanu members of
(731/729) Chaldean royal family
Nabu-usabsi together with
of the city 55,000
Sarrabanu deported
30) Tiglath- deported gods royal Babylonia: mass

pileser III of the inscriptions187 Tarbasu and deportation
(731/729) Chaldean laballu (30,000)
cities Tarbasu
and laballu
31) Tiglath- gods of the royal Babylonia: mass deporta-

Dileser III Chaldean inscriptions188 Dur- tion (40,500),
(731/729) Zakiru of Balihaya including
Bit-Sa'alli entire royal
family
32) Tiglath- gods of royal Philistia: king left on

pileser III Hanunu of inscriptions'89 Gaza his throne,
(734-732) Gaza (cAzza); although
rebellious "people with
client ruler their
possessions"
were seized
186
Rost Tigl. Ill, pi. XXXV, 15-17; Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Summary
Inscription 7:15b-17 (K 3751). Sarrabanu was the capital city of the Chaldean state
of Bft-Silani, which was captured after a prolonged siege; on the events and chronol-
ogy, see Brinkman PKB, 231 n. 1457; 265 n. 1711. With the publication of Tadmor
Tiglath-pileser III in 1994, Rost's seriously flawed edition has been entirely superceded
for all critical textual investigation. Citations in my text and footnotes to the works
of Tiglath-pileser III are to Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, unless otherwise noted.
187
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Summary Inscription 7:18-19 (K 3751). Following
successful siege operations, mass deportations were effected from these "royal cities"
of Bit-Silani and Bft-S~a3alli; see Brinkman PKB, 231 n. 1457. Tarbasu and laballu
were probably located in southern Babylonia; Rep. geog. 8, 306.
188
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Summary Inscription 7:19b-21 (K 3751); see
Brinkman PKB, 239. URU.BAD-[DINGIR.KASKAL.KUR-«-0] restored by Tadmor
from Summary Inscription 2:14 (Loftus, Notebook, foil. 16-17). On the location of
Bit-Sa'alli, see S. Parpola, Neo-Assyrian Toponyms (AOAT 6; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon
& Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1970) 88, and R. Zadok, "Zur
Geographic Babyloniens wahrend des sargonidischen, chaldaischen, achamenidis-
chen und hellenistischen Zeitalters," WO 16 (1985) 58.
189
Weippert, "Edom," 490:9'-!!' = Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Summary Inscription
134 CHAPTER TWO
Table 3 (cont.}

33) Tiglath- captured cultic royal Arab

pileser III items of inscriptions190 territory:
(732) Samsi, queen Transjordan
of the Arabs
34) Sargon II gods of Israel royal Israel: mass

(720) inscriptions191 Samaria; deportation
rebellious
client ruler,
kingdom con-
verted into
a province
8:14'-18' (BM 131982), 4:8'-15' (Smith, Notebook 5, foil. 62v-63r, 63v-64r = Tadmor
Tiglath-pileser III, pi. 51), and Summary Inscription 9 rev. 13-16 (ND 4301 + 4305
+ 5422); editio princeps in D. J. Wiseman, "A Fragmentary Inscription of Tiglath-
pileser III from Nimrud," Iraq 18 (1956) 117-29, pis. 22-23, and idem, "Fragments
of Historical Texts from Nimrud," Iraq 26 (1964) 120-121, pi. 26. See the synoptic
presentation of this colorful passage in Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Excursus 4, 222-25.
190
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Summary Inscription 8:25'-26'(?) (BM 131982),
4:21'-22' (Smith, Notebook 5, foil. 62v-63r, 63v-64r = Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III,
pi. 51), and Summary Inscription 9 rev. 18-19 (ND 4301 +4305 + 5422); see the
synoptic presentation in Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Excursus 4, 225—30. According
to the surviving inscriptions, Samsi lost the thrones of her gods (ne-mat-ti DIN-
GIR.MES-ra-.ra), and weapons and staffs or scepters belonging to her goddess (GIS.be-
li GIS.NIG.GIDRU.MES dis-tar-sd). On Samsi and her relationship with Assyria,
see I. Eph'al, The Ancient Arabs (Leiden: E. J. Brill; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, The
Hebrew University, 1982) 83-87, 109-11.
191
C. J. Gadd, "Inscribed Prisms of Sargon II from Nimrud," Iraq 16 (1954) 179
iv 32, pi. 46 (ND 3400 + 3402 + 3408 + 3409). English translation in K. L. Younger,
Jr., "Nimrud Prisms D & E (2.118D)," COS 2:295-296. A flurry of recent studies
have cited the plural Hani as extra-biblical proof of iconic polytheism in the defeated
kingdom of Israel by factoring a depth of reportorial precision into the text that
might have surprised the Assyrian scribes themselves; Uehlinger, Anthropomorphic Cult
Statuary, 125; idem, ". . . und wo sind die Gotter von Samarien? Die Wegfuhrung
syrisch-palastinischer Kultstatuen auf einem Relief Sargons II in Horsabad/Dur-
Sarrukfn," in "Und Mose schrieb dieses Lied auf": Studien zum Alien Testament und z.um
alien Orient: Festschrift fur Oswald Loretz zur Vollendung seines 70. Lebensjahres mil Beitrdgen
von Freunden, Schiilem und Kollegen, edited by M. Dietrich and I. Kottsieper (AOAT
250; Miinster: Ugarit-Verlag, 1998) 739-76; B. Becking, "Assyrian Evidence for
Iconic Polytheism in Ancient Israel?," in The Image and the Book: Iconic Cults, Aniconism,
and the Rise of Book Religion in Israel and the ancient Near East, edited by K. van der
Toorn (Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology 21; Louvain: Peeters, 1997)
159~67 and the bibliography cited in n. 23. An unnamed "king of Assyria" is cred-
ited with the destruction of Samaria and the deportation of its citizens (2 Kgs
17:5-6, MT), with no mention of captured divine images.
Table 3

35) Sargon II Haldi and "letter to Urartu: king, royal

(714) Bagbartu, Assur," royal Musasir family and
Urartian state inscriptions (Mujaisir); over 6,000
gods at and corre- kingdom inhabitants
Musasir spondence, added to deported
eponym the province
canon192 of the ndgir
ekalli
192
The most elaborate account is the ideologically charged "letter to Assur": "my
eunuch-officials (and) my soldiers I sent into the temple of Haldi; Haldi, his god,
and Bagbartu, his goddess, together with the massive holdings of his temple, as
much as there was . . . I plundered," LU Ju-ut-SAG.MES-z'a iXj.re-di-a <a>-na E
A
hal-di-a ds-pur-ma Ahal-di-a DINGIR-/M u Aba-ag-bar-tu dXV-/M a-di NIG.GA E.KUR-
su ma-'a-at-ti mal ba-su-u . . . ds-lu-la; Mayer, "Die Finanzierung einer Kampagne,"
575, 580; idem, "Sargons Feldzug gegen Urartu—714 v. Chr. Text und Uberset-
zung," 106 iv 367-68, 405; on the ideological Tendenz of this composition, see
Oppenheim, "The City of Assur in 714 B.C.," 133-47; C. Zaccagnini, "An Urartean
Royal Inscription in the Report of Sargon's Eighth Campaign," in Assyrian Royal
Inscriptions: New Horizons in Literary, Ideological, and Historical Studies, edited by F. M.
Fales (OrAntC 17; Rome: Istituto per 1'Oriente, 1981) 259-95; F. M. Fales, "Narrative
and Ideological Variations in the Account of Sargon's Eighth Campaign," in Ah,
Assyria . . . Studies in Assyrian History and Ancient Near Eastern Historiography Presented to
Hayim Tadmor, edited by M. Cogan and I. Ephcal (ScrHie 33; Jerusalem: Magnes
Press, 1991) 129-47. Terse accounts of the capture of Haldi and Bagbartu occur
in Fuchs Khorsabad, Prunk 76 (Rooms X: 7,4 [AO 19887]; IV: 2+3,9; VII: 6,4;
VIII: 23,2); the Cyprus Stele (VAS 1 no. 71 "Linke Seite" 41-42 [VA 968]), and
the Nineveh Prism (K 1671 + 1668, Winckler Sar., pi. 45, B 13'-14'). For the
eponym reference to the capture of Haldi of Musasir, see Tadmor, "The Campaigns
of Sargon II," 85. The fragmentary letter SAA 1 no. 7 (K 7381 = CT 53 no. 340)
may refer to the deported gods of Musasir. "The god Haldi is mentioned in every
moderately well-preserved inscription speaking of military conquest, which suggests
that he had some specific association with war," Zimansky, Ecology and Empire, 116
n. 52. Argisti of Urartu, in rupestral inscriptions found in Iran, claims to have cam-
paigned "through the might of Haldi," W. C. Benedict, "Two Urartian Inscriptions
from Azerbaijan," JCS 19 (1965) 37:1, 39:1. Conspicuous royal patronage of Haldi
only became prominent in the late 9th century. "Once the cult was introduced, it
spread in close association with the monarchy, and we know of it only from very
distinctive, royally created monuments . . . This was an imperial cultus deliberately
imposed and maintained by the state" P. E. Zimansky, "Xenophon and the Urartian
Legacy," in Dans les pas des DIX-Milk: peuples et pays du Proche-Orient vus par un Grec;
Actes de la Table Ronde internationale, organisee a I'initiative du GRACO, Toulouse 3-4 fevrier
1995. edited by P. Briant (Pallas: Revue d'etudes antiques 43; Toulouse: Presses
universitaire du Mirail, 1995) 262. The coronations of Urartian emperors took place
in the presence of the statue of Haldi at Musasir; this, taken in conjunction with
the inscriptional evidence, illustrate the fact that Haldi, as the national god of
Urartu, held a position at the pinnacle of the state pantheon comparable to, and
136 CHAPTER TWO
Table 3 (cont.)

36) Sargon II gods of royal Philistia: king of

(712) Ashdod, Gath, inscriptions193 Ashdod Ashdod and
and Ashdod- (Tell ar-Ras), inhabitants
yam Gath (Tell deported
es-Safi?),
and Ashdod-
yam (Mmat
al-Qalca);
client rulers
37) Sargon II gods amassed royal Babylonia: mass

(709) by Merodach- inscriptions194 Sealands deportation
baladan II in
Dur-Iakm
38) Sennacherib deportation palace Median

(second [702] of gods by relief190 territory
or fifth [697] Assyrian or mountain
campaign) soldiers tribes north
and north-
east of
Assyria
probably influenced by, that of Assur in Assyria and Marduk in Babylonia; see
M. Salvini, "La formation de 1'etat urarteen," Heth 8 (1987) 404-6; idem, "Les in-
scriptions commemoratives Urarteennes," in La commemoration: colloque du centenaire de
la section des Sciences Religieuses de I'Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, edited by P. Gignoux
(Bibliotheque de I'Ecole des Hautes Etudes, Section des Sciences Religieuses 91;
Louvain and Paris: Peeters, 1990) 21-34. The loss of this cult object constituted at
least as grave a dilemma for the Urartian religio-political system as did the deportation
of the great statue of Marduk for Babylonian political self-definition. The name of
the paredros of Haldi, Bagbartu, probably reflects an Iranian origin (baga-bartf).
193
Fuchs Khorsabad, Ann 250-52 (Rooms II: 21,11-13; XIII: 4,10-11; V:
12,10-12); Prunk 104-7 (Rooms X: 9,8-11; VIII: 25,8-10). English translations in
K. L. Younger, Jr., "Sargon II (2.118) The Annals (2.118A)," COS 2:294, and in
idem, "The Great 'Summary' Inscription (2.118E)," COS 2:296-97.
194
Gadd, "Inscribed Prisms of Sargon II from Nimrud," 186 vi 50-62 (ND
2601 + 3401 + 3403 + 3417); Fuchs Khorsabad, Prunk 125-26 (Rooms X: 11,5-6
[(?)BM 135992 (1973-12-18,1)]; VII: 8,16-18 [IM 60971/2]). On the history of
scholarly attempts to locate Dur-Iakm, see Brinkman, Prelude to Empire, 52 n. 240;
Zadok, "Zur Geographic Babyloniens," 52, 62-63. On the struggle between Sargon
II and Marduk-apla-iddina II, see R. J. van der Spek, "The Struggle of King Sargon
II of Assyria Against the Chaldaean Merodach-Baladan (710-707 B.C.)," JEOL 25
(1977-1978) 56-66.
195
Room XLV: 5 = Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, vol. 1, pi. 75; Paterson, Sinacherib,
pi. 80 (WAA, Or. Dr., IV, 25). The clothing of the natives (animal skin cloaks)
Table 3 (cont.)

39) Sennacherib dynastic gods royal Philistia: king and

(third cam- of Sidqa, king inscriptions196 Ashkelon family
paign, 701) of Ashkelon (Tell deported
'Asqelon);
client ruler
40) Sennacherib deportation of palace Phoenicia,

(third cam- gods by reliefs197 Philistia,
paign, 701) Assyrian Palestine(P)
soldiers
and the mountainous landscape make Sennacherib's second or fifth campaigns the
likely subject of these reliefs, unfortunately devoid of readable epigraphs; see Russell,
Sennacherib's Palace Without Rival, 159-60, 173, 297, fig. 37. None of Sennacherib's
royal inscriptions describe the spoliation of gods in the course of these campaigns.
The statues themselves are of bearded males, approximately one-third life-size, with
upraised arms and wearing conical hats; they appear to be borne on the shoulders
of the soldiers by straddling a pole, a posture which suggests to Russell that they
were modeled as if riding horseback (297 n. 81).
196
OIP 2, 30 ii 62-64 (Frahm Einleitung, T 16, 17). For published and unpub-
lished texts that cover the third campaign, see Frahm Einleitung, 102~6.
197
Room X: 11 = Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, vol. 2, pi. 50; Paterson, Sinacherib,
pi. 38; drawings only of statues in J. Borker-Klahn, "Verkannte neuassyrische Bronze-
Statuetten," BaghM 6 (1973) 43, fig. Ib (WAA, Or. Dr., IV, 65); Room XII: 15 =
Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, vol. 2, pi. 18; Paterson, Sinacherib, pi. 39 (WAA, Or.
Dr., IV, 59); Room LXIV: 1, 2, 3 = Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, vol. 2, pi. 30;
Paterson, Sinacherib, pi. 91; drawings only of selected statues in Borker-Klahn,
"Verkannte neuassyrische Bronze-Statuetten," 43, fig. la (WAA, Or. Dr., IV, 32).
Room X: 11 depicts three diminutive anthropomorphic statuettes equipped with
bases, each in some sort of square enclosure; the features of dress, terrain, and
camel situate the scene in Sennacherib's third campaign, see Russell, Sennacherib's
Palace Without Rival, 164, 173, fig 35. Room XII: 15 is part of a combined siege
and capitulation tableau of a lofty turreted city with a precipitous siege ramp thrown
up against one side. A soldier carries a statuette by its base with both hands—the
upper three-quarters of the object are broken away in the slab's lacuna. The design
of the battlements and the livery of the inhabitants strongly suggests Judah or
Phoenicia; Russell, Sennacherib's Palace Without Rival, 162, 164, fig. 83. Which (if
either) of the reliefs from these two rooms were intended to represent the depor-
tation of the Philistine gods of Sidqa is impossible to say; the relative paucity of
such descriptions in the annals of Sennacherib is belied by the reliefs from his
"Palace Without Rival" and the many restorations of divine images, captured by
this king, recorded in the inscriptions of Esarhaddon and other sources. Uehlinger,
Anthropomorphic Cult Statuary, 127, is incautiously certain that the gods pictured in
this slab are those of Sidqa of Ashkelon. Room LXIV: 1, 2, 3 illustrates a column
of Assyrian soldiers each one carrying a standing anthropomorphic statuette by grip-
ping it unceremoniously wherever a secure handhold presents itself. Several of the
statuettes appear to be female; none have crowns or horned head-pieces; most hold
138 CHAPTER TWO
Table 3 (cont.)
fang Action Source Geography and Human

41) Sennacherib gods of royal Anatolia inhabitants

(695) Til-Garimmu inscriptions198 (border of deported
Tabal):
Til-Garimmu
(Giiriin?);
rebellious
provincial
city
42) Sennacherib gods of Der royal Babylonia:

(month XI 694) inscriptions Der (Tell
c
(of Aqar)
Esarhaddon);
Babylonian
Chronicles'"
43) Sennacherib gods of royal Babylonia mass

(694) Brt-Iakm inscriptions200 deportation
a mace or some instrument in one hand, though the posture is unwarlike (note that
these are not "smiting gods"). All are supplied with bases, indicating they were orig-
inally freestanding, and some wear short kilts or tunics above the knees. Russell,
Sennacherib's Palace Without Rival, 161, fig. 89, argues that the clothing of the human
captives in these reliefs points to the West. Judging by the casual manner in which the
Assyrian soldiers lug these objects, and the lack of divine head-gear and other con-
spicuous marks of divinity, I would suggest that these statuettes were votive offerings
meant to represent their donors before their gods, and were not divine statues per se.
igs Qjp 2, 63 v 12 (Frahm Einleitung, T 12); terminus ad quern of this operation
established by eponym in line 1. Forrer, Provinzeinteilung, 74, dates the entry of Til-
Garimmu into the provincial system under Sargon II (712); in any event, the city
probably defected from Assyria when Sargon fell in battle against the Cimmerians
in 705. Sennacherib did not reconquer the territory in person, and the notice of
the campaign is omitted from many of his annal texts. Was this because of the
ominous loss of his father's body in this region? On the geography of Til-Garimmu,
see Parpola, Neo-Assyrian Toponyms, 353-54; J. D. Hawkins, "The Political Geography
of North Syria and South-East Anatolia in the Neo-Assyrian Period," in Neo-Assyrian
Geography, edited by M. Live rani (Quaderni di Geografia Storica 5; Rome: Universita
di Roma "La Sapienza", 1995) 90, locates Til-Garimmu on the plain of Elbistan
instead of at Giiriin.
199
Borger Esarh., §53, AsBbA, 84 rev. 42; Grayson Chronicles, no. 15, 128:1
(BM 96273 [1902-4-12,385]); see Brinkman, Prelude to Empire, 69 n. 329.
200
OIP 2, 38 iv 40-44 (Frahm Einleitung, T 16, 17, T 25-27 = Bull Inscriptions
nos. 1, 2, 3 = Layard ICC, 59-61; Bull Inscription no. 3 11.25-32 in G. Smith,
History of Sennacherib Translated from the Cuneiform Inscriptions (edited by A. H. Sayce;
London: Williams and Norgate [ATLA Monograph Preservation Program, fiche #
1986-1740], 1878) 88-89; see H. D. Gaiter, L. D. Levine and J. E. Reade, "The
Colossi of Sennacherib's Palace and their Inscriptions," ARRIM 4 (1986) 28-30. On
Table 3 (cont.)

44) Sennacherib gods of Uruk royal Babylonia:

(month VII and Larsa inscriptions; Uruk (Tulul
693) Babylonian al-Warka3)
Chronicles201 and Larsa
(Tell es-
Sinkara)
45) Sennacherib 6 Babylonian royal Babylonia:

(694-689) gods deported correspond- Babylon,
to the central ence (letter Uruk,
Zagros city addressed Bit-Iakm
Issete/tu to Assurba-
located in the nipal)202
province of
the rab saqe
the programmatic message of text and image in Court VI, see J. M. Russell, "Bulls
for the Palace and Order in the Empire: the Sculptural Program of Sennacherib's
Court VI at Nineveh," ArtB 69 (1987) 520-39; OIP 2, 87:25-26 (Frahm Einleitung,
T 64 = ES 1 and BM 124800, the "Nebi Yunus Slab"); Brinkman, Prelude to Empire,
61. The names of some of these captured gods are mentioned in a letter to
Assurbanipal, Table 3:45.
201
OIP 2, 87:31-33 (Frahm Einleitung, T 64); Grayson Chronicles, no. 1, 78-79
ii 48-iii 3 (BM 92502 [84~2-l 1,356]); Frame, Babylonia 689~627 B.C., 76; Brinkman,
Prelude to Empire, 62 n. 299. The gods of Uruk were apparently returned to the city
in Sennacherib's last year; Grayson Chronicles, no. 1, 81 iii 28-29 (BM 92502
[84-2-11,356]) (Grayson's translation is wrong); L. D. Levine, "Sennacherib's
Southern Front: 704-689 B.C.," JCS 34 (1982) 44-45 n. 52; Brinkman, Prelude to
Empire, 70.
202
ABL no. 659+474 = SAA 13 no. 190:6-rev. 8 (81-2-4,67+Bu 89-4-26,17);
initial transliteration and translation of restored text in K. Deller, "Die Briefe des
Adad-sumu-usur," in lisan mithurti: Festschrift Wolfram Freiherr von Soden zum 19.VL1968
gewidmet von Schulem und Mitarbeitern, edited by W. Rollig (AOAT 1; Kevelaer: Verlag
Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1969) 60. A handcopy
of the joined text appears in CT 53 no. 141, which Parpola ascribes to Samas-
sumu-lesir, an ascription challenged by F. M. Fales, "New Assyrian Letters from
the Kuyunjik Collection," AfO 27 (1980) 151-52. This remarkable letter describes
a royally commissioned visit to the province (KUR) of the rab-sdqe. The inhabitants
of the area inform the writer that six statues of the gods and goddesses of Akkad
(Marat-Sin of Eridu, Marat-Sin of Nemed-Laguda, Marat-Eridu, Nergal, Amurru,
Lugalbanda) were transported to Issete/tu and stored in a single building (E), prob-
ably a temple. It would appear that the writer believed that Esarhaddon had intended
that the images be sent to Babylon, thus raising the question of their origin(s): were
they cult objects seized in Babylon during Sennacherib's eighth campaign, or were
they taken from various southern Babylonia cities prior to 689? Cole and Machinist
provide convincing arguments that the gods represent booty from Bit-Iakfn, Uruk,
140 CHAPTER TWO
Table 3 (cont.)

46) Sennacherib gods of royal Adummatu

(689/688) Haza'el the inscriptions (Dumat
Arab, together (of al-Jandal,
with the Esarhaddon al-Jawf):
queen/ and Syrian
priestess Assurba- desert
Te'elhunu nipal)203
and Babylon seized by Sennacherib between 694 and 689; SAA 13 xii. Samas-
sumu-lesir explains that the king (Esarhaddon) gave the order that these images be
brought to Babylon in the company of Bel, and the text indicates that Bel of
Babylon was actually brought to Issete/tu at one point. Of course, we cannot be
positive whether this was the principal image of Bel/Marduk used in the New Year's
festival procession. Textual evidence exists for a plurality of Bel images in Ist-mil-
lennium Babylon; see S. Dalley, "Statues of Marduk and the Date of Enuma elis,"
AoF 24 (1997) 163-66, and A. R. George, "The Bricks of E-Sagil," Iraq 57 (1995)
174. On the location of the rab-sdqe1?, province in the 7th century see Forrer,
Provinzeinteilung, 107-8; Kessler, Topographic Nordmesopotamiens, 149 and map VI; Rep.
geog. 5, 240; Postgate, "Assyria: the Home Provinces," 7-8, which is plausible if it
be allowed that Issete/tu-Kurba3il-Arba5il were relatively near each other. The
reading of the name Issete/tu and its geographical location by K. Deller, "Ausgewahlte
neuassyrische Briefe betreffend Urartu zur Zeit Sargons II," in Tra lo âgros e I'Urmia:
ricerche storiche ed archeologiche nell'Azerbaigian iraniano, edited by P. E. Pecorella and
M. Salvini (Incunabula Graeca 78; Rome: Edizioni dell'Ateneo, 1984) 121, is
endorsed by G. B. Lanfranchi, "Assyrian Geography and Neo-Assyrian Letters Again:
the Location of Hubuskia Again," in Neo-Assyrian Geography, edited by M. Liverani
(Quaderni di Geografia Storica 5; Rome: Universita di Roma "La Sapienza", 1995)
131-33, who, using the etymology of the name and an inscription of Sennacherib
found at Qal'at Mortka celebrating the construction of his water canal to Arba'il,
locates Issete/tu near the headwaters of the Basture Cay. If this is correct, then
Sennacherib stored the purloined Babylonian divine images near—but not within—
the Assyrian heartland at a site which he or his hydraulic engineers had visited.
The Issete/tu mentioned in this text could not have been the famous city Anat on
the Middle Euphrates, which was usually written (URU) a-na-at, a-na-ti, or an-at
(Parpola, Neo-Assyrian Toponyms, 18-19, to which add the 8th-century inscriptions of
the self-styled governor of Suhu and Man, RIMB 2 S.0.1002.2 iii 29'; S.0.1002.3
iv 11', 14'; S.0.1002.4 iv 7; S.0.1002.5 iv 2, 5, 12; S.0.1002.9 i 9, 12, 19, 21, 24;
ii 6, 13, 14, 16, 20; iii 16 [found at 'Ana itself]; 8.0.1002.10:15, 18, 19; S.0.1002.11
8), but was probably the one located near Kurba'il (modern location unknown):
SUHUR KASKAL sa TA URU.kur-b[a-il] sa a-na URU.DIS-^ z7-M-[«-ra], "adjoin-
ing the road which leads from Kurb[a3il] to Issete/tu," ADD no. 385 = ARU no.
194 = T. Kwasman, Neo-Assyrian Legal Documents in the Kouyunjik Collection of the British
Museum (StPSM 14; Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1988) no. 202 rev. 14'-15'
(K 426). CT 53 no. 333:2 and ND 2791:6 corroborate the proximity of Issete/tu,
Arba'il and Kurba'il. See also the discussion in R. Zadok, "The Ethno-Linguistic
Character of the Jezireh and Adjacent Regions in the 9th~7th Centuries (Assyria
Proper vs. Periphery)," in Neo-Assyrian Geography, edited by M. Liverani (Quaderni
Table 3

47) Sennacherib gods later royal Arab

returned to inscriptions territory
Tabua, (of
"queen of Esarhaddon
the Arabs" and Assur-
banipal)204
48) Esarhaddon gods of the royal Arab people

(before month land of Bazu inscriptions; territory: deported
II 676) Babylonian no prior
Chronicles205 history of
Assyrian
subjugation
di Geografia Storica 5; Rome: Universita di Roma "La Sapienza", 1995) 260. If

this geography is correct, the great distance these images were transported suggests
to this researcher that Sennacherib entertained no intention of "liberating" these
gods to their original temples. Samas-sumu-lesir diplomatically reminded Assurbanipal
of their existence and an opportunity to further enhance the king's role as patron-
saint of Babylonian city cults. A period very early in the reign of Assurbanipal
would fit the political implications of this letter. The reading of Adad of Issete/tu
(URU.DIS-fof), listed in the penalty clause of a legal document dated 681, ADD
no. 228 = ARU no. 641 = Menzel Tempel, T 196, no. 132:2-3 (K 1608a), has
been subsequently collated by Parpola as \]^JJ .ana-na and is interpreted as the city
of Anat on the Euphrates by Kwasman in SAA 6 no. 198:4'. There is no doubt,
however, that Adad was worshipped in the vicinity of Issete/tu; Shalmaneser III,
it will be recalled, dedicated a statue of himself to Adad of Kurba'il. SeeJ. Postgate,
"Kurba'il," RLA 6:368a.
203
Borger Esarh., §27, Nin. A, Ep. 14, 53 iv 1-5; A. Heidel, "A New Hexagonal
Prism of Esarhaddon (676 B.C.)," Sumer 12 (1956) 18 ii 46-50 (IM 59046); Borger
BIWA, "Exkurs: Der Text K 3087 // K 3405 // RM 2,558," 69-76. On Te'elhunu
the priestess (kurmirtu/'jklf), see R. Borger, "Assyriologische und altarabistische
Miszellen," Or 26 (1957) 8-10; Eph'al, Ancient Arabs, 41-42, 118-23, 224-25. On
the oasis of Dumat al-Jandal or al-Jawf, located near Wadf Sirhan, see L. V. Vaglieri,
"Dumat al-Djandal," El2 6:624b~26b; D. T. Potts, "Trans-Arabian Routes of the
pre-Islamic Period," in The Arabs and Arabia on the Eve of Islam, edited by F. E. Peters
(The Formation of the Classical Islamic World 3; Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999) 47-48.
204
Borger Esarh., §27, Nin. A, Ep. 14, 53 iv 15-16; §66, Mnm. B, 100:12-14;
Heidel, "A New Hexagonal Prism of Esarhaddon," 18 ii 60, 62.
205
Borger Esarh., §27, Nin. A, Ep. 17, 56 iv 71-72; Heidel, "A New Hexagonal
Prism," 20 iii 22~23 (IM 59046). Grayson Chronicles, no. 1, 83 iv 5-6 (BM 92502
[84-2-11,356], BM 75976 [AH 83-1-18,1338]), and no. 14, 126:13 (BM 25091
[98-2-16,145]) corroborates the claim that the Assyrians campaigned against Bazu
and dates the action to month VII 677; Eph'al, Ancient Arabs, dates the campaign
to 677/676 (130-37).
142 CHAPTER TWO
Table 3 (cont.)

49) Esarhaddon gods of royal Qedar (Arab people

(673-669) Yautac b. inscriptions territory) deported
Haza'el, King (of Assur-
of Qedar banipal)206
50) Esarhaddon gods of Uabu royal Arab king and

(after 671) (Wabh) the inscriptions207 territory: soldiers
Arab no prior deported
history of
Assyrian
subjugation
206
Bauer IWA, pi. 18 iii 4' (K 30); Weippert, "Kampfe," 75 i 9; Borger BIWA,
B vii 95, C ix 92'; "Der grosse 'Gottesbrief'," 77 i 9. Dating according to Eph'al,
Ancient Arabs, 147.
207
Borger Esarh., §66, Mnm. B, 100:18 (Til Barsip stele, Aleppo Museum no.
31); Ephcal, Ancient Arabs, dates the action to 676-673 (126).
208
Borger Esarh., §67, Mnm. C, 101:11 (Nahr el-Kelb inscription); Grayson
Chronicles, no. 1, 85 iv 25-26 (BM 75977 [AH 83-1-18,1339]). Two statues bear-
ing the cartouche of Taharqa were recovered during the 1954 excavations at Tell
Nebi Yunus in what was probably Esarhaddon's palace. These statues, severely
damaged by fire, now housed in the Mosul Museum, were probably deported to
the Assyrian capital among the spoils of the 671 campaign. "They were placed in
the main entrance of his [Esarhaddon's] palace so as to be the first things to be
seen upon entry, as eloquent witnesses to the might of Assyria," N. Al Asil, "Editorial
Notes and Archaeological Events: the Assyrian Palace at Nebi Unis," Sumer 10 (1954)
111 (issue frontispiece carries a site plan of the excavation, with the positions of
the statue bases marked). On the surviving statue cartouches and history of Taharqa
see W. K. Simpson, "The Pharaoh Taharqa," Sumer 10 (1954) 193-94; W. K.
Simpson, "News and Correspondence," Sumer 11 (1955) 131-32; V. Vikentier,
"Quelques considerations a propos des statues de Taharqa trouvees dans les ruines
du palais d'Esarhaddon," Sumer 11 (1955) 111-16; E. R. Russmann, The Representation
of the King in the XXVth Dynasty (Monographies Reine Elisabeth 3; Brussells: Fondation-
Egyptologique Reine Elisabeth; Brooklyn: Brooklyn Museum, 1974) 47, nos. 7-8
(no illustrations). In the course of the same excavations at Nineveh an inscribed
bronze statuette of the Egyptian goddess Anuket (cnqwt) was found, IM 59032. [See
Figure 6] The bronze, inlaid with gold, measuring 6.3 cm high, exhibits a num-
ber of unusual features. Statuettes of this goddess are altogether uncommon. The
cult of Anuket was associated with the cataract region of Upper Egypt and Nubia,
and is well represented in the relief programs of temples south of Aswan extend-
ing into the Sudan. In Temple T of Kawa, Anuket figures as a patron goddess of
Taharqa on a stele dated to his sixth year. In this diminutive but finely-crafted stat-
uette, do we have one of the gods of Taharqa deported to Assyria in the Nahr el-
Kelb inscription? Simpson, "News and Correspondence," 131-32; I. E. S. Edwards,
"News and Correspondence," Sumer 11 (1955) 129 (three photographs of the stat-
uette appear in the frontispiece of Sumer vol. 11); E. Otto, "Anuket," LA 1:333-34.
Table 3 (cont.)

51) Esarhaddon gods of royal Egypt royal family

(month Taharqa, inscriptions; deported
IV 671) Napatan ruler Babylonian
of Egypt Chronicles208
52) Assurba- gods of 29 royal Elam mass

nipal (month Elamite cities inscriptions209 deportation
III 647) (4th Elamite
campaign)
53) Assurba- dynastic gods royal Elam mass

nipal (month of Elam, inscriptions210 deportation
VIII-IX 647) together with
their property
and priests
(sange) (5th
Elamite
campaign)
54) Assurba- gods of Yautac royal Arab royal family

nipal (646 or b. Birdada the inscriptions2" territory: and people
later) Arab rebellious of Qedar
client ruler deported to
Damascus
On the reign of Taharqa, see J. Leclant, "Taharqa," LA 6:156-84; T. G. H.James,

"Egypt: the Twenty-Fifth and the Twenty-Sixth Dynasties," CAH2 3/2 695-708.
Fragments of inscribed alabaster vessels with the cartouche of Taharqa were found
in Assur, E§ 9583/4; Anonymous, "Wissenschaftliche Berichte: die Antiken-Museen
in Istanbul," A/0 10 (1935-1936) 94.
209
Borger BIWA, A v 41-62, F iii 82-iv 16; C ix 35'-55' omits any reference
to plundered gods and goddesses. The fourth Elamite campaign was fought against
Ummanaldas (Humban-haltas III) shortly after the Samas-sumu-ukTn rebellion.
Tammarftu II was installed by Assurbanipal as the successor Elamite king. The
geography of the 29 cities mentioned is uncertain; five are located in or near Rasi,
six are near the Kerkhah river. See the excellent historical and chronological dis-
cussion in Gerardi, "AssurbanipaPs Elamite Campaigns," 181-94.
210
Borger BIWA, A vi 30-47, F v 21-33. Nineteen gods are mentioned. The
first, Insusinak, the logograms for which signify either the god or its cult center,
Susa (MUS.EREN/SES, MUS.EREN/SES), was the ancient dynastic patron deity
of Elam; see W. Hinz, "Insusinak," RLA 5:117a-19a.
211
Borger BIWA, A ix 2-8; M. Weippert, "Die Kampfe des assyrischen Konigs
Assurbanipal gegen die Araber: Redaktionskritische Untersuchung des Berichts in
Prisma A," WO 7 (1973) 80 iv 2-8 (K 2802+3047+3049); Borger BIWA, "Der
grosse Gottesbrief," 80 iv 2-8. On the historical and philological evidence for dis-
tinguishing between Uaite' son of Birdada and UaiteVYauta c son of Haza'el in the
144 CHAPTER TWO
Table 3 (cont.)

55) Assurba- gods of Usu royal Phoenicia: gods and

nipal (645 or inscriptions212 Usu inhabitants
later) (mainland deported to
Tyre); Assyria
rebellious
client ruler
A topos in the self-conscious historiography of Assyrian imperialism

was the deportation of foreign divine images from cities and nations
that chose to resist the "yoke of Assur." Contrary to the niggardly
reportage of burnt temples, Assyrian royal inscriptions and palace
reliefs are almost voluble with their tales of plundered idols, though
to be sure there are many dozens of narrative accounts of military
conquests for each episode of "godnapping."213 Becking, for instance,
estimates there are roughly 150 individual conquest citations in the
inscriptions of Sargon II, but only six instances of idol-captures.214 I
began this list with seven episodes of divine spoliation taken from
the inscriptions of the Middle Assyrian king Tiglath-pileser I (Table
3:1—7) in order to illustrate significant continuities and changes with
the later Neo-Assyrian period in both the implementation of reli-
gious imperialism and the selective presentation of data from cam-
paign records. The warlike Tiglath-pileser I claims to have seized
seven different groups of divine images from cities previously not
inscriptions of Assurbanipal, see the informed discussion in Eph'al, Ancient Arabs,

146-47; on the confusion between these two individuals on the part of Assurbanipal's
scribes in the various editions of the king's annals, see P. Gerardi, "The Arab
Campaigns of Assurbanipal: Scribal Reconstruction of the Past," SAAB 6/2 (1992)
67-103. Uaite' son of Birdada together with other Arab leaders joined forces with
Samas-sumu-ukin in his civil war against Assurbanipal.
212
Borger BIWA, A ix 121; see the discussion of this campaign inj. Elayi, "Les
cites pheniciennes et 1'empire assyrien a 1'epoque d'Assurbanipal," RA 77 (1983)
53-57. On the identification of Usu with Tell Rasidiyye, see H. Sader, "Tell el
Burak: an Unidentified City of Phoenician Sidon," in Ana sadi Labndni lu allik: Beitrdge
Zu altorientalischen und mittelmeerischen Kulturen. Festschrift fur Wolfgang RoUig, edited by
B. Pongratz-Leisten, H. Kuhne and P. Xella (AOAT 247; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon
& Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1997) 366.
213
"Godnap" is a happy neologism coined by Alasdair Livingstone in his pre-
sentation at the 38eme Rencontre assyriologique Internationale in 1991, appearing
in print in Livingstone, "New Dimensions," 168.
214
Becking, 'Assyrian Evidence for Iconic Polytheism," 163.
subject to Assyria and those belonging to rebellious client rulers, a

pattern adhered to throughout the annals of the Neo-Assyrian emper-
ors. His boast of having presented these captured gods as gifts to
his own gods (read temples) in Assur (Table 3:1, 4, 7) is only attested
by the earliest Neo-Assyrian kings, Assur-dan II and Adad-nararl II
(Table 3:8—9). There is limited but significant evidence that later
kings altered this policy, storing these objects at sites outside the
Assyrian heartland and proffering the restoration of captured gods
as a reward for politically correct conduct.210 Sennacherib stored var-
ious Babylonian god-images in Issete/tu, a city located in the province
of the rob sdqe (Table 3:44), while Assurbanipal claims to have dis-
patched the captured gods of the Qedarite king Uaitec to Damascus
(Table 3:52). Both cities may have served as staging points for sub-
sequent movements of these objects rather than warehouse termini.
[See Figure 5]
Historically, the deportation of divine images more often than not
was a well-advertised component in the punitive deportation of insub-
missive rulers, ruling families, and population groups (Table 3:1, 6,
11-23, 25, 29-32, 34-37, 39, 41, 43, 48-55, thirty-five human depor-
tations associated with fifty-five deportations of divine images). By
excluding instances of godnapping known only from palace reliefs,
chronicle texts and correspondence, the correlation between divine
and human deportation narratives in the Assyrian royal inscriptions
was very high indeed, less than 100% only in the cases of Assur-
dan II (1 godnap/0 deportations in the same narrative), Adad-nararl
II (2/1), Samsf-Adad V (8/7), Tiglath-pileser III (7/4), and the eccen-
tric Sennacherib (9/3). 2I6 When the Assyrians infrequently chose to
215
Knowledge that the Assyrians deported the divine images of defeated enemies
is as old as Assyriology itself. One of the first lengthy Akkadian inscriptions to be
deciphered, the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III (BM 118885), contains three
instances of the practice which were correctly translated in 1850; Rawlinson,
Commentary, 33 (Ahuni of Bft-Adini), 41 (Marduk-mudammiq of Namri), 43 (lanzu
of Namri). Visual representations of the practice of "godnapping" appeared the year
before in Layard, Nineveh and Its Remains, engraving between 342-43 (palace of
Tiglath-pileser III — Table 3:27), and in Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, vol 1., pi.
75 (palace of Sennacherib, Room XLV: 5 = Table 3:38), Layard, Monuments of
Nineveh, vol 2., pi. 50 (palace of Sennacherib, Room X: 11 = Table 3:40).
216
A comparison between the number of mass deportation in the narrative inscrip-
tions of a given king and the corresponding number of godnaps with and without
deportations is possible by consulting the chart in B. Oded, Mass Deportations and
Deportees in the Neo-Assyrian Empire (Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1979)
20 and Table 3 supra.
146 CHAPTER TWO
describe the "actions" of deported gods in relation to their removal

from their patron nations and temples, the discourse was usually
couched in terms of the ancient pan-Near Eastern reward theology
of "divine abandonment": the sins of the conquered nation impelled
the offended gods to reject their own people.217 "Divine abandon-
ment is the mythological expression of the looting of an enemy's
sacred images . . . and is implied in the descriptions of the looting of
sanctuaries in the [Sumerian] city-laments as well as the Curse of
Agade."218 The topos itself is pre-Sargonic. An inscription of Ensakusanna
(ca. 2432-2403), described the capture of Enbi-Istar of Kis and the
dedication of statues of silver and lapis-lazuli to Enlil of Nippur, in
all likelihood cult statues.219 The so-called Lamentation over the Destruction
of Sumer and Ur, written in the 18th century B.C.E., complains that
"Inanna was carried off from Uruk, was brought to enemy terri-
tory."220 An inscription of Nebuchadnezzar I that describes Elamite
depredations against Marduk's image expresses a clear theological
statement of divine abandonment: "The great gods who had become
a/ig^ry] with the lord of Akkad (and) had gone to the land of Elam. . . ,"221
Although the Assyrians and other Semitic-speaking peoples demon-
strably shared the concept of "dead gods,"222 it was never evoked in
217
On this motif see the discussion in Cogan, Imperialism and Religion, 9-21. The
Assyrians did not invent this theological motif, but rather exploited for their own
ends the ancient and widespread concept of a wrathful and hidden god; see T.
Podella, Sdm-Fasten: Kollektive Trauer um den verborgenen Gott im Alien Testament (AOAT
224; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag,
1989) 35-61, 114-16; D. I. Block, The Gods of the Nations: Studies in Ancient Near
Eastern National Theology (METS 2; Jackson, MS: Evangelical Theological Society,
1988) 125-68. The phrase associated in Egyptian sources with the abduction of
divine images is very similar in import: "you [the gods] have turned your back to
Egypt;" J. K. Winnicki, "Carrying Off and Bringing Home the Statues of the Gods:
On an Aspect of the Religious Policy of the Ptolemies," JJP 24 (1994) 158 n. 39.
218
Cooper, Curse of Agade, 34 n. 8.
219
E. Sollberger and J.-R. Kupper, Inscriptions royales sumeriennes et akkadiennes (LAPO
3; Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1971) 91:13-26; M. A. Brandes, "Destruction et muti-
lation de statues en Mesopotamie," Akkadica 16 (1980) 32.
220
Kramer, "Lamentation over the Destruction," 618:412-14.
221
G. Frame, "A Bilingual Inscription of Nebuchadnezzar I," in Corolla Torontonensis:
Studies in Honour of Ronald Morton Smith, edited by E. Robbins and S. Sandahl (Toronto:
TSAR, 1994) 67-69. "The lord (Marduk) became angry and (full of) wrath. He
commanded and the land was abandoned by its gods . . . the god . . . who guards
living creatures, abandoned the people; they all became like those who have no
god"; RIMB 2 B.2.4.8.17-18, 20.
222
"Servant of a dead god, house whose star has been removed from the heav-
ens," ARAD sa DINGIR [m]i-te E sd MUL-/a ina AN-e hal-qu; SAA 3 no. 30:3.
For philology and citations to "dead gods" in cuneiform literature, see W. W. Hallo,
Assyrian historical inscriptions as a theological rationalization to

account for the capitulation of a state and the capture of its divine
images. Divine abandonment, a theological motif attested in mytho-
logical, ritual, and liturgical texts throughout the ancient Near East
that dealt with personal and communal adversity and loss,223 was the
rationale of choice adopted by Assyrian scribes when they attempted
to account for the human capture of divine images from the per-
spective of divine volition.224 In the visual archive, there is no anal-
ogy between the illustrations of beatings and executions of helpless
deportees, on the one hand, and the removal of captured divine
images by soldier-borne litter. Once the Assyrians had accomplished
the worst—captured and deported the gods and ruler of a city, and
destroyed the city itself—they do not seem to have aggressively
enforced a suspension of local cult activity. The concept of religious
censorship effected on the basis of illicit worship praxis and the wor-
ship of "false" gods, with the possible exception of bans in legal
codes on witchcraft, does not appear in Western Asia before the
Persian Period, if then.223
Fragments of several versions of a Neo-Assyrian composition dubbed
"The Marduk Ordeal" describe the captivity of the god Marduk
under the authority of Assur.226 Although the literal meaning of the
text remains obscure at many points, it would appear that Marduk
was captured in Esagila, that his temple was plundered, and that
"Texts, Statues and the Cult of the Divine King," in Congress Volume, Jerusalem 1986,
edited by J. A. Emerton (SVT 40; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1988) 66. The concept is
found in the Hebrew Scriptures: Ps 82:6-7.
223
On this theme, see the discussion and numerous examples in D. Bodi, The
Book of Eêkiel and the Poem of Erra (OBO 104; Fribourg: Universitatsverlag; Gottingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1991) 191-218.
224
Among the ceremonial names of the shrines in E.sar.ra, the temple of Assur,
is found gul.la.ir.ra, "ruined and plundered" which was the abode of Bel-labriya,
"ancient Bel." Bel-labnya might have been a foreign divine image seized long ago
and housed in the chapel whose name may reflect Assyrian "practical theology"
regarding the cultus of defeated enemies; George, Babylonian Topographical Texts, no.
21:11' and comments p. 467 (BM 134502 [1932-12-12,497]).
22a
On the issue of unsanctioned religious activity in antiquity, see the excellent
essay by C. R. Phillips III, "Mtllum Crimen sine Lege: Socioreligious Sanctions on
Magic," in Magika Hiera: Ancient Greek Magic and Religion, edited by C. A. Faraone
and D. Obbink (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991) 260-76.
-2(> A. Livingstone, Mystical and Mythological Explanatory Works of Assyrian and Babylonian
Scholars (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986) 205-253; SAA 3 nos. 34-35 (VAT 9555+VAT
9538+ND 812[a]; K 6330+K 9138+K 6359; K 7979; BM 134503; Rm 275; Sm
1564+K 20151; BM 134504+Sm 1903). The Assur/Nimrud versions exhibit greater
internal consistency than the Nineveh texts.
148 CHAPTER TWO
the god was threatened with death, all with the blessings of Assur.
Attempts to relate the text either to the destruction of Babylonia in
689227 or the repatriation of the Marduk statue in 669228 remain
speculative in light of the poor state of textual preservation and our
ability to interpret a literary composition that functioned at one level
as a commentary on the Babylonian religious calendar. Our inter-
est in the text lies in the imaginative illustration of the captivity of
Bel in a Late Assyrian literary text as an analogue to the stock image
in the historical inscriptions not only of "spoliation of divine images"
but of accounts of human deportation repeated ad nauseam. Frame
raises the possibility that Assurbanipal deported some of the Elamite
gods seized in Susa in 646 to Uruk in order to punish them for the
centuries of captivity spent by the image of Nanaia of Uruk in
Elam.229
Esarhaddon's scribes, in the creation of an apologetic literature
aimed at the justification of his costly religio-political program of
Babylonian reconciliation, avoided mentioning his father's notorious
sacrilege towards Esagila, and instead related that Marduk had become
angry and determined to destroy Babylon because of the social sins
and cult abuses of its inhabitants. Its gods and goddesses "flew like
birds and ascended to heaven."230 The ideology of divine abandon-
ment in Assyrian historical and apologetic literature differed significantly
from that of human deportation, for the expedient of divine exile,
to my knowledge, was never explicitly conceptualized as an act of
punishment against the captured gods themselves.231 The heavily
227
So W. von Soden, "Gibt es ein Zeugnis dafur, dafi die Babylonier an die
Wiederauferstehung Marduks geglaubt haben?," %A 51 (1955) 130-66; Livingstone,
Explanatory Works, 231-32; SAA 3 nos. 34-35.
228
Thus T. Frymer-Kensky, "The Tribulations of Marduk: the So-Called 'Marduk
Ordeal Text'," JAOS 103 (1983) 131-41 who, finding no clear anti-Babylonian bias,
interprets the Sit^-im-Leben of the text as the triumphant restoration of Marduk to
Esagila.
229
Frame, Babylonia 689—627 B.C., 202, an inference based on Grayson Chronicles,
no. 2, 88:16-17 (BM 25127 [98-2-16,181]), that describes the return by Nabopolassar
of gods of Susa deported and settled in Uruk by the Assyrians.
230
Borger Esarh., §11, Bab. A, B, D, Ep. 8, 14:43-46; see Brinkman, "Through
a Glass Darkly," 39-42. For an even more elaborate theological sleight-of-hand by
Esarhaddon's inventive chancellery, wherein Sennacherib's chief sin towards the
Babylonian pantheon consisted of his "failure" to manufacture a cult image to
replace the statue of Marduk "missing" from Esagila, see H. Tadmor, B. Landsberger
and S. Parpola, "The Sin of Sargon and Sennacherib's Last Will," SAAB 3/1 (1989)
3-51.
231
On the rationalizations and objectives behind the practice of human mass
apologetic "Letter to Assur" that comprises the eighth campaign of

Sargon II, which relates the narrative of the sack of the Urartian
national shrine at Musasir, makes the unique claim that Assur, "to
whom from antiquity the Enlil of the gods, Marduk, had given the
gods of land and mountain from the four world quarters in order
that all of them, not one escaping, might constantly render him great
honor with their heaped-up treasure (by) bringing (them) into
E.hur.sag.gal.kur.kur.ra [the temple of Assur at Assur]," a totalizing
theological and economic rationale for divine spoliation.232 The
Assyrians themselves periodically suffered the loss of cult statues, and
keenly appreciated the psychological impact of their loss and recov-
ery. Sennacherib, describing the vengeful sack of Babylon in 689,
boasts of the compensatory restoration of Adad and Sala to the
Assyrian city Ekallate, where they had been seized 418 years earlier
by the Babylonian king Marduk-nadin-ahhe.233 During the bitter civil
war waged over Babylonia by Assurbanipal and Samas-sumu-ukin,
cities in southern Babylonia that allied themselves with Assyria risked
the loss of their gods and temples, putatively under the protection
of the Assyrians, to the Babylonian forces.234 One Neo-Babylonian
letter, written from the standpoint of the citizens of Ur, Kissik and
Sat-iddina, graphically lays out the enemies' designs against the tem-
ples of these Assyrian loyalist cities:
. . . The Puqudu and the Sealands are enraged at us and plot evil
against your temple . . . [let] the king our lord [dis] patch troops for
the defense of his temple; (otherwise) the wealth which the kings your
fathers gave to Sin shall fall into the hands of the enemy.235
deportation in Assyria, see B. Oded, Mass Deportations and Deportees in the Mo-Assyrian
Empire (Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1979) 41-74.
232
sa ul-tu u4-um sa-a-ti DINGIR.MES KUR u KUR-z sa kib-rat 4-i a-na su-tu-qu-
ri-su la na-par-su-de ma-na-ma it-ti i-sit-ti-su-nu kit-mur-ti a-na su-ru-ub
E.HUR.SAG.GAL.KUR.KUR.RA is-ru-ku-us d EN.LIL.LA DINGIR.MES
d
AMAR.UTU; Mayer, "Sargons Feldzug gegen Urartu—714 v. Chr.," 100 iii 315-16.
"This elsewhere unheard-of divine regulation which made it Sargon's religious duty,
so to speak, to pillage the temple of Haldia in Musasir and to bring his and his
consort's images to Assyria, is given here a stress and importance that should arouse
our suspicion," Oppenheim, "The City of Assur in 714 B.C.," 136-37.
233
OIP 2, 83:48-50 (Frahm Einleitung, T 122); Brinkman, Prelude to Empire, 67.
234
ABL no. 259 (K 509; writer: Nabu-sumu-lesir, describing an Assyrian defeat
in Birati and the loss of its gods).
23;>
. . . ~L\J .pu-qu-du u ¥JJR.tam-tim i-ê-'e-m-na-a-su u lum-nu a-na E DINGIR.MES-
ka kap-du . . . LUGAL EN-a-ni e-mu-qu a-na ki-tir sa E DINGIR.MES-fw [lis\-pur
NIG.KAK sa LUGAL.MES AD.MES-^z a-na d30 id-di-nu SU" LU.KUR ta-kas-sad;
CT 54 no. 112+ABL no. 1241 rev. 2-4, 9-11 (K 5448b+83-l-18,53). The letter
150 CHAPTER TWO
The southern Babylonian citizens do not employ the rhetoric of divine

abandonment to motivate Assyrian assistance. Instead, the appeal is
concretely aimed at an imminent loss of prestige, and, by innuendo,
loyalty, should the royal votive offerings made by former Assyrian
kings be plundered.
Excluding the anomalous region of Babylonia, the majority of the
cities or rulers to forfeit their gods were either urban centers with-
out prior Assyrian "commitments" or rebellious client rulers. Hanunu
of Gaza is the only disobedient client ruler in this corpus to have
lost his divine images to Assyrian reprisals but to have retained his
kingdom (Table 3:32). There are two examples of rebellious provinces
that lost their gods to Assyrian reconquest (Table 3:26[?], 41), proof,
as if any were necessary, that local cults continued to operate in
peaceful Assyrian provinces. The unfortunate capital of Namri lost
its gods twice within an eight-year span to Shalmaneser III (Table
3:16~17).
Between the campaigns of Samsi-Adad V and Sennacherib, there
are fifteen discrete instances of the capture of gods from Babylonia
(Table 3:19-25, 27, 29-31, 37, 42-44), reflecting the chronic reluc-
tance of the Babylonians to live as subjects of Assyria.236 In the West,
there is only one narrative description each of divine spoliation in
Anatolia (Table 3:41), North Syria (Table 3:15), and Phoenicia (Table
3:55), while Philistia, Palestine, and Egypt jointly total six (Table
3:32, 34, 36, 39, 40[?], 51). The royal inscriptions of both Esarhaddon
and Assurbanipal dilate upon Esarhaddon's solicitude for captured
divine images and his efforts to restore them to their shrines. This
policy, genuine or feigned, was borne out indirectly in the inscrip-
tions of both kings, for whom only eight episodes of seizure of divine
images appear in our corpus (Table 3:48-55).
The narrative of Assurbanipal's 5th Elamite campaign is the third
and apparently final time that gods are named in Neo-Assyrian royal
inscriptions in the narrative describing their deportation. The cus-
tom of naming repatriated gods in royal inscriptions began with
Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal; all of the deities so named were either
Babylonian, Urartian, or Arabian. That this practice was selective
is silent regarding the possible capture of Assyrian divine images, a silence sug-
gesting there were none to capture. On the history of Ur, Kissik, and Sat-iddina
during the Samas-sumu-ukfn rebellion, see the valuable study by Frame, Babylonia
689-627 B.C., 162-67.
-x Brinkman, "Babylonia Under the Assyrian Empire, 745-627 B.C." 229-32,
236.
and ideologically motivated is demonstrated by the exact knowledge

of foreign divine names cited in treaties and imperial correspondence
dealing with captured divine images. One practical reason that the
conquest narratives of the Neo-Assyrian inscriptions read like geo-
graphical itineraries and not god-lists is the simple fact that toponyms
in the ancient Near East generally enjoyed longer lifespans than the
gods worshipped within their precincts. The geography of Tiglath-
pileser Fs conquests within Katmuhu, for instance, would have been
intelligible to the educated reader in the Sargonid period, whereas
the unnamed deities of Kili-Tesub would not. Use of Arab divine
names in the capture and restoration narratives of Esarhaddon and
Assurbanipal reflect nomadic realities in which royal and divine names
are the most persistent cultural artifacts available to the annalist and
the projected reader, human or divine.
If the identification of the three palace reliefs with Sennacherib's
western campaign is correct (Table 3:40), then there is a discrepant
visual record of at least one more scene of the plundering of foreign
gods than there are notices in the annals: besides Sidqa of Ashkelon,
an unknown stronghold in Phoenicia, Philistia, or one of the "46
strong, walled cities" of Hezekiah lost its gods to Assyrian reprisal.237
TABLE 4. Aggression by Cultic Addition: Establishment of the "Symbol

(GIS.TUKUL) of Assur," Royal Steles in Foreign Temples, or Other
Assyrian Divine Objects in Hostile Territories
King Action Source Geography and

Political Status
1) Assur-nasir- erected a royal literary text238 Carchemish

pal II (ca. 870) image in the (Jerablus): wavering
temple of Sangara client state
of Carchemish
237
OIP 2, 32 iii 19-20 (Frahm Einleitung, T 16, 17).
238
Sal-mu bu-na-ni-ia ma-aq-ru a-na E.KUR-/M u-sar-ri-ha, "a precious image of my
likeness I glorified for his temple" LKA no. 64:13 (VAT 10047, Ass Ph 6799). On
(w)aqru, see B. R. M. Groneberg, Syntax, Morphologic und Stil der jungbabylonischen
"Hymnischen" Literatur (FAOS 14; Stuttgart and Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag,
1987) 2:44. V. Hurowitz, "A Hymn Celebrating Assurnasirpal II's Campaigns to
the West (1.139) (LKA 64)," in The Context of Scripture, Vol. 1: Canonical Compositions
from the Biblical 'World, edited by W. W. Hallo (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1997) 470-71
identified the correct king. Obv. 9b~12 deals with the plundering of the palace pos-
sessions of Carchemish, while 1. 14 and following canvass the reception of property
from the inhabitants of Kummuh and Pattina. The plundered king of Carchemish
152 CHAPTER TWO
Table 4 (cont.)

Political Status
2) Shalmaneser erected (suzzuzu) royal Gilzanu: Urartian

III (856, palu 3) a royal image in inscriptions239 territory located
the temple of between Lake Van
Asau, king of and Lake Urmia:
Gilzanu client state
3) Shalmaneser erected (suzzuzu) royal southern Syria,

III (838, palu 21) a royal image in inscriptions240 either in Phoenicia
the fortress (a I or inland Syria:
dannuti] of Bacal tributary state
of Laruba, in his
temple
4) Shalmaneser erected (zaqapu) a royal Median territory:

III (833, palu 24) royal image in inscriptions241 Harhar
the city Harhar
5) Shalmaneser Shalmaneser's royal North Syria (Tell

III (831, palu 28) turtdnu installed inscriptions242 Tacyinat?): rebellious
(susubu) a royal client state; usurper
stele in the city removed and
temple of Kinalua puppet king
(North Syria) installed
is not named, but is known from the so-called Standard Inscription, RIMA 2
A.0.101.1 iii 56b~77a to be Sangara. This portion of the Standard Inscription
describes a march from Kalhu to Carchemish and beyond to Pattina and the
Mediterranean Sea. The date of this action remains uncertain.
239
RIMA 3 A.0.102.2 ii 62-63 (BM 118884). See Shafer, "Carving an Empire,"
175-77. Emissaries from Gilzanu attended Assur-nasir-pal IPs ponderous dedication
of Kalhu; RIMA 2 A.0.101.30:146. Tribute from Sau/Asau of Gilzanu is depicted
on the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III; Borker-Klahn, Altvorderasiatische Bildstelen,
pi. 152 A 1. Gilzanu was probably a tributary state of Assur-nasir-pal II, and appar-
ently paid tribute to Shalmaneser III whenever his campaigns brought him through
the region. The motives for the Assyrian installation of a royal image in Sau/Asau's
palace are tantalizingly obscure. On Gilzanu see W. Rollig, "Gilzanu," RLA 3:375a~b.
240
RIMA 3 A.0.102.16:159'-61' (IM 60496, ND 5500). See Shafer, "Carving
an Empire," 206~7. Ba'al of Laruba is otherwise unattested in Shalmaneser Ill's
inscriptions, though it is likely that the Assyrian king had encountered the territory
in the course of earlier campaigns.
241
RIMA 3 A.0.102.14:124-25 (BM 118885 [48-11-4,1]). This is the first attested
instance of Median Harhar in Neo-Assyrian sources. It is doubtful whether the city
had enjoyed the status of Assyrian client state prior to Shalmaneser Ill's razzia.
242
E. Michel, "Die Assur-Texte Salmanassars III. (858-824), 8. Fortsetzung," WO
2/3 (1956) 226:156 = RIMA 3 A.0.102.14:156 (BM 118885, the "Black Obelisk");
Table 4 (cont.)
Political Status
6) Tiglath-pileser erected the royal Babylonia:
III (745) "symbol of inscriptions243 Kar-Assur; newly
Assur" in Humut, organized provincial
subsequently capital; installed
renamed sut-resi-official as bel
Kar-Assur pahete
7) Tiglath-pileser erected the royal Babylonia(?): newly
III (745) "symbol of inscriptions244 organized royal city
Assur" in GN
(lost in break),
perhaps renamed
Dur-mTukultf-
apal-Esarra
8) Tiglath-pileser erected the royal territories on the
III (739) "symbol of inscriptions245 northern Assyrian
Assur" in a frontier, including
conquered city in the valley of the
the region of Lesser Habur, south
Ulluba and of Nai'ri; sut-resi-
Habhu official installed
RIMA 3 A.0.102.16:284'-86' (IM 60496 [ND 5500]). See Shafer, "Carving an

Empire," 209-10.
243
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Annal Unit 9:1-3 (BM 118934 and Layard, MS
A, foil. 113—14). Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Summary Inscription 1:6-7 speaks of
the settling of deportees and installation of a sut-resi-officia\, but does not refer to
the "symbol of Assur"; Summary Inscription 7:10-11 omits both the sut-resi-ofticia.1
and the "symbol of Assur." Forrer, Provinzeinteilung, 95—96. The newly-founded
Assyrian provincial capital, complete with royal palace, was settled with Aramaean
tribes in the course of Tiglath-pileser Ill's first Babylonian campaign in 745; Brinkman
PKB, 230, 276. A letter written from Kar-Assur in the time of Sargon II describes
Assyrian troop movements and stockpiling of rations for a coming battle, CT 53
no. 47+ABL no. 1290 = SAA 5 no. 250 (K 1424+K 4282).
244
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Annal Unit 10:1-5 (BM 18934 and Layard, MS
A, fol. 114). Forrer, Provinzeinteilung, 88, places Dur-mTukulti-apal-Esarra in north-
ern Babylonia; Olmstead, History of Assyria, 111. Brinkman PKB, 230, is justifiably
skeptical of earlier hypotheses concerning this city's location.
245
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Summary Inscription 7:43-44 (K 3751). Additional
information on the Ulluba expedition without, however, mention of the "symbol of
Assur" in the preserved text occurs in the Mila Mergi relief; Tadmor Tiglath-pileser
III, Mila Mergi Rock Relief, 16-22, 33-45; J. N. Postgate, "The Inscription of
Tiglath-pileser III at Mila Mergi," Sumer 29 (1973) 47-59. The Mila Mergi inscrip-
tion, created during the 7th palu (739) following the conquest of Ulluba, due to its
damaged condition, cannot corroborate whether the scribes of Tiglath-pileser III
154 CHAPTER TWO
Table 4 (cont.)

Political Status
9) Tiglath-pileser erected an arrow royal Central Zagros
III (737) inscribed with inscriptions246 region: newly
the "might of organized provincial
Assur" in a cities; sut-resi-
provincial center officials installed
named Bft-Istar
were here inconsistent in their citations of the "symbol of Assur." The border region
of Ulluba saw numerous conflicts in the 8th century and appears as a conquered
territory in the inscriptions of the Urartian king Menua; M. Salvini, "Some Historic-
Geographical Problems Concerning Assyria and Urartu," in Neo-Assyrian Geography,
edited by M. Liverani (Quaderni di Geografia Storica 5; Rome: Universita di Roma
"La Sapienza", 1995) 51; idem, "Assyrie-Urartu: guerres sans conquetes," in Guerre
et conquete dans le Proche-Orient ancien: Actes de la table ronde du 14 novembre 1998 organ-
isee par I'URA 1062, 'Etudes Semitiques', edited by L. Nehme (Antiquites Semitiques
4; Paris: Jean Maisonneuve, Librairie d'Amerique et d'Orient, 1999) 54, 57-59. On
the history and geography of the region, see Forrer, Provinzeinteilung, 89; Olmstead,
History of Assyria, 118, 188-89; Parpola, Mo-Assyrian Toponyms, 140, 366-67; R. D.
Barnett, "Urartu," CAH1 3/1 324-25 (map 13); Hannoon, "Historical Geography
of Northern Iraq," 245-47; Grayson, "Assyria: Tiglath-Pileser III to Sargon II
(744-705 B.C.)," 75; Postgate, "Assyria: the Home Provinces," 7.
24fa
mul-muljlu] [AN.BAR zaq-tu DIJ-usli-ta-at as+sur EN-ia] ina muh-hi ds-tur, Tadmor
Tiglath-pileser III, Annal Unit 14*:8b-9a (BM 124961, Layard, MS A, foil. I l l +
66-67); Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Summary Inscription 7:34-36 (K 3751). Olmstead,
History of Assyria, 178, incorrectly interprets Bit-Istar as a temple of Istar located in
Bahianu; the inclusion of Blt-Istar in three groups of Zagros toponyms in the annals
of Tiglath-pileser III clearly indicates that it was indeed a city. On the history and
geography of this region, see Forrer, Provinzeinteilung, 91-92, Parpola, Mo-Assyrian
Toponyms, 84; Levine, Geographical Studies, 117-19. The reading in Tadmor Tiglath-
pileser III, Annal Unit 14*:8 of AN.BAR = parzillu is preferable to CAD and AHw
d
MAS = Ninurta. The syntax of Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Summary Inscription
7:34-36 suggests that the "symbol of Assur" was erected in newly created provin-
cial centers throughout the territory formerly held by Media. Tadmor Tiglath-pileser
III, Summary Inscription 7:37-38 supplements the annal text, erroneously or not,
with the information that a "royal image" (salam sarrutiyd) was erected in the cities
of Blt-Istar and Sibur, and in the neighboring lands of Tikrakki, Ariarmi, "Rooster-
Land" (KUR-DAR.LUGAL.MES.MUSEN), and Silhazi. A Khorsabad palace relief
of a besieged Median town, probably Tikrakki/Sikris, depicts an Assyrian stele seem-
ingly built into the walls of the city itself; Botta and Flandin, Monument de Mnive,
vol. 1 pi. 64 = Albenda, Palace of Sargon, pi. 120, Room 2, slab 17 (lower half);
SAA 4, 59, fig. 22.
Table 4 (cont.)

Political Status
10) Tiglath- erected the royal cities annexed to

pileser III (735) "symbol of inscriptions247 the Assyrian
Assur" in province of
conquered cities Nai'ri/Amedi
north of Subria
11) Tiglath- set up images of royal Philistia: Gaza

pileser III the "great gods inscriptions248 (cAzza); rebellious
(734-732) of Assyria" and client ruler left on
himself in the his throne
palace of
Hanunu of Gaza,
adding them "to
the gods of their
land"
247
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Annal Unit 5:1-4 (BM 118908); the synoptic sec-
tions Summary Inscription 9:17'-19' (ND 4301 + ND 4305 + ND 5422), Annal
Unit 20:4'-8' (Layard MS A), and Summary Inscription 1:34-36 (BM 118936)
make no mention of the "symbol of Assur." Tadmor dates this campaign to Tiglath-
pileser Ill's l l t h palu (735); see his remarks in Supplementary Study E, 269-71.
On the geography of this region see Kessler, Untersuchungen zur historischen Topographic,
163-68, and idem, "Subria, Urartu and Assur: Topographical Questions around
the Tigris Sources," in Neo-Assyrian Geography, edited by M. Liverani (Quaderni di
Geografia Storica 5; Rome: Universita di Roma "La Sapienza", 1995) 59~62, who
situates the action in the Murad-Suyu valley near the northern border of Subria.
248
Weippert, "Edom," 490:9'—11'; Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Summary Inscriptions
8:14'-18' (BM 131982), 4:8'-15' (Smith, Notebook 5, foil. 62v-63r, 63v-64r =
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, pi. 51), and 9 rev. 13-16 (ND 4301 +4305 + 5422).
The badly damaged fragments of the events chronologically condensed into the
Hanunu encounter (escape to Egypt, Assyrian conquest and capture of royal fam-
ily, return, submission to Assyria and settlement with tribute in precious metals and
other luxury items) are treated synoptically in Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Excursus
4, 222-25. The salam sanutiya is fashioned of gold (KU.GI, Summary Inscription
8:15'). The baseline semantic field of salmu is image, representation; context alone
determines whether a statue in the round, relief image, or stele is meant. See I. J.
Winter, '"Idols of the King': Royal Images as Recipients of Ritual Action in Ancient
Mesopotamia," Journal of Ritual Studies 6 (1992) 15 n. 5. Images of Neo-Assyrian
kings made of precious metals were created for Middle Assyrian and Neo-Assyrian
temples, but a reference to the erection of one in the palace of a treasonous or
wavering subject is, to my knowledge, unique.
156 CHAPTER TWO
Table 4 (cont.)

Political Status
12) Tiglath- erected the royal southern Philistia

pileser III (732) ["symbol of inscriptions249 or Arab territory:
Asjsur" on or never a provincial
near the border region
of Egypt, a
region under the
"wardenship" of
Idibi'ilu
13) Sargon II possible royal Mannean territory:

(716, palu 6, restoration of inscriptions250 Karalla; rebellious
campaign to city temple of client city converted
Media) Karalla; probable into provincial
installation of center
Assur and at least
one other god
249
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Summary Inscription 4:34'~35' (Smith, Notebook
5, foil. 62v-63r, 63v-64r = Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, pi. 51). Luckenbill's restora-
tion, ARAB I 293, acknowledged by Tadmor, \kakki sa das+]sur ina lib-bi ds-kun of
Summary Inscription 4:35', is plausible. If it is correct, then this is the only pas-
sage in the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III that situates the erection of the "sym-
bol of Assur" outside a formal provincial territory. For a restored recension of this
text that names both Siruatti the Me'unite and Idibi'ilu as qepus, see N. Na'aman,
"Siruatti the Me'unite in a Second Inscription of Tiglath-pileser III," N.A.B.U.
(1998/6) 7. On the administrative and political role played by the Arabs in the
reign of Tiglath-pileser III, see Eph'al, Ancient Arabs, 93-100. Whether this action
can be associated with the erection of a royal stele in the city of the "Brook of
Egypt," Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Summary Inscription 8:18' is far from clear.
On the locations proposed for the "Brook of Egypt" see N. Na'aman, "The Brook
of Egypt and Assyrian Policy on the Border of Egypt," Tel Aviv 6 (1979) 68-90;
A. F. Rainey, "Toponymic Problems (cont): the Brook of Egypt," Tel Aviv 9 (1982)
131-32; M. Gorg, "Egypt, Brook of," ABD 2:321; P. K. Hooker, "The Location
of the Brook of Egypt," in History and Interpretation: Essays in Honour of John H. Hayes,
edited by M. P. Graham, W. P. Brown and J. K. Kuan (JSOTSup 173; Sheffield:
Sheffield Academic Press, 1993) 203-14. "It should be noted that the area of south-
ern Philistia was not annexed by Assyria and that nevertheless Assyria operated
there intensively regardless of its legal status" N. Na'aman, "Province System and
Settlement Pattern in Southern Syria and Palestine in the Neo-Assyrian Period," in
Neo-Assyrian Geography, edited by M. Liverani (Quaderni di Geografia Storica 5;
Rome: Universita di Roma "La Sapienza", 1995) 112.
250
Nineveh Prism (K 1673), Winckler Sar., pi. 46:
2') E.KUR su-bat DINGIR [ x x x ]
3') DINGIR.MES a-si-bu-vu? [ x x x ]
4') [ x ] dA.LAL.SAR DI[NGIR x x ]
Table 4 (cont.)

Political Status
14) Sargon II following the royal Mannean/Median

(716, palu 6, conquest of inscriptions23 ' territory: Kisesim;
campaign to Kisesim, Sin, rebellious client city
Media) Samas, Adad, converted into the
Istar and possibly provincial capital
other Assyrian Kar-Nergal;
deities were sut-resi-official
"made" and installed
installed there; a
royal stele was
set up in the
city temple
On the identification of this fragment with the events of Sargon's campaign to

Media in his 5th palu, see Tadmor, "Campaigns of Sargon II," 87-92. The pecu-
liar writing of Assur as dA.LAL.SAR occurs in the published inscriptions of Sargon
only in the Nineveh prism. On the historical geography of Karalla, see Forrer,
Provinzeinteilung, 91; Levine, Geographical Studies, 110, locates the city near modern
Lake Zarfbar in the Zagros mountain chain. Botta and Flandin, Monument de Ninive,
vol. 2, pi. 119 (Room VIII: 17) depicts the binding of Assur-le°i of Karalla; Fuchs
Khorsabad, Reliefbeischriften VIII: 17. G. Frame, "The Inscription of Sargon II at
Tang-i Var," Or 68 (1999) 31-57, a badly abraded rupestral inscription located on
the route to Najafehabad, apparently concludes with a description of the destruc-
tion of Karalla and the erection of a royal stele (11. 37-46).
251
Nineveh Prism (K 1669), Winckler Sar., pi. 45:
6') UWJ.kar dMA§.MAS MU-su [ x x ]
1} [ x d]EN.ZU dsa-mds TM DINGIR.f x x ]
8') [u-se-]pis-ma i-na lib-bi rii-se-sib x x ]
9') [sa-lam LUGA]L-ft-za i-na lib-bi u-[sar-me x ]
Regarding the same events, the Sargon stele from Iran relates that [ x x x ] dis-tar
EN.MES-za a-li-kut pa-ni-ia u [ x x x] ina qer-bi-su u-sar-me, "[ x x x ] Istar, my lords
who go before me [ x x x ] in its midst I set up"; L. D. Levine, Two Mo-Assyrian
Stelas from Iran (Royal Ontario Museum of Art and Archaeology Occasional Paper
23; Ontario: Royal Ontario Museum, 1972) 38 ii 39 (Najafehabad Stele, located
in the Teheran Archaeological Museum). The damaged annal texts diverge significantly:
DINGIR.MES a-li-kut mah-ri-ia i-na qer-bi-su u-se-si[b]-ma, "the gods who go before
me I placed in its midst," and indicate that a royal stele was also erected in the
city; Fuchs Khorsabad, Ann 94-95 (Room II: 9,3-4), as opposed to GIS.TUKUL
DINGIR.MES a-li-ku\t mah]-ri-[ia\ ru[-se-pis-ma qe-[reb-su u\-sar-mi, "the symbol of the
gods who go before me I ordered made and set it up in its midst," Fuchs Khorsabad,
Ann 94a (Room XIV: 10,10; Room V: 17,1-2) is too fragmentary to help here.
On the geography of Kisesim, see Forrer, Provinzeinteilung, 91-92; Levine, Geographical
Studies, 110. Reade's attempt to locate Kisesim at or near modern Najafehabad, the
site of a Sargon II stele that concludes with the 716 campaign to Media, and to
equate Kisesim with Hundur, mentioned in the "Letter to Assur" as a city in the
158 CHAPTER TWO
Table 4 (cont.)

Political Status
15) Sargon II rebuilt city royal Median territory:

(716, palu 6, temples and inscriptions2"2 Harhar; rebellious
campaign to returned gods of client city converted
Media) Harhar; Assur, into the provincial
Sin, Samas, capital Kar-Sarrukln;
Adad, Istar, and a royal stele was
another deity erected in the city;
were probably sut-resi-officm\
installed in these installed
same temples;
the "symbol of
Assur" was
appointed to be
the god of
Harhar and other
Median cities
Urartian district of Armariah on the basis of a broken reading in the Najafehabad

stele, is highly speculative; J. E. Reade, "Iran in the Neo-Assyrian Period," in Neo-
Assyrian Geography, edited by M. Liverani (Quaderni di Geografia Storica 5; Rome:
Universita di Roma "La Sapienza", 1995) 39.
A synoptic treatment of this passage is instructive:
A: Nineveh Prism (K 1669), Winckler Sar., pi. 45:7'-8'
B: Levine, Two Neo-Assyrian Stelas from Iran, 38 ii 39
C: Fuchs Khorsabad, Ann 94-95 (Room II: 9,3-4)
D: Fuchs Khorsabad, Ann 94a (Room XIV: 10,10)
A: [ x ÊN.ZU dsa-mds dIM DINGIR.[ x x u-se-]pis-ma i-na lib-bi ru-se-s'ib x ]
B: [ x x x ] dis-tar EN.MES-za a-li-kut pa-ni-ia u-[se-pis-ma] ina qer-bi-su u-sar-me
C: [no break] DINGIR.MES a-li-kut mah-ri-ia i-na qer-bi-su u-se-sib-md
D: GIS.TUKUL DINGIR.MES a-li-ku[imah]-ri-[ia\ vi?-se-pis-ma qe-[reb-su u]-sar-mi
A: "Sin, Samas, Adad x x [I ordered ma]de and erec[ted] in its midst"
B: "x x x Istar, my lords who go before me [I ordered made and] set up in its
midst"
C: "the gods who go before me I established in its midst"
D: "the symbol of the gods who go before me I ordered made and set up in its
midst"
On the basis of the equivalency between DINGIR.MES and GIS.TUKUL DIN-
GIR.MES in the contemporary relief inscriptions from the palace of Sargon at Dur-
Sarrukm, we may suppose that textual references to the "symbol of Assur" and the
other gods were, in some cases, either formulae for representational salme, or, as
seems more likely, synonymous expressions for the divine standards that accompa-
nied the Assyrians into battle.
252
E.KUR.MES-W e-pu-u[s\ DINGIR.MES-Jw a-na ds-n-su-nu u-ti-ir sd AN.SAR
d
30 dUTU dIM dis-tar [ x x x ], "his temples I (re)built (and) I returned his gods to
Table 4 (cont.)

Political Status
16) Sennacherib erected the royal Cilicia: rebellious

(696) "symbol of inscriptions253 client city; offending
Assur" in the leader flayed and
city of Illubru of people deported;
Hilakku royal stele erected
their places; regarding Assur, Sin, Samas, Adad, Istar [ x x x ]," Levine, Two Neo-
Assyrian Stelasfrom Iran, 40 ii 44. N. Na'aman and R. Zadok, "Sargon II's Deportations
to Israel and Philistia," JCS 40 (1988) 39, mistakenly (I believe) ascribe this pas-
sage to the annexation of Kisesim. Unhappily, the referent to the "his" in his tem-
ples and gods is lost; in the inscriptions of Sargon, the collective gods of a city or
region normally have a possessive plural bound morpheme. The annals relate that
the bel all of Harhar, Kibaba, was driven out by the inhabitants who sought the
protection of nearby Ellipi; after putting down the rebellion, Sargon claims to have
installed his /M£-ra>official there as governor (LU.EN.NAM) (Fuchs Khorsabad, Ann
98 [Rooms II: 9,7; XIV: 10,14; V: 17,5-6]). Grayson, "Assyria: Tiglath-Pileser III
to Sargon II (744-705 B.C.)," 94, apparently follows this text in his reconstruction
of the events at Harhar. The display inscription contradicts this by declaring that
Kibaba was captured and, together with the inhabitants of the land, "counted as
spoil"; Fuchs Khorsabad, Prunk 61 (Rooms X: 6,1; IV: D4,9-10; VII: 4,20) =
Winckler Sar., pi. 32, no. 68:61. The Levine text stresses the loyalty of the inhab-
itants; if Kibaba was mentioned, the name is lost in a lacuna. Which inscription
(if any) is telling the truth? The Levine inscription, a stele found in Iran that was
erected a matter of weeks after the capture of Harhar, emphasizes the solicitude of
the Great King for the Assyrian loyalists who suffered for their allegiance; all of
the texts agree that Sargon installed an official of his at the renamed city—Kibaba
is not heard from again. Perhaps, despite the singular pronoun, the gods of the
Assyrian loyalists were restored to Harhar. Cogan observes that the gods could have
been removed by either Sargon himself or the rebellious citizens; Imperialism and
Religion, 38 n. 101. Restoration of the city temples would have been instrumental
in the administration of Assyrian loyalty oaths, in which the local gods served as
witnesses and guarantors of good conduct. Diakonoff on rather circumstantial evi-
dence concludes that Harhar and its neighboring townships were the "cities of the
Medes" where the Israelites were deported after the fall of Samaria; I. M. Diakonoff,
'""IQ '~iJ: The Cities of the Medes," in Ah, Assyria. . . Studies in Assyrian History and
Ancient Near Eastern Historiography Presented to Hayim Tadmor, edited by M. Cogan and
I. Eph'al (ScrHie 33; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1991) 18; see also K. L. Younger,
Jr., "The Deportations of the Israelites," JBL 117 (1998) 201-27.
2a3 Qjp 2 s 62 iv 89 (Frahm Einleitung, T 12). The title of Kirua was not hazannu,
as in Luckenbill, but LU.EN URU, bel ali (line 62). Assyrian control of Hilakku
was intermittent and weak throughout its history of contact; J. D. Hawkins, "Hilakku,"
RLA 4:402a-3b. Sennacherib's annals here describe procedures commonly followed
when creating a province from a restive client polity; the reality was probably a
nominal measure of Assyrian authority at best. See P. Desideri and A. M. Jasink,
Cilicia dall'eta di Kizzuwatna alia conquista macedone (Universita degli Studi di Torino,
Fondo di Studi Parini-Chirio 1; Turin: Casa Editrice Le Lettere, 1990) 126-27. On
160 CHAPTER TWO
The "Symbol of Assur"254
Apparently the first contextually accurate translation of the logogram

GIS.TUKUL as "weapon" was that of W. H. Fox Talbot, who
correctly rendered the word in 1857 in the inscription of Tiglath-
pileser I.230 Rawlinson and Oppert inaccurately translated the word
as "servants,"256 and apparently no-one took Talbot's interpretation
seriously, as demonstrated by confusion over the meaning of the
term for the next 15 years.257 In 1879 Edouard de Chossat correctly
interpreted both the Akkadian term and its logogram in his glos-
sary.258 GIS.TUKUL and Akkadian kakku would give little trouble
to subsequent translators.239 In the last fifty years, most of the schol-
arship regarding the Neo-Assyrian "symbol of Assur" has elaborated
on Unger's observations in his 1965 study "Die Symbole des Gottes
Assur," chiefly, that Assyrian military standards and the "symbol of
Assur" attested in the royal annals were identical, and that the Neo-
Assyrian "symbol of Assur" had its origins in the Old Assyrian and
Old Babylonian cultic and juridical traditions.260
the Greek sources for Sennacherib's invasion of Tarsus and the archaeological evi-
dence, see chapter 1 supra 6—7.
254
An earlier form of the text in this section, 160-77, was published in S. W.
Holloway, "The cl^Kakki Assur and Neo-Assyrian Loyalty Oaths," in Historiography in
the Cuneiform World, Part 1: Proceedings of the XLVe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale,
edited by P. Steinkeller, P. Machinist. J. Huehnergard, P.-A. Beaulieu, I. T. Abusch
and C. Noyes (Bethesda, MD: CDL Press, 2001) 239-66, and is used by permission.
255
Rawlinson et al., Inscriptions of Tiglath Pileser I., p. 54 section 34 = RIMA 1
A.0.87.1 vi 58. In 1863 Oppert and Menant failed to translate correctly the "weapon
of Assur" in the Khorsabad description of the sack of Harhar; J. Oppert and
J. Menant, Grande Inscription du Palais de Khorsabad (Paris: Imprimerie Imperiale, 1863)
line 63.
256
Rawlinson et al., Inscriptions of Tiglath Pileser I. Hincks was a little closer with
"arrows."
'23t The first 19th-century Akkadian dictionary, Norris, Assyrian Dictionary, 2:552
s.v. KK fails to include the lexeme. G. Smith, Assyrian Discoveries: An Account of
Explorations and Discoveries on the Site of Nineveh, During 1873 and 1874 (New York:
Scribner, Armstrong & Co., 1875) translated the relevant passage in BM 18934 as
"soldiers of Assur."
208
Chossat, Repertoire Assyrien, 81 accurately translates "kaku-kakku (IZ-KU)" as
"arme, instrument, soldat, bouclier, defense."
259
See, e.g., W. Muss-Arnolt, A Concise Dictionary of the Assyrian Language (Berlin:
Reuther & Reichard, 1905) 1:377.
260
Unger, "Symbole des Gottes Assur." See Cogan, Imperialism and Religion, 53-55;
Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur, 322-23. Cogan's major points—that Assyrian mili-
tary standards and the "weapon of Assur" attested in the annals of Tiglath-pileser
III, Sargon II, and Sennacherib were identical, and that the Neo-Assyrian "weapon
of Assur" had its origins in the Old Assyrian and Old Babylonian cultic and juridi-
The establishment of the kakki Assur occurs seven times in pub-

lished Assyrian royal inscriptions, all instances limited to a fifty-year
span (745-696).261 In six of the seven examples the introduction of
this object or institution follows the violent inauguration of a provin-
cial city. Five of the seven examples are from the inscriptions of
Tiglath-pileser III. In his first Babylonian campaign, this king boasts
of having erected the "symbol of Assur" in Humut, renamed Kar-
Assur,262 and, judging from the traces of the lacunae, another city
which he renamed Dur-mTukultf-apal-Esarra.263 As two synoptic pas-
sages exist for the former action and the emplacement of this object
does not appear in them, it is evident that the victorious conquest
of the city per se was deemed more newsworthy than this action of
unknown political nature. In 739 Tiglath-pileser III established the
"symbol of Assur" in a conquered city in the region of Ulluba and
Habhu,264 territories on the northern Assyrian frontier. Two years
later Tiglath-pileser III erected a mulmullu parzilli zaqtu, a pointed
cal traditions—were made by Unger in his flawed but encyclopedic study. In truth,
Miirdter and Delitzsch, Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens (1882), 22, was among the
first publications to claim that the chariot standards modeled in relief at Khorsabad
depicted the "weapon of Assur." In their comprehensive essays on Neo-Assyrian
battle-standards, Deller, "Gotterstreitwagen und Gotterstandarten," B. Pongratz-
Leisten, "Mesopotamische Standarten in literarischen Zeugnissen," BaghM 23 (1992)
299-340, and Bleibtreu, "Standarten auf neuassyrischen Reliefs," do not explicitly
associate these objects with the kakki Assur of the royal inscriptions.
261
To the best of my knowledge, no one treating this political phenomenon has
ever seriously entertained the possibility that the imposition of the kakki Assur was
inaugurated by Tiglath-pileser III and abruptly discontinued early in the reign of
Sennacherib. That is to say, the uniform tendency of Assyriologists when confronted
by an enigmatic religio-political symbol spanning three reigns is to read into it an
act of policy that is more routine than the surviving textual attestation suggests.
Aside from the metaphoric usage of the GIS.TUKUL Assur in the royal inscrip-
tions to connote successful battle, e.g., GI§.TUKUL.ME§ Assur beliya ina libbisunu
utarrisi dabdasunu askun, RIMA 3 A.O.I02.2 ii 72~73 (BM 118884), Shalmaneser III
varies the tropic expression GlS.TUKUL.ME§-za ina tdmti/Idiqlat/Purattu ullil with
GIS.TUKUL(.MES) Assur. RIMA 3 A.O.I02.2 ii 59, GIS.TUKUL.MES Assur ezzute,
versus "weapons" RIMA 3 A.0.102.5 ii 4 (BM 124667 + 128156, 1^24665, 124666,
action taken at the Nai'ri Sea ca. 856), once using the singular GIS.TUKUL Assur
as the object of purification in the head waters of the Tigris, RIMA 3 A.0.102.14:28-29
(BM 118885). Noteworthy is the expression in RIMA 3 A.0.102.2 ii 96~97, ina
emuqe slrate sa Assur bell iddina ina kakke dannute sa urigallu dlik pdniya isruka ittisunu
amdabhis, "with the pre-eminent forces that Assur, my lord, has given (me and) the
strong weapons that the (divine) standard, which goes before me has granted (me)
I fought with them," in which there is a balanced parallelism between emuqe and
kakke, on the one hand, and the god Assur and the URI.GAL, on the other.
2(32
Table 4:6.
263
Table 4:7.
264
Table 4:8.
162 CHAPTER TWO
iron arrow inscribed with the "might of Assur" in a provincial cen-

ter named Bft-Istar located in the central Zagros.260 The terminol-
ogy used here is unique in the annalistic literature, and we should
entertain the possibility that, here at least, a physical object in the
form of a weapon was involved.266 In 735 he erected the "symbol
of Assur" in conquered cities north of Subria,267 cities annexed to
the Assyrian province of Nai'ri/Amedi. A plausible restoration indi-
cates that this same king erected the ["symbol of As] sur" in south-
ern Philistia or Arab territory on or near the border of Egypt in an
area under the "qepu-ship" of Idibi'ilu268 which was never at any time
a provincial region. During his 6th palu in Media, Sargon II rebuilt
city temples and returned gods of Harhar; the "symbol of Assur"
was erected269 and, in one variant, appointed to be the god of Harhar
and other Median cities.270 Harhar was a rebellious client city that
suffered transformation into the provincial capital Kar-Sarrukln; a
263
Table 4:9.
266
Numerous examples of inscribed Bronze Age metal arrowheads, lance points,
axes, daggers and swords have been published from Western Asia. For examples
see B. Sass, The Genesis of the Alphabet and Its Development in the Second Millennium B.C.
(AAT 13; Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1988); idem, "Inscribed Babylonian
Arrowheads of the Turn of the Second Millennium and Their Phoenician Counter-
parts," UF 21 (1989) 349-56 (arrowheads with Proto-Canaanite/Phoenician inscrip-
tions). P. Calmeyer, Datierbare Bronzen aus Luristan und Kirmanshah (UAVA 5; Berlin:
Walter de Gruyter, 1969); idem, "Luristan Bronzen," RLA 7:174b~79a; O. W.
Muscarella and E. Williams-Forte, "Surkh Dum at the Metropolitan Museum of
Art: a Mini-Report," JFA 8 (1981) 327-59 (various bronze weapons with cuneiform
inscriptions). The provenance of the inscribed "Luristan bronzes" is unknown. Some
may have been created in Babylonia and later smuggled into Iran; some may be
ancient copies that reproduce the royal inscriptions of earlier kings. The relevant
issue here is that these objects represent a venerable and popular convention worthy
of a master-craftsman's industry. For the texts see RIMB 2 B.2.3-6.1.2005 (Ninurta-
nadin-sumi through Nabu-mukfn-apli). All of these inscriptions deal with human
owners; for an example of an Old Assyrian inscription on a votive sword dedicated
to a god, see H. G. Giiterbock, "A Votive Sword with Old Assyrian Inscription,"
in Studies in Honor of Benno Landsberger on his Seventy-Fifth Birthday, April 21, 1965, edited
by H. G. Giiterbock and T. Jacobsen (AS 16: Chicago: The University of Chicago
Press, 1965) 197-98, pis. 13-15.
267
Table 4:10.
268
Table 4:12.
269
GlS.TUKUL das-sur EN-ia a-na DINGIR-ti-sii-un ds-k[un], Fuchs Khorsabad,
Ann 99 (Room II: 9,8), versus GIS.TUKUL *[as-sur EN-ia] u-[se-pis-ma qe-re\P-su,
ibid., (Room V: 17,7/8). Of the seven examples of the imposition of the kakki Assur,
Fuchs Khorsabad, Room II: 9,8 alone adds the specification that this object will
"be their god." I question whether we are justified in extrapolating an imperial pol-
icy that mandated a provincial cult of Assur on the basis of a single prepositional
clause.
270
Table 4:15.
royal stele was erected in the city. In 696 the forces of the absen-
tee Sennacherib erected the "symbol of Assur" in the city of Illubru
of Hilakku,271 another rebellious client city. The offending leader was
flayed and people deported; a royal stele was erected.272 In his con-
tradictory narratives of the investment of Kisesim, Sargon II estab-
lished one or the other subset of the Assyrian state pantheon, the
bald totality of the gods who go before him, or the kakke of the gods.
On the basis of the equivalency between Hani and kakki ildni in the
contemporary relief inscriptions from the palace of Sargon at Dur-
Sarrukfn, we may suppose that textual references to the "symbol of
Assur" and the other gods were, in some cases, either formulae for
representational salme or, as seems more likely, synonymous expressions
for the divine standards that accompanied the Assyrians into battle.
The geography of the imposition of the "symbol of Assur" in most
cases marked the extreme limits of effective Assyrian political con-
trol: Babylonia and Urartu or bordering regions, Median territories,
Cilicia, and southern Philistia. "Reminders" of god and king were
incorporated into many of these cities with a mailed fist: two were
renamed after Assyrian deities; two were renamed after their con-
querors.273 In two Median cities Assyrian gods were explicitly installed;
and royal steles or other images of the king were set up in Media
and Cilicia. In six of the seven instances of this "imposition," for-
eign population groups were resettled in the city or provincial envi-
rons.274 From a purely rhetorical perspective, all of these proceedings
are embedded in narratives of (re)conquest and reprisal, thus cast-
ing the dramaturgy of the "symbol of Assur" as another act in the
inimitable Assyrian theater of cruelty.
From an historical perspective, it is necessary to ask whether the
"symbol of Assur" became a functional member of the client state
271
Table 4:16.
2/2
An alabaster stele was erected: maharsu ulziz. The referent of the pronominal
suffix is unclear—the "symbol of Assur"? The city of Illubru? Text in CT 26 pi.
16 iv 91 and Heidel, "Octagonal Sennacherib Prism," 150 v 28 (Frahm Einleitung,
T 12).
273
On the ideological significance of the Neo-Assyrian custom of renaming con-
quered cities using Kar- and Dur- prefixes, see B. Pongratz-Leisten, "Toponyme als
Ausdruck assyrischen Herrschaftsanspruchs," in Ana sadi Labndni lu allik: Beitrdge z.u
altorientalischen und mittelmeerischen Kulturen. Festschrift fiir Wolfgang Rollig, edited by B.
Pongratz-Leisten, H. Klihne and P. Xella (AOAT 247; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon &
Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1997) 325-43.
2/4
The exception being Tiglath-pileser Ill's action in the southern Levant, for
which see Table 4:12.
164 CHAPTER TWO
or provincial pantheon, routinely receiving offerings and other divine

rites within the city temples of the provincial centers.270 If the answer
is affirmative, one should be cognizant of the fact that neither the
action nor the object is mentioned by name in the hundreds of sur-
viving letters from provincial governors, scholars and military officials.
Aside from reports on rituals performed in the temples of Harran,
Babylonia and the Assyrian heartland, and religious events that were
perceived as directly impacting Assyrian Realpolitik, such as royal vis-
itation of the Urartian state temple in Musasir, the day-to-day func-
tioning of temples outside of the ancient cult cities of Mesopotamia
appears to have been of little concern to the Great Kings and their
magnates. It behooves us to weigh this argument from silence with
care. Capture and deportation of foreign divine images was cele-
brated in inscription and palace relief, and the movements of these
political hostages do appear in the state archives.276 If the Neo-
Assyrian kings did indeed commission outposts of the state pantheon
in provincial capitals, it is decidedly curious that the Assyrian gov-
ernors and other officials in authority ignored their ritual calendars,
never commented on the provisioning and accommodations of these
Assyrian gods, and never expressed apprehension that these valuable
imperial symbols located in volatile border regions might themselves
fall into hostile hands and thus advertise Assyrian imperial vulnerability.
Most of the cities that played host to the "symbol of Assur" can-
not be located with any precision, and rarely occur in later inscrip-
tions or documents. Median Harhar is an exception. Levine locates
Harhar along the Great Hurasan Road bordering the Qara Su river,
contiguous with Ellipi to the south and Parsua to the north or north-
west.277 Scenes of the capture of Kisesim, Harhar, and other cities in
Sargon's campaign to the Zagros area in his 6th palu figure among
the palace reliefs of Dur-Sarrukfn.278 [See Figure 7] Disturbances by
the Medes and the Cimmerians in the region of Harhar in the 7th
century prompted a kaleidoscope of diplomatic efforts and repeated
military interventions, indicative of the strategic importance of the
2/f)
An inference drawn by Cogan, Imperialism and Religion, 54-55, and others.
27fi
Table 3:45.
277
Levine, Geographical Studies, 116-17.
278
Botta and Flandin, Monument, vol. 1, pis. 51-77 (Room II); J. E. Reade,
"Sargon's Campaigns of 720, 716, and 715 B.C.: Evidence from the Sculptures,"
JJVES 35 (1976) 102-4.
area.279 ABL 126 (K 609), 127 (K 616), 128 (K 650), 129 (K 5458),
556 (K 683), and, judging by ductus, orthography and content, 1008
(K 4271), 1046 (Sm 343), 1454 (K 4688) and 645+ 1471 (Rm
2,464 + K 15074) were written to Sargon by Mannu-kf-Ninua, the
governor of Kar-Sarrukm who replaced the ineffective or traitorous
Kibaba. Presumably, Mannu-kf-Ninua was the sut-resi-ofiicial spoken
of in the royal inscriptions.280 Harhar clearly serves as the command
center for mounting Assyrian offensives into Media (ABL 556) as well
as the gathering of espionage reports (ABL 129, 1046, 1454) and
tribute (ABL 1046). Repeated descriptions of crop conditions are in-
dicative of Sargon's determination to hold this remote outpost by mak-
ing it self-sufficient in the production of grain and straw necessary for
2/9
See the detailed study by G. B. Lanfranchi, / Cimmeri: emergenza delle elites militari
iraniche nel Vicino Oriente (VIII- VII sec. a.C.) (History of the Ancient Near East/Studies
2 bis; Padova: Sargon srl, 1990) 84-108. Esarhaddon anxiously commissioned oracles
to Samas seeking confirmation whether military and tribute campaigns to the provin-
cial environs of Harhar would prove successful; SAA 4 nos. 51 (K 11505 + 83-1-18,
551+ Sm 1158), 65 (K 11498 + 81-2-4,190 + 81-2-4,290), 66 (K 11517 + Bu
91-5-9,170), 77 (83-1-18,697), 78 (BM 98988 [Ki 1904-10-9,17] + BM 99040
[Ki 1904-10-9,69]), all of which Lanfranchi tentatively dates to 670. The "T"
manuscript of the so-called Vassal-Treaties of Esarhaddon, written in lyyar 672,
was concluded with Hatarna the city ruler of Sikris, a city known to be part of the
province of Harhar. Parpola observes that all of the rulers who are named in these
texts governed territories in Mannea and Media that were no more closely bound
to Assyria than client-status.
In sum, it can be stated that at least four, and possibly as many as seven, of
the eight 'city-rulers' figuring in these treaties had become Assyrian vassals
within a period of three years before the treaties were concluded. This being
so, it seems quite possible that these texts really were meant to function as
"vassal-treaties," instruments relegating the oath-taking rulers to a status of per-
manent vassalage.
SAA 2 xxxi.
280
Of this text corpus, only ABL no. 645+1471 has appeared in a critical edition
since Harper's work; see F. M. Fales, Cento lettere neo-assire: traslitterazione e traduzione,
commento e note, I: nn. 1-45 (Quaderni del Seminario di Iranistica, Uralo-Altaistica
e Caucasologia deH'Universita degli Studi di Venezia 17; Venice: n.p., 1983) 104-7,
140-42, who however attributes the authorship to the sukkallu Nabu-beli-ka5:>in.
S. Parpola, "Assyrian Royal Inscriptions and Neo-Assyrian Letters," in Assyrian Royal
Inscriptions: New Horizons in Literary, Ideological, and Historical Analysis, edited by F. M.
Fales (OrAntC 17; Rome: Istituto per 1'Oriente, 1981) 137, on the basis of subject
matter plausibly attributes ABL nos. 645 + 1471, 1008, 1046 and 1454 to Mannu-
ki-Ninua. He also believes the following correspondence was addressed from Harhar/
Kar-Sarrukm: ABL nos. 168 (K 63b), 169 (K 997), 170 (K 1013), 171 (K 1047),
172 (K 1052), 712 (Sm 1223), 713 (Rm 59), 810 (K 1961), {1044 [Sm 117]}, 1191
(Rm 970), 1312 (K 5083), 1453 (K 4294). Parpola attributes CT 53 no. 892
(79-7-8,272), {NL no. 42?}, NL no. 63 to Nabu-belr-ka"in.
166 CHAPTER TWO
the maintenance of garrison troops (ABL 126, 128). Mannu-kf-Ninua

informed the king of the administration of loyalty oaths (ode) to dis-
sonant elements including the Kulumanu, and the subsequent pacifica-
tion of their cities (ABL 129, 1008).281 In ABL 126:10-12, probably
written immediately after Sargon II's sack of rebellious Harhar in
716, Mannu-kf-Ninua describes the demolition work he will undo and
the repairs he will effect on the "strong house" (bit dannu) in Kar-
Sarrukln, followed by the promise that "we shall plant seeds." Was this
structure one of the city temples that Sargon claims to have rebuilt
in the Najafehabad stele?282
To decipher the cryptic narration of the provincialization of Harhar
in Sargon's annalistic texts, I wish to refocus the discussion around
the political expedient of administering loyalty oaths to subject pop-
ulations, and the linkage between the phrase "DN, the gods who go
before me" and Assyrian battle standards. From other sources we
know that the administration of Assyrian ade-oaths required the phys-
ical presence of Assyrian divine images and, ideally, those of the
subordinate party as well. The "symbol of Assur" and other Assyrian
divine images installed in Harhar enabled the legitimation of Assyrian
claims to fealty through the orderly administration of loyalty oaths
to restive elements of the Harhar province and its environs. If the
Najafehabad stele reflects historical events, the city temples restored
and the divine images returned to Harhar were probably those of
the local ruling elites. As participants in the fl^-ceremonies and co-
guarantors with their Assyrian counterparts of the clients' fidelity,
the deities worshipped in the city temples were an additional means
of ensuring "fear of god and king" by reminding the local inhabi-
tants that their own gods were committed to fostering Assyrian hege-
mony. In the eyes of the Assyrians, breaches of imperial fidelity
would bring down upon the malefactors' heads the wrath of the
gods, Assyrian and local, in the guise of the baleful punishments
elaborated in the treaty curse clauses.
281
On the salient lines in ABL nos. 129 and 1008, see the collations in Watanabe,
Die ade-Vereidigung, 15, and those of Karlheinz Deller cited in CAD 15 s.v. salamu. 90.
282
In the corresponding passage of K 1669, a salam sarrutiya inscribed with the
heroic deeds of Assur is erected in a temple (E DINGIR[ x x x ]) for all time.
Fuchs cannot read the damaged signs following E but suggests restoring the DN
Assur; A. Fuchs, Die Annalen des Jahres 711 v. Chr. (SAAS 8; Helsinki: The Neo-
Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1998) 26, 11. 17-21. This is a bold restoration, for
there is no other evidence for the existence of a temple dedicated to Assur outside
the Assyrian heartland during the Neo-Assyrian period.
To complement their royal patrons, gods of the city temples men-

tioned in the third-millennium Ebla283 texts and in Early Dynastic
texts and glyptics284 possessed a variety of weapons, and such divine
weapons are described in many genres of texts throughout Western
Asia during the 2nd and 1st millennium. In addition to their residence
in temples as components of the cult and habiliments of the gods,
divine weapons enjoyed a long history of usage in promissory oaths.
Old Assyrian texts from Kultepe speak of a patrum sa dAssur (sword
of Assur),285 a kakki sa dAssur (weapon of Assur)286 and a sugariae sa
283
H. Waetzoldt, "Zur Bewaffnung des Heeres von Ebla," OrAnt 29 (1990) 5-6
(spears and lances), 8, 11 (GIR Mar-tu, "Martu-swords"), 21~22, esp. n. 122 (maces).
On the lexica of the weapons associated with the various Mesopotamian pantheons,
see E. Salonen Waffen, 63-66, and 155-57 (kakku); J. Krecher, "Gottersymbole B.
nach sumerischen und akkadischen Texten," RLA 3:497b-98a. References to divine
weapons in the cults and mythology of the Hittites and Ugarit, in light of the Old
Assyrian and Old Babylonian texts described below, bespeak a religious valoriza-
tion of warfare common across the Bronze Age Western Asia; see the texts cited
in W. Watson and N. Wyatt, "De nouveau sur les armes ceremonielles," N.A.B.U.
(1997/29) 27-28 and S. W. Holloway, "KTU 1.162 and the Offering of a Shield,"
C/F30 (1998) 353-61.
284
T. Sulayman, Die Entstehung und Entwicklung der Gotterwqffen im alien Mesopotamien
und ihre Bedeutung (Beirut: Henri Abdelnour; Bonn: Rudolf Habelt, 1968) covers
maces, axes, swords, lances, spears, nets, bows and arrows, boomerangs, and ham-
mers from the Chalcolithic through Old Babylonian periods.
28:)
In addition to the citations in Hirsch Untersuchungen, 64-67, see L. Matous,
"Der Assur-Tempel nach altassyrischen Urkunden aus Kiiltepe," in Travels in the
World of the Old Testament: Studies Presented to Professor M. A. Beek on the Occasion of his
65th Birthday, edited by M. S. H. G. Heerma van Voss, P. H. J. Howink ten Gate
and N. A. van Uchelen (SSN 16; Assen: Van Gorcum & Co., 1974) 181-82; V.
Donbaz, "Some Remarkable Contracts of 1-B Period Kultepe Tablets," in Anatolia
and the Ancient Near East: Studies in Honor of Tahsin Ozguc, edited by M. J. Mellink,
K. Emre, B. Hrouda and N. Ozgiic (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi, 1989)
76, 92 rev. 31-32 (Kt n/k 32); C. Michel and P. Garelli, "Heurts avec une prin-
cipaute anatolienne," W^KM 86 (1996) 145:20-21 (Kt 93/k). V. Donbaz, "Some
Remarkable Contracts of 1-B Period Kultepe Tablets II," in Aspects of Art and
Iconography: Anatolia and Its Neighbors. Studies in Honor of Nimet Ozgtic, edited by M. J.
Mellink, E. Porada and T. Ozgiic (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi, 1993)
139-40 (Kt 89/k 371:4, Kt 89/k 370:1-2) supply examples of a PN sa GIR, pre-
sumably the patrum sa Assur. Hirsch Untersuchungen, 14 cites a text (Bab 6, p. 191
no. 7:7-11) that describes the theft from the Assur temple of a golden sun disk
from the breast of Assur together with the sword of Assur (samsam sa hurasim sa irti
d
Assur u patram sa dAssur), defending the "reality" of a physical sword qua sword,
rather than an "emblem." That there was a multiplicity of the juridically indis-
pensable "swords of Assur" may be seen in a text that describes the adornment of
one in Apum; K. Nashef, Rekonstruktion der Reiserouten zur êit der altassyrischen Handels-
niederlassungen (BTAVO B83; Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1987) 47-48
(TC 3, 163:27-28).
286
TC 3, 93:5-6; Hirsch Untersuchungen, 15, 67.
168 CHAPTER TWO
d
Assur (a sugaridu-tool or symbol of Assur).287 In the presence of the
patrum sa d Assur oaths were administered, legal testimony given and
documents drawn up and sealed.288 The patrum sa dAssur, kakki sa
d
Assur and sugaride sa dAssur were all involved in deciding the out-
come of ordeals. In addition to the patrum sa dAssur used for admin-
istering oaths in Old Assyrian texts, a sugaride sa dAssur was apparently
used in the same fashion; the latter functioned as a household uten-
sil of some kind, thus suggesting that the class of sacred objects uti-
lized in oaths was more inclusive than that of "weapon."289 Old
Babylonian texts reveal that a variety of sacred objects normally res-
ident in temples, especially the kakki sa DN, witnessed oaths and var-
ious legal proceedings, and even in certain cases could be rented for
the purpose of establishing ownership or otherwise settling disputes
through a "journey" to the contested property or object.290 Hammu-
rapi ordered that property disputes be settled through sending the
"weapon of the god" presumably that of Marduk, to Larsa in whose
presence oaths would be taken.291 A 1858:5-10 (Paris) states that the
287
Hirsch Untersuchungen, 64-67; Matous, Assur-Tempel, 181-82. W. Mayer,
"Das sugarrid3urn-Emblem des Assur," UF 9 (1977) 364-65 concludes that the object
was a sickle-sword by not dealing with the contrary evidence amassed in CAD 17/3
*sugariau, 197.
288
Hirsch Untersuchungen, 64-67; Menzel Tempel, 38.
289
CAD 17/3 *sugariau, 197.
290
R. Harris, "The Journey of the Divine Weapon," in Studies in Honor of Benno
Landsberger on his Seventy-Fifth Birthday, April 21, 1965, edited by H. G. Giiterbock
and T. Jacobsen (AS 16; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1965) 217-24.
See also K. Reiter, "kikkillu/kilkillu, 'Raum zur Aufbewahrung des Eidleistungssymbols
(SU.NIR = Surinnum) des Samas'," N.A.B.U. (1989/107) 79-80. For examples of Old
Babylonian GIS.TUKUL (sa) DN not treated by Harris or earlier studies, see K.
van Lerberghe, "L'arrachement de I'embleme surinnum" in Zikir Sumim: Assyriological
Studies Presented to F. R. Kraus on the Occasion of His Seventieth Birthday, edited by G.
van Driel, T. J. H. Krispijn, M. Stol and K. R. Veenhof (Nederlands Instituut voor
het Nabije Oosten, Studia Francisci Scholten Memoriae Dicata 5; Leiden: E. J.
Brill, 1982) 254 n. 14; van Lerberghe OB Texts no. 1 (CBS 24:1), no. 6 (CBS
80:1), no. 62 (CBS 1356:1); J. Spaey, "Emblems in Rituals in the Old Babylonian
Period," in Ritual and Sacrifice in the Ancient Near East, edited by J. Quaegebeur (OLA
55; Louvain: Peeters, 1993) 411-20 (CBS 24, 80, 1356; Di 2122). A. Catagnoti,
"Le royaume de Tuba et ses cultes," in Florilegium marianum: Recueil d'etudes en I'hon-
neur de Michel Fleury, edited by J.-M. Durand (Memoires de N.A.B.U. 1; Paris:
SEPOA, 1992) 25-27, lists three Mari texts which make reference to sacrifices per-
formed for the "lance" (sappuni) of Estar of Tuba and possibly one other deity (M
15077, M 15109, A 3140 [Paris] = ARMT 25 no. 697); CAD 15 sappu B, 166-67.
291
Text cited in Harris, 'Journey," 219. An Old Babylonian tablet from Nihria
(located in northern Mesopotamia) describes the judicial custom of "swearing by
the sword of Assur," an interesting religious survival long outliving the demise of
the Assyrian trading colonies in Cappadocia; A. Tsukimoto, "From Lullu to Ebla:
weapons (GIS.TUKUL.HA) of Addu of Halab have arrived at the

temple of Dagan of Terqa.292
2nd millennium usage of surinnum, "divine emblem, standard," par-
allels that of the patrum/kakki/sappum (so) DN in terms of juridical
oaths, notably with respect to the phrase surinnam nasdhum.295 SU.NIR/
surinnu is equated with GIS.TUKUL/AtfMw in several lexical texts,294
and the terms frequently appear jointly and as a paratactic com-
pound in Old Babylonian texts.295 Texts from the archives of Zimri-
Lim describe materials for the ritual involvement or adornment of
divine weapons belonging to named deities;296 GIS.T\J¥JJL/kakku
and SU.NIR7.ttmn/2w were used interchangeably in this context. Kakki
sa DN and surinnu could be used synonymously as "divine standard,"
whether cultic or military, in Neo-Assyrian sources.297
an Old Babylonian Document Concerning a Shipment of Horses," in Ana sadi

Labnani lu allik: Beitrdge zu altorientalischen und mittelmeerischen Kulturen. Festschrift fur
Wolfgang Rollig, edited by B. Pongratz-Leisten, H. Kiihne and P. Xella (AOAT 247;
Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1997)
408:12-13 (Hirayama collection).
292
Partial text citation in J.-M. Durand, "Le mythologeme du combat entre le
Dieu de 1'orage et le Mer en Mesopotamia," M.A.R.I. 7 (1993) 53, scheduled for
full publication in ARMT 26/3.
293
Van Lerberghe, "L'arrachement de rembleme surinnum" 253-56; CAD 17/3
*surinnu 344-46, usage 1 a-d. On the logogram SU.NIR, see A. W. Sjoberg, "Zu
einigen Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen im Sumerischen," in Heidelberger Studien zum
Alien Orient: Adam Falkenstein zum 17 September 1966, edited by D. O. Edzard (HSAO
1; Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1967) 201-31 and B. Pongratz-Leisten, "Meso-
potamische Standarten in literarischen Zeugnissen," BaghM 23 (1992) 302—6. More
specialized vocabulary for divine emblems existed, for instance, the samsatu(ni), sun
disk, and iskaru(m), lunar crescent.
294
Hh Vila 6-11, MSL VI, 84-85; Hh Vila 40, MSL VI, 87; Emar VI 4, no.
545:317'; malku = sarru III: LTBA II 1 X 69; von Weiher Uruk 3, no. 120:30;
Antagal D 164, MSL XVII, 206; Aa V/3 = 28:51, MSL XIV, 423; citations in
Sjoberg, "Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen," 205-7 n. 9; CAD 17/3 surinnu 344-45,
Pongratz-Leisten, "Mesopotamische Standarten," 309-12.
295
Citations in E. Salonen Waffen, 155.
296
ARMT 23 no. 213:1-10 describes quantities of sinuntum (leather?) for the
GIS.TUKUL belonging to the Dagans of Terqa, Subatum and Urah. ARMT 22
no. 247:7-8 records gold for the GIS.TUKUL belonging to Dagan of Urah, and
ARMT 22 no. 246:7-9, describes a surinnu of the same deity. ARMT 22, 238:5,
mentions a gold-plated stone GIS.TUKUL of Samas. ARMT 18 no. 54:14-15 and
its variant 69:14-15 date an action by the performance of the pit pi ceremony for
a SU.NIR//M-n'-«z and footstool of Samas. ARMT 23 no. 446:55'-57' record a pit
pi for the GIS.TUKUL of Subatum and Urah, respectively, while ARMT 23 no.
213:5-6, 8-9 describes copper for these objects, again, probably the same emblems
or representations of Dagan.
297
As Cogan correctly observed, there exist Neo-Assyrian cultic texts that describe
rites involving a divine weapon (dTUKUL/AwMw) in the Assur temple: E. Ebeling,
"Kultische Text aus Assur," Or 21 (1952) 139 rev. 24, a divinized weapon that,
170 CHAPTER TWO
Regarding the iconography of the "symbol of Assur," Cogan's

visual example of a "weapon of Assur," a military standard from a
palace relief, with its menacing archer-god standing atop addorsed
bulls, fits the iconography of other Assyrian deities as well or better
than that of the derivative Assur.298 Three groupings of paired char-
together with other gods, accompanies Assur to the temple of Dagan (Ass Ph 4123a;
collation in Menzel Tempel, T 43), cited in Cogan, Imperialism, 54. Other examples
include Frankena Takultu, 7 vi 14, 8 ix 29, a divinized kakku in the company of a
divine bow (tilpanu] (K 252), 9 ii 15, a variant or related text: Akakki Assur (K 9925);
Menzel Tempel, T 147 i 10, dGIS.TUKUL and a dkalappu (Gotteraddressbucfi); Pongratz-
Leisten, Ina sulmi Trub, 207:32, Sennacherib's description of the akitu-house at Assur:
"the conquering divine weapon is placed on the chariot of Assur" (K 1356), and
see the remarks in Frahm Einleitung, 224 (Frahm Einleitung, T 184). Nevertheless,
other texts cited by Cogan himself and CAD under lemma kakku indicate that the
"weapon of DN," etymology aside, in context might denote nothing more definite
than a symbol or emblem: CAD 8 kakku 50-57. W. G. Lambert, in his review of
Cogan's book, OL£ 74 (1979) 128-29, pointed out this shortcoming in Cogan's
analysis, though he concurs that the kakki sa Assur was indeed a weapon. It is worth
noting that Kakku functioned as a theophoric element in several Neo-Assyrian PNs:
md
Kakku-aplu-usur (TUKUL-A-PAP) CTN 3 no. 99 iv 13 (ND 1002, IM 64210);
md
Kakku-eres (TUKUL-APIN-e/, TUKUL-eres) CTN 3 nos. 102 iii 25', 28' (ND
10019, IM 64222), 103 rev. i 16 (ND 10001); mdKakku-sarru-usur (TUKUL-MAN-
PAP) CTN 3 nos. 99 ii 11; 108 iii 24 (ND 9910+9911 [+] 9915); and the hypocoris-
tica 'Kakkuaf x x ] (ka-ku-u-a) CTN 3 no. 52 4 (ND 7021 = IM 74496), and mKakki
(ka-ki-i) CTN 3 no. 99 iv 19. K. Deller believes that the theophore d KU should be
read as Kakku and not as Marduk; CTN 3, 272 n. 43. For parallels, Old Babylonian
names such as Warad-dSurinnum are attested; CAD 17/3 surinnu 347. Pongratz-
Leisten, "Mesopotamische Standarten," 334 reads the theophore in mdURLGAL-
IGI.LA (CTN 3 no. 99 iv 8) as Urigallu and not Nergal, apparently because Nergal
appears in other places in this corpus as dU.GUR or dMAS.MAS.
298
Iconography of Assur: The establishment of a one-to-one correspondence
between deities and divine symbols on Neo-Assyrian steles is a time-honored enter-
prise in Assyriology. Major stumbling blocks have been the identity of the god or
gods behind the symbol of the winged disk (with or without anthropomorphic addi-
tions), and the symbol or symbols which stand for the chief deity, Assur. Historically,
several deities have had multiple symbols, e.g., the sassaru(m), samsu(m), and pdstu(m)
of Samas, further complicating matters. See the discussions of theories regarding
the identity of the god(s) in the winged disk in Van Buren, Symbols of the Gods,
94-104; Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur, 254-55; Mayer-Opificius, "Die gefliigelte
Sonne," passim; Dalley, "The God Salmu," 85—101. Unger, "Symbole des Gottes
Assur," 463-71 had already rejected the equation of winged solar disk = Assur for
that of Samas. Reade provides cogent reasoning for the notion that, on Neo-Assyrian
royal steles, the winged disk symbolized the god Samas while the horned crown
symbolized Assur, Reade, "Shikaft-i Gulgul," 38; Seidl, "Gottersymbole und attribute,"
485-86, concurs.
On the Maltai relief of Sennacherib, the god Assur leads a procession of the
state gods. He is bearded like all male deities, stands atop the snake-dragon bor-
rowed from the conventions of Marduk's iconography, and wears the tiara with
two pendant tassels symbolizing kingship. In fact, there is nothing to distinguish the
image from that of Sennacherib save for the former's submissive posture and the
horned crown of the latter; illustrations in W. Bachmann, Felsreliefs in Assyrien. Bawian,
iot-mounted standards in the Northwest Palace reliefs of Nimrud should

probably be identified with Adad and Nergal. Each pair depicts (a)
a striding archer god atop a rampant bull (Adad), and (b) a lance-
or sword-like blade centered over the standard pole itself, mounted
atop addorsed bulls, with two or four streams of water radiating
from the base (Nergal).299 Although there was a "weapon of Haldi"
in the Urartian state cult that figures in the royal inscriptions as a
Maltai, Gundtik (WVDOG 52; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1927) pis. 26-31. Little need
be added to the discussion of the derivative iconography of Assur in Black and
Green, Gods, Demons and Symbols, 38. On the iconography of Assyrian military stan-
dards mounted in chariots, see the exhaustive illustrations and comments in Bleibtreu,
"Standarten," 347-56, pis. 50-66. Cogan, Imperialism, 63 (= Bleibtreu, "Standarten,"
pi. 63b, a Flandin drawing from Khorsabad) reproduces the most detailed surviv-
ing representation of a military standard and adduces it as an example of the
"weapon of Assur." Black and Green, Gods, Demons and Symbols, 169, on the con-
trary, find the complex iconography of this object in keeping with Adad, the storm
god, whereas Dalley and Postgate supplies evidence that the iconography of addorsed
bulls could be associated with the god Nergal, and suggests that this standard was
meant to represent Nergal; CTN 3, 41. Reference in the Neo-Assyrian royal inscrip-
tions to Adad and Nergal as the gods who proceed the king into battle, together
with the writing of Nergal as dURI.GAL, are important considerations in the dis-
cussion of battle standard iconography; for the texts, see Pongratz-Leisten, "Meso-
potamische Standarten," 330-37.
299
Bleibtreu, "Standarten," pis. 51-53, VVAA 124553, 124550, 124542, (P.
Calmeyer, "Zur Genese altiranischer Motive II: Der leere Wagen," AMI 1 [1974]
49-77, pi. 13:2-3, and Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, vol. 1, pis. 22, 27); U. Seidl,
"Zur zweiten Feldzugstandarte Assurnasirpals II," N.A.B.U. (1993/77) 61. In addi-
tion to the arguments for associating the iconography of the addorsed bulls with
Nergal noted in CTN 3, 41, there exists a votive sword (GIR) with an Old Assyrian
dedicatory inscription to the "belum sa Hubsalim" almost certainly the Nergal of
Hubsalum who received a bronze votive sword (namsarum) in the Mari texts; Giiterbock,
"Votive Sword," 197-98, pis. 13-15; D. Charpin, "L'epee offerte au dieu Nergal
de Hubsalum," NA.B.U. (1987/76) 41 (ARMT 26/1 no. 194:24-31 [A 4260 (Paris)]).
The votive object itself, said to have been found near Diyarbakir, measures over a
meter in length, but is missing its blade tip. Giiterbock concludes that the sword
was too thin to have functioned as an actual weapon, observing that a deep hole
in the hilt probably enabled it to be mounted upright on a dowel. The archaic
inscription would then have read correctly, running from the top (blade tip) down
to the hilt; Giiterbock, "Votive Sword," 197. Nergal represented as an upright blade
in the Neo-Assyrian standards could thus be an ancient iconographic convention,
particularly apt since U.GUR = namsaru in one lexical list (Sh II 208 = MSL III,
143, 208). In this connection a sword-like object depicted in relief on a socle of
Tukulti-Ninurta I, receiving adoration from the king, has been interpreted as a
sacred weapon comparable to the "weapon of Assur"; W. Andrae, Diejungeren Ischtar-
Tempel in Assur (WVDOG 58; Leipzig:). C. Hinrichs, 1935) 57-76 (Ass 19869); the
socle, dedicated to the god Nusku, was recovered from the Istar temple at Assur.
Seidl, Kudurru-Reliefs, 122, convincingly explains the symbol as a stylus and tablet
befitting Nabu.
172 CHAPTER TWO
recipient of sacrifice, Calmeyer demonstrated there are no convinc-

ing representations of this object in Urartian art.300
While the current stage of research cannot enable us to recover
the iconography of the "symbol of Assur" with confidence, if indeed
the "symbol of Assur" of the royal annal texts corresponded to a
single cultic object, more can be asserted about its function. The
Balawat Gates of Shalmaneser III and palace reliefs from the reigns
of Assur-nasir-pal II, Sargon II and Sennacherib indicate that stan-
dards, mounted on chariots, accompanied the Assyrian army on cam-
paigns and received divine rites within the army cantonments.301 [See
300
It is not surprising that the Urartian state cult, massively indebted to Assyria
for royal and religious iconography, should also have a "weapon" (BE-LI.MES) of
Haldi, the patron god of the state, to which sacrifices were made; F. W. Konig,
Handbuch der chaldischen Inschriften (AfOB 8; Osnabriick: Biblio-Verlag, 1967 [1955])
no. 8 III, no. 10 II 7, X 41 (Ispuini and Menua). 2114 BE-LI.MES modified by
"lance" (gunnusiniei), in no. 103 III occur as offerings in a list including livestock,
weapons and other goods; see also M. Reimschneider, "Die urartaischen Gottheiten,"
Or 32 (1963) 155-56; idem, "Urartaische Bauten in den Konigschriften," Or 34
(1965) 325-28. In his "Letter to Assur" describing the sack of Musasir, Sargon II
exults over his seizure of the large golden sword (GlR, namsaru) which Haldi wore
at his side. It weighed 26 1/3 minas; TCL 3, 377. Pace Reimschneider, C. Burney,
"The God Haldi and the Urartian State," in Aspects of Art and Iconography: Anatolia
and Its Neighbors. Studies in Honor of Nimet Ozguc, edited by M. J. Mellink, E. Porada
and T. Ozgu9 (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi, 1993) 107-10 and R.-B.
Wartke, Urartu, das Reich am Ararat (Kulturgeschichte der Antiken Welt 59; Mainz
am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern, 1993) 123-46, Assert there is as yet no clearly rec-
ognizable image or iconography of Haldi in the reliefs of Adilcevaz, Mehr Kapisi.
In addition, the objects identified as "lances" by Reimschneider in Urartian religious
art and Assyrian representations of the temple of Musasir are better described as
variations on the theme of the sacred tree; see P. Calmeyer, "Zu den Eisen-
Lanzenspitzen und der 'Lanze des Haldi'," in Bastam I: Ausgrabungen in den urartai-
schen Anlagen 1972-1975, edited by W. Kleiss (TF 4; Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag,
1979) 183-93, idem, "Some Remarks on Iconography," in Urartu: a Metalworking
Center in the First Millennium B.C.E., edited by R. Merhav (Israel Museum Catalogue
324; Jerusalem: Israel Museum, 1991) 315. Urartian iconography cannot assist us
in determining the appearance of the "symbol of Assur." O. Belli, Anzqf Kaleleri ve
Urartu Tanrilari (Istanbul: Arkeoloji ve Sanat Yaymlan, 1998) 39-44, fig. 18 plau-
sibly claims that a bronze repousse image of a striding beardless male god clutch-
ing a bow in one hand and brandishing a flame-wrapped lance in the right represents
Urartian Haldi.
301
See the perceptive and nuanced discussion in K. Deller, "Gotterstreitwagen
und Gotterstandarten: Gotter auf dem Feldzug und ihr Kult im Feldlage. Einleitung,"
BaghM 23 (1992) 291-98. Deller justifiably observes that the portable battle-stan-
dards receive the same cultic attentions as their stationary counterparts housed in
the Assyrian city-temples. With regard to the sacrifices and other divine rites paid
to the weapons/symbols of the gods in the guise of Neo-Assyrian battle-standards,
numerous history-of-religion parallels offer themselves. For example, several ancient
Indo-European traditions celebrated a cult of a divine sword, notably the Scythians
Figure 8] A trope in the royal inscriptions, "DNs, the gods who go

before me (in battle)" probably had concrete expression in the tas-
seled standards mounted on chariots that rode into battle with the
king and his troops: "With the support of Assur my great lord, and
the divine standard (durigallu) which goes before me, and with the
fierce weapons (kakke ezzuti} which the god Assur (my) lord gave me
I assembled (my) weapons . . . with the supreme might of the divine
standard (durigallu) which goes before me I fought with them."302 As
noted earlier, royal Assyrian correspondence never uses the expres-
sion "kakki Assur," but infrequent reference is made to the move-
ments of the "gods of the king" in foreign contexts associated with
the administration of oaths (ade):
[They are bringing] these go[ds of the king from] Sarragftu [and car-
rying (them) into our] jurisdiction. . .We will tak[e] the loy[alty oath
as soon as the]y co[me] to Nippur. (However) the gods of the king
have not yet been car[ried] into our territory and jurisdiction.303
The ancient practice of assembling the gods of the two ruling par-
ties engaging in a treaty ceremony is well attested in the archives of
Zimri-Lim.304 Whether this act involved statues in the round or more
who reputedly performed human sacrifice before a naked iron sword identified with
"Ares" (Herodotus IV.62) and the Alano/Sarmatian practice of thrusting swords in
the ground and worshiping them as "Mars" (Ammianus Marcellinus). The Scythian
sword, an ancient cult object, was said to have been the god's image or represen-
tation (ayaA,|o.a); C. S. Littleton, "From Swords in the Earth to the Sword in the
Stone: a Possible Reflection of an Alano-Sarmatian Rite of Passage in the Arthurian
Tradition," in Homage to Georges Dumez.il, edited by E. C. Polome (Journal of Indo-
European Studies Monograph 3; Washington, D.C.: Journal of Indo-European
Studies, 1982) 53-67; B. Lincoln, Death, War, and Sacrifice: Studies in Ideology and Practice
(Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1991) 201-8.
302
Assur-nasir-pal II; RIMA 2 A.O.I01.1 ii 25-28. In addition to numerous ref-
erences to the gods who go before him, Sargon II speaks of "Nergal and Adad
whose standards (urigalle) go before me"; TCL 3, 4. Samsi-Adad V boasted of cap-
turing the divine standard (durigallu) of the Babylonian king Baba-aha-iddina "which
goes before him" (dlikpanisu); RIMA 3 A.0.103.2:17', Table 3:25. In Assyrian texts
this trope dates back to the inscriptions of Assur-dan II, RIMA 2 A.0.98.1.48, and
Assur-bel-kala, RIMA 2 A.0.89.2:9'; A.0.89.5:3'(?), though the expression §U.NIR
dlik mahri is attested in Old Babylonian sources; Cig-Kizilyay-Kraus Nippur, 174
303
ABL no. 699 + 617 rev. 7'-15' (81-2-4,468 + K 1167) (writer: Bel-iqisa, Assur-
bel-sakin, IJJ.mu-x x). Restoration and translation by Cole, Nippur in Late Assyrian
Times, 11 n. 55. It is a reasonable surmise that the "gods of the king" mentioned
here were pole-mounted standards suitable for travel over difficult terrain and fash-
ioned in the recognizable iconography of the gods they symbolized.
304
D. Charpin, "Une alliance centre 1'Elam et le rituel de lipit napistim," in
Contribution a Ihistoire de I'lran: melanges qfferts a Jean Perrot, edited by F. Vallat (Paris:
174 CHAPTER TWO
portable divine symbols cannot be determined from the expressions

used. In at least one case, the terms used are reminiscent of the for-
mula employed by the Neo-Assyrian kings for describing the erec-
tion of the symbol of Assur: DINGIR M[ES sa Is-me-dDa-gan it-ti
Za-zi-ia [ x x ] a-na ni-is DINGIR-/zm za-ka-ri-im wa-as-bu, "the gods
of Isme-Dagan were installed with Zaziya [ x x ] for the oath of the
gods ceremony."305 These travelling gods are described in one instance
as "the god of my lord who goes before me," Hum sa beliya ina pdniya
illik.306 Exceptionally, in a letter from Ishi-Dagan to Zimri-Lim, the
writer describes the presence of his (Zimri-Lim's) gods, the great
weapons/symbols (GIS.TUKUL.MES rabutim), and his servants at a
lipit napistim (oath) ceremony.307
Although the Aramaic loan-word adu first appears in Akkadian
sources of the 8th century, the institution of creating written treaties
guaranteeing the loyalty of subordinate polities appears to have been
common practice during the Sargonid era.308 Foreign gods were
Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1990) 115-16 n. 30; D. Charpin, "Un traite
entre Zimri-Lim de Mari et Ibal-pi-El II d'Esnunna," in Marchands, diplomates et
empereurs: etudes la civilisation mesopotamienne qfferts a Paul Garelli, edited by D. Charpin
and F.Joannes (Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1991) 163-64, and
see the overview in P. Hoskisson, "The Nisum 'Oath' in Mari," in Mari in Retrospect-
Fifty Tears of Mari and Mari Studies, edited by G. D. Young (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns,
1992) 203-10. ARMT 13 no. 147 describes the dispatch of the gods for the lipit
napisitm ritual; other Mari texts speak of their presence at the nis Hani.
305
ARMT 26/2 no. 526:8-9 (A 333+A 2388 [Paris]), in letter describing a treaty
between the Turukkean king Zaziya and Isme-Dagan of Ekallatum. If the restora-
tion proposed in ARMT 26/1 no. 32:26-27 is sound, the verb used for "installing"
the gods is sakanu.
306
ARMT 26/2 no. 389:27-29 (A 2125 [Paris]). The gods are those of Atamrum
en route to Kurda.
307
A 3354+ (Paris) cited in Charpin, "Un traite entre Zimri-Lim," 163 n. 60.
308
A. K. Grayson, "Akkadian Treaties of the Seventh Century B.C.," JCS 39
(1987) 128-29; S. Parpola, "Neo-Assyrian Treaties from the Royal Archives of
Nineveh," JCS 39 (1987) 180-83; SAA 2 xv-xxv; M. Liverani, "Terminologia e
ideologia del patto nelle iscrizioni reali assire," in / trattati nel mondo antico. Forma,
ideologia, funzione, edited by L. Canfora, M. Liverani and C. Zaccagnini (Saggi di
storia antica 2; Rome: "L'Erma" di Bretschneider, 1990) 113-47. The tradition of
the Babylonian ode agreement may be slightly older than its Assyrian counterpart;
J. A. Brinkman, "Political Covenants, Treaties, and Loyalty Oaths in Babylonia and
Between Assyria and Babylonia," in / trattati nel mondo antico. Forma, ideologia, funzione,
edited by L. Canfora, M. Liverani and C. Zaccagnini (Saggi di storia antica 2;
Rome: "L'Erma" di Bretschneider, 1990) 99. Parpola's caveats regarding the seman-
tic breadth of Assyrian adu, extending well beyond "loyalty oath," are well taken.
The frequency with which the violation of oaths occurs in Assyrian annals and epis-
tolary documents attests to the routine nature of the institution as a political expe-
dient; for examples, see Oded, War, Peace and Empire, 83-94; Liverani, "Terminologia
invoked in preserved Neo-Assyrian treaties concluded with peoples

throughout the ancient Near East, whether of client or provincial
status.309 It is evident that symbols or images of both Assyrian and
foreign gods were physically present during the ceremonies. In the
course of the 8th campaign of Sargon II, the loyal client king Ullusunu
e ideologia del patto," 124-47. The Neo-Assyrian diplomatic procedure of con-

cluding binding agreements or treaties with foreign partners was a legacy of the
Middle Assyrian and earlier states. In the llth century Tiglath-pileser I released
the captured king and army of Nai'ri in the presence of Samas, after causing them
to swear an oath by the great gods (mamit ilaniya rabuti)', RIMA 2 A.0.87.1 v 12-16.
Cuneiform treaties are attested as early as 3rd millennium Ebla; see W. G. Lambert,
"The Treaty of Ebla," in Ebla 1975-1985: died anni di studi linguistici efilologici, edited
by L. Cagni (IUO, Series Minor 27; Naples: Istituto Universitario Orientale, 1987)
353-64; D. O. Edzard, "Der Vertrag von Ebla mit A-bar-QA," in Literature and
Literary Language at Ebla, edited by P. Fronzaroli (QuSem 18; Florence: Dipartimento
di Linguistica, Universita di Firenze, 1992) 187-217 (TM 75.G.2420). On the his-
tory of treaty and oath conventions in Western Asia and the terminology involved,
see the studies in M. Weinfeld, "The Loyalty Oath in the Ancient Near East," UF
8 (1976) 379-414; D. J. McCarthy, Treaty and Covenant. A Study in the Ancient Oriental
Documents and in the Old Testament (2nd ed.; AnBib 2la; Rome: Pontifical Biblical
Institute Press, 1978); H. Tadmor, "Treaty and Oath in the Ancient Near East: a
Historian's Approach," in Humanizing America's Iconic Book: Society of Biblical Literature
Centennial Addresses 1980, edited by G. M. Tucker and D. A. Knight (SBLBSNA 6;
Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1982) 127-52; P. Kalluveettil, Declaration and Covenant: A
Comprehensive Review of Covenant Formulae from the Old Testament and the Ancient Near East
(AnBib 88; Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute Press, 1982); Brinkman, "Political
Covenants, Treaties, and Loyalty Oaths," 81-112; M. Weinfeld, "The Common
Heritage of Covenantal Traditions in the Ancient World," in / trattati nel mondo
antico. Forma, ideologia, funzione, edited by L. Canfora, M. Liverani and C. Zaccagnini
(Saggi di storia antica 2; Rome: "L'Erma" di Bretschneider, 1990) 175-91; P. Amiet,
"Alliance des hommes, alliance des dieux dans 1'iconographie orientale," in Collec-
tanea Orientale: histoire, arts de I'espace et Industrie de la tern; etudes ojfertes en hommage a
Agnes Spycket, edited by H. Gasche and B. Hrouda (Civilisations de Proche-Orient,
Serie I: archeologie et environnement 3; Neuchatel and Paris: Recherches et
Publications, 1991) 1-6; J.-G. Heintz, "Alliance humaine—alliance divine: docu-
ments d'epoque babylonienne ancienne & Bible hebrai'que—une esquisse," BN 86
(1997) 66-76. J.-M. Durand, "Precurseurs Syriens aux protocoles neo-Assyriens—
considerations sur la vie politique aux Bords-de-1'Euphrate," in Marchands, diplomates
et empereurs: etudes la civilisation mesopotamienne ojferts a Paul Garelli, edited by D. Charpin
and F.Joannes (Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1991) 13-71 instruc-
tively compares the administration of oaths in the Zimri-Lim archives with Neo-
Assyrian practices.
309
SAA 2 nos. l:16'-rev. 16 (Babylonian deities); 2 vi 6-24 (Assyrian, West
Semitic and Neo-Hittite deities), 3:7'-ll', rev. 2'-5' (Assyrian deities), 4 rev. 16'-27'
(Assyrian deities), 5 iv 1'—19' (Assyrian and West Semitic deities), 6:13-40 (astral
gods, Assyro-Babylonian pantheon, "all the gods of one's land and district"), 8:25-27
(Assyrian and astral deities), 9:1 '"2', rev. 5'-25' (Assyro-Babylonian pantheon),
10:2'~3', rev. 8'-10' (Assyrian and Qedarite deities), 11:6 (astral deities?) rev. l'-14'
(Assyrian deities). On the cultic implications of the <M?£-treaty, see Watanabe, Die
ade-Vereidigung, 26.
176 CHAPTER TWO
and his people were feted at a banquet where, in a setting reminiscent

of a loyalty oath ceremony, "in the presence of Assur and the gods
of their country they blessed my kingship."310 "Temples of the king"311
and "gods of the king"312 appear in correspondence addressed to
Assurbanipal from Nippur, a key Assyrian bastion of loyalty during
the Samas-sumu-ukfn rebellion and in the following decades. Assyrian
divine images at one point were used during a loyalty oath cere-
mony: "in Nippur as well as in Uruk in the midst of (the images
of) your gods I took the loyalty oath to the king, my lord."313 ABL
699+617 reveals that these images traveled from Sarragftu to Nippur
expressly for that purpose. The "gods of the king" are distinguished
from those of Nippur.314 ABL 202 rev. 10-13 adds the valuable in-
formation that soldiers, their sons and wives "together with their
gods" should take loyalty oaths to Assurbanipal, probably in Nippur
and Uruk; these are presumably images of non-Assyrian divinities.
Assurbanipal informs the loyal governor of Uruk that he is dis-
patching his eunuch, "third man" official, and Akkullanu, the well-
known astrologer and erib-biti-priest of Assur, with the king's treaty
tablet (tuppi ade} to be subscribed to by the governor himself and his
countrymen.315
In conclusion, it is suggested that the kakki Assur functioned as a
shorthand convention in the royal inscriptions of the second half of
the 8th century for military standards of the Assyrian state pantheon
used in the administration of loyalty oaths. In the annalistic accounts
of the expedition to Media in his 6th palu, Sargon IPs scribes uti-
lize expressions that link the kakke Hani with battle standards, and in
310
TCL 3, 63-64.
311
ABL no. 1074:5 (Rm 60), cited in S. W. Cole, Nippur in Late Assyrian Times
c. 755-612 BC (SAAS 4; Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1996)
77 n. 54.
312
ABL no. 699 + 617 rev. 4'-13' (81-2-4,468 + K 1167).
313
ina NIBRUkl u ina UNUGkl ina libbi ildnika u ade sa sarri beliya assabat; ABL no.
202 rev. 4-7 (K 83).
314
ABL no. 797:14-15 (K 672).
310
ABL no. 539 rev. 12b—16 (K 17) (writer: Assurbanipal). Akkullanu's career is
known from over 30 letters, astrological reports and juridical decisions; see SAA 10
nos. 84-108; SAA 8 nos. 101-109, 112; SAA 13 nos. 16, 39; R. Jas, Jim-Assyrian
Judicial Procedures (SAAS 5; Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1996)
nos. 14, 21, 46. Akkullanu's career as chief executive of the priesthood of the Assur
temple entailed more administrative and political functions than narrowly religious
ones; P. Villard, "Akkullanu, astrologue, pretre et juge," N.A.B.U. (1998/52) 53-55.
Comparable Old Babylonian terminology for Neo-Assyrian tuppi ade, in context,
includes tuppum sehrum, tuppum rabum, tuppi nis Him/ill, tuppi lipit napistim.
one variant use identical terms for the establishment of the kakki
Assur at Harhar. Contemporary correspondence from the Assyrian
governor of Harhar mentions the conclusion of ade agreements with
various Median polities. Such a convention could have developed
out of the venerable association of Assur with a ceremonial weapon
normally housed in the Assur temple, and the numerous annalistic
metaphors created to describe the warlike puissance of the emperor
as one in whose hands were placed "his (Assur's) fierce weapons
(kakkesu ezzuti) which in their progress from rising to setting sun crush
the insubmissive,"316 or who is himself the weapon of the wrathful
gods waging irresistible warfare against the enemies of the state: "you
(the king of Subria) stirred up the fierce weapons of Assur from their
rest."317 Provincial governors like Mannu-kf-Ninua of Harhar/Kar-
Sarrukfn were responsible by default for supplying gm«-offerings for
the cult of Assur in the Assyrian heartland, and were actively involved
in the administration of ade-oaths to their subjects. Based on the lim-
ited number of references to the "symbol of Assur" in the royal
inscriptions, the absolute dearth of epistolary allusions to this "cult,"
and zero evidence for the existence of Assur temples outside the
Neo-Assyrian heartland, I am inclined to believe that these images
were used in the administration of oaths to peoples of both client
and provincial status—and little else. If this interpretation is valid,
then the short-lived narrative trope of the emplacement of the sym-
bol of Assur—the administration of ade-oaths—represents an activ-
ity performed many dozens if not many hundreds of times by Assyrian
provincial rulers seeking diplomatic means to guarantee loyalty and
a cessation of hostilities.318
316
Sargon II; TCL 3, 126.
317
Borger Esarh., §68, Gbr. II, 104 i 32.
318
If, for instance, Mannu-ki-Ninua's administration of ade-oaihs in the environs
of Harhar constituted the historical gist of the imposition of the kakki Assur, then
we are obliged to deconstruct the annalistic rhetoric as a routine piece of border
diplomacy. Obligatory worship of the warlike captain of the conqueror's pantheon
by trembling deportees and "pacified" locals makes for a gripping image, is fully
consonant with the other sadistic narrative images surrounding the creation or re-
establishment of these six provincial centers, and resonates deeply with the medieval
Christian and modern colonial intellectual baggage that most of us carry into the
library or study. But if the imposition of the kakki Assur was a de facto calculated
diplomatic measure rather than a crude psychological terror tactic, then it is little
wonder that the royal scribes found for it a menacing turn of phrase suited to con-
ceal rather than reveal the actual intent of the measure, while at the same time
further inflating the portrait of the victorious king meting out condign vengeance
upon the insubmissive.
178 CHAPTER TWO
Divine Image of the King, Prestige Politics, and Imperialism
The question of the divine status of Neo-Assyrian kings is neither old

nor fashionable. Neither the Bible nor the Greeks addressed them-
selves to the topic. Initial treatments of Neo-Assyrian religious impe-
rialism by the first British School of Assyriology in the second half
of the 19th century modeled the policies of the empire on Victorian
conceptions of Islamic intolerance: the Great King was an Oriental
despot, but he was no god. Around the time of the Great War, the
American Orientalist A. T. E. Olmstead forcefully argued that the
imperial cult of Assur was routinely and uncompromisingly thrust
upon victims of Assyrian military aggression. Repeatedly citing the
Roman imperial cult as his yardstick, the Assyrian empire was high-
lighted as a vital theocracy under a deified ruler: each newly minted
province was given images of the great king and Assur to worship.319
Using the language of European feudalism, vassal rulers were required
to follow suit, taking Assur as their chief deity, worshipping his vicar,
the Assyrian king, and laying themselves under "the oath of the great
gods for servanthood for ever."320 Otherwise, the divinity of living
Neo-Assyrian kings has not been a widely entertained position in the
Assyriological community, and in fact the topic has been so assidu-
ously avoided in recent times that one suspects it of harboring some
lurking indelicacy.321 A learned aside by Cole and Machinist in SAA
13 has come out in favor of royal worship against the received tra-
dition. Failure to give this issue a proper hearing heretofore has
turned upon the methodological presuppositions that (a) the iconog-
raphy of divinized royal images should "look" like the gods of the
pantheon, and (b) a related conceptual shortcoming, that sacrifice to
royal images necessarily implied that the referents of the images, liv-
ing and dead, enjoyed the status of divinity on a par with regular
pantheon members. In the following paragraphs I shall develop a
somewhat unconventional perspective on the social reality of kings
319
Olmstead, Western Asia, 171; idem, "Oriental Imperialism," 757-58; idem,
History of Palestine and Syria, 452.
320
Olmstead, "Assyrian Government of Dependencies," 65.
321
See, for instance, the eloquently mute paragraphs in A. Kuhrt, The Ancient
Near East c. 3000~330 B.C. (Routledge History of the Ancient World; London; New
York: Routledge, 1995) 2:505-26; Postgate, "Royal Ideology," 408-10; W. G.
Lambert, "Kingship in Ancient Mesopotamia," in King and Messiah in Israel and the
Ancient Near East: Proceedings of the Oxford Old Testament Seminar, edited by J. Day
(JSOTSup 270; Sheffield, England: Sheffield Academic Press, 1998) 66-69.
and their worship, based on comparative materials drawn from Bronze-

Age Mesopotamia as well as the Greco-Roman Kulturkreis., and then
proceed to canvass the evidence pro and con for divine honors accorded
Neo-Assyrian kings.
The Greeks had a word for it: iaoGeoi TIIHOU, "honors equal to
those paid the gods." io69eoi iifiai were granted to notable magis-
trates, war heroes, victorious athletes, extravagant philanthropists,
kings, emperors and in certain instances their families. The funda-
mental act of homage was sacrifice to the individual: inscribed altars,
temples, priesthoods, cult images, annual festivals and other con-
spicuous acts of municipal adulation could further enhance the sta-
tus of the cult.322 The paradox for we moderns inhabiting a world
of Weberian disenchantment, that a mortal ruler who presided over
the cult of the state gods was himself a recipient of sacrifice and
other divine accoutrements, apparently disturbed only a handful of
philosophers in antiquity. While the divine homage-worthiness of any
particular individual could be called into question—the ratification
of the status of divus to a dead Roman emperor by the senate con-
stituting a posthumous vote of confidence, for instance323—the insti-
tution of divine honors was state business as usual, a self-evident
component of political theology applied to the flux of power rela-
tionships dynamically evolving between the ruler and the ruled. As
is well known, ancient Mesopotamia had its own limited but per-
durable tradition of divine homage to rulers.324 From textual evi-
dence we know that offerings were made to statues of both kings
and their queens in Early Dynastic Lagas.320 Naram-Sm had his own
yn
See the excellent and judicious discussion in D. Fishwick, The Imperial Cult
in the Latin West: Studies in the Ruler Cult of the Western Provinces of the Roman Empire.
Vol. 1, no. 1 (EPRO 108; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1987) 21-31.
323
S. R. F. Price, "From Noble Funerals to Divine Cult: the Consecration of
Roman Emperors," in Rituals of Royalty: Power and Ceremonial in Traditional Societies,
edited by D. Cannadine and S. R. F. Price (Past and Present Publications; Cambridge
and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987) 56-105.
324
M.-J. Seux, "Konigtum. B. II. und I. Jahrtausend," RLA 6:170b. I do not
pretend to do justice to the nuances of this early form of Mesopotamian political
theology. My goal is simply to establish the fact that certain kings created divinized
images of themselves in their own lifetimes, installed them in temples, provided
them with sacrifices, and therefore created a precedent for kings of later periods.
32:)
Citation in SAA 13 xxii nn. 13-16; H. Limet, "Les temples des rois sumeriens
divinises," in Le temple et le culte: compte rendu de la vingtieme Rencontre assyriologique Inter-
nationale: organisee a Leiden du 3 au 7 juillet 1972 sous les auspices du Nederlands Instituut
voor het Nabije Oosten, edited by Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten (UNHAII
37; Istambul: Nederlands Historisch-Archeologisch Instituut te Istambul, 1975) 80-94.
180 CHAPTER TWO
temple in the imperial capital of Akkad.326 Sacrifices were performed

before images of the great Akkadian kings during the Ur III Dynasty,
together with Gudea of Lagas.327 The Ur III rulers themselves received
a variety of divine ministrations.328 In the 2nd millennium royal
images of the living kings Sin-iddinam,329 Sin-enbam,330 and Samsu-
iluna331 were installed in temples in Larsa, Nippur, Ur and Babylon.332
SamsT-Addu I speaks of silver for statues of lasmah-Addu for tem-
ples in Assur and Mari.333 The contention of Frankfort334 and oth-
ers335 that deified royal statues were thought to render beneficial
services to the living kings in exchange for offerings is probably
326
I. J. Gelb and B. Kleinast, Die altakkadischen Kdnigsinschriften des dritten Jahrtausends
v. Chr (FAOS 7; Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1990) 81-82, 45 ii 24-55 iii 7.
English translation appears in B. Kleinast, "Inscription of Naram-Sin: Deification
of the King (2.90)," COS 2:244.
327
Primary sources cited in SAA 13 xxii nn. 17-18. On the institution of royal
statues in the reign of Gudea, see especially Winter, "'Idols of the King'," passim.
328
Primary sources cited in SAA 13 xxii-xxiii nn. 19~23. See also C. Wilcke,
"Zum Konigtum in der Ur III-Zeit," in Le palms et la royaute (archeologie et civilisa-
tion): XIXe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Paris 29 juin~2 juillet 1971, edited by
P. Garelli (Paris: Librairie orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1974) 179-80; R. Kutscher,
"An Offering to the Statue of Sulgi," Tel Aviv 1 (1974) 55-59; B. Lafont, "Deux
notes sur les regnes de Su-Sin et Ibbi-Sin," RA 11 (1983) 69-71; H. Sauren, "Die
Konigstheologie in der Kunst des 3. Jahrtausends," OLP 13 (1982) 45-53; H. Sauren,
"Die Kleidung der Gotter," VisRel 2 (1983) 95-104; Hallo, "Texts, Statues and the
Cult of the Divine King," 54-66; E. D. Van Buren, "Homage to a Deified King,"
%A 50 (1952) 92-120 (glyptic iconography of deified rulers), and the seminal study
by M.-T. Barrelet, "La 'figure du roi' dans 1'iconographie et dans les textes depuis
Ur-Nanse jusqu'a la fin de la Ire dynastie de Babylone," in Le palais et la royaute
(archeologie et civilisation): XIX' Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Paris 29 juin~2 juillet
1971, edited by P. Garelli (Paris: Librairie orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1974) 27-
138. Note that a temple to Su-Sm has been excavated at Esnunna (Tell Asmar);
H. Frankfort, S. Lloyd and T. Jacobsen, The Gimil-Sin Temple and the Palace of the
Rulers at Tell Asmar (OIP 43; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1940) 7-27,
pi. 1.
329
F. R. Kraus, "Nippur und Isin nach altbabylonischen Rechtsurkunden," JCS
3 (1951) 37 §5 (Ni 2484) (cited in SAA 13 xxiii n. 24).
330
UET 1 275 vi 18-20 (cited in SAA 13 xxiii n. 24).
331
VAS 16 no. 156:6-7 = RIME 4, E4.3.7.9, E.tur.kalam.ma, temple of Belet-
Babili (VAT 1433) (cited in SAA 13 xxiii n. 24).
332
See F. R. Kraus, "Das altbabylonische Konigtum," in Le palais et la royaute
(archeologie et civilisation): XIXe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Paris 29 juin—2 juillet
1971, edited by P. Garelli (Paris: Librairie orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1974) 241-50.
333
ARM 1 no. 74; cited in SAA 13 xxiii n. 24.
334
H. Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, a Study of Ancient Near Eastern Religion as the
Integration of Society & Nature (Oriental Institute Essay; Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press, 1948) 302-6.
335
C. J. Gadd, Ideas of Divine Rule in the Ancient East (SchL 1945; London: Oxford
University Press, 1948) 48; I. Engnell, Studies in Divine Kingship in the Ancient Near East
(Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1943) 31.
sound. However, the apologetic tendency on the part of many mod-

ern authors to disconnect the cult of the statue from the cult of the
king and to otherwise downplay the political implications is disin-
genuous, and the comfortable dogma that these cults died out with
the accession of Hammurapi of Babylon is, I think, untrue.
The reasons for the bestowal of divine honors, the ideology of
divine kingship if you will, would take us far afield to explore in
depth. In the Greco-Roman world living and dead statesmen received
elements of divine rites for concrete benefactions to the city or state:
a successful military defense, the creation of an empire, tax relief,
all proffered in much the same wise as one would give thanks to
the gods for salvation from conquest, the expansion of the kingdom's
borders, and sudden economic windfall.336 Another road to divine
homage paid to a mortal ruler was bald recognition of his capacity
to exercise the awful powers or qualities associated with the gods,
the popular belief that the numinous majesty of royalty rendered
kings larger than life, hence godlike and deserving of worship. The
Neo-Assyrian royal titularies, narrative inscriptions, astrological prog-
nostications and unctuously flattering correspondence hammer away
at the theme of the unique proximity of the king to the divine realm
and extol his god-like powers. The kings were summoned prenatally
to kingship,337 suckled by goddesses,338 warned by eclipses and other
portents of imminent personal hazards,339 and succored by upbeat,
motherly prophecies uttered by goddesses.340 Kings like the gods
strode into battle surrounded by the melammu, a radiant, terrifying
nimbus devastating to foes, occasionally represented by a halo of
stars surrounding deities in glyptic art,341 and kings embodied god-
like wisdom342 and could be characterized as the very image of the
336
Fishwick, Imperial Cult, 32~45; S. J. Friesen, Twice Neokoros: Ephesus, Asia, and
the Cult of the Flavian Imperial Family (Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 116;
Leiden and New York: E. J. Brill, 1993) 142~52.
33/
Seux, Epithetes, 51-52, band; 175-79, nabu; 292, saraku; idem, "Konigtum,"
167a-b.
338
SAA 3 no. 13 rev. 6-8 (K 1285).
339
SAA 8 passim; SAA 10 nos. 25, 26, 45, 55, 57, 71, 75, 76, 78, 90, 100, 114,
132, 133, 135, 137, 147, 148, 149, 157, 158, 159, 168, 170, 216, 219, 220, 221,
224, 313, 347, 350, 351, 352, 356, 358, 363, 371, 372, 377; SAA 13 no. 75.
340
SAA 9 nos. 1-3, 6-7, 9.
341
CAD 9/2 melammu, 11-12; Black and Green, Gods, Demons and Symbols,
130-31.
342
Seux, Epithetes, 22.
182 CHAPTER TWO
gods.343 The kings were not members of the state pantheon, but they
dwelt in closer physical and ontological proximity to the gods than
any other mortals, and that ideological fact had implications for their
role in the temple beyond that of beloved priest of Assur.344
Let us begin with the Assyrian heartland. Like Augustus and his
successors, did Neo-Assyrian kings construct and name temples either
for their own worship or for that of their ancestors?345 The answer
is never; there was no bit Sin-ahhe-eriba in Nineveh, no bit Salmanu-
asaredu in Kalhu, no bit Sarrukm among the palace-chapels of
Khorsabad. As in centuries past Assyrian kings built and refurbished
temples to members of the Assyrian state pantheon and other priv-
ileged deities, not to themselves. There were no priestly colleges or
equivalents of the Augustales devoted exclusively to the worship of
living kings in Assyrian capitals.346 If there was ever a concerted
effort to unite a variety of social classes in the Assyrian capital cities
in the worship of the kings directly or via a hypostasization of their
sedus and lamassus, we have no knowledge of such. By contrast, the
rehabilitation of the Roman cult of the Lares Compitales by Augustus
was a brilliant triumph of civil religion, for he succeeded at one
blow in actively engaging freedmen, women and other normally dis-
enfranchised members of the plebs in the cult and adding the per-
sonal Genius of Augustus to the deities worshipped in the 265 wards
of the city of Rome.347 Among the many published prayers found
in the Neo-Assyrian capitals, we have numerous examples addressed
to Assur, Sin, Nabu, Istars in variety and other members of the state
343 "You, O king of the world, are an image of Marduk" Thompson Rep. no.
170 = SAA 8 no. 333 rev. 2 (82~5-22,63) (writer: Asaredu mahru); "what the king,
my lord, said is as perfect as (the word) of the god" ABL no. 3 = SAA 10 no.
191 rev. 6~7 (K 492) (writer: Adad-sumu-usur); "the king is the mirror image of
god" ABL no. 652 = SAA 10 no. 207 rev. 12-13 (80-7-19,22) (writer: Adad-sumu-
usur); the king is the image (salmu) of Bel, ABL no. 6 = SAA 10 no. 228:17-18
(K 595) (Adad-sumu-usur); the king is the image (salmu) of Samas, ABL no. 5 =
SAA 10 no. 196 rev. 4L5 (K 583); "[The king, my lord], is the [imajge of Marduk.
The word of [the king], my lord, [is] just as [final] as that of the gods" ABL no.
1221 = SAA 13 no. 46 rev. 11-13 (82-5-22,125) (writer: name lost).
344
Seux, "Konigtum," 167a-70a.
345
D. Fishwick, "The Development of Provincial Ruler Worship in the Western
Roman Empire," ANRW 2, 16, 2 (1978) 1201-53; Fishwick, Imperial Cult, 73-93
(Augustus); K. Galinsky, Augustan Culture: an Interpretive Introduction (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1996) 294-99.
346
Galinsky, Augustan Culture, 310-12.
347
Galinsky, Augustan Culture, 300-9.
pantheon, and prayers reputedly uttered by the kings themselves,348

but no prayers directed to mortal kings, only petitions for decisions,
favors, and clemency. The kings commanded unspeakably sweeping
military and economic powers, but their subjects did not call upon
them as mediators of graces through supernatural means.
Turning to the issue of visible religion, the iconography of the
Neo-Assyrian pantheon is strikingly unambiguous. The gods, male
and female, almost always wear horned polos, the distinctive head-
gear that adorns all of the monumental winged human-headed bulls
poised as threshold guardians at palace entrances.349 Gods and god-
desses frequently wear distinctive tunics cut away above the knee.
Depending upon the limitations of the artistic media, Assyrian gods
and goddesses often stand atop characteristic theriomorphic mounts,
whether the mushussu-dragon of Marduk or the bridled lion of Istar.
For example, a cult stele from Til Barsip of Istar of Arba'il illus-
trates all these points: horned polos, modified tunic, animal mount.300
The public image of the Assyrian king emblazoned on steles and
steleform rock reliefs from the Mediterranean littoral to the Zagros
and featured in the streets of Nineveh, on the contrary, was that of
a priestly worshiper of the gods. No horned headdress, no cutaway
tunics, no animal mounts. An illustrative stele of SamsT-Adad V bears
out this observation. It was reported by Rassam to have been exca-
vated in the Nabu Temple of Nimrud, but the object was dedicated
to the god Ninurta.33' [See Figure 9] Gadd correctly isolated this
priestly visual typology in the 1930s, and his insight has been confirmed
by contemporary researchers.352 The static, imposing, full-length "por-
trait" of the king, salam sarrutiya, is always the dominant visual focus
348
J. A. Craig, Assyrian and Babylonian Religious Texts: Being Prayers, Oracles, Hymns
&c. Copied from the Original Tablets Preserved in the British Museum (AS 13; Leipzig:
Zentralantiquariat der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik, 1974 [1895]); E. G.
Perry, Hymnen und Gebete an Sin (LSSt 2/4; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1907); M.-J.
Seux, Hymnes et prieres aux dieux de Babylonie et d'Assyrie (LAPO 8; Paris: Editions du
Cerf, 1976); CTN 4 nos. 165-71, 173-82.
349
U. Seidl, "Gottersymbole und- attribute, I. Mesopotamien," RLA 3:484a-90a.
350
Cult stele from Til Barsip of Istar of Arba'il; Borker-Klahn, Altvorderasiatische
Bildstelen, no. 252, p. 226 (AO 11503),
1)1
G. Perrot and C. Chipiez, A History of Art in Chaldaea & Assyria (trans.
W. Armstrong; London: Chapman and Hall; New York: A. C. Armstrong and Son,
1884) 2:211, fig. 116 (BM 118892).
3)2
C. J. Gadd, The Assyrian Sculptures (London: Printed by Order of the Trustees of
the British Museum, 1934) 15-17; Reade, "Ideology and Propaganda," 340-42; Reade,
"Shikaft-i Gulgul," 33-36; Magen, Assyrische Konigsdarstellungen, 40-65 (Type III).
184 CHAPTER TWO
of any royal stele. However, the king stands in a stereotyped pos-

ture identifiable within the semiotic code of the Assyrian civilization
as servant to the gods, not as a god himself.353 In the Assur temple
Esarhaddon claims "I set up an image of my majesty in an attitude
of prayer to their divinities, to implore constantly for my life, salam
sarrutiya musappu ilutisun muteris balatiya."™ It is notable that the stat-
ues of Gudea, many of which were explicitly created for installation
in temples to receive sacrifices, portray the ruler in a votive role as
pious servant of the gods.351 This, incidentally, bears a close paral-
lel with the priestly aspect of the official iconographic program of
Augustus, who symbolized his role as paterfamilias of the Roman peo-
ple by the traditional expedient of covering his head with a toga
while setting a pointedly emulative example as chief sacrificator.356
Yet, for all of that, Mesopotamian kings were objects of worship
in Mesopotamian temples, and Neo-Assyrian kings merely followed
an ancient tradition. Statues of Esarhaddon and the two crown
princes made of staggering quantities of gold and other precious
materials were designed under the finical and contentious scrutiny
of the king himself and his technical advisers.357 Pairs of such stat-
ues were installed in certain Assyrian temples308 as well as those in
the cosmopolitan north Mesopotamian temple of Sin of Harran,359
and in Esagila of Babylon360 and E.zi.da of Borsippa.361 Note that
these statues were uniquely privileged to occupy the same daises as
the primary cult images, not subordinate floor-seating on niches,
benches or antecellas. Sennacherib observes that "in the past . . . my
ancestors the kings created a bronze image representing their like-
ness to set up in their temples."362 Assur-nasir-pal II made a salam
3o3
The distinctive hand gestures that symbolize social subservience are ubana
tarasu and appa labdnu; see Magen, Assyrische Konigsdarstellungen, 94-108.
^ Borger Esarh., §57, AsBbE, 87 rev. 3-4.
355
Winter, '"Idols of the King'," 24-30.
356
Gordon, "Veil of Power," passim.
357
Landsberger Brief, 8-9 = SAA 13 no. 178 (TKSM 21/676) (writer: Suma-
iddina); ABL no. 1051 = CT 53 no. 41 = SAA 13 no. 34 (K 1268 + Sm 488)
(writer: Nabu-asared).
358
Istar of Arba'il: ABL no. 1098 = SAA 13 no. 140 (81-2-4,127) (writer: Assur-
hamatu'a); Assur: SAA 13 no. 178:18-21 (TKSM 21/676) (writer: Suma-iddina).
" 3M Chapter 3 Table 7:8 infra.
360
Chapter 3 Table 7:7, 9 infra.
361
ABL no. 257 = SAA 10 no. 358 rev. 5'-6' (K 1614) (writer: Mar-Istar).
362
CT 26, pi. 26 vi 80-82 (Frahm Einleitung, T 12); OIP 2, 122:15 (Frahm
Einleitung, T 26 = Bull Inscription no. 2).
sarrutiya of red gold and gems and placed it in the presence of Ninurta
of Kalhu.363 The Middle Assyrian king Assur-bel-kala set up a golden
image of himself in the Assur temple.364 A bronze statue of the
Middle Assyrian king Assur-dan I, dedicated to Istar of Arba'il and
given a "display" name,365 in these respects is highly reminiscent of
the diorite statues of Gudea of Lagas, indicative of the astonishing
cultural continuity of Mesopotamian royal images across the mil-
lennia. None of these Middle and Neo-Assyrian royal images have
survived,366 of course, and we have no incontrovertible proof that
they were anything but sumptuous votive offerings, intended pas-
sively to absorb the blessings of the principal deities in whose tem-
ples they were housed, like solar panels generating electrovoltaic
potential in the sunshine. But the Gottemddressbuch, the compendious
yellow pages of the Neo-Assyrian temple system preserved in numer-
ous recensions, identifies examples of deified royal images in named
temples, the Asalam-sarri, in two cases specifying a pair of images,367
reminiscent of Esarhaddon's handiwork, and the catalogue includes
an image of Tiglath-pileser, probably signifying the first by that name,
363
RIMA 2 A.0.101.30:76-78 (ND 1104).
364
RIMA 2 A.0.89.2 iii 23'~24' (restored); A.0.89.3:5' (restored). Rulers of neigh-
boring kingdoms created comparable images. At the successful conclusion of
Assurbanipal's 5th Elamite campaign in 647, gold, silver, copper and alabaster stat-
ues of Elamite kings were taken as spoil from Susa, Madaktu, and Huradi, and
brought to Assur; Borger BIWA, A vi 48-57, F v 34-39. The passage occurs imme-
diately after the narrative of the spoliation of Elamite dynastic gods, a pattern hint-
ing to the reader that the royal statues were located in the major urban temples.
Part of the colossal wealth seized during the sack of the temple at Musasir during
Sargon's eighth campaign included statues of the Urartian kings cast in precious
metals; Mayer, "Sargons Feldzug gegen Urartu—714 v. Chr.," 106 iv 400-4. Three
statues of Taharqa, two bearing decipherable cartouches, were excavated in 1955
on Tell Nebr Yunus; see n. 208 supra. These images were probably deported to
Assyria following the sack of Memphis in 671, pace Vikentier, "Quelques consider-
ations a propos des statues de Taharqa," 111-16, who sees in them a friendly diplo-
matic gesture. The practice of plundering royal statues of all media was very ancient.
A statue of Puzur-Estar, general (GIR.NITA) of Mari, was found in Babylon; RIME
3/2 4.5.1 (E§ 7813).
355
RIMA 1 A.0.83.2001 (AO 2489).
366
Stone statues in the round of Assur-nasir-pal II and Shalmaneser III have
survived, and the inscriptions indicate that they were originally installed in temples.
Whether these objects received sacrifices is unknown. E. Strommenger, Die neuassyrische
Rundskulptur (ADOG 15; Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1970) 13-18; A. Spycket, La Statuaire
du Proche-Orient Ancien (Handbuch der Orientalistik, no. 7, Der Alte Vordere Orient,
no. l/2b, fascicle 2; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1981) 363-69. On the political subtleties
of visual representation by the Neo-Assyrian kings, see the fascinating study by
Winter, "Art in Empire."
367
Menzel Tempel, T 150 i 60, 105 (2 dNU-MAN, VAT 8918).
186 CHAPTER TWO
as a resident in the Assur temple.368 Deified royal images were listed

together with the gods of Kalhu and Arba'il.369 An inventory of
Assyrian cult objects enumerates divinized silver royal images in six
different temples or cellas.370 The king himself was required to sacrifice
a sheep before a Asalam-sarri in one ritual tablet in the course of an
«A;fft/-festival.371 Oaths were sworn in the presence of a Asalam-sarri in
the provincial capital of Guzana,372 and in legal texts from Nimrud373
and Nineveh,374 and the "divine image of the king" is attested as a
theophoric element in the Neo-Assyrian onomasticon.370
Dalley has attempted to establish the iconography of dSalmu, a
deity that first appears in Kassite-period texts, and link it with the
A
salam-sarri of the Neo-Assyrian text corpus. She argues that both
d
Salmu and Asalam-sarri were represented by the winged solar disk,
with its ancient pedigree of royal symbolism in Western Asia, and
further argues that the Asalam-sarri could act as a substitute for the
presence of the living king in juridical oath ceremonies. While the
essay assembles a chronologically diverse genre of texts in support
of her thesis, she does not include any examples of royal corre-
spondence or narrative inscriptions that describe the creation of
Middle or Neo-Assyrian royal images for emplacement in temples,
nor does she deal in any fashion with the earlier history of divine
kingship in Mesopotamia.376 Both dSalmu and Asalam-sarri appear
368
Menzel Tempel, T 147 i 12 (NU mTukul-ti-A-E.SAR.RA, VAT
369
3 R 66 vi 29, vii 35' = Menzel Tempel, T 119 vi 29 (Kalhu), T 121 vii 35'
(Arba'il) (K 252).
370
SAA 7 no. 62 i 14', ii 12', iii 10', 16', iv 6', rev. i 10, cited in SAA 13 xxiii
n. 26.
371
Menzel Tempel, T 80 i 11' (pa-an ALAM LUGAL i-na-sah, VAT 10464),
cited in SAA 13 xxiii n. 29.
372
Friedrich et al., Die Inschriften vom Tell Halaf, TH 112:7; 113 rev. 9 (VAT
16387). Ungnad, Inschriften vom Tell Halaf, 58 n. 21 and 63 n. 5 believes these to
have been the statues of living Assyrian kings.
373
B. Parker, "The Nimrud Tablets, 1952—Business Documents," Iraq 16 (1954)
54, ND 2080 rev. 11; Dalley, "The God Salmu," 91.
374
ADD no. 1157 = SAA 6 no. 219, edge 1 (Ki 1904-10-9,44) (writer: Mannu-
ki-Arba'il).
375
K. L. Tallqvist, Assyrian Personal Names (Acta Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae
43/1; Helsinki: Societas Orientis Fennica, 1914) 205 (Salam-sarri-iqbi); SAA 6 nos.
264 rev. 8; 302 rev. 8; 308 rev. 10; 309 rev. 14; 317:1, 3.
376
Dalley, "The God Salmu," 85-101. Pace Dalley, Knauf has identified the
Teimanite deity Salm with the moon god; E. A. Knauf, Ismael: Untersuchungen zur
Geschichte Paldstinas und Nordarabiens im 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr (2nd ed.; Abhandlungen
des Deutschen Palastinavereins; Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1989) 78-79;
K. Beyer and A. Livingstone, "Die neuesten aramaischen Inschriften aus Taima,"
137 (1987) 285-96.
together in Neo-Assyrian god-lists and ritual texts377 whose contents

were not catalogues of synonyms like AN = Anum, strongly suggest-
ing that the scribes who composed these texts did not collapse the
two gods into one. Unless one is prepared to argue that the plain
etymological sense of dsalam-sarri, "divine image of a/the king" had
ceased to operate in the cultic sphere, and that there was no con-
nection between the opulent royal statues created by the Middle and
Neo-Assyrian kings for installation beside the chief deities of their
major temple, and the dsalam-sarri of the ritual and juridical texts,
we must accept the existence of divinized royal images of living kings
in the Neo-Assyrian temple system, and elsewhere.
Visual representations of sacrifice before the royal image have sur-
vived. The fabulous bronze repousse work of the Balawat Gates of
Shalmaneser III sports three such ceremonies.378 A smoking incense
altar and laden offering tables stand before cult or battle standards
and a royal steleform relief; participants include priests, the king him-
self, high officials and musicians, attended by oxen and sheep await-
ing the butcher's knife.379 The epigraph of this section reads "I erected
377
Menzel Tempel, T 113 i 15 (dALAM), T 114 i 22 ([dAL]AM), T 114 ii ([*]Sal-
mu] (variant: dSa-al-[mu], STT no. 88 ii 20), T 118 v 31 (dALAM), v 32 (dALAM.MES),
T 119 vi 29 (dALAM-MAN), vi 32 (dALAM), T 121 vii 35' (dALAM-MAN) (K
252 = 3 R 66).
378
Until the long-awaited official British Museum publication of the bronze gates
of Assur-nasir-pal II and Shalmaneser III from Imgur Enlil appears, we must pick
and choose among various earlier photographs and illustrations. See S. Birch, T. G.
Pinches and W. de Gray Birch, The Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Gates of Balawat
(Shalmaneser II, B.C. 859-825) (London: [Society of Biblical Archaeology], 1880);
T. G. Pinches, "The Bronze Gates Discovered by Mr. Rassam at Balawat," TSBA
1 (1882) 83-118 (reconstruction of the gate); A. Billerbeck and F. Delitzsch, "Die
Palasttore Salmanassars II von Balawat; Erklarung ihrer Bilder und Inschriften,"
BASS 6/1 (1908) 1-155; E. Unger, £um Bron&tor von Balawat (Leipzig: Metzger &
Wittig, 1912); L. W. King, Bronze Reliefs from the Gates of Shalmaneser King of Assyria
B.C. 860-825 (London: Longmans & Co., 1915); E. Unger, "Die Wiederherstellung
des Bronzetores von Balawat," MDAIA 45 (1920) 1-105; R. D. Barnett and W. Forman,
Assyrian Palace Reliefs and their Influence on the Sculptures of Babylonia and Persia (London:
Batchworth Press, 1960). Drawings of the pertinent sections appear in A. Parrot,
Assur (L'Univers des formes 2; Paris: Gallimard, 1961) p. 122, fig. 138a, Borker-
Klahn, Altvorderasiatische Bildstelen, nos. 146-47, 151.
3/9
Barnett, Assyrian Palace Reliefs, pi. 170. Drawing in Borker-Klahn, Altvorderasiatische
Bildstelen, no. 146, p. 187. Descriptions of this scene in K. Galling, Der Altar in den
Kulturen des alien Orients; eine archdologische Studie (Berlin: K. Curtius, 1925) p. 40, pi.
8:3, H. Gressmann, E. Ebeling, H. Ranke and N. Rhodokanakis, Altorientalische Texte
und Bilder z.um Alien Testament (revised ed.; Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1926) 2:154-55,
fig. 534. Parrot, Assur, p. 112, fig. 138a and Borker-Klahn deal with sacrifice, the par-
ticipants and the historical referents, but do not broach the topic of divine kingship.
188 CHAPTER TWO
my image (sabnu) by the sea of the land Nai'ri and performed sacrifices
to the gods."380 [See Figure 10] A fragment from the Louvre col-
lection is linked to better preserved captioned bands that illustrate
the capture of Tyre and Sidon.381 In the lost section was doubtlessly
a similar sacrificial procession. The creation of a royal steleform relief
is shown at the source of a river, almost certainly the Tigris that
the king reached in 844. Procession and sacrifice take place before
the royal image alone.382 The epigraph reads "I entered the mouth
of the river, made sacrifices to the gods, and erected my royal
image."383 The words of Shalmaneser again draw a distinction between
the gods and his own royal image, whereas the visual artifact illus-
trates divine honors paid to the image of the king. There was no
contradiction for the intended audience; there should be no contra-
diction for us.384 The final example comes from the entrance to the
temple of the tutelary god Ninurta of the 9th-century Assyrian cap-
ital Kalhu.385 A. H. Layard excavated this tableau around May of
1850; the engraving was made after a drawing by F. C. Cooper,
the artist commissioned by the British Museum for Layard's second
campaign.386 The stele is that of Assur-nasir-pal II,387 who constructed
the Ninurta Temple on the citadel and placed lengthy copies of his
narrative inscriptions in the interior.388 The uninscribed stone tripod
altar positioned exactly in front of the stele was almost certainly
found where the kings of Assyria decreed it should stand for over
200 years. [See Figure 11] Ursula Magen goes out of her way to
380
RIMA 3 A.0.102.63. Grayson observes that Shalmaneser III staged three such
ceremonies at Lake Van during the campaigns of 858, 856, and 844.
381
Unger, %um Bronzetor von Balawat, pi. 1, fragment "N." Drawing in Borker-
Klahn, Altvorderasiatische Bildstelen, no. 147, p. 187.
382
Unger, "Bronzetores," pi. 3. Drawing in Borker-Klahn, Altvorderasiatische Bildstelen,
no. 151, p. 188.
383
RIMA 3 A.0.102.78.
384 "Thus, not unlike the royal votive statues of Gudea centuries earlier, one
might characterize the Assyrian royal stela image as having served two functions,
as both a royal offering to a deity, and at the same time, as a cult object itself,
whereby the dual aspects of kingship—the political and the religious—might be
fused to facilitate further the king's rule," Shafer, "Carving an Empire," 99.
385
Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, 351; Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, vol. 2, pi. 4.
386
Excavation details in Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, 348-52, and C. J. Gadd,
The Stones of Assyria; the Surviving Remains of Assyrian Sculpture, their Recovery, and their
Original Positions (London: Chatto and Windus, 1936) 129.
387
Transcription and translation of this interesting text, with its uniquely detailed
curse clauses and academically-appealing injunction that the object not be concealed
from scholars, in RIMA 2 A.0.101.17 (51-9-2,32, BM 118805).
388
RIMA 2 A.0.101.1.
interpret such cultic scenes as acts of veneration directed towards

the ubiquitous divine symbols that grace all known Neo-Assyrian ste-
les and steleform reliefs, eschewing any possibility of divine homage
paid to the image of the king himself.389 On the contrary, in light
of the millennia-old tradition of offering sacrifice to images of Meso-
potamian kings and the role played by the dsalam-sarri in the Assyrian
cultus, we should seriously entertain the notion that the Balawat bronzes
and the Nimrud liturgical setting preserve visual relics of the limited
divine honors commissioned and received by the kings of the Neo-
Assyrian empire. And I do underscore the qualification "limited."
The hermeneutical stumbling-block of kings who are not gods but
at the same time are kings who have divinized images that receive
sacrifice in temples and abroad, may be fruitfully reconsidered through
the use of DINGIR in Neo-Assyrian god-lists and ritual texts. In
addition to better and lesser known pantheon members in various
Assyrian cities, 3 Rawlinson 66 and its variants list divinized rivers,
divinized ziggurats, and divinized weapons, in addition to divinized
kings, scheduled to receive sacrifice and prayers.390 Other texts include
divinized guardian or apotropaic images and divinized gates.391 The
problem is not the elastic concept of the divine in ancient Mesopotamia
but our modern rigid notion of the meaning of godship, and the
misleading translations and interpretative shortfalls it occasions. Like
ziggurats, like cultic weapons, Neo-Assyrian royal images were not
major pantheon members. BUT: like ziggurats and like cultic weapons,
Assyrian royal images could be on the receiving end of sacrifices—
even if they did not look like gods. Beyond the representations and
textual allusions to sacrifice for royal images cited above, we are
ignorant of the performative context of these images: whether they
were consecrated and "animated" like pantheon images through the
mis pi ritual,392 whether they participated in processions with other
389
Magen, Assyrische Konigsdarstellungen, 52-53. Berlejung, Theologie der Bilder, 63
n. 341 declares against worship of Neo-Assyrian royal images on the basis of sec-
ondary studies.
390
Menzel Tempel, T 115 ii 48 (Asi-[q\ur-ra-tu} (STT no. 88), T 118 v 27
(dID[IGN]A!), T 119 vi 14 (dGIS.TUKUL), vi 19 (dID.MES), T 120 vii 14' (d&q-
qur-ra-a-ti) (3 R 66 = K 252).
391
Menzel Tempel, T 113 i 16 (dlah-mu.ME§), T 119 vi 21 (dku-n-bi), vi 22, 36
( ALAD dLAMMA) vi 34 (dUR.MAH.MES) (3 R 66 = K 252); T 132 iii 24'
d
(dKA.GAL [As+sur]), T 134 ix 8 (dku-sa-rik-ku), ix 9 (AAJ&?-e} (STT no. 88).

392
C. B. F. Walker and M. B. Dick, "The Induction of the Cult Image in Ancient
Mesopotamia: the Mesopotamian mis pi Ritual," in Born in Heaven, Made on Earth:
190 CHAPTER TWO
temple images, and whether they enjoyed the same sacrificial schedule
as the major pantheon images with which they were housed. With
a theophoric name like mdSalam-sarri-iqbi and the use of divinized
royal images in judicial and oath ceremonies, it is probable, as Cole
suggests, that these objects performed oracular functions.393
The Assyrian heartland, Babylonia, and Harran were all ancient
epicenters of Mesopotamian high culture, housing municipal temples
of international fame and hoary tradition. Given the antiquity and
prevalence of limited ruler worship in Mesopotamia, I find nothing
surprising in the reassertion of that tradition by the Neo-Assyrian
kings, staunch traditionalists who assiduously exploited the available
gamut of diplomatic and theatrical tools to solidify their power bases
among the elites who ultimately maintained them on or deprived
them of their thrones and their lives.
The final question, to return to A. T. E. Olmstead and his dogma
of universal emperor worship a la Rome as the inflexible duty of
provincial life, is just that: how universal was sacrifice to the image
of the king? Just how much real estate did worship of the royal
image blanket? In this regard Cole and Machinist cite a text of
Tiglath-pileser III in which the reluctant client king Hanunu of Gaza
is apparently "disciplined" by the wrathful Assyrian king who set up
images of the "great gods of Assyria" and a golden salam sarrutiya in
the Philistine king's palace, adding it "to the gods of their land"
(Table 3:32, 4:10).394 Other relevant texts not cited by Cole and
Machinist include a claim by Assur-nasir-pal II that he erected a
"precious image of my likeness" in the temple of Sangara ofCarchemish
(Table 4:1), and similar assertions by his son Shalmaneser III that
he installed royal images in the temples of Syrian and Urartian clients
(Table 4:2—4). Both of the latter are 9th-century actions, and indeed
occur in the texts of father and son, the latter of whom is repeat-
edly guilty of plagiarizing the literary formula of the former.390
I suggest that the actions of Assur-nasir-pal II (Table 4:1), Shalma-
the Making of the Cult Image in the Ancient Near East, edited by M. B. Dick (Winona
393
SAA 13 xxiii n. 30.
394
SAA 13 xxiii n. 28.
390
The intractable issue of "policy" again! Did this invasion of foreign sacred
space by royal images devolve into such a campaign commonplace that later kings
omitted it in order to save space for more exciting exploits, or were these actions
unique to Assur-nasir-pal II and Shalmaneser III?
neser III (Table 4:2-3, 5), and Tiglath-pileser III (Table 7:32, 4:11)
describe the installation of royal images in the temples and palaces
of wavering client kings for much the same reason that Neo-Assyrian
kings created costly images of themselves for Assyrian, Harranean
and Babylonian temples: political prestige. In Mesopotamia, the Great
Kings amplified their authority and power by the unique right to
(a) manufacture images of themselves worth the lifetime incomes of
many thousand commoners, and (b) to place these extraordinary objects
literally side-by-side with the holy images of the patron gods of the
nation or region: Assur, Istar of Arba'il, Marduk, Sin of Harran, the
gods who maintained the safety and prosperity of army, nation and
land. One should not underestimate the political "statement" impact
of these installations by the limited number of individuals privileged
to view them in situ: the mb-biti-priests, the kings themselves, the
artisans who created them, the temple workers who physically installed
them, and perhaps such roving royal plenipotentiaries as Mar-Istar.
The Neo-Assyrian kings were the stuff of international fascination,
as witness the Hebrew Scriptures, Papyrus Amherst 63, and Greek
legends. Knowledge of the existence of such potent symbols of sov-
ereignty was simply too valuable to conceal from their elite power
base, and I seriously doubt that the Assyrian kings could have main-
tained their secrecy even had they tried. Just as certain Babylonian
chroniclers knew that the Babylonian Marduk statue was in exile in
Assur,396 so was knowledge of these royal images exploited as polit-
ical capital and ideological control.
The presence of the royal image as votary in the god's sanctuary both
speaks to a need for the god's munificence and also testifies to a spe-
cial relationship between the ruler and the divine. It makes manifest
a ruler's privileged mediating role between the gods and the people,
a status sanctioned in the Mesopotamian cosmology . . . the royal image
is affective, and serves to reinforce the hierarchical order that privi-
leges the ruler through its very presence in the shrine. The ruler's
image in the god's shrine is not only the result of his special status,
it also works to establish that special status.397
396
Grayson Chronicles, no. 14, 127:31-32 (BM 25091 [98-2-16,145]), "rates
very low as a reliable historical source" (p. 30), and no. 16, 131:1-4 (BM 86379),
"is a reliable and objective historical source" (p. 36). Grayson's confidence regard-
ing the essential historical reliability of one text over the other is not shared by this
author.
39/
Winter, '"Idols of the King'," 32-33. Although she is writing about Bronze
Age rulers of Mesopotamia, her remarks apply equally to Sargonid Assyria.
192 CHAPTER TWO
Installation of such images in the temples of Carchemish, Kinalua

and the palace of Gaza served the same function. It is unthinkable
that the Assyrian kings would have created such objects as votive
offerings for the temples of rebellious client rulers! What benefits
could their gods—who narrowly avoided capture and deportation—
convey upon the kings who sat in Kalhu and Nineveh? Assur-nasir-
pal II boasts that he received "tribute" (madattu) from Sangara of
Garchemish, a rich assortment of metal objects, iron, and luxury
items, and also "took with me the chariots, cavalry (and) troops of
Carchemish." The trade-rich Sangara, who kept his throne until at
least 848, was an unwilling Assyrian tributary in light of the mili-
tary actions initiated against him by Shalmaneser III.398 Presumably
the "preciousness" of the Assyrian royal image refers to the material
from which it was manufactured, like those of other Neo-Assyrian
kings destined to share the cult daises with the tutelary gods of the
nation. Shalmaneser Ill's treatment of Kinalua was harsher, with
removal of the usurper and installation of a puppet king. Tiglath-
pileser Ill's expeditious and decisive securing of coastal sites along
the Syrian coast served notice that the maritime trade of the east-
ern Mediterranean littoral was under Assyrian administration. Ehrlich's
observation that Hanunu's flight to Egypt was not proof of open
rebellion is well taken,399 against Irvine, who views the king of Gaza
as a member of the Syro-Ephraimite coalition.400 Tiglath-pileser III,
holding Hanunu's family hostage, evidently achieved what he desired:
a serviceable administrator in a freshly pacified city for his prosper-
ous trade emporium on the border of Egypt; an iconic object les-
son for neighboring rulers susceptible to disloyalty; an economic door
firmly closed to Egypt's unilateral gain; and a whopping baggage
train of treasure to cart home to Assyria. The lenient treatment of
Hanunu—allowing him to survive a defection, if not a rebellion, and
continue to sit upon his own throne—may have come with a vari-
ety of unsubtle "reminders" of Assyrian sovereignty. An image of
Tiglath-pileser III, perhaps cast from Hanunu's own trade-gotten
wealth and prominently displayed in his palace, was probably intended
to remind the wayward ruler that a sizable cut of his annual profits
398
J. D. Hawkins, "Karkamis," in RLA 5:443b~44a.
399
C. S. Ehrlich, The Philistines in Transition: A History from ca. 1000-730 B.C.E.
(SHCANE 10; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1996) 95.
400
S. A. Irvine, Isaiah, Ahaz, and the Syro-Ephraimitic Crisis (SEEDS 123; Atlanta:
Scholars Press, 1990) 52.
was earmarked for the Great King. Whether the image of the Assyrian
state pantheon was a separate object and made of different material,
or the author was waxing fulsome in his description of the typical
iconography of a royal stele is impossible to say. Use of the verb
manu does suggest that the addition of the Assyrian images to Gaza
carried cultic obligations, a further reminder to Hanunu that he was
responsible for a bit kari sa mat Assur.401 Both Sangara of Carchemish
and Hanunu of Gaza were left on their thrones because the economic
networks they dominated rendered them more useful alive than flayed.
Certain it is that Assyrian kings could and did set up royal images
of themselves in provincial capitals at the time of their incorpora-
tion, but we exceed our evidence grievously by extrapolating that
every royal image installed in a city gate or thoroughfare or palace
was designed to receive sacrificial honors. Tracking foreign policy in
modern times, despite access to "white papers," military dispatches,
stop-press memoirs and on-the-spot in-your-face journalism is fraught
with uncertainty. To attempt to canvass three hundred years of Neo-
Assyrian religious imperialism outside of Mesopotamia based on five
disparate citations is simply hubris, and signals scholarly self-deception
in progress. In light of current evidence, we do not and cannot know
the extent of Neo-Assyrian ruler worship outside Mesopotamia, and
that is where we must part company with Olmstead and his successors.
Domination of Foreign Cults by Violent Means
It is important for the reader to grasp the propagandistic "good the-

ater" of the iconoclastic violence analysed in this chapter. Literacy
in Iron-Age Western Asia was probably far less than two percent,
hence, the direct political impact of the information contained in the
Assyrian royal inscriptions, palace reliefs and royal steles was nuga-
tory in comparison to oral accounts and visual witness of the "might
of Assur." Like the advertising juggernaut in the modern world, the
Assyrians adroitly exploited public spectacle. The stock theater of
cruelty included the "live" flaying of traitorous vassals transported
to the capital cities, and other mutilations and staged degradations.
Symbols of foreign sovereignty, such as city fortifications, palaces,
temples and their contents, royal families and their representations
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Summary Inscription 9 rev. 16.

194 CHAPTER TWO
were subject to destruction, death, and deportation in semiotically

charged rituals of conquest.402 As in the dramas of the English crown
struggles of the 17th century, "[t]he theatricality of kingship and the
theatricality of worship both depended, to a large degree, on visual
and visceral appeals, and both, in times of crisis, became subject to
theatrical assault."403 Just as the installation of royal Assyrian images
in palaces and temples carried powerful messages of political mas-
tery, so the brutal dismemberment of (what was probably) a royal
image,404 an executio in effigie, and the deportation of Urartian and
Elamite royal images graphically communicated to the audience the
debasement and symbolic downfall of the kings in question. The sign
is the signified, and harm to the prototype damages the object itself.
There should be no mistaking the visceral reaction intended by the
torching of an enemy's temple and the destruction or deportation
of its divine images. While "iconoclasm" in the sweeping sense of
the Byzantine 8th-century ban on icons or anti-Catholic Puritan fury
vented against images and sacramentals had no parallel in the Assyrian
Empire, the targeted destruction of cities, temples and divine images
tapped into the same reservoir of communicative degradation and
ritual elimination that strikes directly at national cohesiveness.400
The Neo-Assyrians, traditionalists in the exercise of religious impe-
rialism through violent means, innovated only wlien circumstances
dictated.406 The plundering and destruction of foreign temples, and
the capture of their sacred images were calamities visited upon cities
402
"Part of the Assyrian ideology was the notion that the city was especially
important, being the center of culture and civilization; it was an ideology that served
to co-opt the outsider for the urban insider." M. I. Marcus, "Art and Ideology in
Ancient Western Asia," CAME 4:2492.
403
D. dressy, "Different Kinds of Speaking: Symbolic Violence and Secular
Iconoclasm in Early Modern England," in Protestant Identities: Religion, Society, and Self-
Fashioning in Post-Reformation England, edited by M. C. McClendon, J. P. Ward and
M. MacDonald (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999) 20.
404
See n. 148 supra.
405
See the wealth of comparative examples in D. Metzler, "Bilderstiirme und
Bilderfeindlichkeit in der Antike," in Bildersturm: Die êrstorung des Kunstwerks, edited
by M. Warnke (Kunstwissenschaftliche Untersuchungen des Ulmer Vereins fur
Kunstwissenschaft 1; Munich: Carl Hanser, 1973) 14-29, and D. Freedberg, The
Power of Images: Studies in the History and Theory of Response (Chicago: The University
of Chicago Press, 1989) 378-428 (chapter 14, "idolatry and iconoclasm").
406
An example of such innovation arose in connection with nomadic Arabs, some
of whose repatriated idols bodily bore inscriptional testimony to Assyrian political
ascendancy that their owners could not very well efface or abandon in the fashion
of an immobile victory stele (chapter 3 Table 8:8, 11 infra).
anywhere in the empire that chose the path of political resistance

or rebellion. Pious depictions in the Assyrian historical inscriptions
of the king portray him in the role of building temples, maintaining
cults and refurbishing cult statues.407 When the Vicar of Assur acted as
the god's fell instrument against foreign polities, however, the ideo-
logical expression could assume the guise of incinerated temples, abro-
gated cults and deported cult statues.408 For but one example among
many, the so-called Akkadian Prophecies support the tradition that
in times of prosperity the king "will re-establish the regular offerings
(of the Igigi) which had ceased," while in times of calamity the rever-
sal of the normal order is expressed: "the shrines of the great gods
will be destroyed."409 A slanderous catalogue of predations against the
holy cities of Babylonia committed by an early Chaldean king includes
altering the cultic calendar, entering the cella of Marduk with head
unshaven, causing the Marduk priesthood to eat leeks, removing the
images of Bel, Ea, and Madanu, blocking off a sacred processional
route, and squandering the treasures of Esagila as diplomatic gifts.410
A Neo-Babylonian text that identifies Sennacherib by his impious
deeds and not by his name, includes the destruction of Babylonian
temples (esretu), the desecration of their cults (pellude], and the depor-
tation of the Marduk statue to Assyria.411 In general, Sargonid lists
of captured divine images reflect an educated understanding of the
hierarchy of foreign pantheons by naming the supreme deity first:
Istaran of Der (Table 8:6), Haldi of Urartu (Table 3:35), Marduk of
Babylon (Table 8:13), cAtarsamain of the Arabs (Table 8:8), Insusinak
of Elam (Table 3:53). To obliterate the national shrine of a country
and capture its tutelary god(s) was to replace the nation's integra-
tive system of divinely sanctioned rule by chaos in the divine and
earthly spheres. The frequent collocation of the deportation of divine
407
Seux, Epithetes, 20-22.
408
Seux, Epithetes, 24, "le roi et les ennemis."
409
A. K. Grayson and W. G. Lambert, "Akkadian Prophecies," JCS 18 (1964)
12 ii 12; 13 iii 4; 17:18. See also the protases in the so-called astrological reports
that couple ill omens with the destruction and abandonment of temples: Thompson
Rep. no. 271 = SAA 8 no. 4 rev. 8 (K 750) (writer: Istar-sumu-eres); Thompson
Rep. no. 157 = SAA 8 no. 153:5 (K 866) (writer: Nabu-musesi); Thompson Rep.
no. 165A = SAA 8 no. 397:5 (K 843) (writer: Rasi-ili panu); 459 rev. 14 (K 960)
(writer: unknown).
410
S. W. Cole, "The Crimes and Sacrileges of Nabu-suma-iskun," %A 84 (1994)
220-52; text also published in RIMB 2 B.6.14 (W 22660/0).
411
Langdon, Die neubabylonischen Konigsinschriften, Nabonid no. 8, 270 i 1'—41' (E§
1327).
196 CHAPTER TWO
statues and the deportation of captured kings represented the decisive

removal of the nuclear symbols of statehood, a vacuum into which
Assyria could, at its discretion, introduce puppet kings, Assyrian rulers
and Assyrian treaties. On the one hand, the capture of divine images
was intended as an object lesson against disobedience to Assyria. It
was a punitive act meant to devastate the country afflicted and to
strike the terror that culminates in political subservience into the hearts
of Assyrian subjects everywhere that royal inscriptions, imperial palace
reliefs and oral traditions were accessible. On the other hand, spo-
liation of central cult images, like the seizure of royal hostages, held
out the possibility of repatriation in exchange for good conduct in
the guise of political subservience.
In practice, judging from overlapping accounts, the response to
Assyrian capture of divine images, in the absence of the installation
of Assyrian governors, was to fashion new cult images. Cosmos and
land must be governed and protected, the king must have ready
access to the divine will and a source of divine legitimization, and
the people must be able to participate in the annual festivals of the
agrarian cycle which yield fertility to the land and to engage the
gods in the myriad forms of service and devotion that breathe mean-
ing into the social fabric. Shalmaneser III seized the gods of the
king of Namri in 843 and repeated the process eight years later
against the rebellious puppet he had personally installed on the vacant
throne.412 There is circumstantial evidence that, during the reign of
Esarhaddon, an image of Marduk was substituted for the traditional
cult statue supposedly carried off to Assyria by Sennacherib, which
was used in processions at Babylon.413 The cult of Nanaia of Uruk
prospered during the one and one-half millennia in which the ancient
cult statue was held captive in Elam until its rescue and return by
Assurbanipal.414 Both SamsI-Adad V and Sennacherib despoiled Der
of its gods,415 while Sargon in 709 and Sennacherib in 694 plun-
412
Table 3:16-17.
413
LAS II, 188 and n. 328; Parpola suggests that this image was introduced into
the cult shortly before Esarhaddon's death. On the highly propagandistic document
K 4730+ which was apparently drawn up for the purpose of justifying, among
other things, the modeling of a new Marduk statue as a replacement for the one
deported by Sennacherib, see Tadmor, Landsberger, and Parpola, "The Sin of
Sargon and Sennacherib's Last Will," 3-51.
414
415
Table 3:23, 42.
dered divine statues from Bit lakfn.416 The gods and their worshipers
abhor a vacuum.
Aggression and Religious Imperialism as Policy

The historical reality behind Assyrian violence to foreign cults admit-
ted many gradations of severity. The "policy" varied dramatically
from region to region and from Great King to Great King, as wit-
ness the treatment of Babylonia by Sennacherib and Esarhaddon,
or Esarhaddon's restoration of divine images to Babylonian cities
and Arab leaders but apparently nowhere else in the empire. Regarding
the geographical limitation of the return of divine images, the argu-
ment from the silence of the state archives may be especially mis-
leading. For instance, the restoration of Arabian divine images is
known only from the royal inscriptions (Table 8:8, 9, 11 [Esarhaddon],
20 [Assurbanipal]). Letters must have been exchanged between the
king and his officials regarding this matter, documents that either
have been destroyed or are yet to be unearthed. Is there justification
in registering suspicion that Babylonia, Arabia and possibly Urartu
were truly the only political arenas for the restoration of divine pawns
seized by the Assyrians, or were the majority of captured divine
images, like other forms of exotic booty, simply stockpiled in the
Assyrian heartland with no further thought to political gain save that
of triumphantly crass accumulation? For a geographical parallel, sev-
eral inscriptions of the Ptolemies indicate that the Persians had
deported Egyptian cult images to unspecified locations in Western
Asia: "He [Ptolemy IV] took every care for the divine images which
had been taken out of Egypt to the province of Syria and the province
of Phoenicia in the time when the Medes devastated the temples of
Egypt. He commanded that they be searched for carefully. Those
which were found, apart from those which his father had returned
to Egypt, he had them returned to Egypt, while he celebrated a fes-
tival and offered sacrifices in their honor, and he had them brought
to the temples from which they had previously been taken."41' Whether
416
Table 3:37, 43.
417
Trilingual decree in honor of Ptolemy IV, translated in D. Lorton, "The
Theology of Cult Statues in Ancient Egypt," in Bom in Heaven, Made on Earth: the
Making of the Cult Image in the Ancient Near East, edited by M. B. Dick (Winona Lake:
Eisenbrauns, 1999) 127-28; see also idem, "The Supposed Expedition of Ptolemy
II to Persia," JEA 57 (1971) 160-64.
198 CHAPTER TWO
the Achaemenid kings intended to return these images at some future

point must remain unknown; the salient parallel with Neo-Assyrian
practice is the deliberate archiving of the images abroad.418
Excepting the provincial dues for the cult of Assur, the theory
that the Assyrians made a hard-and-fast distinction between the reli-
gio-political treatment of client state and province is untenable.419
Divine images could be plundered from client rulers (Table 3:13-17,
32, 34, 36, 39, 40, 54-55), provinces (Table 3:26[?], 41), or from
polities or rulers with no prior history of Assyrian political contact
(Table 3:48—50): resistance to Assyrian political designs is the com-
mon denominator. While it is true that the "symbol of Assur" or
other Assyrian divine images were more commonly "installed" in the
urban centers of newly-organized provinces, there are instances of
the practice in client-state territories (Philistia, Table 4:10) and in
other areas never incorporated into the provincial system (the "bor-
der of Egypt," Table 4:11), just as Assyrian governors on occasion
"anomalously" administered kingdoms with local dynasts on the
thrones. On the other hand, the forcible introduction of royal images
into palaces and city temples (Table 4:1-3, 5, 11) echoed the ancient
Mesopotamian practice of installing divinized images of kings in tem-
ples under their control. In the view of this investigator, it is impos-
sible to extrapolate the geographical extent covered by such royal
iconography outside of Mesopotamia, the frequency of such intru-
sions, or their full symbolic and pragmatic significance within the
extra-Assyrian polities, though we may be sure that any "interfer-
ence" with these images constituted an iconoclastic act of lese majeste
recognized by all parties.
The "Symbol of Assur"

Reference to the emplacement of the kakki sa Assur in newly orga-
nized provincial centers bears close scrutiny. The action is preserved
only in the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III, Sargon II, and the first
decade of the reign of Sennacherib, a narrow 50-year period. There
are no corroborative mentions of this measure in the correspondence
418
Seizure and deportation of divine statues is attributed to Nebuchadnezzar II
(Jer 43:10-13), Darius I (Herodotus VI. 19), Xerxes (Arrian, Anab. VII. 19.2; Strabo
XI. 11.4 [C 518], XIV. 1.5 [C 634], XVII. 1.43 [C 814]; Pausanius 1.16.3; VIII.46.3),
Greeks (Pliny XXXIV. 16.34; Pausanius VIII.46), and Romans (Pausanius VIII.46).
419
Pace McKay, Religion, 60-66; Cogan, Imperialism and Religion, 56-61.
of either Tiglath-pileser III or Sargon II, the silence of the latter

particularly suspicious in light of 9 letters written to the king by his
governor Mannu-kl-Ninua in Harhar/Kar-Sarrukm, Assyria's most
vulnerable outpost in Median territory and host to the "symbol of
Assur." The absence in these letters of any details whatsoever regard-
ing the ongoing status of the Assyrian cult that the royal inscriptions
state to have been introduced into the city suggests to the jaundiced
eye of the historian that a different interpretation is in order. On
the basis of the historical use of divine weapons in Mesopotamian
oaths and ordeals, the ubiquitous administration of loyalty oaths as
attested in royal Assyrian inscriptions and state archives, and the
importance that these oaths assumed in the correspondence of Mannu-
kf-Ninua, the phrase "I erected the symbol of Assur in GN" is best
understood as an allusion to the administration of loyalty oaths in
the presence of Assyrian divine standards. If this interpretation is
substantially correct, it is probably an error to read into these pas-
sages the forced imposition of a full-blown Assyrian pantheon upon
a provincial population. The oaths were administered in the pres-
ence of the divine standards, but the lack of mention of the "symbol
of Assur" or the cults of other Assyrian deities in the royal corre-
spondence outside of Assyria, Babylonia and Harran suggests that,
on the basis of our slender evidence, the provincial citizenry were
not expected to worship these objects or otherwise incorporate them
into their native temples.
Is the introduction of the "symbol of Assur" in the texts of Tiglath-
pileser III, Sargon II and Sennacherib an accurate mirror of Assyrian
religious "policy" enforced for fifty years over a highly selective range
of provinces and border regions, or is this simply a rhetorical acci-
dent in which a routine administrative procedure achieved inscrip-
tional immortality? Similarly, are we justified in dismissing these
passages as overly dramatic allusions to a "policy" of oath-taking
performed throughout the Neo-Assyrian empire, both early and late?
As should be evident by now, the Assyrian annals are crucial if cryp-
tic sources of information concerning unique political exploits, such
as the conquest of Susa by Assurbanipal, but are on the whole poor
indices of routine administrative procedure and "policy," such as the
immolation of "ordinary" temples during the deliberate immolation
of their cities. For graphic illustrations of walled cities overthrown
and the surviving population driven off like terrified sheep, Assyrian
palace reliefs and narrative accounts, despite the numbing bombast
200 CHAPTER TWO
and creative lying with numbers, offer the historian his/her primary
insight into imperial ideology. For detailed accounts of corvee labor,
troop movements, espionage reports and a more representative pic-
ture of the episodic administration of loyalty oaths, the state archives
of Assyria—not the royal inscriptions—provide the better coverage,
in many cases the only coverage of these routine matters.
Neither administrative texts nor royal correspondence nor royal
prophecies suggest that a cult of Assur was established on foreign
soil, nor do these sources provide evidence that Assyrian temples
were constructed for Assyrian deities outside Mesopotamia.
Assyrian Religious Architecture and Impedimenta
Did Assyrian temples pepper the landscape of Greater Assyria? The

archaeological picture of the Assyrian West does not support the
notion that Assyrian style temples or cellas were regularly constructed
to accommodate Assyrian cults outside Mesopotamia. Diagnostic fea-
tures of Neo-Assyrian religious architecture include a Langraum with
direct access through the narrow end, paved either with squared
mudbrick or stone slabs, with a niche and raised podium reached
by two or more stair treads opposite the entrance. 42° Other features
420
Several authors have observed a striking regularity in Neo-Assyrian palace and
temple architecture, both in terms of individual units and interrelationships, and
have endeavored to define those architecturally identifiable units in terms of occu-
pants and function. Gordon Loud is given credit for the fundamental recognition
of a normative design morphology featuring two major courts surrounded by var-
ious rooms, chief among them the Langraum reception suites; G. Loud and C. B.
Altaian, Khorsabad II (OIP 40; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1938) 11;
see the comments in J. Margueron, Recherches sur les palais mesopotamiens de I'age du
bronze: Texte (BAH 107; Paris: Librairie orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1982) 2 n. 8,
and the classic formulation of the Assyrian "principal reception suite" in G. Turner,
"The State Apartments of Late Assyrian Palaces," Iraq 32 (1970) 178-79. Heinrich's
treatment of Neo-Assyrian palaces, heavily dependent on Turner, emphasizes the
linguistic and functional distinction made between the babanu (outer or administra-
tive) and the bitdnu (inner or residential) portions of the palace which were sepa-
rated by the throneroom; E. Heinrich, Die Paldste im Alien Mesopotamien (Deutsches
Archaologisches Institut: Denkmaler antiker Architektur 15; Berlin: Walter de Gruyter,
1984) 98-101. Thronerooms in the palaces of Esarhaddon, Assurbanipal, and
Achaemenid kings were constructed according to the salle a quatre saillants, a long
chamber with four pilasters near the short walls and a direct axis approach through
a doorway centered in the long wall that faced the principal courtyard; see
M. Roaf, "The Diffusion of the salles a quatre saillants," Iraq 35 (1973) 83-85. The
similarity of design that obtained between Neo-Assyrian throneroom and temple
cella has struck various authors perhaps a bit too forcibly. Neo-Assyrian throne-
rooms, whether before or after Sargon II, never have their primary entrance through
characteristic of Assyrian temples within the heartland include a

Breitraum antecella outfitted with a bivalve door, foundation burials
of apotropaic figures, engaged mudbrick half-columns decorating
the niche of the "holy-of-holies," royal dedicatory inscriptions and
representations of the kings in several media, freestanding stone
altars, and of course the cuneiform relics of a temple library and
archive. The Assyrian fortress at Tell Abu Sallma (Philistia)421 and
the "Stadttempel" of Guzana,422 serving either Assyrian garrison forces
the short wall opposite the throne podium, whereas Neo-Assyrian Langraum cellas
are by definition entered through the short wall, focusing the viewer's eyes upon
the inanimate cult statue upon its dais or in its niche. Again, the throne podium
of the king was normally elevated only a single step above the pavement, whereas
the parakku in the temple was frequently reached by a set of stairs, and sometimes
had additional structures above its platform. Private houses in the Assyrian capital
cities had scaled-down reception rooms indistinguishable in essential design from
the thronerooms of the royal palaces; and no one, as far as I am aware, has
attempted to shed light on either the religious beliefs or royal pretensions of Assyrian
private individuals on the strength of it.
421
In 1935-36 Sir Flinders Petrie excavated a fortress with an Assyrian Langraum
cella on the coast south of Philistia, roughly half way between Wadi el-cArfs and
Tell el-'Ajjul. The site, Tell Abu Salfma, housed an Assyrian garrison in the 7th
century. Levels G-H of Petrie's dig yielded the northeast end of a massive mud-
brick fortification. The partially excavated Room GR contained a raised podium
with two treads of stairs made of fired mudbricks 36.6 cm. square and 10.1 cm.
thick; W. M. F. Petrie and J. C. Ellis, Anthedon (Sinai) (British School of Archaeology
in Egypt Publications; London: British School of Egyptian Archaeology, 1937) 6
and pis. 10, 31, no. 3. Although the full dimensions of the room cannot be estab-
lished, enough remained of the surrounding rooms to indicate that it was proba-
bly rectangular, with the raised podium at a short end. Petrie's likening of the raised
podium, treads, square fired mudbricks and design to the then recently excavated
cellas of the Nabu temple at Khorsabad was characteristically astute; his conclusion
that it was a Babylonian shrine, based on his defective chronology, is probably
wrong. The objects published from this poorly stratified excavation were predomi-
nantly Egyptian or Egyptianizing, though that may reflect Petrie's private interests
rather than the actual cultural spectrum found at the site. Reich's reevaluation of
the "Anthedon" excavation concluded that "we are dealing with an Assyrian fortress.
This fortress included living quarters, a temple and probably rooms for the administra-
tive activities of Assyrian officials." R. Reich, "The Identification of the 'Sealed karu
of Egypt'," IEJ 34 (1984) 38; idem, "Abu Salima, Tell (Sheikh Zuweid)," NEAEHL
1:15. McClellan's reconstruction of the fortress of Stratum G and that of Reich are
very similar; T. L. McClellan, "Quantitative Studies in the Iron Age Pottery of
Palestine" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1975) 153, fig. 26 ("Tell
ez-Zuweyid"). The "temple," probably more on the order of a garrison chapel or
a simple Langraum cella like that found at Tell ar-Rimah, is consonant with Neo-
Assyrian cella architecture and building techniques, and safely may be ascribed to
Assyrian enterprise.
422
A Neo-Assyrian temple, the so-called "Stadttempel," was excavated on the
northwestern side of the site of Tell Halaf, off the acropolis; although the excavators
opt for a 7th-century date, there is no compelling evidence against an 8th-century
construction; K. Miiller, "Der Stadttempel," in Tell Halaf, Bd. 2: Die Bauwerke, edited
202 CHAPTER TWO
or perhaps a provincial governor, display Assyrian temple architec-

tural formulae and building practices; other temples or shrines from
this period, such as those excavated at Tell Ta'yfnat,423 Hamath/Hama
by K. M. Felix Langenegger, and Rudolf Naumann (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter &

Co., 1950) 349-57; for a general overview of the site, see R. H. Dornemann,
"Halaf, Tell," OEANE 2:460-62. Architecturally, the temple was designed in the
"classic" style around a central courtyard, with a series of cellas and adjoining room
located in the western wing; all walls were built of mudbrick. There were appar-
ently three cellas: the major Langraum A with elevated adyton reached by two flights
of steps; room B, a Herdhaus parallel to room A with a single entrance through the
north wall of room A; and room C, connecting directly with the courtyard. The
backs of rooms B and C had niches with the engaged half-column pattern char-
acteristic of Neo-Assyrian holy-of-holies. Stone pivots in the floor indicate that a
bivalve door guarded access to cella A from its antecella, room D. The walls of
the cellas A and B were plastered and painted; floors and steps of A and the floor
of B were of well-crafted limestone slabs. Empty cavities suitable for foundation
offerings or Kleinplastik were found under the limestone paving slabs of cella A;
Miiller, "Der Stadttempel," 353, fig. 166, pi. 66. Basalt column bases were found
flanking the steps of the adyton in cella A; quite possibly they played the same
architectural role as the lion/sword orthostats excavated before the adyton of the
shrine at Tell ar-Rimah. Fired clay knobs (sikkatu) identical to those commonly found
in Assyrian palaces and temples were discovered in the Stadttempel precincts; Miiller,
"Der Stadttempel," 357, fig. 172.
423
The North Syrian kingdom of Pattina, later the Neo-Assyrian province of
Unqi/Kullania, came into contact with the Assyrian conquest machine no later than
the time of Assur-nasir-pal II. Contacts peaceful and otherwise were maintained
with the kingdom by the independent turtdnu Samsi-ilu and Shalmaneser III dur-
ing the first half of the 8th century; the latter rectified a palace coup and had a
royal stele or statue installed in the temple of the capital city, Kinalua; Michel,
"Die Assur-Texte Salmanassars III. (858-824), 8. Text," 224-26:146-56 = RIMA
3 A.O.I02.14:146b-56b (BM 118885 [48-11-4,1], the "Black Obelisk"); RIMA 3
A.0.102.16:268'-86' (IM 60496, ND 5500). Tiglath-pileser III accused its king of
treaty violation, conquered the kingdom and made it a province during his North
Syrian campaign of 738; Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Ann. 25:11'; Summary Inscription
9:26'-27'; J. D. Hawkins, "The Neo-Hittite States in Syria and Anatolia," 388-95,
404-5, 410-11. The chapel at Tell Ta'yfnat together with other monumental struc-
tures on the acropolis were erected while Samsf-ilu was effectively the Assyrian gov-
ernor of North Syria. Regarding the career of Samsi-ilu, see Lemaire and Durand,
Les inscriptions arameennes de Sftre, 38-43, 107-11 and W. von Soden, "Das Nordsyrische
A77T/KISKI und der Turtan Samsi-ilu," SEL 2 (1985) 133-41. P. Garelli, "The
Achievement of Tiglath-pileser III: Novelty or Continuity?," in Ah, Assyria . . . Studies
in Assyrian History and Ancient Near Eastern Historiography Presented to Hayim Tadmor, edited
by M. Cogan and I. Ephcal (ScrHie 33; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1991) 46-51,
who follows Lemaire and Durand in the theory that the Assyrian turtdnu Samsi-ilu
was identical with Bar-Ga'yah, king of KTK (Sefire inscription), and A. K. Grayson,
"Studies in Neo-Assyrian History II: The Eighth Century B.C.," in Corolla Torontonensis:
Studies in Honour of Ronald Morton Smith, edited by E. Robbins and S. Sandahl (Toronto:
TSAR, 1994) 74-80, who wisely concludes the theory has little to recommend it;
see also Grayson, "Struggle for Power," 266-69. Published inscriptions of Samsi-
ilu include RIMA 3 A.O.I04.2 (Antakya Museum no. 11832, text attributed by the
editor to Adad-nararl III), A.O.I04.2010 (Til Barsip lions), 2011 (Dohuk stele, VA
3295), 2012 (Ass 14709, VA 5057), 2013 (BM 89106 [84-2-11,490], a stone bead
(North Syria),424 Sarafand (Phoenicia),425 Tell Der £Alla (Transjordan),426

Ashdod (Philistia),427 and Tell cArad (Judahite Negev),428 do not.
The 7th-century temple at Tel Miqne-cEkron excavated in 1996
found at Assur), 2014 (inscription on a gold vessel found in a royal Kalhu burial
in 1990; no registration number, photo, or copy of text); RIMA 3 A.O.I05.1 (Kizka-
panh Koy stele, Mara§ Archaeological Museum no. 1948; text attributed by the
editor to Shalmaneser IV). Tell Ta'yinat on the Orontes, possibly the seat of the
Assyrian provincial governor of Unqi/Kullania, has yielded a palace chapel con-
structed ca. 800 B.C.E. by the native rulers, and maintained together with its palace
through the Third Building Period, 720-680; R. C. Haines, Excavations in the Plain
of Antioch II: The Structural Remains of the Later Phases: Chatal Hiiyuk, Tell al-Judaidah,
and Tell Tcfylnat (OIP 95; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1971) 64, 66.
I. J. Winter, "North Syria in the Early First Millennium BC, with Special Reference
to Ivory Carving" (Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1973) 236, arguing on
art-critical and historical grounds, would place the construction of the palace chapel
after Pattina had become an Assyrian province in the time of Tiglath-pileser III.
Until the pottery found in the excavations of the palace and palace chapel at Tell
Ta'yfnat have been published and a proper pottery sequence established, it is impos-
sible realistically to date the chapel's foundation closer than a century. The simply
designed temple was constructed of the same materials and basically with the same
building techniques as the bit hildni palace: a paved portico with two pillars in antis,
and a single Langraum cella effectively divided into a central sanctuary or antecella
and a smaller adyton by partitioning wing walls. The adyton was almost filled with
a low, flat offering table and a socle probably for a cult image against the rear
wall. The building faced cardinal east, and, although it was physically independent
of the bit hildni palace, Building I, it was separated by only a narrow gap from the
rear of the palace and was built on the same axis; the path to the entrance did
not wind through the palace itself, like the palace chapels at Khorsabad, but was
accessible presumably to anyone on the citadel, much like the Nabu temple at
Khorsabad, which continued in cultic operation a century after the transfer of the
royal capital from Khorsabad to Nineveh. None of the contents of the chapel have
been published to date. McEwan in the first excavation report stated his belief that
the architecture of the chapel reflected that of a Greek prodromus and megaron,
an assessment with which Busink concurred, pointing out that the style was known
in the Late Bronze Age; C. W. McEwan, "The Syrian Expedition of the Oriental
Institute of the University of Chicago," AJA 41 (1937) 8-9; T. A. Busink, Der Tempel
von Jerusalem von Salomo bis Herodes. Bd. 1: Der Tempel Salomos (Leiden: E. J. Brill,
1970) 560-61. Writing thirty years after Busink's major study, it is possible to state
with some confidence that the freestanding Langraum temple represents a native
architectural style attested in North Syria in the Late Bronze Age and before. Four
Langraum temples with portico in antis were constructed at Tell Huwera in the 3rd
millennium; W. Orthmann, "L'architecture religieuse de Tell Chuera," Akkadica 69
(1990) 1-18; H. Dohmann-Pfalzner and P. Pfalzner, "Untersuchungen zur Urban-
isierung Nordmesopotamiens im 3. Jt. v. Chr.: Wohnquartierplannung und stadti-
sche Zentrumsgestaltung in Tall Chuera," Damascener Mitteilungen 9 (1996) 1-13. Four
temples, all of the megaron type, were found at Late Bronze Age Emar; see
J. Margueron, "Architecture et urbanisme," in A ['occasion d'une exposition: Meskene-
Emar: Dix ans de travaux, 1972-1982, edited by D. Beyer (Mission Archeologique de
Meskene-Emar; Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1982) 23~39, espe-
cially the twin temples (fig. 4), and idem, "Emar: un exemple d'implantation hit-
tite en terre syrienne," in Le Moyen Euphrate: zone de contacts et d'echanges: Actes du
Collogue de Strasbourg 10-12 mars 1977, edited by J.-C. Margueron (Universite des
204 CHAPTER TWO
deserves special notice.429 The site itself attests occupation from

1700-600 B.C.E., with three distinct cities. The final city (Strata IC-
IB), a sprawling expanse of 85 acres, upper and lower city, versus
Sciences Humaines de Strasbourg: Travaux du Centre de Recherche sur le Proche-

Orient et la Grece Antiques 5; Strasbourg: Universite des Sciences Humaines de
Strasbourg, 1980) 285-312; W. T. Pitard, "The Archaeology of Emar," in Emar:
the History, Religion, and Culture of a Syrian Town in the Late Bronze Age, edited by M. W.
Chavalas (Bethesda, MD: CDL Press, 1996) 17-18, 21; W. Orthmann and H. Kiihne,
"Mumbaqat 1973: Vorlaufiger Bericht iiber die von der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft
mit Mitteln der Stiftung Volkswagenwerk unternommenen Ausgrabungen," MDOG
106 (1974) 58-77 (Steinbau 1) and 77-79 (Steinbau 2); W. Orthmann, "Mumbaqat
1974: Vorlaufiger Bericht iiber die von der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft mit Mitteln
der Stiftung Volkswagenwerk unternommenen Ausgrabungen," MDOG 108 (1976)
25-44 (Steinbauen 1 and 2, dated to approximately 1400-1200); D. Machule, "Tall
Munbaqa: Die spatbronzezeitliche Stadtanlage und die Hauser," in Resurrecting the
Past: a Joint Tribute to Adnan Bounni, edited by P. Matthiae, M. van Loon and H. Weiss
(UNHAII 67; Leiden; Istanbul: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten; Neder-
lands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut, 1990) 199-214; D. Machule, "Munbaqa,
Tall. B. Archaologisch," RLA 8:418a-19b. Margueron, "Architecture et urbanisme,"
32-33, asserts that the megaron-type temple is an architectural type attested in
Syria from the first half of the 3rd millennium to the middle of the first millen-
nium, a style which includes the Tell Ta'yinat temple. Add to this list the Langraum
South Temple excavated in the Late Bronze city at Tell al-Furayy; A. Bounni and
P. Matthiae, "Tell Fray: ville frontiere entre hittites et assyriens au XIIF siecle av.
J-C," Archeologia [Dijon] 140 (1980) 39.
424
See n. 132 supra.
425
A small Iron Age shrine or temple has been excavated at the Phoenician site
of Sarafand (biblical Sarpatah), a city mentioned in the inscriptions of Sennacherib
and Esarhaddon. Borger Esarh., §27, Nin. A, D, Ep. 5 49 iii 16 recounts Esarhaddon's
exploits in Phoenicia and his granting of the city sa-ri-ip-tu of Sidon to the king of
Tyre; Parpola, Mo-Assyrian Toponyms, 321. OIP 2, 29 ii 42 (Frahm Einleitung, T
16 = A 2793 [Chicago]), Jerusalem Prism 225 ii 40 (Frahm Einleitung, T 17 =
Israel Museum 71.72.249) describe the capture of Sidonian cities by Sennacherib
during his third campaign, mentioning among them sa-ri-ip-tu/tu, which Parpola,
Neo-Assyrian Toponyms, 383, probably relying on Luckenbill, transliterates as za-ri-ib-
tu, a phantom toponym that should be deleted from the Neo-Assyrian geographi-
cal repertoire. Sariptu is found in Papyrus Anastasi I 20,8 and in 1 Kgs 17:9-10,
20; Weippert, "Edom," 117. On the historical geography of Neo-Assyrian Sidon
and its dependents, see H. Sader, "Tell el Burak: an Unidentified City of Phoenician
Sidon," in Ana sadi Labndni lu allik: Beitrdge z,u altorientalischen und mittelmeerischen Kulturen.
Festschrift Jiir Wolfgang Rollig, edited by B. Pongratz-Leisten, H. Kiihne and P. Xella
(AOAT 247; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener
Verlag, 1997) 363-75. Shrine 1, dated to the 8th-7th centuries (Period VIII), con-
sisted of a simple Langraum cella with a cement floor, benches along the wall, com-
posite stone and plaster offering table and a "socket for a betyl." The design and
furnishings have many parallels with Cyprus and Syria-Palestine; I. A. Khalifeh,
Sarepta II: The Late Bronze and Iron Age Periods of Area II, X: The University Museum of
the University of Pennsylvania Excavations at Sarafand, Lebanon (Publications de 1'Universite
Libanaise; Beirut: Departement des Publications de 1'Universite Libanaise, 1988)
140-56; J. B. Pritchard, Sarepta: A Preliminary Report on the Iron Age Excavations of the
University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, 1970-72 (Philadelphia: University
the 10 acres of the upper city alone in the previous stage, underwent
deliberate economic development shortly after Sennacherib's third
campaign, if the Assyrian historical inscriptions can be correlated
Museum, University of Pennsylvania, 1975) 14-18, figs. 2, 33-35. The cultural and
religious horizon of the objects recovered from the shrine are Gyp riot, Egyptian,
and Phoenician, not Mesopotamian; J. B. Pritchard, Sarepta IV: The Objects from Area
II, X: The University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania Excavations at Sarafand,
Lebanon (Publications de 1'Universite Libanaise 2; Beirut: Departement des Publications
de 1'Universite Libanaise, 1988) figs. 10—18. For a general survey of the site, see
I. A. Khalifeh, "Sarepta," OEANE 4:488a-91a.
426
An unusual shrine or way station with cultic emphasis was found at Tell Der
c
Alla, dated 8th~7th centuries (Phase M). ". . . [T]he Aramaic text may still have
existed after the Assyrians invaded Palestine and the area of the Zerqa," H. J.
Franken, "Archaeological Evidence Relating to the Interpretation of the Text," in
Aramaic Texts from Deir 'Alia, edited by J. Hoftijzer and G. van der Kooij (DMOA
19; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1976) 12. On the archaeology of the site and the interpre-
tation of the Balaam text, see G. van der Kooij and M. Ibrahim, Picking Up the
Threads . . . A Continuing Review of Excavations at Deir Alia, Jordan (trans, [no name sup-
plied]; revised ed.; Leiden: University of Leiden Archaeological Centre, 1989) pas-
sim;]. Hoftijzer and G. van der Kooij, eds. The Balaam Text from Deir 'Alia Re-evaluated:
Proceedings of the International Symposium Held at Leiden, 21-24 August 1989 (Leiden: E. J.
Brill, 1991) passim. H. J. Franken, Excavations at Tell Deir 'Alia: the Late Bronze Age
Sanctuary (Louvain: Peeters, 1992) 171 dates the destruction of Phase M before the
Assyrian occupation of Gilead in 732; similarly, G. van der Kooij, "Deir 'Alia,
Tell," NEAEHL l:338a-42b. M. M. E. Vilders, "The Stratigraphy and the Pottery
of Phase M at Deir 'Alia," Levant 24 (1992) 198, however, on the basis of pottery
chronology dates Phase M to 850-700, thus leaving open the possibility that the
cult place continued to operate during the first 30 or 40 years of Deir 'Alla's incor-
poration in the Assyrian provincial system. A plaster inscription contains a prophetic
vignette in a West Semitic dialect that shows knowledge of the traditions, primary
or otherwise, regarding the biblical seer Balaam ben Beor. The text mentions the
gods 3E1, Sagar, cAstar, and "Shadday deities"; Editio princeps in J. Hoftijzer,
"Interpretation and Grammar," in Aramaic Texts from Deir 'Alia, edited byj. Hoftijzer,
G. van der Kooij et al. (DMOA 19; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1976) 173-75 (transcription),
179—82 (translation); a much improved reading and translation is to be found in
H. Weippert and M. Weippert, "Die 'Bileam'-Inschrift vom Tell Der 'Alia," %DPV
98 (1982) 77-103; J. A. Hackett, The Balaam Text from Deir cAlla (HSM 31; Chico,
CA: Scholars Press, 1984), and idem, "Some Observations on the Balaam Tradition
at Deir cAlla," BA 49 (1986) 216-22; English translation in B. A. Levine, "The
Deir 'Alia Plaster Inscription (2.27): the Book of Balaam Son of Beor," COS 2:140-45.
Although Assyrian ceramics were found at the site, there is nothing in the "Aramaic"
text or other material remains that is indicative of Assyrian cultural influence.
427
Room 1010 of Area D, Stratum 3 at Ashdod has been interpreted as the
central room of an Iron Age II shrine, which was probably destroyed by Sargon II
in 712; M. Dothan and D. N. Freedman, Ashdod I: the First Season of Excavations, 1962
("Atiqot 7; Jerusalem: Department of Antiquities and Israel Museum, 1967), 131-34,
plan 7; M. Dothan, Ashdod II-III: the Second and Third Seasons of Excavations 1963,
1965, Soundings in 1967 ('Atiqot 9-10; Jerusalem: Department of Antiquities and Israel
Museum, 1971), 115; M. Dothan, "Ashdod," NEAEHL l:93a-102b. M. Burdajewicz,
The Aegean Sea Peoples and Religious Architecture in the Eastern Mediterranean at the Close of
the Late Bronze Age (BAR International Series 558; Oxford: B.A.R., 1990) 59, contends
206 CHAPTER TWO
with the archaeological profile, only to fall prey to Neo-Babylonian

assault at century's end. Although the Philistine city does not appear
in Assyrian documents before the 7th century, it is likely that its
that the 8th-century Ashdod temple in Area D is the latest temple that can be con-
nected with Philistine culture. The floorplan bears no resemblance to the Langraum
design. Clay figurines, kemoi and other cultic paraphernalia found in association with
this building are typologically characteristic of Palestine at this period; Dothan,
Ashdod II III, figs. 38, 42-47. A few specimens of locally manufactured pottery imi-
tations of Assyrian ceramics were found in Area D; Dothan and Freedman, Ashdod I,
fig. 37:1-4, 19. The discovery of Sargon II stele fragments at Ashdod, and the
complete silence regarding the creation of one for the city in the emperor's royal
inscriptions, underscores the partial and unreliable nature of the Assyrian royal
inscriptions for the historiographic reconstruction of imperial administrative "policy."
428
Another compact Judahite fortress in the Negev, Tell 'Arad, was probably
built during Judah's expansion to the south in the 9th century. It contained a small
Breitraum shrine built on an east-west orientation with an elevated niche-adyton, a
massebah, an altar of packed earth and field stone, and benches for offering; H.
Weippert, Paldstina in vorhellenistischer %eit (Handbuch der Archaologie. Vorderasien
2/1; Munchen: C. H. Beck, 1988) 557-58, 624, fig. 4.56; Wright, Ancient Building,
252; M. Aharoni, "Arad: the Israelite Citadels," NEAEHL l:82a-87b. Hebrew ostraca
from the 7th and 6th centuries link the personnel of the fortress to the Judahite
monarchy and the Yahweh temple at Jerusalem; Y. Aharoni, Arad Inscriptions (trans.
J. Ben-Or; Judean Desert Studies; Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1981) 35-38
(no. 18); 46-49 (no. 24); 70~74 (no. 40); 103-4 (no. 88); D. Pardee, Handbook of
Ancient Hebrew Letters (SBLSBS 15; Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1982) 54-56 (no. 3.18
= Arad no. 18); 58-61 (no. 3.20 = Arad no. 20); 63~65 (no. 3.22 = Arad no. 40);
J. Renz, Die althebrdischen Inschriften, Teil 1: Text und Kommentar (Handbuch der althe-
braischen Epigraphik; Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1995), 382-84
(= Arad no. 18); 389-93 (= Arad no. 24); 145-48 (= Arad no. 40); 302-4 (= Arad
no. 88). Attempts to relate the archaeological evidence of a "decommissioning" of
the shrine's earthen altar and other cult objects to the biblical cult reform of
Hezekiah are probably fanciful, but continue to haunt the literature, e.g., A. F.
Rainey, "Hezekiah's Reform and the Altars at Beer-sheba and Arad," in Scripture
and Other Artifacts: Essays on the Bible and Archaeology in Honor of Philip J. King, edited
by M. D. Coogan, J. C. Exum and L. E. Stager (Louisville, KY: Westminster/John
Knox Press, 1994) 333-54. Ze'ev Herzog et al., date the existence of the Breitraum
temple to the 10th-8th centuries, strata 9-8, Z. Herzog et al., "The Israelite Fortress
at Arad," BASOR 254 (1984) 21. On the authentic difficulty of precisely dating the
cultic adjustments at Tell 'Arad, see D. Ussishkin, "The Date of the Judaean Shrine
at Arad," IEJ 38 (1988) 156, who lowers the dates of the temple to the late 8th-early
7th centuries, Strata VII-VI. If the cArad shrine was an accurate barometer of the
official state cult of Judah, then the realia of Assyrian religion left no lasting archi-
tectural traces at this remote outpost. A cylinder seal excavated in stratum 9 (Locus
632) at cArad, however, reveals a thorough mixing of Assyrian and regional reli-
gious iconography and modeling, and may well be of local manufacture; M. Aharoni,
"An Iron Age Cylinder Seal," IEJ 46 (1996) 52~54. The small Judahite building
found at Kuntillet 'Ajrud in the Negev, approximately 50 km. south of Kadesh-
Barnea, datable by pottery chronology between 850-750 B.C.E., was probably a
caravanserai rather than a religious structure per se; see the excellent analysis in
J. M. Hadley, "Kuntillet c Ajrud: Religious Centre or Desert Way Station?," PEQ
125 (1993) 116-24.
rulers became clients of the Assyrian state by 734, certainly no later

that Sargon IFs invasion of Ashdod. Judging from the eponym chron-
icles and the reinstallation by Sennacherib of Padi on the throne of
'Ekron, the city never entered the Assyrian provincial system. Philistine
'Ekron's economic role as a site of olive-oil industrialization in the
Late Neo-Assyrian period has been illuminated by thirteen seasons
of excavations. Although less than 4% of the 7th-century city has
been excavated, 'Ekron's importance for the economy of the eastern
Mediterranean littoral as an oil-producer and exporter is manifest.430
Located in Field IV of the lower city, Building 650, a monumental
structure measuring 57 X 38 m or more, is a temple complex con-
sisting of at least one major cella separated from a large wrap-around
pillared courtyard by what the excavators have reconstructed as an
Assyrian-style Langraum reception suite. The plan of the major sanc-
tuary in Building 650, Room u, with its direct-axis approach with
eight symmetrically positioned column bases and a series of small
square or rectangular chambers surrounding the north, west and
south walls (Rooms o-aa), does not correspond to any known Assyrian
architectural formula. The West-Semitic inscription found near the
western wall of Room u, a temple dedication to "Ptrgyh his [Ikausu
ben Padi's] lady," militates against worship of an Assyrian deity in
the sanctuary precincts.431 The contents of Building 650 published
429
S. Gitin, T. Dothan and J. Naveh, "A Royal Dedicatory Inscription from
Ekron," IEJ 47 (1997) 1-16.
430
S. Gitin, "Tel Miqne-Ekron in the 7th Century B.C.E.: the Impact of Economic
Innovation and Foreign Influences on a Neo-Assyrian Vassal City-State," in Recent
Excavations in Israel: A View to the West; Reports on Kabri, Nami, Miqne-Ekron, Dor, and
Ashkelon, edited by S. Gitin (Archaeological Institute of America Colloquia and
Conference Papers 1; Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company, 1995)
61-79; idem, "The Neo-Assyrian Empire and its Western Periphery: the Levant,
with a Focus on Philistine Ekron," in Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary
Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, September 7-11, 1995, edited
by S. Parpola and R. M. Whiting (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project,
1997) 77-103.
431
Gitin, Dothan and Naveh, "Dedicatory Inscription," 9 (Tel Miqne-Ekron
Object no. 7310). A. Demsky, "The Name of the Goddess of Ekron: A New
Reading," JAMES 25 (1998) 1-5 reads PTNYH and interprets the name as TCOTVI,
TtOTvm, "mistress," "lady," the title or name of patron goddesses found in the
Mycenean Linear B inscriptions of Knossos and Pylos, and an epithet of Homeric
goddesses. C. Schafer-Lichtenberger, "PTGJH—Gottin und Herrin von Ekron," BJV
91 (1998) 64-76, and idem, "The Goddess from Ekron and the Religious-Cultural
Background of the Philistines," IEJ 50 (2000) 82-91, collated the text and sustains
the original reading PTGYH. She argues that the name was compounded from
Pytho and the theophoric element Gaia in a relatively well-attested pattern, and
208 CHAPTER TWO
to date look towards the Shephelah and Egypt, not Mesopotamia.432

The closest architectural parallels to a direct-axis Langraum pillared
sanctuary with a bent-axis Langraum reception suite functioning as an
antechamber dividing the sanctuary from a courtyard are the Upper
and Lower Court buildings of Hasanlu (Urartian Mesta), located in
Iranian Kurdistan near the southern tip of Lake Urmia.433 The tem-
ple complex of Hasanlu Stratum IV, possibly under Assyrian polit-
ical clientage at the time, was violently destroyed at the end of the
9th century. Six Urartian temple towers with wrap-around pillared
courtyards are known,434 but, aside from the courtyards, there is lit-
tle to compare with the cEkron Building 650 layout. Symmetrical
Langraum temples with direct-axis approaches, some of which boast
pillared halls, are part of the Bronze Age legacy of Syria-Palestine
and northern Mesopotamia.435 The excavators' most telling evidence
that Building 650 incorporated Assyrian building principles is Room
m with adjoining Rooms / and k, identified as a Langraum reception
suggests that a Bronze Age cult of Gaia/Demeter from Pytho, the Delphic shrine,
immigrated with the Philistines to the southern Levantine coast. K. L. Younger,
Jr., "The Ekron Inscription of Akhayus (2.42)," COS 2:164 n. 6 follows Schafer-
Lichtenberger.
432
Gitin, Dothan and Naveh, "Dedicatory Inscription," 7-8; Gitin, "Philistia in
Transition," 174-76. West Semitic dedicatory inscriptions found elsewhere on the
tell invoke West Semitic deities. Other cultic artifacts recovered from 'Ekron include
a number of small stone four-horned altars, attested elsewhere in Iron-Age Palestine
but not the Assyrian heartland; Gitin, "Philistia in Transition," fig. 10; S. Gitin,
"Incense Altars from Ekron, Israel and Judah: Context and Typology," Erls 20
(1989) 52*-67*.
433
R. H. Dyson, Jr., "The Iron Age Architecture at Hasanlu: an Essay," Exped
31/2-3 (1989) 115-19; the similarity with Burned Building II is especially close.
434
D. Ussishkin, "On the Architectural Origin of the Urartian Standard Temples,"
in Anatolian Iron Ages: Proceedings of the Second Anatolian Iron Ages Colloquium held at Izmir,
4-8 May 1987, edited by D. French and A. Cilingoroglu (British Institute of
Archaeology at Ankara Monographs: Oxbow Monographs 13; Oxford: Oxbow,
1991) 117-30.
435
G. R. H. Wright, Ancient Building in South Syria and Palestine (Handbuch der
Orientalistik, no. 7, Der Alte Vordere Orient, no. l/2b, fascicle 3; Leiden and
Cologne: E. J. Brill, 1985) 242~44; A. Mazar, "Temples of the Middle and Late
Bronze Ages and the Iron Age," in The Architecture of Ancient Israel from the Prehistoric
to the Persian Periods in Memory of Immanuel (Munya) Dunayevsky, edited by A. Kempinski
and R. Reich (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1992) 167-69. The Middle
Bronze-Late Bronze migdol temple at Tell Balata-Shechem, Building V, often appears
in archaeological publications with three rows of interior columns, for which there
is no evidence beyond the original excavator's surmise. The use of matching rows
of pillars or columns for the purpose of supporting a second storey is a normative
architectural feature of the so-called four-room house in Palestine; J. J. Holladay,
Jr., "Four-Room House," OEANE 2:337a-42a, and is also extensively attested in
regional Iron Age monumental public buildings.
suite. Unfortunately, the balance of Room m, extending north from

the entrance to Room u, judging by the photograph436 and draw-
ings,437 is unexcavated. Since the entire north-east section of Building
650, including the northern end of the pillared courtyard, remains
unexcavated, reconstruction of Room m, in light of the hybrid archi-
tectural design of the entire complex, is premature.
That being said, there is less rather than more that is securely
diagnostic of Assyrian influence in Tel Miqne-cEkron Building 650.
An outer door with stone pivots leading into Room a finds scattered
parallels in indigenous Palestinian architecture,438 though the design
figures prominently in Assyrian provincial design. Courtyards are an
attested design feature in the handful of excavated Israelite and
Judahite palaces;439 Assyrian palaces and temples, both in the provinces
and in the heartland, constructed their interior spaces around large
square and oblong courtyards, often equipped with drainage sys-
tems.440 Wrap-around pillared courtyards, if indeed the pillars extend
436
Gitin, Dothan and Naveh, "Dedicatory Inscription," fig. 2. In the photograph
there appears to be a stone structure in what may be the northern half of the cen-
tral courtyard that does not figure in either site plan. If this is a wall that is con-
temporary with the rest of the structure, then the proposed reconstruction of the
entire northeastern half of Building 650 is dubious.
437
Gitin, Dothan and Naveh, "Dedicatory Inscription," fig. 3; Gitin, "Assyria
and Philistine Ekron," fig. 17.
438
Z. Herzog, The City Gate in Israel and Its Neighboring Countries (Hebrew) (Tel Aviv:
Tel Aviv University Institute of Archaeology, 1976), passim [Hebrew]; Wright, Ancient
Building in South Syria, 196-97, 446—48 (discussion of city gates); Weippert, Palastina
in vorhellenistischer êit, 608-12. An example of a gate socket is known in the fortresses
of the Negev, the one located near al-Qusaima; Z. Meshel, "The Architecture of the
Israelite Fortresses in the Negev," in The Architecture of Ancient Israel from the Prehistoric
to the Persian Periods in Memory of Immanuel (Munya) Dunayevsky, edited by A. Kempinski
and R. Reich (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1992) 298.
439
Megiddo Buildings 1723 and 6000; Samaria; Ramat Rahel; Razor citadel;
Lachish palace. For illustrations see Wright, Ancient Building in South Syria, nos. 190-97;
Weippert, Palastina in vorhellenistischer êit, 535-40, 597-603.
+40 por tne floorplans anci design principles of Assyrian-style palaces from the
Assyrian heartland, together with provincial palaces of Tell Ahmar, Arslan Tas and
Zinjirli, see Heinrich, Die Paldste im Alien Mesopotamien, 98-197; for the Assyrian-style
palaces in the following Syro-Palestinian cities, see C.-M. Bennett, "Excavations at
Buseirah, Southern Jordan 1972: Preliminary Report," Levant 6 (1974) 1-24; idem,
"Excavations at Buseirah, Southern Jordan, 1973," Levant 7 (1975) 1-19; idem,
"Excavations at Buseirah, Southern Jordan, 1974: Fourth Preliminary Report," Levant
9 (1977) 1~10; idem, "Neo-Assyrian Influence in Transjordan," in Studies in the History
and Archaeology of Jordan, edited by A. Hadidi (Amman, Jordan: Department of
Antiquities; New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1982) 1:181-87 (Busera, Jordan);
C. W. McEwan, et al, Soundings at Tell Fakhariyah (OIP 79; Chicago: The University
of Chicago Press, 1958) 4-10, 47-50, pis. 6-9; Heinrich, Die Paldste im Alien
210 CHAPTER TWO
around the unexcavated northern courtyard boundary, are unknown

in Assyria with the exception of the unique blt-akiti sa seri of the god
Assur remodeled by Sennacherib outside Assur, whose "courtyard"
was a densely planted garden of shrubs or trees.441 The mudbrick
platform in Room k is indeed suggestive of Assyrian cella architec-
ture442 (had square fired bricks been used for the platform surface
and steps, as in the Assyrian garrison chapel at Tell Abu-Salima,
there would be no ambiguity), but in the absence of proof that
Rooms / and k formed one end of an Assyrian-style "throne room,"
it is also possible to interpret Rooms / and k as an engaged unit
embodying the megaron temple design,443 set at right angles to the
Langraum temple complex Room u and ancillary chambers. In a struc-
ture as architecturally hybrid as Building 650, located on the coastal
plain near Egypt, one must make allowances for Egyptian influence,
as possibly the choice of central free-standing columns in Room u
Mesopotamien, 101-2, fig. 54 (Tell Fahanya [Sikani]); Haines, Plain of Antioch II,
61-63, pis. 84, 109 (Tell Ta'ymat); R. S. Lamon and G. M. Shipton, Megiddo I:
Seasons of 1925-34, Strata f-V (OIP 42; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,
1939) 69-74, figs. 89, 117 (Megiddo Stratum 3, Area D, Buildings 1052 and 1369);
Y. Yadin, et al., Hazor I: an Account of the First Season of Excavations, 1955 (Jerusalem:
Magnes Press, Hebrew University, 1958) 54, 64-65 (Hazor citadel, Stratum 3, Area
B); R. Reich, "The Persian Building at Ayyelet ha-Shahar: the Assyrian Palace at
Hazor?," /£J 25 (1975) 233-37 ('Ayyelet has-Sahar); V. Fritz, "Kinneret: Vorbericht
iiber die Ausgrabungen auf dem Tell el-cOreme am See Genezaret in den Jahren
1982-1985," ZPPV 102 (1986) 30-31 (Tell el-'Oreme); W. M. F. Petrie, Gerar
(British School of Archaeology in Egypt Publications; London: British School of
Egyptian Archaeology, 1928) 7-8, pis. 11, 13 (Tell Jemmeh). For the floorplans of
Assyrian temples, see Heinrich, Die Tempel, pis. 290-93, 315-31, 340-41, 343-55,
358-71.
441
A. Haller and W. Andrae, Die Heiligtumer des Gottes Assur und der Sin-Samas-
Tempel in Assur (WVDOG 67; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1955) 74-80, pis. 13-15; W.
Andrae and B. Hrouda, Das wiedererstandene Assur (2nd revised ed.; Beck'sche
Sonderausgaben; Munchen: Beck, 1977) 219. Square brick pillars flank opposite
sides of the square courtyard that was filled with symmetrically planted shrubs or
trees, judging by the sizeable indentations. The parallels with Building 650 at Tel
Miqne are slight, and the chances of finding an Assyrian bit akiti dedicated to the
patron god of Assyria in a client kingdom are next to nothing.
442
It would be helpful in assessing the "Assyrianness" of this structure in Building
650 if the excavators would publish the dimensions of the sun-dried bricks used to
form the platform.
443
For the history and examples of megaron-type temples in Western Asia, see
Wright, Ancient Building in South Syria, 139-49; J.-C. Margueron, "Temples: Meso-
potamian Temples," OEANE 5:166a-67a. Iron Age examples of temples with free-
standing megaron designs include Tell Ta'ymat to the north and the "text-only"
Solomonic temple of Jerusalem.
was inspired by the great hypostyle halls of the New Kingdom.444

Other common features of Assyrian and provincial Assyrian temples
missing from the Philistine temple include fired mudbrick or stone
flooring, cellae with raised podia protected by one or more antecham-
bers, and foundation burials of prescribed apotropaic figurines. In
summation, while I am sympathetic with the investigators' recon-
struction of Courtyard j and Rooms m, I and k as Assyrian-inspired
elements at a site politically and economically subordinate to the
Late Neo-Assyrian Empire, it would be prudent to bracket this line
of interpretation in the face of the temple's many novel architectural
features, the predominant Syro-Egyptian cultural horizon of the con-
tents, and the partial excavation of Building 650.445
Indigenous religious architectural formulae predominate in the West;
the current evidence suggests that, if the Assyrian masters forced their
444
For examples of capitals and columns with Egyptian motifs found in Late
Bronze Age Palestine, see G. R. H. Wright, "Building Materials and Techniques:
Bronze and Iron Ages," OEANE l:364b-65b.
443
Speaking as a historian, it would surprise me greatly to find a royal Philistine
temple whose layout looked towards Mesopotamia and not the Mediterranean lit-
toral. While there is growing evidence that client states possessed of key strategic
significance for Assyria—such as those of Philistia on the Egyptian border—were
carefully "managed," and that the Assyrians were nothing loath to install garrison
outposts and emporia designed to regulate overland and sea-borne trade in puta-
tively sovereign client states, there is no compelling evidence that the Assyrians
attempted to "manage" client state cults, including dictation of architectural format.
As a small but wealthy city-state poised precariously between Egypt and Greater
Assyria, 'Ekron's long-term survival was predicated by a capacity to shift political
allegiance, and to maintain a robust economic and if possible diplomatic relation-
ship with both superpowers simultaneously. Temple architecture, among the most
visible manifestations of customizable religious symbols available to a ruling elite,
conveys to the constituents under rule a wealth of ideologically-nuanced messages,
not the least of which is political sovereignty. 'Ekron was several centuries old by
the time that Ikausa ben Padi dedicated a monumental temple in its midst, a city
presumably endowed with architectural precedents to guide him, precedents whose
replication legitimated the king as a Philistine ruler. For this king to duplicate an
Assyrian temple would communicate to his subjects that he was an Assyrian puppet
ruler—which may have been the de facto case!—but is not likely to have been the
message that he would have elected voluntarily to convey to the c Ekronite power
base that maintained him on his throne. S. Gitin and M. Cogan, "A New Type
of Dedicatory Inscription from Ekron," IEJ 49 (1999) 193-202 is the editio princeps
of a brief West Semitic inscription, Ib'l wlpdy, "for Ba'al and for [King] Padi" found
on the side of a storage jar fragment in Room p of Temple Complex 650. The
attempt made by the authors to explain this laconic text as a caique of the Akkadian
expression palah Hi u sarri, "fear/reverence of god and king," attested in the Khor-
sabad narrative inscriptions of Sargon II, is semantic, form-critical, and historical
nonsense.
212 CHAPTER TWO
own cults upon the conquered, they were content to shelter them in
native palaces, shrines, or temples.446 Imported and indigenized
Assyrian glyptics and cult objects found in the West, particularly
apotropaic amulets447 and figurines,448 attest to the diffusion of Meso-
446
The combination of "classic" Assyrian residential units coupled with an
Aramaean bit hildni groundplan at 7th-century Tell Seh Hamad/Dur-Katlimmu cau-
tions us against calculating the magnitude of Assyrian provincial presence solely on
the basis of architecture; H. Kiihne, "Report on the Excavation at Tall Seh Hammad/
Dur-katlimmu 1988," AAAS 37/38 (1987-88) 142-57.
447
Seven Lamastu amulets found in the western territories of the Neo-Assyrian
empire are known to me: three from Zinjirli, one from Carchemish, one from
Byblos, one from Palestine, and one from Ugarit; since the findspot of the latter is
dated to the "Greco-Persian" period, it will not be treated here; J. Nougayrol, "La
Lamastu a Ugarit," in Ugaritica VI, edited by C. F. A. Schaeffer (BAH 81; MRS
17; Paris: Librairie orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1969) 404, 406-7 n. 98. The six
amulets, all of stone, range in technical finesse from crude provincial imitations to
a masterfully executed example that once belonged to a servant of the Great King
himself. The latter, no. 60 from Byblos, consists of an expertly crafted amulet of
which the upper third appears to have survived; on one side the lion-headed demon-
ness appears holding an inverted quadruped(?) by one hand. The numbering of
Lamastu amulets nos. 1-50 follows that of H. Klengel, "Neue Lamastu-Amulette
aus dem Vorderasiatischen Museum zu Berlin und dem British Museum," MIO 1
(1960) 334-55 and idem, "Weitere Amulette gegen Lamastu," MIO 8 (1963) 24-29,
nos. 51-63 follow the order established by W. Farber, "Lamastu," RLA 6:441b.
The remaining portion of the other side is entirely inscribed. The text begins by
identifying its owner, whose name is probably Ili-ittiya, and identifies his occupa-
tion as LU.SAG sd mdUTU-/z-d!M MAN KUR.oMarki, "eunuch-official of SamsT-
Adad, king of Assyria." G. Dossin, "Trois inscriptions cuneiforms de Byblos," MUSJ
45 (1969) 250-55, reads LU.SAG; J. Nougayrol, "La Lamastu a Byblos," RA 65
(1971) 173-74, reads GAL SAG; the photograph appears to support Dossin's read-
ing of LU. If this is the same individual as the limmu of 804, by the time of his
death he had obtained the posts of governor of Assur, Kar-Tukultl-Ninurta, Ekallate,
Itu, and Ruqahu; see J. A. Brinkman, "Additional Texts from the Reigns of
Shalmaneser III and Shamshi-Adad V," JNES 32 (1973) 46. The object is cata-
logued as Byblos no. 19041. The combination of Neo-Assyrian ductus, Standard
Babylonian text and Phoenician findspot supports identification with the last Neo-
Assyrian king of that name, Samsf-Adad V, ca. 823-810. Whether the object con-
stitutes evidence that this Neo-Assyrian eunuch-official resided at Phoenician Byblos
in the late 9th century is a moot point, since such an heirloom-quality object might
easily have been passed from hand to hand for centuries; the amulet was evidently
made for use by a particular Neo-Assyrian official, the only known example of a
Lamastu amulet thus "personalized."
The Carchemish Lamastu amulet, no. 41, purchased by Woolley at the site, bears
the standard tableau of a lion-headed demonness with raptor talons for feet: hold-
ing snakes in either hand, suckling a pig and a dog, she stands on a kneeling ass;
comb, spindle(?) and vessels surround her; Klengel, "Neue Lamastu-Amulette aus
dem Vorderasiatischen Museum zu Berlin und dem British Museum," 351-53, fig.
11, pi. 5; the object is catalogued as BM 117759. The twelve lines of inscription
on the other side have not been published; at the top, on the tang, are nine sharply
engraved divine symbols which correspond, probably, to the gods Assur, Marduk,
Nabu, Adad, Sin, Samas, Istar, and the Sebetti. The quality of the carving is very
good; the text and ductus of the inscription might indicate whether the object is
potamian religious culture but do not by any stretch of the imagi-

nation constitute evidence for a policy of religious imperialism.449
Assyrian readiness to capture and deport local idols and, more rarely,
an Assyrian import or not. Amulet no. 47, found at Zinjirli, consists of a small
stone tablet, the top half of which is missing. One side sports the image of a kneel-
ing ass or horse, saddled, bearing the kneeling Lamastu on its back (only the hairy
legs and lower torso of the demonness remain), with dog on one side, comb in
field, and possibly part of a snake. On the other side a few cuneiform signs are
visible; H. T. Bossert, "Neues von Zincirli und Maras," Or 27 (1958) 402-4, pi.
57, 1-4; Klengel, "Weitere Amulette gegen Lamastu," 26. The two amulets from
Zinjirli, nos. 31 and 46, are significant examples of the assimilation of the Lamastu
apotropaic repertoire by an Aramaean population. No. 31, a damaged stone amulet,
shows Lamastu kneeling upon an ass in a boat, with dog(?) at breast. On the one
surviving edge of the tablet, below a bedfast figure with upraised arms, is a short
Aramaic or pseudo-Aramaic inscription. The other side reveals the lower portion
of what was probably Pazuzu; F. von Luschan and W. Andrae, Ausgrabungen in
Sendschirli, V: Die Kleinfunde von Sendschirli (Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Mitteilungen
aus den orientalischen Sammlungen 15; Berlin: de Gruyter, 1943) 26, 146, pi. 9a;
Klengel, "Neue Lamastu-Amulette aus dem Vorderasiatischen Museum zu Berlin
und dem British Museum," 338 n. 4; the object is Vorderasiatisches Museum no.
S 5913. The size and grainy quality of the plates in the Sendschirli volume render
any reading of the inscription impossible; neither von Luschan nor Andrae nor
Klengel hazard a guess as to its meaning. The carving, though not rising to the
polished standards of no. 60, faithfully conveys a grasp of the essential elements of
the more elaborate Neo-Assyrian Lamastu amulets: demonness, sufferer, protective
demon, and inscription. Amulet no. 46, also from Zinjirli, preserved whole, is unques-
tionably of provincial manufacture. One side is entirely occupied by a tableau of
the ass-eared demonness, holding snakes and standing on a quadruped. The other
side is divided into two registers: divine symbols on top, and a lower scene of elon-
gated human figures with arms upraised, perhaps in praise or making offerings; an
Aramaic (or pseudo-Aramaic) inscription runs across the bottom and the left hand
side of this face; Von Luschan and Andrae, Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, 5:146-47, pi.
9c; Klengel, "Weitere Amulette gegen Lamastu," 25; the object is Vorderasiatisches
Museum no. S 3604; W. Farber, "Damonen ohne Stammbaum: Zu einigen meso-
potamischen Amuletten aus dem Kunsthandel," in Essays in Ancient Civilization Presented
to Helene J. Kantor, edited by A. Leonard and B. B. Williams (SAOC 47; Chicago:
Oriental Institute of The University of Chicago, 1989) 93-112, description on
p. 100 and pi. 13c-d (reproduction of the grainy photograph from von Luschan
and Andrae, Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, vol. 5, pi. 9c). Again, neither von Luschan
and Andrae nor Klengel attempt to transcribe or translate the text; Farber observes
that the Sendschirli reproduction is unreadable. Klengel believes he can identify sym-
bols for the gods Sin, Istar, Sebetti, Samas, Marduk, Nabu, and traces of three
others, possibly including an Egyptian "crux ansata"; Klengel, "\Veitere Amulette
gegen Lamastu," 25. A fragment, preserving perhaps one-quarter of the original of
a stone Lamastu plaque, was found near Beth Guvrin in the Shephelah of Israel.
One face preserves the standard iconographic tableau of the talon-footed demonness
standing atop an ass, suckling an animal and possibly holding a snake. The other
side preserves about six broken lines of well-formed cuneiform signs which, however,
do not seem to fit the standard Lamastu incantation series. The editor speculates
that the object was imported from Assyria, perhaps by a soldier; M. Cogan, "A
Lamashtu Plaque from the Judaean Shephelah," IEJ 45 (1995) 155-61.
Five circular silver pendants with an Assyrian-type goddess standing on a lion
214 CHAPTER TWO
install Assyrian ones appears to have followed the dictates of situa-

tional military and political expediency. The rebellious vassal Hanumi
of Gaza, exceptional in being left on his throne following his cap-
which she holds by reins were found at Zinjirli; Von Luschan and Andrae, Ausgrabungen
in Sendschirli, 5:98, pi. 44a~e (photos), 46a~e (drawings); for an oversized color pho-
tograph of 44/46e, see I. Seibert, Woman in Ancient Near East (trans. M. Herzfeld;
Leipzig: Edition Leipzig, 1974) pi. 65. A bearded male suppliant stands before the
goddess on three amulets; a woman stands before her on two; Von Luschan and
Andrae, Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, 5:98, pi. 44/46a, b, d (male), c, e (female). Above
the goddess is the crescent emblem of the moon god and the seven dots of the
Sebetti; in all respects save for the gender of the humans the scenes were essen-
tially identical, but each pendent was engraved by hand, not cast. The pose of the
goddess is remarkably like the Til Barsip stele of Istar; the goddess on the Zinjirli
amulets wears a woman's garment with no weapons. If the dating of the Til Barsip
stele to the time of Tiglath-pileser III is correct, then these objects may have been
made at Zinjirli at the time of Barrakib, before the city became an Assyrian province.
Inanna/Istar is traditionally associated with lions, which she often holds by a leash
(samadu); see examples cited in Cole, "Crimes and Sacrileges of Nabu-suma-iskun,"
243-44. A gold Urartian medallion imitates this iconography, with striding goddess
clutching bow and arrows atop a lion, before whom stands a beardless male (?)
suppliant wearing a tall hat and elaborately embroidered garments; H.-J. Kellner,
"Personal Adornments," in Urartu: a Metalworking Center in the First Millennium B.C.E.,
edited by R. Merhav (Israel Museum Catalogue 324; Jerusalem: Israel Museum,
1991) 167, pi. 4. A clumsy but unmistakable example of this type of medallion was
found at Tel Miqne-cEkron in a late Iron Age context; S. Gitin and T. Dothan,
"Philistine Silver and Jewelry Discovered at Ekron," BA 55/3 (1992) 152; Gitin,
"Tel Miqne-Ekron in the 7th Century B.C.E.," 69-70, fig. 4.14.
448
Technically proficient stone "Pazuzu" heads have been excavated at Zinjirli
and Carchemish; Von Luschan and Andrae, Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, 5:31, 148,
figs. 24-25, pi. 12a-d: two finely crafted heads of serpentine, pierced, with "dowel"
necks. C. L. Woolley, Carchemish: Report on the Excavations at Djerablis on Behalf of the
British Museum, Part II: The Town Defenses (Oxford: Trustees of the British Museum,
1921) 127, fig. 43: a diminutive pierced lapis lazuli head, in a house probably
destroyed when Nebuchadnezzar II captured the city; there were numerous Egyptian
and Egyptianizing artifacts found in conjunction with the object. A stone stamp seal
from Sultantepe, although the head is missing, was probably carved in the form of
a crouching Pazuzu; S. Lloyd, "Sultantepe Part II," AnSt 4 (1954) 104, fig. 2. A
beautifully wrought and preserved bronze fibula with a Pazuzu head at one end
and a bird whose bill served as the clasp at the other was found at Megiddo,
Stratum III, the same stratum in which Assyrian-style residences were built at the
site; Lamon and Shipton, Megiddo /, pi. 71, object no. 72; O. W. Muscarella, "Fibulae
Represented on Sculpture," JNES 26 (1967) 82-86 tentatively suggested a Pazuzu
iconography for the object, following a suggestion made by E. Porada and B.
Buchanan, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals in North American Collections: The Collection
of the Pierpont Morgan Library (BollS 14; Washington, D.C.: Bollingen Foundation,
1948) 86. Two bronze Pazuzu statuettes have been found in Egypt; E. A. Braun-
Holzinger, Figurliche Bronzen aus Mesopotamien (Prahistorische Bronzefunde 1 /4; Munich:
C. H. Beck, 1984) nos. 259-60. The better preserved of the two, which was said
to have been found near Tanis in the Delta, has an Aramaic(?) inscription in
Phoenician or Aramaic script; P. R. S. Moorey, "A Bronze 'Pazuzu' Statuette from
Egypt," Iraq 27 (1965) 33-41, pi. 8. Braun-Holzinger believes that its modelling
differs significantly from the iconography of the pure Assyrian types, and speculates
ture by Tiglath-pileser III, was punished by the deportation of his

gods and the "addition" of Assyrian gods to the gods of his land.
The fact that Tiglath-pileser III elected to try such measures in
that its design was based on an acquaintance with Pazuzu head pendants and
Lamastu amulets; Braun-Holzinger, Figiirliche Bronzen aus Mesopotamien, 52. The por-
tion of the inscription which can be deciphered appears to have been repeated on
both sides of the object: Issm br phh, "for Ssm son of Phh"; the text is similar to
other Phoenician inscriptions found on bronze statuettes of Imhotep and Harpocrates;
transcription by G. R. Driver in Moorey, "A Bronze 'Pazuzu' Statuette from Egypt,"
40; reference to the Egyptian statuettes with Phoenician inscriptions is from ibid.,
39. According to Driver, Phh is an Egyptian name, and Ssm is a well known
Phoenician name. Ssm was also the name of one of the demonic entities in the
Arslan Tas amulet. Moorey speculates that the figurine was cast in Phoenicia and
imported to a Phoenician trading colony residing at Tanis, probably in the 7th cen-
tury; a cultural analogue to Pazuzu in the Egyptian religious sphere was Bes, a
dwarfed, ithyphallic, grimacing deity whose apotropaic qualities were called upon
during pregnancy; Moorey, "A Bronze 'Pazuzu' Statuette from Egypt," 39, 40
n. 64; on the apotropaic functions of Bes, see M. Malaise, "Bes et les croyances
solaires," in Studies in Egyptology Presented to Miriam Lichtheim, edited by S. Israelit-
Groll (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, The Hebrew University, 1990) 2:684-86. It is pos-
sible, therefore, that this figurine from Tanis represents a syncretistic process wherein
the iconography of Assyrian Pazuzu was assimilated to a pre-existing Egypto-
Phoenician tradition of apotropaic magic.
449
Tell cAgaga, ancient Sadikanni, an important Middle and Neo-Assyrian client
state and provincial center on the Lower Habur, has yielded five winged human-
headed bull orthostats ("lamassus") clearly patterned on 9th-century Assyrian palace
originals; one retains the legible inscription "pa[lace of] Musezib-Ninurta" a local
dynast from the middle of the 9th century. Of greater interest is an anepigraphic
stele in the classic Neo-Assyrian tombstone shape: across the top are well-modeled
symbols of Sin, Samas, Sebetti, and Istar, but in place of the Assyrian emperor is
a bird-headed genius in profile holding a cone and situla, an iconographic combi-
nation unattested in the Assyrian heartland. Symbols of the Assyrian state pantheon
and monumental apotropaic guardian images but, as of this writing, no identifiable
images of Assyrian kings have been unearthed at Tell cAgaga. Musezib-Ninurta,
undoubted client of the Assyrian sovereign, selectively tapped into the powerful
reservoir of Assyrian religious imagery to adorn his palace without overtly adver-
tising his capital as an outpost of the Assyrian Empire. A. H. Layard hurriedly
excavated two of the human-headed bull images in the early 1850s; the site has
been under modern investigation since the 1980s; see Layard, Nineveh and Babylon,
277-278; A. Mahmoud and H. Kiihne, "Tall cAgaga/Sadikanni 1984-1990,"~/1/0
40-41 (1993-1994) 215-21; H. Kuhne, "The Assyrians on the Middle Euphrates
and the Habur," in Neo-Assyrian Geography, edited by M. Liverani (Quaderni di
Geografia Storica 5; Rome: Universita di Roma "La Sapienza", 1995) 76-77; A.
Mahmoud, "Eine neue 'Lamassu'-Figur aus Tell Agaga/Sadikanni," in Von Uruk
nach Tuttul: Eine Festschrift fur Eva Strommenger, Studien und Aufsatze von Kollegen und
Freunden, edited by B. Hrouda, S. Kroll and P. Z. Spanos (Vienna: Profil Verlag,
1992) 101-2 pi. 42; idem, "Tell Hajaja-Shadikanni," in L'Eufmte e il tempo: le civilta
del media Eufrate e della Gezira siriana, edited by O. Rouault and M. G. Masetti-
Rouault (Milan: Electa, 1993) 217-18 pi. 378 (illustration of apotropaic stele, text
p. 472; pi. 379 is a sharp color photograph of one of the human-headed bull
orthostats). For the inscriptions of Musezib-Ninurta on the human-headed bull
orthostats, see RIMA 2 A.0.101.2007.
216 CHAPTER TWO
Philistia, while he installed both provincial governors and the "sym-

bol of Assur" in rebellious southern Babylonian cities450 are sober
reminders of the flexible nature of Assyrian religio-political coercive
measures.
Table 4:6, 7.
CHAPTER THREE
DIPLOMACY IN THE EXERCISE OF EMPIRE:

HIGH FINANCE PATRONAGE AND HIGH
PROFILE MANIPULATION
This job of refurbishing (cult statues) which you (gods)

have continually been allotting me by oracle is
burdensome.
—Esarhaddon
Introduction
Monumental "public works projects" that denned the core identity

of ancient Mesopotamian cities chiefly consisted of temples, palaces,
and city walls with their strategic defensive gates.1 Priorities have
shifted in modernity. In contemporary America, here in Chicago,
the gaze of an airline passenger whose flight path bisects the metro-
politan area is riveted first to its clutch of skyscrapers, and then to
its streets, that roll away into blue infinity like the perspectival illu-
sion of the converging horizon cultivated by Renaissance artists.
According to information made available to the Chicago Municipal
Library, the city maintains a total of 7009.57 miles of expressways,
bi-directional and one-way streets, and alleys; it also services 242,115
lights for their illumination and traffic control, almost enough lights
to station one each mile from Chicago to the moon.2 A prodigious
army of highly-specialized vehicles lays down new streets, repairs
crumbling ones, and removes garbage, detritus, snow, and graffiti.
1
Use of the term "public works projects" so familiar to the American ear, to
describe the architectural politics of Esarhaddon in Babylonia is a felicitous expres-
sion employed throughout Porter, Images, Power, and Politics.
2
Complete figures for expressways (53.7 miles), bi-directional streets (3,766 miles),
one-way streets (1,290) alleys (1,899.87 miles), street lights (173,561), alley lights
(62,048), and traffic lights of all descriptions (6,506) were only available for 1995^96;
pamphlet prepared in August 1999, 1999 Facts About Chicago, Richard M. Daley, Mayor,
Municipal Reference Library. In addition to the title, the face of this tri-fold pamphlet
sports a recognizable silhouette of the city skyline and a black-and-white repro-
duction of the official seal of Chicago (see below).
218 CHAPTER THREE
The Chicago Department of Fleet Management, as of 1998, maintained

a fleet of approximately 6100 motorized units, consisting of refuse
trucks, dump-type trucks, street sweepers, end loaders, aerial trucks,
compressors, combination back-hoes, asphalt rollers, graffiti blasters,
and snow plows.3 According to City Municipal Code regulations, all
such vehicles must bear "the municipal device . . . a Y-shaped figure
in a circle, colored and designated to suit individual tastes and needs."4
In most cases, the municipal device is either modeled on or accom-
panies the circular seal of the city of Chicago, a bizarre colonialist
tableau surrounded by the legend "City of Chicago—Incorporated
4th March 1837." Unscientific personal observation of Chicago Fleet
Management vehicles indicates that virtually all examples of "the
municipal device" are accompanied by a stencil identifying the cur-
rent mayor of the city, who in July 2000 is Richard M. Daley, son
and heir of the legendary Democratic machine boss Richard J. Daley.
Ubiquitous presence of the "Richard M. Daley, Mayor" stencil on
city vehicles, City Hall office doors (outside and inside), public build-
ing fagades, special events posters, pamphlets, and municipal web-
sites is not law, it's just politics as usual. An attempt to run down
the precise number and allocation of these many thousands of may-
oral stencils by the knowledgeable and amused Chicago Municipal
Reference Collection staff revealed that no official documentation for
the stencils exists in their archives, and a series of telephone calls to
the appropriate municipal departments not only failed to produce the
information, but elicited hostility and suspicion—after all, I might
be a reporter after more dirt on the mayor.0
The mayor of Chicago legally does not own the city and its estimated
2,802,079 inhabitants,6 but his name emblazons countless municipal
structures and organs for their maintenance, and only feeble-minded
or illiterate adult residents could be unaware that the mayor is the
one person in charge of it all. The psychological impact is not subtle.
3
Degnan, Robert T., "Department of Fleet Management Budget Hearing October
29, 1998," document in the Chicago Municipal Reference Collection.
4
City Municipal Code 1-8-070, T1.8, in a volume containing updates for July
13, 2000.
5
Inquiry made July 27, 2000. The library staff likened my investigation to that
of a hopeful patron who inquired whether official statistics exist on the number of
rats living in Chicago.
" Estimated for 1998; 1999 Facts About Chicago, Richard M. Daley, Mayor, Municipal
Reference Library.
DIPLOMACY IN THE EXERCISE OF EMPIRE 219
On the basis of massive public works projects, the role of the mayor
of Chicago bears a certain similarity to that of the Sargonid kings
of Assyria as patrons of selected Mesopotamian temples outside the
Assyrian heartland. It is unknown whether these temples carried the
cuneiform equivalent of stencils on their doors identifying the Assyrian
king and his titles (liturgical objects and furniture did), but no one
could be in doubt who rebuilt Esagila after 689 or the ruinous E.kur
of Nippur after neglect since Kassite times. It has been customary
since the first syntheses of Neo-Assyrian history were penned in the
1850s to define the kings of Assyria as patrons of their own state
temples, and eventually of Babylonian temples as well. The ubiquity
of the term "patron" in the Assyriological literature is rarely defined
and hence unconsciously suggests a plethora of generally unsuitable
and contradictory analogues. In the remainder of this section I shall
attempt to define the concept of patronage-clientelism in a manner
useful for describing the image of patron cultivated by Assyrian kings
in Harran and Babylonia in the Sargonid period, and explore some of
the responses to this form of political control by the clients themselves.
Very few would argue against the position that the Neo-Assyrian
regime exemplified an authoritarian government.7 Since democratic
forms of western governments that embody a bureaucracy appointed
by rational criteria (competence) have become a global ideal or pres-
sure for revampment, most authoritarian regimes, ancient or modern,
saddled with such direly negative rubrics as autocracy, dictatorship,
oligarchy, patrimonialism, oriental despotism or sultanism, are widely
perceived as illegitimate, and the social sciences consumer must be
vigilant against a host of preconceptions that limit one's sensitivity
to the nuances of these political systems. Weber's classic formulation
of patrimonialism, flawed as it is by his blatant tendency to project
political Orientalism of the early twentieth century into the exotic,
non-western past, nevertheless supports many points of comparison
with the political organization of Sargonid Assyria.8 As an ideal type,
' Grayson, "Struggle for Power in Assyria," 261-69, argues that, in the first half
of the 8th century, a group of four nearly autonomous provincial governors posed
a check to Assyrian "absolute monarchy," a case of the exception that proves the
rule.
8
M. Weber, Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology (Wirtschqft und
Gesellschaft. Grundrifl der verstehenden Soîologie) (trans. E. Fischoff, H. Gerth, A. M.
Henderson, F. Kolegar, G. W. Mills, T. Parsons, M. Rheinstein, G. Roth, E. Shils,
C. Wittich; New York: Bedminster Press, 1968) 3:1006-69 (editing and translation
220 CHAPTER THREE
the patrimonial government "was dominated by a small political class

of notables who contended among themselves for offices in the ser-
vice of the patrimonial prince; the primary division among them was
faction. They were retainers or 'clients' of the patrimonial ruler and
they depended upon grace or patronage for their positions. The ruler
in turn sought to control the fractious estate of notables by manip-
ulating the flow of patronage or prebends."9 In a patrimonial regime,
the entire body politic is treated as an extension of the king's house-
hold. Key contrasts between patrimonialism and other "morpholo-
gies" of political power include the fact that patrimonial power is
arbitrary, that is, defined by the ruler rather than a corpus of law
codes or a constitution, and that the elite "clients" of this system
are appointed and dismissed from office at the ruler's absolute dis-
cretion. Thus, patrimonialism contrasts sharply with modern rational
bureaucracy. Since there exists no external mechanism for remov-
ing an incompetent or self-destructive patrimonial prince from power
other than assassination or revolution, Weber classed all patrimonial
regimes as intrinsically unstable. He typified patrimonialism as the
major exemplar of "traditional authority," a category of regime that
maintains its purchase on power by assuming the mantle of legitimacy
sanctified by religion and precedent. In ancient Mesopotamia in gen-
eral and Sargonid Assyria in particular, kingship itself is decreed by
the gods. It was the business of the patrimonial ruler to fulfill his
role as divinely-chosen leader, articulated to the satisfaction of the
elites at the very least and probably a broader spectrum of the
population.
The patron-client typology, so precious in the sight of political
sociologists and anthropologists, originates in the vocabulary of Roman
patronatus and dientela. Despite scholarly appeals to "technical" definitions
of the patronus-diens relationship in Imperial law, literature and epi-
graphic sources, the relationship had no formal standing in Roman
law.10 Baldly stated, the Roman patron was an individual commanding
of chapter 12, "Patriarchialism and Patrimonialism," by Guenther Roth and Glaus

Wittich). For but one critique among a torrent, see H. Inalcik, "Comments on
'Sultanism': Max Weber's Typification of the Ottoman Polity," Princeton Papers in
Near Eastern Studies 1 (1992) 49-72.
9
J. Malloy, "Contemporary Authoritarian Regimes," in Encyclopedia of Government
and Politics, Vol. 1, edited by M. Hawkesworth and M. Kogan (London and New
York: Routledge, 1992) 231.
10
R. P. Sailer, "Patronage and Friendship in Early Imperial Rome: Drawing the
superior power (economic, juridical, political) who was disposed to

exchange benefits with a social inferior, in which the inferior party
sought patrocinium (protection, championship). During the Republic
the patron was of the patrician class, the client of the plebian; by
Imperial times patron-client relations could exist between senior and
junior senators, equestrians, freedman, and so forth, as well as senior
aristocrats sponsoring clients of vastly inferior means. Clients could
serve a number of different patrons simultaneously. The relationship
had ritualistic components. "The social hierarchy of Rome was re-
enacted and reinforced daily through the characteristically Roman
institution of the salutatio. Every day lesser men showed up at the
houses of the great. The salutatio provided a visible marker of status
in two ways: the standing of the callers was indicated by the order
in which they were received by the patron, and the patron's status
was displayed by the number and importance of his callers."11 Sailer
defines the classic Roman patronage relationship by three criteria:
the relationship entails a reciprocal exchange of goods and services;
the relationship is a personal one rather than a commercial exchange
of goods or a legally-binding contractual obligation; and the rela-
tionship is inherently asymmetrical in that the two parties are of
unequal status and exchange goods and services of a different nature.12
An additional characteristic subscribed to by other researchers is that
of voluntarism. A master is not a patron to his slave, since the rela-
tionship lacks the element of voluntary choice by the inferior. Kinship
relations qua kinship are not patrons and clients, since there is no
element of choice in blood relations. While Roman patronage can
be meaningfully denned as a formal social relation existing between
individuals of unequal power, it is crucial that the patron-client rela-
tionship be understood as a integral social system that played a dom-
inant role in the operation of the Roman economy, polity and society.
". . . [F]or much of its history Rome was a society in which public
agencies and official functions were mediated by the private per-
sonal ties of patronage. State offices—senator, provincial governor
or the emperor—were enmeshed in patronage relationships to a
degree that it becomes entirely misconceived to maintain a distinction
Distinction," in Patronage in Ancient Society, edited by A. Wallace-Hadrill (London and

New York: Routledge, 1989) 49-62.
11
Sailer, "Patronage and Friendship," 57.
12
Sailer, "Patronage and Friendship," 49.
222 CHAPTER THREE
between the 'formal power structures' of the state and the private
bonds of patronage."13
Although use of clientela by the Romans to describe their interna-
tional relations was rare, a creditable case can be made that Roman
client states14—states whose subject status was expressed as fides, "pro-
tection"—moved in the same orbit of paironus-cliens protection ren-
dered by the stronger party in exchange for services (beneftcia, qfficia)
and the formal duty to express gratitude (gratia) by the weaker. The
avoidance of the terminology of clientela in state-to-state descriptions
was probably due to the fact that individual Roman cliens could cus-
tomarily enjoy the protection of a number of patrons, whereas a
state under Roman treaty or protectorate status was at liberty to claim
loyalty to one patron only: Rome.'0 Roman patronage of commu-
nities and states under its rule was a vital part of Roman imperialism.
Social science studies in the last 20 years on clientelism or the
patron-client relationship grew out of analyses of so-called Mediter-
ranean peasant societies, generalized to describe other systems of
relationships of exchange between unequals, including Third World
debt slavery and First World machine politics. Rather than attempt
a fruitless synthesis of this literature,16 I shall outline a model of pat-
13
T. Johnson and C. Dandeker, "Patronage: Relation and System," in Patronage
in Ancient Society, edited by A. Wallace-Hadrill (London and New York: Routledge,
1989) 236.
14
The common definition of a client state as one permitted to retain its sover-
eignty but is bound in a dependent relationship to a stronger state, is that adopted
throughout this study.
15
J. Rich, "Patronage and Interstate Relations in the Roman Republic," in
Patronage in Ancient Society, edited by A. Wallace-Hadrill (London and New York:
Routledge, 1989) 117-35. Another issue in Roman international relations that should
interest the Assyriological community is the rather vague distinction made by the
Romans themselves regarding clients states—those under indirect hegemony—and
provinces. "The terms amid and socii were used of both categories and the ideol-
ogy of service and obligation was applied to both. Although it is convenient for us
to speak of those under indirect rule as the Romans' clients, their relationship with
all their subjects was in a sense patronal, and this may have helped to facilitate
their eventual assimilation to citizenship and membership of the ruling elite" (132).
16
The unhappiness on the part of historians of antiquity with the handling of
the patron-client relationship by the social sciences discipline was archly captured
by M. I. Finley in 1983:
I make scarcely any reference to the recent outpouring of sociological and
anthropological literature on patronage because I have found little of it help-
ful. The field of study is restricted to an odd combination of small societies in
the colonial (or ex-colonial) world, backward agrarian regions in the Mediterranean
basin, and machine politics in big American cities. The vast expanse of his-
rimonial clientelism in the Neo-Assyrian Empire that, I hope, has

explanatory value in the face of the eight tables of data and their
elaboration which follow.
1) Patronage at the Personal Level as a Social Relation
a) Notables are selected or recruited by the Assyrian king, in con-
sultation with his advisors, for high-profile positions, which yield
the clients a combination of economic gain, prestige, and power.
b) These notables consist of the Assyrian magnates (LU.GAL.MES,
rabute) which include the top military echelon, court scholars
(UM.ME.A.MES, ummdne), and handpicked office holders in
the secular and sacred administration, including client rulers.
c) A major goal of royal patronage was the production of "healthy"
competition among notables and client rulers for the advance-
ment of their social status and position, routinely attempted by
denouncing one's competitors. A related goal sought to limit
torical societies is ignored, so that e.g. A. Weingrod has produced a typology

in which Roman clientela cannot be accommodated (though patron and client
are of course words coined by the Romans . . .).
Quoted in A. Wallace-Hadrill, "Introduction," in Patronage in Ancient Society, edited
by A. Wallace-Hadrill (London and New York: Routledge, 1989) 1.
The situation has improved somewhat, in that a number of social scientists have
gained the tools to deal with Greco-Roman sources without secondary mediation.
The application of social science theory to ancient Middle East studies, particularly
Assyriology, remains rudimentary. For general introductions and specialized studies
see W. Rollig, "Gesellschaft. A. Mesopotamien," RLA 3:233b-36b; E. Gellner and
J. Waterbury, eds. Patrons and Clients in Mediterranean Societies (London: Gerald Duckworth
and Co., 1977); J. Pecirkova, "Social and Economic Aspects of Mesopotamian
History in the Work of Soviet Historians (Mesopotamia in the First Millennium
B.C.)," ArOr 47 (1979) 111-22; S. N. Eisenstadt and R. Lemarchand, eds. Political
Clientelism, Patronage, and Development (Sage Studies in Contemporary Political Sociology
3; Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1981); C. Clapham, "Clientelism and the State,"
in Private Patronage and Public Power: Political Clientelism in the Modern State, edited by
C. Clapham (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1982) 1-35; S. N. Eisenstadt and
L. Roniger, Patrons, Clients, and Friends: Interpersonal Relations and the Structure of Trust
in Society (Themes in the Social Sciences; Cambridge and New York: Cambridge
University Press, 1984); Grayson, "Assyrian Civilization," 206-10; K. Barkey, Bandits
and Bureaucrats: the Ottoman Route to State Centralization (The Wilder House Series in
Politics, History, and Culture; Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1994)
85-140; A. Giine§-Ayata, "Clientelism: Premodern, Modern, Postmodern," in Democracy,
Clientelism, and Civil Society, edited by L. Roniger and A. Giine§-Ayata (Boulder, CO
and London: Lynne Rienner, 1994) 19-28; J. D. Schloen, "The Patrimonial Household
in the Kingdom of Ugarit: A Weberian Analysis" (Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard
University, 1995) 1-32, 149-244; Grayson, "Struggle for Power," 253-70. The inter-
ested reader may scan back issues of Journal of the Economic and Social History of the
Orient for valuable specialized studies, such as B. Foster, "A New Look at the
Sumerian Temple State," JESHO 24 (1981) 225-41.
224 CHAPTER THREE
the allurement of competing political patronage that might cause

wavering clients to defect to rebel leaders and foreign rulers.
Inoculants against competing patronage included material and
prestige rewards, and of course the threat of grisly punishment.
d) By creating a network of proteges beholden to the Assyrian
king, he sought in exchange loyalty, obedience, and a modicum
of competent job performance. If the client identifies with the
ideology of the ruler, then the loyalty is internalized and that
political actor has functionally become an Assyrian. If resistance
to domination is unabated but the tokens of loyalty are pub-
licly manifest, then the king has gained a useful if potentially
restive servant.
e) The overall degree of voluntarism and coercion in the selec-
tion of individuals by the Assyrian king for clientships is unknown,
though foreign rulers who accepted client status following
Assyrian military assault, retaining both their thrones and their
lives, certainly made their choice under coercion. As part of
Assyrian royal clientelism, the client was required to appear in
audience before the king at his royal discretion (a form of salu-
tatio), engage in direct correspondence with the king, and be
subjected to constant surveillance by peers and subordinates,
eager to denounce a slacker or a traitor and, hopefully, enhance
their own standing with the king.
2) Patronage at the Intrastate Level as an Institutional Social System
a) The entire citizen body of individual city- and territorial states
could be courted as clients.
b) Means of gaining clientship at a macro rather than the per-
sonal level could include
i) restoration of alienated land;
ii) military protection and maintenance of civic order;
iii) direct economic aid and revitalization;
iv) restoration or creation of civic exemptions;
v) restoration and maintenance of signature emblems of civic
life: temples, cultus, city walls. All of these acts were part
of the common heritage of traditional Mesopotamian king-
ship, elements of a familiar role expected by Mesopotamian
client states.
c) In exchange for the tangible benefits of Assyrian patronage,
the client state was expected to demonstrate obedience and
loyalty exclusively to the Assyrian crown. Assyrian political domi-
nation was, by Assyrian lights, an exitless scenario; rebellious

client kings were routinely deposed and the former client state
could either receive a new client ruler or suffer incorporation
into the provincial system. In addition to the uncertain promise
of rewards, the majority of client states acceded to Assyrian
hegemony under threat of invasion, psychological terror tactics,
and mass deportation; judging by the chronic incidence of
rebellion, Assyrian patronage came at a higher price than most
client states cared to pay.
1 a-c. The benefits of personal patronage by the kings of Assyria
were concrete and avidly sought. Permission to correspond with the
king carried with it numerous opportunities for advancement, appeals
for favors, and calls for the redressing of personal injuries, real or
imagined. "As to what the king, my lord, wrote to me [Nabu-ahhe-
eriba, an astrologer]: 'From now on you will stay in my entourage:
if there is something you want to say, write me.' How would I not
stand in front of the king, my lord? To whom else would we be
devoted?"17 The grief of those who had fallen out of the golden lime-
light of the king's favor could be melodramatically pitched, as in the
case of Urad-Gula, son of the chief exorcist Adad-sumu-usur, who
had "lost his tenure" at court:
May the king, my lord, attend to the claim of his servant, let the king
see the entire matter. In the beginning, in the time of the king's father,
I was a poor man, son of a poor man, a dead dog . . . he (the king)
raised me up from the dung heap. I received fine gifts (ndmurtu) from
him, my name was spoken of by well-placed men. I consumed many
remnants (from the king's table); from time to time he gave me a mule
or an ox, and I earned one or two minas of silver annually. . . Now,
following his father, the king my lord has magnified the good name
he established, but I have not been treated in a manner commensu-
rate with my deeds. I have suffered as never before, I have despaired
. . . I taught submission, toil, and fear of the palace among the ser-
vants, the bearded ones and the eunuchs, and what was my r[ewar]d?
. . . It is two years since the be [asts of mine] have died . . . People pass
(my) house, the mighty in palanquins, the second-rank in carts, the
minor figures on mules, but I go on foot. . . May the [heart of the
kijng grow benign, may he send me at least two beasts \x x x] and a
change of clothes.18
17
ABL no. 80 = SAA 10 no. 68:7-rev. 2 (K 520).
18
S. Parpola, "The Forlorn Scholar," in Language, Literature, and History: Philological
and Historical Studies Presented to Erica Reiner, edited by F. Rochberg-Halton (AOS 67;
226 CHAPTER THREE
A priest in Babylon complained that "Marduk-zeru-ibni is slandering

me because he trusted Urad-Nabu and Nadinu. I (to the contrary) trust
the king my lord. May the eyes of the king be upon me. Marduk-
zeru-ibni has opened the chests sealed by Suma-iddina (satammu of
Esagila) and removed gems from them. The king should be made
known."19 This last quotation highlights the competitive nature of
patronage among clients, a competitiveness that must have been
hard-wired into the system of Assyrian royal patronage itself, other-
wise such denunciations and potentially lethal critiques of other highly-
placed personnel would not figure so prominently in the state archives.20
Client rulers and their families reaped ample rewards for their
loyal service.21 Barrakib, client king of Sam'al under Tiglath-pileser
III, created a statue for his father Panammuwa extolling his rise in
wealth, land and authority through military servitude to the Assyrian
king. Supposedly when he died on campaign, the Assyrian army
publicly mourned Panammuwa to a man, and Tiglath-pileser III
ordered his body transported to Assyria.22 One is reminded of the
grants of tax exemptions made on behalf of court eunuchs guaran-
teeing their burial rights where they chose, probably in the royal
palace.23 Barrakib, "because of my father's righteousness and my own
righteousness," was permitted to succeed his father as client ruler.24
Both of these Aramaic texts demonstrate numerous caiques from
Assyrian royal inscriptions, and one must therefore be wary of politic
narrative adjustments: but the ideology of the texts was undoubtedly
New Haven: American Oriental Society, 1987) 257-78; ABL no. 1285 = SAA 10
no. 294:13-18, 23~25, 30, rev. 13-14, 18-20, 34-35 (K 4267).
19
ABL no. 498 = SAA 13 no. 174 rev. 6-16 (K 646) (writer: Rasi-ili).
20
See the examples and discussion in "Agents of Assyrian Religious Imperialism"
infra. Note that the promise of responsible patronage, a reciprocal relationship
implicitly offered to every crown client, carried a double-edged sword. The king
would be called upon to live up to his image as protector of the weak against the
strong and the outraged against the righteous, as witness innumerable epistolary
appeals to the king for personal justice.
21
For a brief overview of Assyrian client kingdoms, see Postgate, "Land of Assur,"
252-55.
22
KAI no. 215; Gibson, Syrian Semitic Inscriptions, Vol. 2, no. 14, 78-81 (Staatliche
Museen, Berlin).
23
K. Deller, "The Assyrian Eunuchs and Their Predecessors," in Priests and Officials
in the Ancient Near East: Papers of the Second Colloquium on the Ancient Near East—the City
and its Life—held at the Middle Eastern Culture Center in Japan (Mitaka, Tokyo), March
22-24, 1996, edited by K. Watanabe (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1999) 307.
24
KAI no. 216; Gibson, "Syrian Semitic Inscriptions, vol. 2," no. 15, 90:4-11
(Arkeoloji Miizelen, Istanbul).
that of the Assyrian "public transcript,"25 the official face of domi-

nation promulgated in word and pageantry by the king of Assyria
and his elites. Thus, Barrakib was himself adumbrating the licensed
merits of clientship to his own elite clients, fellow client rulers, and
any Assyrian spies assigned to monitor his loyalty. "Bar-rakib's boast
of a new prosperity was addressed to the local elite; and it seems
clear that, in general, the flow towards vassals of benefits from the
Assyrian king—sharing of booty, direct payment for war alliance,
etc.—reached the members of local aristocracies. On the other hand,
the ruling elite, as Bar-rakib explains, had emerged from a period of
social disorders or civil war; and further advantages were certainly
obtained by expelling or weakening rival groups."26 The succession
of Barrakib to his father's post illustrates the strong tendency in the
Neo-Assyrian Empire to foster a hereditary class of notables and for-
eign rulers as crown clients.27 But extreme delinquency in duty or
the merest rumor of treason could eventuate in recall, capture, and
summary execution, as witness the fate of numerous client rulers
caught in flagrante delicto.
1 d. The degree to which Assyrian royal clients actually "bought"
into the public transcript is notoriously difficult to isolate. The cor-
respondence of Babylonian governors, temple administrators and
other officials connected with Babylonian temples convey the same
tone of groveling deference to the king's wishes, gratuitous expressions
23
The "public transcript" is a shorthand way of describing the open interaction
between subordinates and those who rule. It encompasses what is conventionally
called ideological representation, as well as the panoply of behaviors sanctioned by
the power-wielding elites. These behaviors are correctly replicated by the subordi-
nates so long as the latter elect to support the status quo. The "hidden transcript"
is the offstage interaction between subordinates in opposition to the hierarchy of
obedience defined by the dominant rulers; J. C. Scott, Domination and the Arts of
Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1990)
17-107.
26
Lanfranchi, "Consensus to Empire," 85. Lanfranchi's excellent essay contains
a wealth of examples drawn both from Sargon IPs inscriptions and this one client
ruler illustrating the benefits of Assyrian loyalty to submissive rulers: augmented
power, expanded dominions, material enrichment, military protection, and stability
of rule.
2/
That Assyrian notables of the highest rank held their offices at the whim of
the Assyrian king was symbolized by the divestment of their emblems of office in
the course of the coronation ritual, known from Middle and Neo-Assyrian exem-
plars; Miiller, Texte zum assyrischen Konigsritual, 14 iii 1-14. The Neo-Assyrian ver-
sion, a coronation hymn of Assurbanipal, does not provide detailed ritual instructions;
SAA 3 no. 11.
228 CHAPTER THREE
of gratitude and self-abasement, and a kindergarten sensitivity to the

failings of others, all of a piece with their Assyrian counterparts. The
normative political culture communicated in epistolary form was mas-
tered by all clients aspiring to job security and better times ahead.28
Flawless letters of this sort were written by Babylonian notables to
the king in Nineveh while they were actively conspiring with Samas-
sumu-ukm29 or the king of Elam30 to overthrow Assyrian suzerainty
in Babylonia. So the declarations and devices of loyalty manifest in
royal correspondence could conceal a traitor, or simply a skilled actor
adroitly and probably cynically playing the game of dutiful crown
servant. Failures to fulfill important obligations to state and temple,
while usually brought to the king's attention as dereliction to duty,
may have actually expressed dissatisfaction with Assyrian authority
in covert ways. Lists of provincial governors who failed to meet their
allocation of sacrificial materials for the Assur temple, may have been
lazy or stingy, or in truth they may have discovered a safe means
of rebellion against the onus of their clientship and a regime whose
legitimacy they questioned. 31 The correspondence of Mar-Istar,
Esarhaddon's roving envoy and troubleshooter in Babylonia in the
last three years of his reign, is rife with reports of governors whose
peculations are adversely affecting sacrificial schedules, engaging in
unsanctioned dismissals and appointments of temple administrators,
thereby usurping the privilege of the patron king, and a variety of
other sins of commission and omission that reduce overall adminis-
trative efficiency and tarnish the meticulously wrought image of
Esarhaddon as dutiful Babylonian king. Undoubtedly, many of these
negative actions stemmed from no particular political agenda, lazi-
ness and greed being universal temptations, but there is also the pos-
sibility that some of these deeds and non-deeds may have expressed
28
See the discussion in "Agents of Assyrian Religious Imperialism," chapter 4
infra 320-338.
29
Although the evidence is ambiguous at many points, it is likely that Nabu-bel-
sumati, grandson of Merodach-baladan II and Babylonian arch-nemesis during the
Samas-sumu-ukfn rebellion, was writing duplicitous letters to Assurbanipal on the
eve of the rebellion; see Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 127-29.
30
In this case, Frame raises the possibility that ABL no. 1385 (Ki 1904-10-9,42),
a letter written by Samas-sumu-ukm to his brother, may have been a smokescreen
to deceive Assurbanipal that the Babylonian king had not begun conspiring with
the Elamite king, when that had indeed already begun; Frame, Babylonia 689-627
B.C., 111.
31
See the discussion in chapter 2 supra 100-108.
Babylonian discontent with their Assyrian masters, using the same

survival tactics that Babylonian client officials might have employed
in resisting the will of native Babylonian kings.32
1 e. Were Babylonian governors and temple administrators, Assyrian
governors and scholars, and even Samas-sumu-ukfn, Esarhaddon's
son invested as king of Babylonia, "drafted" against their will by the
Assyrian king into royal clientelism? I know of no evidence that these
appointments were initially resisted (though who would dare risk
openly offending the king for granting such a prestigious favor?),
whereas several letters plead, beg and whine for offices with access
to the king and his entourage. Certainly offices at the top of the
Assyrian hierarchy, like provincial governorates, came with vast grants
of land and boundless opportunities for personal gain. There were
excellent reasons, however, to accept such honors with judicious real-
ism. As the leader of a patrimonial authoritarian state, the king of
Assyria held the life of every soul in the empire in his hands. Royal
clients individually tapped by the king were by definition subjected
to a more piercing scrutiny than the rank-and-file citizen or foreign
subject. Peers and subordinates alike with access to the king could
pass along personal performance reports in their correspondence,
usually of a negative import, "the gentle whispers which cut mens'
throats" in the words of Juvenal. Babylonian governors, temple admin-
istrators and other crown appointments were expected to "seek the
king's health" in personal audiences, one objective of which was a
review of the client's loyalty, with denunciations in hand.33 Client
rulers or their ambassadors were expected to bring their tribute
before the king in a ritual that, like all state processions and public
assembles—coronations, military triumphs, New Year's festivals, build-
ing ceremonies, treaty ceremonies, royal funerals—graphically reaffirmed
the structures of power endorsed by the state.34 Failure to bring trib-
ute to Assyria, whether in person or by proxy, was tantamount to
a declaration of rebellion.
32
On the career of Mar-Istar, see chapter 4 infra 332-334.
33
See the discussion in "Agents of Assyrian Religious Imperialism," chapter 4
infra 322, 324, 335.
34
On the representation of tribute processions in Neo-Assyrian palace reliefs, see
Postgate Taxation, 126-27; Winter, "Royal Rhetoric," 16-17; Russell, Sennacherib's
Palace Without Rival at Nineveh, 236-38. Cifarelli, "Enmity, Alienation, and Assyrian-
ization," 46, notes that all of the tribute reception scenes on the Balawat Gates of
Assur-nasir-pal II show him standing outside the palace.
230 CHAPTER THREE
2 a. Esarhaddon's "Babylon" inscriptions emphasize his election

to kingship by Marduk, the tutelary god of Babylon, for the express
purpose of restoration (from the depredations of Sennacherib, never
identified by name), dwelling on the reclamation of the city, the
reconstruction of its city walls and temples, the reactivation of its
cultus, and the ingathering of its dispersed people in a blaze of pater-
nalistic social justice. By adopting the ancient title of "king of Sumer
and Akkad" into his titulary and publicly executing the traditional
gestures of kingship in the ancient Babylonian temple-cities, Esarhaddon
laid claim to the Babylonian monarchy through recognized media
of legitimation.35 Although Esarhaddon's interactions with Babylonia
admit numerous other forms of systemic power brokerage and dom-
ination, he strove to construct a public persona as conscientious
national patron to the citizens of Babylonia and their gods, globally
impersonal in the case of the former, but highly personalized and
immediate regarding the chief Babylonian pantheon and cultus.
Esarhaddon's royal inscriptions never hint at the fact that national
clientage to Assyria was voluntary. Although he sought the accolades
of a dutiful patron, pater patriae, the Assyrian army stood poised—as
all parties knew—to invade troublesome Babylonian cities and ter-
ritories, as Sennacherib had ruthlessly demonstrated, should the
Babylonians rashly seek to install a king of their own choosing and
enter into military negotiations with Aramaeans, Chaldeans, Arabs,
and Elam. Indirect rule of client states and provinces distant from
the Assyrian heartland always entailed the risk of defection, imply-
ing an element of political voluntarism assiduously concealed by the
public transcript. On the eve of the Samas-sumu-ukfn rebellion, a
most canny piece of divide-and-conquer rhetoric in the guise of a
letter addressed by Assurbanipal to the citizens of Babylon strove to
sustain their wavering allegiance to the Assyrian cause.36 Assurbanipal
assured his readers of his complete confidence in their innocence in
the face of the perfidious blandishments and disinformation of his
brother, and guaranteed that the traditional civic exemptions of the
city would be preserved, i.e., Assurbanipal would maintain his end
of the patron-client relationship if the Babylonians would stick with
theirs. The public transcript of Assyrian hegemony is picture per-
fect, yet the letter vividly communicates Assurbanipal's alertness to
35
See discussion in chapter 4 infra 358-372.
36
ABL no. 301 (K 84); see citations to secondary studies in Table 10:8.
the threat of the "hidden transcript": Babylonian preparations for

rebellion and civil war.
2 b i. Early in his reign, Esarhaddon deported and executed Samas-
ibni, shaykh of the Chaldean Bit Dakkuri. According to Esarhaddon's
royal inscriptions, Samas-ibni had seized lands belonging to the inhab-
itants of Babylon and Borsippa probably during the "kingless years"
between 689 and 681. Samas-ibni was replaced with a more tractable
tribal leader, and the northern Babylonian lands were returned to
the dispossessed. Frame adduces a kudurru from the reign of Samas-
sumu-ukln and correspondence that seem to corroborate Esarhad-
don's solicitude over the restoration of lands illegally alienated from
Babylonian citizens.37
2 b ii. Following Sargon II's recapture of Babylonia in 710—709,
he entrenched Assyria's hold over the country. In so doing, he claimed
by innuendo to have improved the lot of its non-tribal population
by mass deportation of Aramaeans and Chaldeans from the south,
and the reclamation of lands in northwest Babylonia reputedly ren-
dered uninhabitable by impassable roads, wild beasts and, worse,
Aramaean and Sutean brigands.38 Aramaean raids in the environs
of Sippar were thwarted.39 A sizeable corpus of correspondence from
Babylonian administrators and clergy conveys something of Sargon
IFs determination to create an orderly administrative unit from his
newly-acquired kingdom, a necessity for Assyrian imperial objectives,
naturally, but also a boon to the economic recovery and stability of
urban Babylonia. The better-documented reign of Esarhaddon indi-
cates that he used force against Babylonian tribals when necessary,
but also utilized their leadership to control Elamite border areas and
the Sealands. Save for a brief Elamite raid in Sippar in 675 and an
attempted subornation of the Sealands, Assyria maintained peaceful
and even cordial relations with Elam during Esarhaddon's reign, per-
haps the major reason that no widespread anti-Assyrian actions tran-
spired in Babylonia at this time, since traditional Elamite support
for the rebels was not forthcoming.40 Aside from the many official
assertions of Esarhaddon that the welfare of Babylon was his unsleep-
ing concern, a collection of letters written by Mar-Istar are rife with

Brinkman, Prelude to Empire, 53.
232 CHAPTER THREE
reports of corrupt Babylonian clients, nonfeasance at the highest lev-

els, and concrete solutions either set in motion by the envoy him-
self or tactfully deferred to the king's judgment.
2 b iii. The amount of resources that Esarhaddon pooled from
Assyria's own imperial exchequer to underwrite the reconstruction
of Babylonian temple complexes, reactivate and maintain sacrificial
schedules, refurbish Babylonian divine images, and subsidize Babylonian
clerical prebends can never be known unless a "ledger" more detailed
and comprehensive than any recovered heretofore from the Assyrian
heartland awaits discovery. Inscriptional finds identifying work on
temple complexes in northern Babylonia as well as Nippur and Uruk
suggest that the king's official portrait as master patron of Babylonia's
urban cultus had a basis in reality.41 A seriously damaged inscrip-
tion of Esarhaddon composed after his triumphant Egyptian cam-
paign of 671 seems to say that he divided part of the vast Egyptian
booty between Assyrian and Babylonian temples.42 Assurbanipal asserts
that he plated the interior of the Sin temple in Harran with 70 tal-
ents of £fl/zfl/z2-electrum, probably part of the spoil from the Egyptian
campaign of 664.43 A statistical count of Babylonian economic doc-
uments dated by Esarhaddon's regnal years suggest that his massive
program for revitalizing Babylonia yielded concrete dividends in his
own lifetime.44 An even greater number of economic documents are
dated to the second half of Samas-sumu-ukm's reign.43 At some point
between 669 and 664, Assurbanipal forwarded food to Elam for
famine relief and even provided sanctuary for starving Elamites.46
Assyria had striven for years to entice or bully Elamite kings into
the role of client rulers, a policy rewarded with evanescent success
only.47
2 b iv. A different component of Assyria's royal solicitude for
Babylonia's economic recovery entailed the reconfirmation or, in
some cases, invention of traditionally-defined civic privileges, usually
translated into tax and corvee exemptions and juridical guarantees.
These privileges were avidly bargained for by Assyrian as well as
41
Table 5:12-17.
42
Borger Esarh., §64, Smlt.
43
Table 5:24, and chapter 4 infra 314 n. 506.
44
Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 78.
45
46
47
Carter and Stolper, Elam: A Survey, 44-53.
Babylonian cities. A text by Sargon II defends the assassination of

Shalmaneser V as a justifiable reaction to the latter king's impious
denial of these benefits to the ancient capital city Assur.48 Judging by
the prominence accorded the granting of these privileges in the in-
scriptions of Sargon II, Esarhaddon, and Assurbanipal, and a variety
of Babylonian correspondence and a literary text, a "Fiirstenspiegel"
that delegitimates any Babylonian ruler who would abrogate these
civic rights, the privileges constituted a signal source of urban self-
esteem in addition to conveying important economic incentives for
growth. The granting of these privileges is perhaps the most clearly
expressed medium of reciprocity between prominent Babylonian cities
qua clients and Assyrian kings qua city patrons.49
2 b v. The same airline passenger who gawked at the Chicago
skyline and roadway, now cruising in low over Uruk, Nippur, Borsippa,
and Babylon on flight no. 640 B.C.E. would be struck by the glazed
brick panoply and geometric symmetry of the ziggurats, the gleam-
ing walls, parapets and regular crenellations of the temples and their
elaborate courts and processional ways, and the city walls with their
ponderous wooden gates. Lesser features would be noted, but these
visions of monumental mudbrick fortifications and resplendent enam-
eled brickwork would provide the most sought-after aerial postcard
panoramas, excepting perhaps the day the king escorts the great
statue of Marduk during the New Year's festival in the springtime,
and even then half of the photogenic drama would be accounted
for by the exotic architectural backdrop. Monumental temples, their
furnishings, sacred images, temple towers and city walls endowed the
cities of ancient Mesopotamia with a corporate identity and sym-
bolized with every 90° angle the connection of contemporary Babylonia
with its fructifying past.00 These structures represented—in the eyes
of their Assyrian underwriters, certainly—visible pledges by a series
of Assyrian monarchs to the people of Babylonia that the ancient
48
Vera Chamaza, "Sargon II's Ascent to the Throne," 21~33.
49
For a philological and historical treatment of these exemptions, see Table 10
and discussion infra.
50
"For it is in civic space that the authorities, or those who possess formal author-
ity, promulgate and sometimes determine the public policies that they currently
declare to be authoritative. Furthermore, civic space is where authorities perform
the rituals of entry, consecration, and enactment that both verify their own status
as bonafide officials and legitimize their decisions and promulgations"; C. T. Goodsell,
The Social Meaning of Civic Space: Studying Political Authority through Architecture (Studies in
Government and Public Policy; Lawrence, KS: University of Kansas Press, 1988) 14.
234 CHAPTER THREE
arts of Babylonian kingship were incarnated by Sargonid kings, patrons

of Babylonian peace, prosperity, and justice.01
Reality check. The quest for Babylonian consent to be governed
by Assyria could carry a fearful price for the governed. That the
agenda of Babylonian kingship held by the Assyrian kings diverged
from the ideals of the Babylonians themselves is reflected in, among
other things, the wholesale destruction of Babylon in 689 and the
Samas-sumu-ukfn rebellion of 652-648. Babylonia as a client state,
even with the Assyrian king formally recognized as Babylonian
monarch, was a country held hostage to imperial designs: transit-
trade exploitation, military subservience, total foreign policy control,
and the ever-present threat of invasion at the first symptom of revolt.
While it is true that the Assyrians rebuilt ruinous Babylonian tem-
ple complexes, it is rarely appreciated that the cultus as a central
institution of national civilization—and a potential stage for the investi-
ture of rebel kings—operated within the radius of a leash as short
Dl
For texts and interpretations the reader may consult Tables 5-12, the back-
bone of this chapter. The concept of philanthropa as an attribute of the Ptolemaic
king, "a kindly protector of his people, generous, merciful, beneficent" resonates
with the meticulously wrought image of the Assyrian king as Babylonian patron.
. . . [LJater Ptolemies clearly represented themselves as concerned for the
welfare of the people, issuing decrees that dealt with benefits to temples and
priests, asylum grants, tax exemption . . . We see the king exhibiting concern
for the welfare and fair treatment of weak and complaining taxpayers, com-
manding the bureaucrats to avoid oppression and excessive exactions, acting
as the protector of the people against the administration rather than as the
overseer of the government.
A. E. Samuel, "The Ptolemies and Ideology of Kingship," in Hellenistic History
and Culture, edited by P. Green (Hellenistic Culture and Society 9; Berkeley and
Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993) 190-92. Patterns of civic euer-
getism with origins in the Hellenistic ruler-cults were inculcated through multiple
channels of the Roman emperor cults. Gordon maintains that the Roman emper-
ors, by portraying themselves on public monuments as pious sacrificants to the gods,
promoted an exemplum, a model of civic and religious munificence to be followed
by provincial members of the local elites who, by becoming priests or generous
patrons of the imperial cult, could at a single stroke achieve the local prestige and
honor necessary for the maintenance of their elite status, and at the same time
ingratiate themselves with the powers that be in Rome; R. Gordon, "The Veil of
Power: Emperors, Sacrificers and Benefactors," in Pagan Priests: Religion and Power in
the Ancient World, edited by M. Beard and J. North (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University
Press, 1990) 202-19, 224-31. Those fascinating steles of Esarhaddon, Samas-sumu-
ukln and Assurbanipal that cast the king in the immemorial role of a manual laborer
in a Babylonian temple presage the blossoming of philanthropa and euergetism as royal
ideals suitable for public mimicry in later empires. "In order to demonstrate before
the people his (Marduk's) great divinity and to make them fear his lordship, I
(Esarhaddon) hoisted the kudurru-basket atop my head, and I bore it myself" Borger
Esarh., §11, Bab. A, C, D, E, Ep. 21, 20:12-17.
as royal Assyrian clientelism could engineer. With Assyrian-appointed

peers and spies corresponding with the Assyrian capital from the
bowels of the major Babylonian city-temples, independent-minded
clergy and would-be traitors were constrained to escape the physical
and psychological Panopticon to hatch their plots. The operation of
the cultus itself, the performance of major festivals, the correction of
the civil and cultic calendar through intercalation, the enforcement
of sacrificial dues to the various Babylonian temples for the "care
and feeding of the gods" and the refurbishment of the divine images
themselves were probably all decisions that fell under the traditional
jurisdiction of the Babylonian king. Yet, because these decisions were
communicated from Nineveh rather than Babylon, it must have
etched in the consciousness of those privy to the internal affairs of
the Babylonian cultus the fact that Assyrian patronage, however
benign the public face, was in truth a brutal intrusion of Assyrian
imperial policy into the Babylonian holy-of-holies.D2
And there were literally divine Babylonian hostages in Assyria: the
cult images seized by Sennacherib and his predecessors. The reac-
quisition of a purloined god image through Assyrian auspices was a
supreme opportunity for spectacle, civic pageantry, and the reaping
of political capital through the orchestrated benevolence of the kings
of Assyria. Inscriptions of Esarhaddon celebrate an Assyrian-sponsored
return of the statue of Marduk, his consort, and other gods resident
in the capital city to Babylon, a return that went awry. The texts
date from the final two years of his reign. The picturesque Assyrian
narrative of this spectacular non-event encapsulates Esarhaddon's
public transcript of Assyro-Babylonian unification.
(The gods) took the road to Suanna (Babylon), a festive way. From
Baltil (Assur) to the [quay] at Babylon, every third of a double-mile
piles of brushwood were lit, at every double-mile fatted oxen were
slaughtered. And I, Esarhaddon, took his great godship by the hand
[x x x] before him. I brought them joyfully into Babylon, city of their
honor. Into the orchards, the canals and fields of the temple
E.kar.za.gin.na, the pure place, through the service of the apkallu,
"mouth-washing," "mouth-opening," washing and purification, before
the stars of heaven, before Ea, Samas, Asalluhi, [and other deities]
they entered.33
>2
The data behind these remarks may be found in Tables 5-12.
53
Borger Esarh., §57, AsBbE, 88-89 rev. 18-24, and §60, AsBbH, 91:2'-12'.
Examples of such "futuresque" narratives are a routine component of foundation
236 CHAPTER THREE
A string of bonfires stretching from Assur to Babylon is an arrest-

ing image, not to mention the butcher's bill in cattle. Porter astutely
draws attention to the international scope of the pageantry, and the
breadth of rural and urban participation, a phenomenal concentra-
tion of publicity for the capstone of Esarhaddon's religio-political
project in Babylonia.54 A number of features in the Assyrian text
mirror events of the Babylonian New Year's festival, including the
king's escort of the principal cult statue in person, all staged for the
maximum exaltation of Esarhaddon as royal patron of Babylon.
Yet there is a side to the pageantry that Porter's analysis misses.
State processions and pageants were moments of maximal political
symbolism. At such intervals of high public drama, as in the peck-
ing order of the Roman salutatio, the program of royal clientelism is
fully exposed and enacted as the lesser dramatis personae don their liv-
ery and assume their stations as governors, temple notables and obe-
dient civilians in a majestic choreography of subordination to the
king. "Nothing conveys the public transcript [ideology and behav-
ioral expectations of the dominant leadership] more as the domi-
nant would like it to seem than the formal ceremonies they organize
to celebrate and dramatize their rule. Parades, inaugurations, pro-
cessions, coronations, funerals provide ruling groups with the occa-
sion to make a spectacle of themselves in a manner largely of their
own choosing."53 The defunct May Day parades in Moscow's Red
Square held during the life of the Soviet Union, or the American
National Republican Convention, minutely staged to communicate
an image of bosom agenda unanimity among the power brokers and
packaged for maximal mass consumption, are contemporary examples
of political theatre as the message. The procession was halted and
the image returned to Assur, to be repatriated with full ceremonial
in 668 at the time of Samas-sumu-ukfn's investiture in Babylon. The
inscriptions, in which the glories of a building yet to be constructed are prolepti-

cally detailed. On the fascinating "mouth-washing" ritual, the ancient mis pi, in
which the divinity of a god, its "me," is inducted into his/her cult statue, and all
human agency in the process is ritually disavowed, see the studies in Walker and
Dick, "Mesopotamian mis pi Ritual," passim, and Berlejung, Die Theologie der Bilder,
178-283, and A. Berlejung, "Washing the Mouth: the Consecration of Divine Images
in Mesopotamia," in Iconic Cults, Aniconism, and the Rise of Book Religion in Israel and
the Ancient Near East, edited by K. van der Toorn (Contributions to Biblical Exegesis
& Theology 21; Louvain: Peeters, 1997) 45~72.
°4 Porter, "God's Statues as a Tool," 14-16.
°5 Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance, 58.
precise details of the action that precipitated its return are unclear.
Apparently a man mounted one of the specially caparisoned steeds
of the procession outside the Babylonian border town Labbanat. He
was seized by the authorities, but before his removal he uttered an
oracle in the name of Bel (Marduk) and his consort which is obscure
to us but evidently conveyed something definite to the Assyrians.
Whether or not the action was intended as a prelude to rebellion,
the "public transcript" was violated, Esarhaddon's message written
in the language of political theatre was in jeopardy of being replaced
by a different and possibly subversive text, and the procession took
a return path to Assur on an itinerary that did not include Esarhaddon's
royal inscriptions. °6
2 c. The Assyrians could not afford to let slip a territorial pos-
session or allow other rebuffs to the master imperial design go unpun-
ished, lest they create imitators. Dominants must maintain their
dignity before the "public" at all times, for they are constantly under
surveillance by their subordinates for signs of vulnerability. Once
Tiglath-pileser III acquired Babylonia as a form of protectorate state
and then events moved him by the end of his reign to declare him-
self publicly as king of Babylonia, the die was cast. Sargon II lost
Babylonia in the political turmoil of his first two years to the resource-
ful Chaldean leader Merodach-baladan II. In 710-709, with the rest
of the empire secured, Sargon II retook Babylonia, reclaimed the
kingship and embarked upon a high profile sequence of unprece-
dented patronage acts to counter in part the positive impression
made by Merodach-baladan II during his interregnum. Sennacherib
struggled with Babylonian yearnings for independence though a kalei-
doscope of political experiments, finally destroying Babylon in a holo-
caust of arms and water that, apparently, stifled Assyrian opposition
in Babylonia for the remainder of his reign. Esarhaddon's program
for Babylonian pacification through intensive patronage was inher-
ited and nurtured by Assurbanipal and, to the extent that he was
permitted to behave as Babylonian king, Samas-sumu-ukfn, until civil
56
For differing reconstructions of the abortive return of Marduk to Babylon in
the reign of Esarhaddon, see LAS II, 32~35; Lambert, "Esarhaddon's Attempt to
Return Marduk to Babylon," 157-74; Porter, "God's Statues as a Tool," 16-18;
George, "The Bricks of E-Sagil," 178 n. 38 (a rising water table had ruined the
mud-brick platform prepared by Esarhaddon's engineers, the same problem addressed
by Nebuchadnezzar II).
238 CHAPTER THREE
war between the two brothers engulfed Babylonia.57 Yet Assyria tri-
umphed, and her determination to hold Babylonia was so over-
weening that such centralized government and state symbols as Elam
retained were annihilated or deported at stupendous cost to Assyria,
with bitter warfare waged even among the bones of Elamite kings.58
Even after the death of Assurbanipal, Assyrian kings and would-be
kings still vied for legitimacy and mastery of Babylonia. The Assyrians
repulsed Nabopolassar from Nippur in 627 and burned a temple in
Saznaku at about the same time;59 15 years later, Nineveh would
fall to a confederacy led by the Nee-Babylonian king, and the ancient
Assyrian dream of empire, a world peopled with obsequious client
rulers and provincial governors, would become the reality of Babylonia.
TABLE 5. (Reconstruction of Cult Centers Outside of Assyria

Political Status
1) Samsf-Addu construction or royal Terqa (Tell al-

I (1813-1781) restoration work on inscriptions60 'Asara): city located
E.ki.si.ga, temple of near the confluence
Dagan of Terqa of the Habur and
Euphrates rivers
2) Shalmaneser construction or royal Kahat (Tell Barn):

I (1273-1244) restoration work on inscriptions61 northern
the temple of Addu Mesopotamian city
at Kahat in the Nasfblna
region
D/
For discussion and sources see chapter 4 infra 372-378.
58
Brinkman, Prelude to Empire, 101-103; Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 204-8.
59
Table 1:5; Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 210-11.
60
RIMA 1 A.0.39.8 (AO 4628). The temple of Dagan of Terqa has not been
identified in the excavations at Tell al-cAsara. "It seems likely that Terqa was never
independent but was always a provincial capital subject to the kingdom of Mari"
G. Bucellati and M. Kelly-Bucellati, "Terqa," OEANE 5:188b. On the name of the
temple, see A. R. George, House Most High: The Temples of Ancient Mesopotamia
(Mesopotamian Civilizations 5; VVinona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1993) no. 608. In the
eponym of Assur-malik, a boat with oil for offerings for Dagan of Terqa was dis-
patched; D. Charpin, "Nouveaux documents du bureau de 1'huile a 1'epoque assyri-
enne," M.A.R.I. 3 (1984) 86 no. 18 (A 12152 [Paris]). ARMT 26/1 no. 260:37-51
(A 2229+M 11478 [Paris]), a letter written in the same eponymy that describes a
plague in Mari, mentions a request from Samsf-Addu I for news about ships laden
with asphalt and bitumen destined for a temple of Dagan, presumably in Terqa.
Samsf-Addu I's son lasmah-Addu commissioned a dedicatory inscription to Mullil
of Terqa, probably a form V the god Dagan of Terqa; RIME 4 6.11.3 (M 11906).
61
RIMA 1 A.0.77.16 iii 15'-17' (Ass 17313, E§ 9512). Kahat is attested in the
Table 5 (cont.)
Political Status
3) Shalmaneser construction or royal Isana (exact location

I (1273-1244) restoration work on inscriptions62 unknown)
the temple of Addu
at Isana
4) Shalmaneser (re)building of royal Harran:

III E.hul.hul, the temple- inscriptions (of provincial center
complex of Sin of Assurbanipal,
Harran Nabonidus)63
5) Shalmaneser restoration work on royal Katmuhu province:
III the Adad temple inscriptions64 Tell al-Hawa
(and ziggurat?) at
Tell al-Hawa
archives of Zimri-Lim of Mari. A temple of Tesub is specified as a repository for

a copy of the treaty between Suppiluliuma and the Mitannian king Sattiwaza.
J. N. Postgate, "Kahat," RLA 5:287a-b. The name of the temple is possibly
E.me.te.nun.e, attested in an Old Babylonian metrological text; D. Charpin, "Le
temple de Kahat d'apres un document inedit de Mari," M.A.R.I. 1 (1982) 137-47;
George, House Most High, nos. 784, 1271. The temple of the storm god of Kahat
itself has not been archaeologically identified; P. E. Pecorella, "Le campagne di
scavo tra il 1980 e il 1993 a Tell Barri/Kahat (Siria)," in Tell Barri/Kahat 2: relazione
sulk campagne 1980-1993 a Tell Barri/Kahat, nel bacino del Habur (Siria), edited by
P. E. Pecorella (Documenta Asiana 5; Rome: CNR: Istituto per gli Studi Micenei
ed Egeo-Anatolici, 1998) 15-27.
62
RIMA 1 A.0.77.16 iii 16'-17' (Ass 17313, E§ 9512). The modern geograph-
ical locus of ancient Isana is unknown, though a location on the Tigris north of
Assur is likely; J. N. Postgate, "Isana," RLA 5:173a.
63
Borger BIWA, "Large Egyptian Tablets," rev. 37-38 = H.-U. Onasch, Die
assyrischen Eroberungen Agyptens (AAT 27; Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1994) II 89, K
228 rev. 43-44 (mostly lacunae), K 2675 rev. 37-38. Langdon, Die neubabylonischen
Konigsinschriften, Nabonid no. 1, 222 ii 4-5 (82-7-14,1025). The common assump-
tion that Harran was a provincial capital cannot be demonstrated securely before
the eponymate of Sagabbu in 651. As one of the major cities in the province of
the turtdnu since at least the early reign of Shalmaneser III, a region that included
Tahiti, Harran, Huzmna (Sultantepe), Duru, Qipani (Tektek Daglari?), Ballhu (Tell
Abyad?), and probably Til Barsip/Kar-Shalmaneser (Luwian Masuwari, Tell Ahmar),
there is no evidence that it served as the turtdnu's provincial seat. The appearance
of both Til Barsip and Harran as provincial capitals in the 7th century suggests
that the province of the turtdnu had undergone reduction. See the discussions in
Postgate, "Harran," 123b; idem, "Assyria: the Home Provinces," 6; R. Zadok, "The
Ethnolinguistic Composition of Assyria Proper in the 9th-7th Centuries B.C.," in
Assyrien im Wandel der êiten: XXXIXe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Heidelberg
6-10. Juli 1992, edited by H. Waetzoldt and H. Hauptmann (HSAO 6; Heidelberg:
Heidelberger Orientverlag, 1997) 209-16, 233-34, 272-75.
64
A. R. George, "Inscriptions from Tell al-Hawa 1987-88," Iraq 52 (1990) 44:2-4
240 CHAPTER THREE
Table 5 (cont.)

Political Status
6) Sargon II possible restoration royal Median territory:
(716, palu 6, of city temple of inscriptions60 rebellious vassal
campaign to Karalla; rebuilt city cities converted into
Media) temples of Harhar provincial centers
(IM 132847-51, 112566+113629, 112567, 113620, 113626, 113631, wall sikkatu-

inscriptions). Limited excavation of the site in 1987 revealed a temple and what is
probably a ziggurat platform (Area A26). Neither the name of the temple nor the
city appears in the inscriptions. W. Bell and T. J. Wilkinson, "British Work in the
North Jazira Project: Preliminary Report on the Second Season," Sumer 38 (1995-96)
20-29. Tell al-Hawa, 80 hectares in area and 30 meters high, is the largest artificial
mound in its sector of the north Jazlra. The ceramic evidence stretches from the
Neolithic to late Islamic periods; Middle and Late Assyrian wares are attested. The
site of Tell al-Hawa falls within the historic territory of Katmuhu, a region under
intermittent Assyrian control during the Middle Assyrian expansion. Adad-nararf II
claims to have converted it into an Assyrian province; the date of the first gover-
nor/eponym for Katmuhu is 885 (reign of Tukulti-Ninurta II). That political con-
trol during the early Neo-Assyrian period was elastic is demonstrated by the fact
that Assur-nasir-pal II was garnering tribute from Katmuhu. See W. Bell, D. Tucker
and T. J. Wilkinson, "The Tell al-Hawa Project: Archaeological Investigations in
the North Jazira 1986-87," Iraq 51 (1989) 1-66; J. N. Postgate, "Katmuhu," RLA
5:487a-88a. It is estimated that the Neo-Assyrian settlement of Tell al-Hawa occu-
pied no more than 7—15 hectares, suggesting that the city served a primarily admin-
istrative function in the regional economy. For the land tenure of the region see
T. J. Wilkinson, "Late-Assyrian Settlement Geography in Upper Mesopotamia," in
Rome: Universita di Roma "La Sapienza", 1995) 146-49, 158.
The dedicatory inscriptions of Shalmaneser III found at Tell al-Hawa make clear
that he did not found the Adad temple at the site. The presence of Old Babylonian,
Middle and Neo-Assyrian texts on the tell, and its proximity to other urban cen-
ters on the left bank of the upper Tigris basin suggest that the ancient city located
at Tell al-Hawa was an outpost of Mesopotamian civilization long before the dawn
of the Neo-Assyrian empire. Shalmaneser Ill's action may have been an effort to
win friends and legitimate Assyrian claims to the troubled region through patron-
age of an ancient cult of the storm god. In the inscriptions of Sennacherib, the
governor of Katmuhu is also identified as the governor of the city (URU) Sahuppa;
Millard succinctly adduces circumstantial but persuasive evidence that the city was
the provincial capital; A. R. Millard, "^Sahuppa" AfO 24 (1973) 72. Sahuppa
occurs in a list of construction operations at Dur-Sarrukfn assigned or executed by
corvee details supplied by provincial governors; SAA 11 no. 15 i 5 (Sm 1001+Rm
464+594). The arguments of Kessler, Topographic Nordmesopotamiens, 16-21, that
Sahuppa was a Neo-Assyrian province contiguous with the eastern border of Tille
are circumstantial and unconvincing; however, his geographical analysis of the region
is valuable. Tell al-Hawa, the largest site surveyed among neighboring sites in the
course of the Tell al-Hawa Project, is located on a principal NW/SE road between
Guzana (Tell Halaf) and points west, and Sa-bfre-su (Basorin), and the Assyrian
heartland. Could Tell al-Hawa be the site of ancient Sahuppa?
65
Nineveh Prism (K 1673), Winckler Sar., pi. 46:2'-4'; Levine, Two Neo-Assyrian
Stelas from Iran, 40 ii 44.
Table 5 (cont.)

Political Status
7) Sargon II restoration work on royal Babylonia: Uruk

(710 or later) the temple E.an.na inscriptions66 (Tulul al-Warka')
at Uruk
[8) Sargon II instructions sought royal Babylonia: Der

(709-705) from the king correspond- (Tell cAqar)]
regarding the content ence67
of an inscription
intended for the
walls (igdrdte) of a
temple at Der
56
Clay, Miscellaneous Inscriptions, no. 38, pis. 23-25 = RIMB 2 B.6.22.3 (YBC
2181). The text was reported to have been found in the city by clandestine digging.
It contains an extensive description of the restoration work on the E.an.na; significantly,
Sargon identifies himself as "chosen by the god Asarri, the great lord, Marduk,"
(ni-bit dasar-ri EN GAL-u dAMAR.UTU, i 27-28), but refrains from mentioning Assur
or any specifically Assyrian deity. Frame correctly observes that the Sargon text
was modeled on one by Merodach-baladan II found at Nimrud (RIMB 2 B.6.21.1
[ND 2090]), which in all probability served as a replacement; RIMB 2, 146. Sixteen
stamped bricks with Akkadian inscriptions discovered in the course of the German
excavations at Uruk attest to Sargon IPs work on the fabric of the E.an.na tem-
ple; RIMB 2 B.6.22.4 (VA 14664m, W 183la, VA 14664a-i, k-1, W 2589, W
2704). Bricks with Sumerian inscriptions have been published describing Sargon IPs
work on the processional way of E.an.na for the goddess Inanna; RIMB 2 B.6.22.5-6
(RIMB 2 B.6.22.5: \V2 [ES museum number unknown], VA 14664m, VA 14663a-e;
RIMB 2 B.6.22.6: VA 14553f, g). Sargon's brick inscriptions from Uruk display the
same politic reluctance to assume the title king of Assyria. On the subject of the
crafting of royal inscriptions in order to maximize their local political suasiveness,
Garelli observes that royal inscriptions from Nineveh, the political capital of Assyria,
tend to celebrate the kings' military prowess and just rule; those from Assur, the
ancient religious capital, magnify the king as restorer of temples and dutiful patron
of the cults; Garelli, "La propagande royale assyrienne," 17.
6/
ABL no. 157:17-rev. 7 (K 504) (writer: Istar-duri, governor of Der). Translation
in A. L. Oppenheim, Letters from Mesopotamia: Official Business, and Private Letters on
Clay Tablets from Two Millennia (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1967)
159, no. 99. The letter probably refers to a foundation or building inscription
(musaru), implying Assyrian-sponsored reconstruction of the temple in the reign of
Sargon II. The writer requests that the king's scribes compose an inscription and
despatch it post haste. It is known that the foundation inscription for E.an.na of
Uruk by this king was drafted in Kalhu. A text from the Governor's Archive of
Nippur, written in the third quarter of the 8th century, suggests that Kudurru, the
sandabakku of Nippur, was involved in building operations at Der at that time, includ-
ing the (re)construction of the city's ziggurat; Cole, Mppur in Late Assyrian Times,
50-51; idem, Mppur IV: the Early Mo-Babylonian Governor's Archive from Mppur (OIP
114; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1996) 97:10-22, no. 33 (12 N
135 = IM 77112). Despite the fact that Der had been incorporated into the Assyrian
242 CHAPTER THREE
Table 5 (cont.)

Political Status
9) Sargon II restoration or royal Isana (exact

construction work on correspond- location unknown)
a bit-akiti in Isana ence68
10) Sargon II 7'/2 minas of silver royal Harran: provincial

for work on inscriptions69 center
E.hul.hul, the
temple-complex of
Sin of Harran
[11) Senna- paving stones from royal Babylonia: Babylon]

cherib (before Marduk's processional inscriptions70
689) road Ay-ibur-sabu
leading to Esagila
provincial system by this time, its temple remained that of a Babylonian border
city. Like temples in the Assyrian heartland, Assyrian kings would sponsor repairs
to the temple. Unlike Assyrian temples, Elamite kings would try their hands at
counter-patronage, and Mar-Istar, Esarhaddon's special agent in Babylonia, would
report to his boss on repairs and other matters affecting its internal affairs (Table
5:19), something he never did for Assyrian temples. The temple at Der would out-
live the Assyrian Empire.
68
CT 53 no. 214 = SAA 1 no. 264:1'-6' (K 1935) (writer: name lost). Isana,
which appears twice in the correspondence of Sargon in conjunction with Tille,
Si'imme, (ABL no. 585 = SAA 1 no. 247 [K 1098] [writer: name lost], mentions
Naslblna, and CT 53 no. 47+ABL no. 1290 = SAA 5 no. 250:7-8 [K 1424 + 4282]
[writer: name lost], mentions the governor of Guzana), never occurs among the lists
of eponyms, but did boast a bel pahete during the reigns of Sargon II and Sennacherib.
69
R. C. Thompson, "A Selection from the Cuneiform Historical Texts from
Nineveh," Iraq 1 (1940) 86-87:6 (BM 122614 [Th 1930-5-8,3] + BM 122615 [Th
1930-5-8,4]). Unsigned letters ascribed to Nabu-pasir, an important official of
Sargon stationed in Harran, describe the dimensions of monumental doorposts and
doors, massive enough to grace the temple of the moon god; ABL no. 130 - SAA
1 no. 202 (K 624), ABL no. 457 = SAA 1 no. 203 (K 1014).
70
RIMB 2 B.6.23.1 = Frahm Einleitung, T 167 (no museum or excavation num-
bers known): breccia paving stones with the terse inscription "Sennacherib, King
of Assyria" reportedly found on the processional road leading to the eastern gate
of the Etemenanki precinct; R. Koldewey, "Die Pflastersteine von Aibur-schabu in
Babylon," MDOG 6 (1900) 11; idem, Die Pflastersteine von Aiburschabu in Babylon
(WVDOG 2; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1901) 10, pi. 4 no. v; idem, Das wieder erste-
hende Babylon (5th ed.; edited by Barthel Hrouda; Munich: C. H. Beck, 1990) 66,
89, 146, fig. 36. Since some or all of these paving stones were reinscribed by
Nebuchadnezzar II, their original provenance is uncertain, and it is conceivable
that Sennacherib's goals were more "secular." On the geography of the proces-
sional road Ay-ibur-sabu, see A. R. George, Babylonian Topographical Texts (OLA 40;
Louvain: Departement Orientalistiek and Peeters, 1992) 25-26.
Table 5 (cont.}
Political Status
12) Esarhaddon restoration work on royal Babylonia: Babylon

(680 and later) Esagila and inscriptions
Etemenanki and corre-
spondence71
13) Esarhaddon restoration work on royal Babylonia: Uruk

(672 or later) the temple-complex inscriptions72 (Tulul al-Warka3)
of E.an.na at Uruk
on behalf of Istar
71
Borger Esarh., §11, Bab. A-G, Eps. 23-35, pp. 21-25; §§12-18, Bab. H-N,
pp. 29-30 = RIMB 2 B.6.31.2-9 (RIMB 2 B.6.31.2, procession way of Esagila and
Babylon: BE 8084, VA Bab 4052a, VA Bab 4052b, BE 41472; RIMB 2 B.6.31.3,
bricks for Esagila and Babylon: BE 39840, VA Bab 4052g, BE 46408; RIMB 2
B.6.31.4, bricks for Esagila and Etemenanki: VA Bab 4074, BE 41230, BE 41054,
BE 32167; RIMB 2 B.6.31.5, bricks for Esagila and Etemenanki: VA Bab 4052c-f,
BE 46403, BE 46406, 1 R 48 no. 9 [original lost]; RIMB 2 B.6.31.6, bricks for
Esagila and Etemenanki: BE 46404; RIMB 2 B.6.31.7, renewal of Etemenanki: BE
46407; RIMB 2 B.6.31.8 bricks for Etemenanki: BE 46374; RIMB 2 B.6.31.9,
reconstruction of Etemenanki: BE 15316, BE 41419, BE 46410, BE 46435, BE
46436, CBS 14, VA Bab 4053, AO 5470); Borger Esarh., §53, AsBbA, 85 rev.
47-49; §57, AsBbE, 88 rev. 8-10; ABE no. 968 = SAA 13 no. 179 (K 4789) (recip-
ient: Esarhaddon or Assurbanipal) (writer: Suma-iddina, the satammu of Esagila).
Various unpublished inscriptions of Esarhaddon have been recovered from the Nabu
sa hare temple, at least one of which reiterates his claim to have restored Etemenanki;
D. Ishaq, "The Excavations at the Southern Part of the Procession Street and Nabu
sa hare Temple," Sumer 41 (1985) 33. On the archaeological evidence supporting
Esarhaddon's claims of restoration work on Esagila and Etemenanki, see the dis-
cussion in Porter, Images, Power, and Politics, 53-60. "The archeological evidence
confirms that Esarhaddon honored his promises to rebuild Babylon and made sub-
stantial progress in its resettlement and restoration before his death in 669, partic-
ularly in the reconstruction of Esagila and Etemenanki" (60).
72
Borger Esarh., §§47-48, Uruk A-B, 73-76 = RIMB 2 B.6.31.15-16 (RIMB 2
B.6.31.15, major reconstruction of E.an.na temple of Istar: BM 45793 [81-7-6,210],
K 6386, NBC 2510, NBC 6055, W 18419, W 23852; RIMB 2 B.6.31.16, repair
of fc.nir.gal.an.na, the cella of Istar in E.an.na at Uruk: YBC 2147, NBC 2509, W
856); brick inscriptions; many recovered in situ: RIMB 2 B.6.31.19-21 (RIMB 2
B.6.31.19, renewal of E.an.na for Istar of Uruk: VA 14668, W 3764, W 3885, W
4238; RIMB 2 B.6.31.20, renewal of E.an.na for Istar of Uruk: W 4496; RIMB 2
B.6.31.21, renewal of E.an.na for Istar of Uruk: no excavation or museum num-
bers = Borger Esarh., §51, Uruk G, 77-78); pace Porter, Images, Power, and Politics,
61, there is indeed archaeological evidence of Esarhaddon's claim to have restored
the fabric of E.an.na. The claim by the excavators of Uruk to have established the
fact that Esarhaddon was responsible for constructing the first ziggurat for Anu at
Uruk (E.me.lam.an.na) rests solely on the discovery in the foundation terrace of a
single brick inscribed with an account of his restorations on the E.an.na temple
complex for Istar! (UVB 26-27 [1972], 13). In light of the number of references
244 CHAPTER THREE
Table 5 (cont.)

Political Status
14) Esarhaddon restoration work on royal Babylonia: Uruk

(672 or later) Nanaia's cella inscriptions73 (Tulul al-Warka3)
E.hi.li.an.na within
the E.an.na temple
complex at Uruk
15) Esarhaddon restoration work on royal Babylonia:

(672 or later) the temples of inscriptions74 Nippur
Nippur (Nuffar)
16) Esarhaddon restoration work on royal Babylonia: Borsippa

(672 or later) the temples of inscriptions (Birs Nimrud)
Borsippa and corre-
spondence75
to the rebuilding of Etemenanki on bricks inscribed by Esarhaddon, it is improb-

able that he would have fashioned a novel ziggurat at the cultically critical site of
Uruk and utilized bricks with the wrong inscription in its construction. Porter, Images,
Power, and Politics, 61, following Frame, "Babylonia," 75 n. 4, attributes the initial
Anu ziggurat to Esarhaddon. Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 24, reiterates the posi-
tion of his dissertation, but in his publication of the brick inscription in RIMB 2
B.6.31.21, silently reserves his defense on this point.
73
Borger Esarh., §§49-50, Uruk C-D, 77 = RIMB 2 B.6.31.17-18 (RIMB 2
B.6.31.17, repair of E.hi.li.an.na, Nanaia's cella within the E.an.na complex: AO
6772, BM 113204 [1915-4710,2], W 4098; RIMB 2 B.6.31.18, repair of E.hi.li.an.na,
Nanaia's cella within the E.an.na complex: YBC 2146). YBC 2146 states that the
Kassite king Nazi-Maruttas (1307-1282) built the cella and that Enba-Marduk (ca.
765) had it repaired, information no doubt gleaned from foundation inscriptions
unearthed during Esarhaddon's work on the cella's foundations.
74
Borger Esarh., §§39-425/Nippur A-D, 70-71 = RIMB 2 B.6.31.11-14 (RIMB
2 B.6.31.11, restoration of E.bara.dur.gar.ra, the temple of Queen-of-Nippur: A
31310 [Chicago], IM 61711, IM 66885, IM 61715, IM 59721, A 32262 [Chicago],
A 33619 [Chicago], UM L-29-634 = PMA F29-6~387c, A 33618 [Chicago], NBC
11323, 1 NT 142, UM L-29-637 = PMA F29-6-387f, NBC 10653, UM L-29-635 =
PMA F29-6-387d, IM 70310; RIMB 2 B.6.31.12, restoration of E.kur, Enlil's tem-
ple at Nippur: CBS 2350, HS 1956, 12 N 43, UM L-29-639 = PMA F29-6-397;
RIMB 2 B.6.31.13, restoration of E.kur, Enlil's temple at Nippur: CBS 9482, 5
NT 702; RIMB 2 B.6.31.14, enlargement of a well in the courtyard of Enlil: CBS
8645, UM 84-26-7). On the discovery and locus of 5 NT 702, see R. L. Zettler,
The Ur III Temple of Inanna at Nippur: the Operation and Organization of Urban Religious
Institutions in Mesopotamia in the Late Third Millennium B.C. (BBVO 11; Berlin: Dietrich
Reimer Verlag, 1992) 50 n. 42. M. Civil, "Note sur les inscriptions d'Asarhaddon
a Nippur," RA 68 (1974) 94 demonstrated that Esarhaddon indeed performed con-
struction work on both the Inanna temple and E.kur.
75
Borger Esarh., §20, Borsippa A, 32:2~22 = RIMB 2 B.6.31.10 (BM 38345
[80-11-12,227]). The probable provenance is Borsippa. Borger and Frame restore
Table 5 (cont.}

Political Status
17) Esarhaddon restoration work on royal Babylonia: Babylon

(672 or later) E . gidru . kalam . ma. - inscriptions71'
sum. ma, the temple
of Nabu sa hare
the damaged DN as Gula, indicating Esarhaddon commissioned work on the Gula

temple at Borsippa; Borger Esarh., §64, Smlt, 95 rev. 10-15. A. R. George, House
Most High: Hie Temples of Ancient Mesopotamia (Mesopotamian Civilizations 5; Winona
Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1993) lists two Gula temples in Borsippa, both rebuilt by
Nebuchadnezzar II: E.zi.ba.ti.la (no. 1234), and E.ti.la (no. 1095). CT 53 no. 75 =
LAS I no. 284 = SAA 10 no. 354:5-7: work on an E.zi.da temple, probably at
Borsippa (K 4792 + 7516) (writer: Mar-Istar); ABL no. 1214 = LAS I no. 291 =
SAA 10 no. 364:12'-16': work on the quay wall of the fi.zi.da temple at Borsippa
(81-2-4, 131) (writer: Mar-Istar); see the comments in LAS II, 296, and in Porter,
Images, Power, and Politics, 62~63. On the dating of the restoration work, see the
arguments in Porter, Images, Power, and Politics, 175. For an exhaustive metrological
analysis of the construction methodology of the Neo-Babylonian E.zi.da temple and
ziggurat at Borsippa, see W. Allinger-Csollich, "Birs Nimrud II 'TieftempeP—
'Hochtempel': Vergleichende Studien Borsippa-Babylon," BaghM 29 (1998) 97-330.
/6
An almost perfectly preserved barrel cylinder was recovered in situ from
E.gidru.kalam.ma.sum.mu, the temple of Nabu sa harem Babylon. IM 142109, writ-
ten in Neo-Assyrian script, formulaically describes the destruction of Babylon as due
to the sinfulness of the inhabitants, and then relates how he, Esarhaddon, recon-
structed the Nabu sa hare temple, ki-i pi-i GIS.HUR-/H mah-ri-te am-su-uh-ma e-du
SIG4 la u-rad-di, "according to its original design I measured it out and I did not
add to it a single brick-length," N. Al-Mutawalli, "A New Foundation Cylinder
from the Temple of Nabu sa hare," Iraq 59 (1999) 192:25b-26a. The temple, located
west of E.mas.da.ri, the temple of Belet Akkad, and the Ay-ibur-sabu processional
way, was excavated in 1979; Ishaq, "The Excavations at the Southern Part of the
Procession Street," 30-33, *48-*54. The temple designated D I is of typical Neo-
Babylonian design, with a central courtyard and Breitraum cellae. The lower level
produced bricks inscribed by Esarhaddon, whereas much of the upper portion was
probably the work of Nebuchadnezzar II. Esarhaddon's claim to have respected the
architectural precedents of the temple may well have been substantially true, though
a full floorplan of the excavation has yet to be published. See the discussion in A.
R. George, "The Topography of Babylon Reconsidered," Sumer 44 (1985-1986)
7—24, 112-16. E.gidru.kalam.ma.sum.mu first appears in 11th-century sources, and
figures in numerous Neo-Babylonian compositions; George, Babylonian Topographical
Texts, 309-12. "The cumulative evidence suggests that Nabu's temple played a spe-
cial role in the theology of [Neo-Babylonian] kingship, being the place where the
legitimacy of the reign was ratified by the bestowal of divine insignia" (311). In this
connection it should be noted that the Esarhaddon inscription IM 142109 con-
cludes with an unusually lengthy prayer to Nabu for the well-being of Assurbanipal
the crown prince of Assyria and Samas-sumu-ukfn the crown prince of Babylon,
"the two brothers sprung from my loins . . . in truth and justice may they lead my
land," Al-Mutawalli, "A New Foundation Cylinder," 192:30-34a. The ideological
and practical importance of the cult of Nabu, the crown prince of Marduk, for the
legitimation of the crown princes of Assyria and Babylonia, may have instilled the
246 CHAPTER THREE
Table 5 (cont.)

Political Status
[18) Esarhad- may have created a royal Babylonia:

don (671 or "seat" in E.se.ri.ga, inscriptions77 Dur-Sarruku]
earlier) the temple of Sidada
at Dur-Sarruku
19) Esarhaddon restoration work on royal corre- Babylonia: Der

(671?) the temple at Der spondence78 (Tell cAqar)
20) Esarhaddon restoration work on royal corre- Harran: provincial

(670/669) a cella of Nasuh = spondence79 center
Nusku, probably at
Harran
Assyrian restoration of this temple with a particular political cachet. The inscrip-
tion cannot be dated earlier than 672, when Assurbanipal was proclaimed the
Assyrian mar sarri.
11
Borger Esarh., §64, Smlt, 95 rev. 41: a broken passage, deity name and loca-
tion lost. Restoration suggested in George, House Most High, no. 1042. Mention of
Egyptian booty in Smlt. yields 671 as the terminus ad quern.
78
ABL no. 476 = LAS I no. 277 = SAA 10 no. 349 rev. 11-26 (83-1-18,5)
(writer: Mar-Istar). The temple was probably E.dim.gal.kalam.ma, the ancient tem-
ple of Istaran/Anu-rabu; see George, House Most High, no. 166. Mar-Istar recom-
mends that the king send an Assyrian qurbutu-ofUcial and an architect (iXj.e-tm-nu)
to rectify the inefficient efforts at reconstruction on the part of the satammu and bel
piqitti-ofticiah of Der. The resourceful Elamite crown prince has already sent a work
detail to the temple; the writer tactfully observes that Der is located at the border
of a foreign country (KUR sd-ni-ti). ". . . [B]y sending Elamite workmen to assist
in a building enterprise long neglected by the Assyrians, the Elamite crown prince
was seeking to lower the prestige of Assyria in Der in favour of Elam, perhaps with
an eye to a subsequent annexation of the city," LAS II, 266-67. Apparently the
temple had been restored by 670; see ABL no. 956 = LAS I no. 190 = SAA 10
no. 253 rev. 8-9 (K 930).
79
ABL no. 673 = LAS I no. 8 = SAA 10 no. 14 (81-7-27,29) (writer: Istar-
sumu-eres, chief scribe ca. 674-657; LAS II, 417). Interestingly, the writer notes
that the restorations are to take place on a "favorable day" (U 4 DUG.GA), accord-
ing to the hemerological series Iqqur-lpus (LAS II, 12), thus lending evidence that
royally sponsored acts of cult renewal, even at a considerable distance from the
Assyrian heartland, were occasionally guided by the calendrical prescriptions in the
various omen series. For other examples of hemerological guidance sought and
granted in royal Assyrian correspondence, see R. Labat, "Hemerologien," RLA
4:323a. On the issue of the practical application of hemerologies in Neo-Assyrian
culture, see the pioneering empirical study in A. Livingstone, "The Case of the
Hemerologies: Official Cult, Learned Formulation and Popular Practice," in Official
Cult and Popular Religion in the Ancient Near East: Papers of the First Colloquium on the
Ancient Near East—the City and its Life, held at the Middle Eastern Culture Center in Japan
(Mitaka, Tokyo), March 20~22, 1992, edited by E. Matsushima (Heidelberg: Univer-
Table 5 (cont.}
Political Status
[21) Esarhad- restoration work on royal corre- Babylonia: Cutha

don (669?) E.mes.lam, the spondence80 (Tell Ibrahim)]
Nergal temple at
Cutha
22) Esarhaddon possible restoration royal Babylonia:
of E.dur.gi.na, inscriptions81 Sapazza/Bas
temple of Bel-sarbi
at Sapazza/Bas
23) Esarhaddon restoration work on royal Babylonia: Akkad
E.ul.mas, the temple inscriptions
of Istar-of-Akkad in (Nabonidus)82
Akkad
24) Assurba- restoration work on royal Harran: provincial

nipal (664) E.hul.hul, temple of inscriptions83 center
Sin of Harran
sitatsverlag C. Winter, 1993) 97-113. Portions of Iqqur-ipus and various Akkadian

menologies have been recovered from the Late Bronze Age occupation of Meskene-
Emar, an indication of the widespread interest in this form of the religious organ-
ization of time; D. Arnaud, Recherches au pays d'Astata-Emar VI/4: textes de la bibliotheque:
Transcriptions et traductions (Mission archeologique de Meskene-Emar. Editions Recherches
sur les Civilisations 28; Paris: Editions Recherches sur les Civilisations, 1987) nos.
608-49.
80
This letter, ABE 1214 = LAS I no. 291 = SAA 10 no. 364:17'-18' (81-2-4,131)
(writer: Mar Istar), which Parpola dates to the last year of Esarhaddon, is the only
evidence for that king's "building program" at Cutha; see the comments in LAS
II, 296 and the suspicions voiced in Porter, Images, Power, and Politics, 64 n. 144,
and Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 75-76.
81
P. Gerardi, "Prism Fragments from Sippar: New Esarhaddon Inscriptions,"
Iraq 55 (1993) 132 B 5'-9' (BM 50582 [82-3-23,1573]). The restoration of E.dur.gi.na
at Sapazza/Bas is not in doubt; Gerardi's arguments for Esarhaddon as the author
are plausible. For citations of this city in Neo-/Late Babylonian sources, see
J. MacGinnis, "Bas continue," NA.B.U. (1997/135) 124-25.
82
An inscription of Nabonidus claims that he saw inscriptions of Esarhaddon
and Assurbanipal describing their unsuccessful searches for the original foundation
platform of E.ul.mas, the temple of Istar-of-Akkad located at Akkad: CT 34 nos.
30-31 ii 37-39 (BM 104738 [1912-7-6,9] = Langdon, Die neubabylomschen
Konigsinschriften, Nabonid no. 4); G. Frame, "Nabonidus and the History of the
Eulmas Temple at Akkad," Mesopotamia 28 (1993) 24-25. Frame justifiably ques-
tions the likelihood of any Assyrian king proclaiming a personal failure in his own
inscription. No published inscriptions of Esarhaddon speak of his restoration work
on the E.ul.mas at Akkad; however, his oversight of the cult is consonant with
building activities there (Table 12:20).
8J
Borger BIWA, "Large Egyptian Tablets," rev. 37-61 = Onasch, Die assyrischen
Eroberungen Agyptes II, 89-92, K 228 rev. 43-67, K 2675 rev. 37-61; Bauer IWA,
248 CHAPTER THREE
Table 5 (cont.)

Political Status
25) Assurba- restoration work on royal Babylonia: Babylon

nipal (before Esagila and other inscriptions
652) temples at Babylon and corre-
spondence84
pi. 27 iv 14-19 (K 2664); Bauer IWA, pi. 49 (Sm 671, bit aklti}; Bauer IWA, 96 =
CT 35 pi. 22 (K 7596); Borger BIWA, T ii 31-48 = Thompson Esarh., 31~32 ii
31-48 (BM 121006 [Th 1929-10-12,2]; Borger BIWA, C i 73-84; Borger BIWA,
IIT 60-61. Assurbanipal claims explicitly that he restored E.hul.hul in his acces-
sion year (669/668), a protestation greatly weakened by the same claim made by
his father for the restoration of the temples of Babylonia, one made incredible by
the simple fact that the newly installed king had more pressing matters of state to
attend to than redecorating a distant temple. On E.hul.hul of Harran, see George,
House Most High, no. 470. Langdon, Die neubabylonischen Konigsinschriften, Nabonid no.
1, 220 i 47-49 (BM 91109 [AH 82-7-14,1025], VA 2536-41), records the finding
there of inscriptions by both Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal; Nabonid no. 1 224 ii
2-3 and Nabonid no. 8 286 x 32-39 (E§ 1327) speak of Assurbanipal alone.
Nabonid no. 9 290 i 22-23, in a broken context, mentions Assurbanipal and his
son Assur-etel-ilani in connection with the temple of Sin of Harran.
84
Borger BIWA, T i 21-53, TTafl i l'~25', C i 23-48, E-Texte Stuck 6 10-21
(BM 128302+128311), IIT 42-50a, H 1 i 2'-3' = E. Nassouhi, "Prisme d'Assurbanipal
date de sa trentieme annee, provenant du temple de Gula a Babylone," AfK 2
(1924-25) 100 i 2-3 (VA 7832): restoration and embellishment of the fabric of
Esagila, manufacture of cultic furniture; Streck Asb., Cyl. L1 226-28:8-14 = RIMB
2 B.6.32.4, restoration of E.tur.kalam.ma, temple of Belet-Babili (BM 90935
[81-2-1,103] = BM 12064, BM 40074 [81-2-1,38], VA Bab 614, B 65); Streck
Asb., Cyl. L2 228-30:5-15 = RIMB 2 B.6.32.12, reconstructed Esagila (BM 91115
[82-7-14,1043], BM 56639 [82-7-14,1044], DT 272, BM 56634 [82-7-14,1032],
BM 78264 [Bu 88-5-12,120], MMA number unknown, BM 28384 [98-10-11,20] +
BM 50843 [82-3-23,1837]); Streck Asb., Cyl. P1 232-34:7-20 = RIMB 2 B.6.32.6,
rebuilt platforms and daises (dihdni u parakke] of Esagila (3 R 16 no. 5: original
provenance and current location unknown); Streck Asb., Cyl. L6 236-38:5-23 =
RIMB 2 B.6.32.1, decorated Esagila and E.umus.a, the cella of Marduk (BM 86918
[1900-3-10,2], Bibliotheque Nationale Inv. 65 no. 5929, BE 12131, VA 4902, VA
Bab 634, VA Bab 602, VA Bab 604, VA Bab 603, VA Bab 601, VA Bab 632,
BM 47655 [81-11-3,360], BM 47656 [81-11-3,361], BM 50662 [82-3-23,1653]
BM 68613 [82-9-18,8612], BM 77223 [83-6-30,3], A Babylon 55, A Babylon 9,
IM 124171); Streck Asb., Stele S2 240-42:8-23 = RIMB 2 B.6.32.14, restored
Esagila (BM 90865 [80-6-17,2]); Streck Asb., Stele S3 244-46:24-67 = RIMB 2
B.6.32.2, restored E.kar.za.gin.na, shrine of Ea in Esagila (BM 90864 [81-3-24,367] =
BM 12110, BM 22533 [94-1-15,335], a small pink marble stele said to have been
found in Babylon, purchased in 1894: it bears a frontal portrait of Assurbanipal
with a basket of earth perched on his royally-turbaned head, a propagandistic
reification of his claims to have personally "borne the basket" like his father when
he rebuilt Esagila. The text states that Assur, Samas and Marduk granted him ruler-
ship and subjugated all lands; photo in Borker-Klahn, Altvorderasiatische Bildstelen, no.
224); RIMB 2 B.6.32.3, completed Esarhaddon's work on Esagila (E§ 7893); Borger
Table 5 (cont.)

Political Status
26) Assurba- restoration work on royal Babylonia: Nippur

nipal (after E.kur temple and inscriptions85 (Nuffar)
652?) ziggurat at Nippur
BIWA, J Stuck 2 13-14 = A. R. Millard, "Fragments of Historical Texts from

Nineveh: Ashurbanipal," Iraq 30 (1968) 108:13'-14', pi. 23 (BM 123425 + 83-1-18,600,
edition J), restoration of E.sa.bad, the temple of Gula; Borger BIWA, H 4 6'-7' =:
Millard, "Fragments of Historical Texts," pi. 24:6'-?' (BM 127994), restoration of
Du6.ku, "seat" of Marduk as Lugaldimmerankia in Esagila; RIMB 2 B.6.32.5, restora-
tion of E.mah, temple of Ninmah at Babylon (VA 8409, BM 33338 [Rm 3,11]);
Brinkman, Prelude to Empire, 108 n. 543. ABL no. 119 = SAA 13 no. 168:12-rev.
7 (K 499) (writer: Urad-ahhesu, restoration work on Esagila, including the cella of
Tasmetu), ABL no. 120 =~ SAA 13 no. 162:13-rev. 19 (K 1461) (writer: Urad-
ahhesu, cedar lumber for the cella of Bel, bricks, pedestals and statues), ABL no.
464 = SAA 13 no. 166:3-5 (K 1519) (writer: name lost, cedar lumber for Babylon,
Sippar, and Cutha), ABL no. 471 = SAA 13 no. 161 (80-7-19,41) (writer: name
lost, attributed to Urad-ahhesu, temple of Ea, Esagila and a ziggurat, possibly relat-
ing to foundation ceremonies), ABL no. 1219 = SAA 13 no. 163 (82-5-22,122)
(writer: name lost, main topic cedar lumber with mention, in broken context, of
Esagila and a golden image); CT 53 no. 60 = SAA 13 no. 164 (K 1911) (writer:
name lost, Urad-ahhesu suggested by Parpola, LAS II, 283 n. 522), work on cella
roofs within Esagila; CT 53 no. 959 = SAA 13 no. 167 (Bu 91-5-9,61) (writer:
name lost, probably Urad-ahhesu, probably shrines of Esagila); CT 53 no. 846 =
SAA 13 no. 165 (Sm 1666) (writer: name lost): probably construction work on
Esagila, "the temple of Marduk" obv. 5'; ABL no. 1340 (K 8412: Neo-Babylonian
letter; writer: name lost, offerings to Bel and Beltiya, work on doors or gates [daltu]
of Esagila and Babylon). On the archaeological evidence for Assurbanipal's work
on Esagila, Etemenanki, and the city walls of Babylon, see Porter, Images, Power and
Politics, 51-53. On the text and the recensions of Assurbanipal edition C, composed
circa 647, see Borger BIWA, 122-30, Streck Asb., xxvii-xxx, and Gerardi, "Assurba-
nipal's Elamite Campaigns," 64-65. The heretofore unpublished Assurbanipal texts
in the Oriental Institute collection (A 8012, 8104, 8107, 8109, 8128, 8137, 8162,
11867 [Chicago]), catalogued in Cogan and Tadmor, "Ashurbanipal Texts in the
Collection of the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago," 84-96, appear as parts
of "Prisma G" in Borger BIWA, 130-32; unpublished Assurbanipal edition C texts
in the British Museum collections are listed in Lambert and Millard, Catalogue of the
Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouyunjik Collection of the British Museum, Second Supplement, 94
(index). Regarding Assurbanipal's restoration work on the temples of Babylon, see
the excellent discussion in Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 111-12.
85
RIMB 2 B.6.32.15-18 (RIMB 2 B.6.32.15, restoration of E.gi.gun4.na, the zig-
gurat temple of Nippur: UM L-29-632 + 633 + 636 = PMA F29-6-387a + b + e,
UM 55-21-384; RIMB 2 B.6.32.16, restoration of E.kur, Enlil's temple: BM 90807
[51-10-9,78R], BM 114299 [1919-10-11,4743], Ashm 1922.181, Ashm 1924.627,
Bristol H 5097, CBS 1632a, CBS 8632, CBS 8633, CBS 8654, UM 84-26-8, UM
84-26-9, UM 84-26-10, UM 84-26-11 [bis], 6 examples in E§, numbers unknown,
YBC 2372, R. F. Harper Collection, number unknown, 5 NT 703, HS 2981, McGill
Ethnological Collection ML 1.18; RIMB 2 B.6.32.17, bricks for E.gi.gun4.na, the
250 CHAPTER THREE
Table 5 (cont.)

Political Status
27) Assurba- restoration work on royal Babylonia: Uruk

nipal (before E.an.na temple- inscriptions85 (Tulul al-Warka3)
652) complex at Uruk for
Istar-of-Uruk
28) Assurba- restoration work on royal Babylonia: Sippar

nipal (before E.babbar, temple of inscriptions (Tell Abu-Habba)
652) Samas at Sippar and corre-
spondence87
29) Assurba- restoration work on royal Babylonia: Borsippa

nipal (before E.zi.da, temple of inscriptions88 (Birs Nimrud)
652) Nabu at Borsippa
30) Samas- restoration of royal Babylonia: Sippar

sumu-ukfn E.babbar temple at inscriptions89 (Tell Abu Habba)
(before 652) Sippar for Samas
ziggurat temple of Nippur: CBS 8644; RIMB 2 B.6.32.18, (re)built an unknown

object within E.hur.sag.galam.ma, the cella of Enlil on his ziggurat: UM 84-26-12,
18 N unregistered); Armstrong, "The Archaeology of Nippur," 191 (bricks belonging
to Assurbanipal from the E.kur). On the discovery and locus of 5 NT 703, see Zettler,
Ur III Temple of Inanna, 50 n. 42. As Streck Asb., Ixiv noted, the text eventually
published as RIMB 2 B.6.32.16, which lacks Assyrian royal titulature and deities,
is modeled on an Adad-sumu-usur inscription found on several bricks at Nippur.
86
Borger BIWA, A vi 122-24', F vi 9-11, T v 29-32, TTafl iv 33-35, IIT 103-4
claims to have personally entered Uruk and erected a dais in E.hi.li.an.na (the pre-
served portions of IIT 103-104 omit reference to E.hi.li.an.na); Clay, Miscellaneous
Inscriptions, no. 42, pis. 28-29 (RIMB 2 B.6.32.19.1: YBC 2180); H. F. Lutz, Selected
Cuneiform Texts: The Warka Cylinder of Ashurbanipal (University of California Publications
in Semitic Philology 9/8; Berkeley: University of California Press, 1931) 390:23-25
(RIMB 2 B.6.32.19.2: UCLM 9-1793); UVB 1 (1930), 60 no. 25 = RIMB 2
B.6.32.19.3: NBC 2507+? W 4444; RIMB 2 B.6.32.19.4: W 20942 [Heidelberg]).
87
RIMB 2 B.6.32.12, and K 6232 (reference in Frame, Babylonia 689~627 B.C.,
I l l n. 53). ABE no. 464 = SAA 13 no. 166:3-5 (K 1519) (writer: [Urad-ahhesu])
mentions cedar timber for the roofs of temples in Babylon, Sippar and Cutha.
References in SAA 13 no. 166 to the king of Babylon and knowledge of the per-
formance of rituals in Esagila indicate a date prior to 652 in the reign of Assurbanipal.
88
RIMB 2 B.6.32.14 (BM 90865 [80-6-17,2], similar to BM 90864 [81-3724,367]).
Describes restoration work on the enclosure wall of E.zi.da. Found in E.zi.da in
the same room together with a similar stele of Samas-sumu-ukfn (RIMB 2 B.6.33.3 =
BM 90866 [80-6-17,3]). Other inscriptions that mention this work include E. F.
Weidner, "Zylinder Inschrift Assurbanipals von der Stadtmauer von Borsippa," AfO
13 (1939-1941) 218:19-28 (VA 3587), and Borger BIWA, T ii 1-6, TTafl 1 26'-29',
C i 49-52, IIT 51-52, H 1 i 4'-13' = Nassouhi, "Prisme d'Assurbanipal." 100 i
4-13 (VA 7832).
89
RIMB 2 B.6.33.2 (BM 90281 [1979-12-20,174], and a duplicate published
in J. V. Scheil, Une saison de fouilles a Sippar (Memoires publics par les membres de
Table 5 (cont.}
Political Status
31) Samas- restoration of E.zi.da royal Babylonia: Borsippa

• • • QH
sumu-ukm temple at Borsippa inscriptions (Birs Nimrud)
(before 652)
32) Samas- restoration of E.zi.da royal Babylonia: Borsippa

sumu-ukfn temple at Borsippa inscriptions91 (Birs Nimrud)
(before 652)
33) STn-balassu- extensive restoration building Babylonia: Ur (Tell
iqbi, Assyrian- and construction on inscriptions92 al-Muqayyar)
appointed the holy places of
governor of Ur Ur; some of the
(before 650) inscriptions dedicate
the work to
Assurbanipal
1'Institut frangais d'archeologie orientale du Caire 1/1; Cairo: Imprimerie de 1'Institut

frangais d'archeologie orientale, 1902) 71 and 140, current whereabouts unknown.
The example published by Scheil was said to have come from the area north of
the temple in Sippar; both are bricks with Sumerian inscriptions. Dating based on
a reference to Assurbanipal as "his favorite brother." I am in full agreement with
Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 114, that Samas-sumu-ukm's reign over Babylonia
until 652 was that of a client ruler, albeit one accorded preferential treatment.
90
RIMB 2 B.6.33.3 (BM 90866 [80-6-17,3]). Describes work on the enclosure
wall (E.SIG4) of E.zi.da. An iconic stone stele discovered in the E.zi.da temple; cf.
RIMB 2 B.6.32.14, a similar stele of Assurbanipal that was found in the same room.
Frame speculates that the object was defaced by Assurbanipal's confederates; RIMB
2, 252.
91
RIMB 2 B.6.33.4 (BM 91107 [AH 82-7-14,1000], BM 82598 [93-10-14,50],
cylinder inscriptions, provenance unknown). Describes work on the storehouses of
E.zi.da. Provenance, reported by Rassam to have been Sippar, is unlikely.
92
RIMB 2 B.6.32.2001-2016 (RIMB 2 B.6.32.2001, a stone door socket, describes
restoration work on E.temen.ni.gur.ru dedicated to the moon gods Sin and Ningal,
ancient patron deities of Ur: BM 19065 [1927-10-3,60]; RIMB 2 B.6.32.2002, a
clay nail, describes restoration work on E.temen.ni.gur.ru dedicated to the moon god
Sin: BM 116987 [1924-9-20,250]; RIMB 2 B.6.32.2003, inscribed bricks, deal with
restoration work on the ziggurat E.lugal.galga.si.sa dedicated to the moon god Nanna
for the health of Assurbanipal: BM 114277 [1919-10-11,4708], BM 114278 [1919-
10-11,4709], BM 137345 [1935-1-13,5], BM 137349 [1935-1-13,9], BM 137381
[1979-12-18,16], BM 137408 [1979-12-18,43], CBS 15337, CBS 16491, CBS
16555a, CBS 16555b; RIMB 2 B.6.32.2004, inscribed bricks, deal with restoration
work on the ziggurat E.lugal.galga.si.sa dedicated to the moon god Nanna for the
health of Assurbanipal: BM 119278 [1927-10-3,273]; RIMB 2 B.6.32.2005, an
inscribed brick found in the Ningal sanctuary, describes the (re)building of E.usumgal.-
an.na, socle of Ninkasi, for Nanna: CBS 16483 [bis]; RIMB 2 B.6.32.2006, an
inscribed brick found in the Ningal sanctuary, describes the (re)building of E.es.ban.da,
socle of Suzianna, for Nanna: CBS 16484 [Ibis]; RIMB 2 B.6.32.2007, an inscribed
brick found in the Ningal sanctuary, describes the (re)building of E.an.ki.ku.ga,
252 CHAPTER THREE
Table 5 (cont.)

Political Status
34) Assurba- restoration work on royal Harran: provincial

QO
nipal (before E.me.lam.an.na, inscriptions center
647) temple of Nusku at
Harran
"station" (KI.GUB) of Kusu, for Nanna: CBS 16485 [bis]; RIMB 2 B.6.32.2008, an
inscribed brick found in the Ningal sanctuary, describes the (re)building of E.ad.gi^.gi^,
socle of Nusku, for Nanna: CBS 16489 [bis]; RIMB 2 B.6.32.2009, an inscribed
brick found in the Ningal sanctuary, describes the (re)building of E.DUB.gal.e.kur.ra,
socle of Ninimma, for Nanna: CBS 16490 [bis]; RIMB 2 B.6.32.2010, an inscribed
brick found in the Ningal sanctuary, describes the (re)building of [E. x ].gu?.ku.ga,
socle of Ennugi, for Nanna: BM 119277 [1927-10-3,272]; RIMB 2 B.6.32.2011,
inscribed bricks, describe the (re)building of the temple/cella E.an.sar for Nanna:
BM 119279 [1927-10-3,274] [bis], CBS 16486 [bis], CBS 16556a [bis], CBS
16556b [bis] IM 1101, IM 1102; RIMB 2 B.6.32.2012, inscribed bricks, describe
the (re)building of the socle E.sa.du10.ga for Nanna: BM 119271 [1927-10-3,266]
[bis], CBS 16487 [bis], CBS 16557 [bis], IM 1103; RIMB 2 B.6.32.2013, inscribed
bricks found in the Ningal sanctuary, describe the (re)building of E.AS.AN.AMAR,
the socle of Enlil, for Nanna: BM 119274 [1927-10-3,269] [bis], CBS 16488 [bis],
CBS 16558; RIMB 2 B.6.32.2014, inscribed clay nails, describe the rebuilding of
the giparu and a statue of Ningal dedicated to Ningal: BM 119021 [1927-10-3,16],
BM 119023 [1927-10-3,18], BM 119024 [1927-10-3,19], U 3249i [University
Museum, Philadelphia], U 3249g? [University Museum, Philadelphia]; RIMB 2
B.6.32.2015, inscribed clay disks, describe the (re)building of a well for Ningal for
the health of Assurbanipal, dedicated to Ningal: BM 124351 [1933-10-13,4], BM
124350 [1933-10-13,3], IM 16429, IM 48412, IM 48413, IM 48414, UM
33-35-191a, UM 33-35-191b; RIMB 2 B.6.32.2016, an inscribed clay drum-shaped
object, possibly a model of an altar or cult dais, records the discovery of a brick
inscription of Amar-Suen while clearing the foundation of the E.kis.nu.gal: BM 119014
[1927-10-3,9]). Sin-balassu-iqbi succeeded his father as governor of Ur late in the
reign of Esarhaddon or early in that of Assurbanipal; a brother of his, Sin-tabni-
usur, held the office in 650 and 649; see the comments in RIMB 2, 230-31. Sin-
balassu-iqbi's titulary in RIMB 2 B.6.32.2015 is "viceroy of Ur, Eridu and the
Gurasimmu (tribe)" (LU.GIR.NITA URI.KI ERIDU.KI u LU gu-ra-sim-mu}. See
J. A. Brinkman, "Ur, 721-605 B.C.," Or 34 (1965) 241-58; idem, "Ur: 'The Kassite
Period and the Period of the Assyrian Kings'," Or 38 (1969) 336-42. "Sin-balassu-
iqbi as governor of Ur was technically under the jurisdiction of Samas-sum-ukm,
king of Babylonia. But, despite his nominal liege lord in Babylonia, Sin-balassu-iqbi
was more concerned with courting the favour of Ashurbanipal in Assyria. Though
most of his rule in Ur was under Samas-sum-ukm, it is Ashurbanipal—never the
reigning Samas-sum-ukm—who is mentioned in his votive building inscriptions."
Brinkman, "Ur, 721-605 B.C.," 252. On the career of Sin-balassu-iqbi and his
brothers, see Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 125-26. On the archaeology of the
Ningal temple of Ur, see C. L. Woolley, The /fygurat and Its Surroundings (Ur Excavations
5; Philadelphia and London: University Museum and British Museum, 1939) 60-67.
According to Woolley, Sin-balassu-iqbi abandoned the temple repaired or built by
the Kassite king Kurigalzu I(?) in the early 14th century and created "an original
work of his own planning" on the same site (60). No comprehensive restoration work
Table 5 (cont.)

Political Status
35) Assurba- restoration of royal Babylonia: Der

nipal (646/645 E.dim.gal.kalam.ma, inscriptions94 (Tell <Aqar)
or earlier) temple of Istaran/
Anu-rabu in Der
36) Assurba- restoration work on royal Babylonia: Cutha

nipal (before E.mes.lam, temple of inscriptions (Tell Ibrahim)
639) Nergal at Cutha and corre-
spondence95
37) Assurba- restoration work on royal Babylonia: Dur-

nipal the ziggurat at inscriptions96 Kurigalzu (cAqar
Dur-Kurigalzu Quf)
38) Assurba- restoration work on royal Babylonia:
nipal E.sa.hul.la, temple inscriptions97 Me-Turran (Tell
of Nergal at Haddad and Tulul
Me-Turran al-Srb)
seems to have been undertaken between the temple's foundation in the fourteenth
century and its intensive renewal under Sin-balassu-iqbi. T. Clayden, "The Date of
the Foundation Deposit in the Temple of Ningal at Ur," Iraq 57 (1995) 61-70, argues
on the basis of the altar excavated in the Ningal temple that the foundation offerings
were deposited in the 8th or 7th century prior to the work of Sm-balassu-iqbi.
93
Borger BIWA, T ii 49-iii 4, C i 85-90; date based on the terminus ad quern of
version C. George, House Most High, no. 764.
94
Bauer IWA, pi. 23 iii 17-19 (K 2632); Borger BIWA, T iii 15-16; IIT 69 =
R. C. Thompson and M. E. L. Mallowan, "The British Museum Excavations at
Nineveh, 1931-32," AM 20 (1933) 84:69, pi. 92 (composite text made up of approx-
imately 120 fragments found in the Temple of Istar, reburied after copies and
squeezes prepared). Th 1929-10-12,2 was fired on the eponymy of Nabu-sar-ahhesu,
governor of Samenna, whose eponym year Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 28 and
n. 11, dates to 646/645. A. R. Millard, The Eponyms of the Assyrian Empire, 910-612
B.C. (SAAS 2; Helsinki: Helsinki University Press, 1994) 106-7, also gives 646/645
as the possible range of dates for this post-canonical eponym.
95
Borger BIWA, "Die Nergal-Las-Inschrift," 78-90 = Streck Asb., 186-88:24-36
(K 2631 + 2 6 5 3 + 2855); Borger BIWA, H 1 i 13'-25' = Nassouhi, "Prisme
d'Assurbanipal," 100 i 13-25 (VA 7832); Borger BIWA, IIT, 57-59; Bauer IWA,
53 (K 2654, variants noted); the context of this passage indicates in all likelihood
that the E.mes.lam of Cutha and not Assyrian Tarblsu was meant. See the com-
ments on SAA 13 no. 166 in n. 87 supra.
9(1
RIMB 2 B.6.32.21: no excavation or museum numbers assigned. An inscribed
brick found at 'Aqar Quf in 1968-69. Presumably the name of the ziggurat is
E.gi.rin; see George, House Most High, no. 375. See A. I. Jumaily, "Investigations
and Restoration of the Ziggurat of'Aqar Quf (1 Oth-13th Seasons)," Sumer 27 (1971)
84, 89, pi. 14, fig. 30 following p. 98 [Arabic].
97
RIMB 2 B.6.32.22: no excavation or museum numbers have been assigned.
254 CHAPTER THREE
Table 5 (cont.)

Political Status
39) Assurba- restoration work on royal Babylonia: Babylon

nipal temple of Istar and inscriptions98 or Akkad
Istar-of-Akkad
[40) Assurba- possible restoration royal Babylonia:

nipal of E.dur.gi.na, inscriptions99 Sapazza/Bas]
temple of Bel-sarbi
at Sapazza/Bas
41) Assur-etel- restoration work on royal Babylonia: Nippur

ilani E.kur, temple of inscriptions'00 (Nuffar)
Enlil at Nippur
42) Assur-etel- restoration work on royal Babylonia: Dilbat

ilani the temple E.ibbi- inscriptions101 (Tell al-Delam)
Anum of Uras and
Ninegal at Dilbat
A sizable number of bricks with Akkadian inscriptions were recovered during the
1980 Iraqi excavations at Tell Haddad in the temple of Nergal, which describe
Assurbanipal's enlargement of the courtyard. See F. Rashid, "A Royal Text from
Tell Haddad," Sumer 37 (1981) 72-80, handcopies p. 80, no photos [Arabic]; George,
House Most High, no. 1020. Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 113, believes that Me-
Turran was under direct Assyrian administration at this time and was not consid-
ered part of Babylonia.
98
RIMB 2 B.6.32.20 (81-2-4,174), and Frame, "Nabonidus and the History of
Eulmas," 45-46, a fragment of a clay cylinder attributed to Assurbanipal. Inscriptions
of Nabonidus obliquely support this action by asserting that he found an inscription
of this king while clearing the debris from the foundation. The goddess Istar-of-
Akkad also had a temple in Babylon, E.mas.da.ri; George, House Most High, no. 743.
99
Bauer IWA, pi. 23 iii 23 (K 2632); restoration in P. Gerardi, "Prism Fragments
from Sippar: New Esarhaddon Inscriptions," Iraq 55 (1993) 121 n. 14, apparently
accepted by Borger BIWA, 329.
100
D. O. Edzard, "Eine Inschrift Assuretellilanis aus Nippur," AfO 19 (1959-60)
143 = RIMB 2 B.6.35.4 (Sumerian brick inscription, HS 1958, formerly HS 42,
probably found at Nippur). Lacking any mention of Assyrian deities or royal titulary,
it is probable that Assur-etel-ilani's scribe(s) in preparing the text copied an inscrip-
tion of Adad-sumu-usur which has been found on several Nippur bricks (observa-
tion by Edzard). Na'aman, "Chronology and History," 248-51, assigns the reign of
Assur-etel-ilani to the years 631-627; Brinkman, with greater respect for historical
inconcinnity, notes correctly that all proposals for the dating of Neo-Assyrian reigns
following 631 are based on contradictor)' evidence; Prelude to Empire, 109 nn. 546-48.
101
S. Langdon, The H. VVeld-Blundell Collection in the Ashmolean Museum, Vol. 1:
Sumerian and Semitic Religious and Historical Texts (Oxford Editions of Cuneiform In-
scriptions 1; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1923) 37-38, pi. 29 = RIMB 2
B.6.35.3 (Ashm 1922.190, inscribed brick, provenance unknown). J. A. Armstrong,
"West of Eden: Tell al-Deylam and the Babylonian City of Dilbat," BA 55/4 (1992)
The early Neo-Assyrian king Shalmaneser III followed in the foot-

steps of his royal ancestors by refurbishing temples to regionally pow-
erful deities (Table 5:5~6). Interestingly, his extensively preserved
royal inscriptions from the Assyrian capital cities and far-flung ste-
les are silent regarding his labors at Harran and the unknown city
at Tell al-Hawa—how many regional temples did this energetic king
rebuild? The pattern of royal Assyrian patronage of key cult centers
beyond the narrow Assyrian heartland first appears in the inscrip-
tions of Samsi-Addu I and Shalmaneser I (Table 5:1-3), and will
be explored in detail in chapter 4. As opposed to prolix acts of vio-
lence against foreign cults in distant recesses of the empire, Neo-
Assyrian investment in the fabric of foreign temples was concentrated
in two geographical regions: Harran (Shalmaneser III, Sargon II,
Esarhaddon, Assurbanipal and possibly Assur-etel-ilani) and the major
cult centers of Babylonia (Sargon II, Esarhaddon, Assurbanipal and
Assur-etel-ilani).102 Both in situ brick and foundation inscriptions from
the Neo-Assyrian interregnum of the ancient temple of the moon
god at Harran are entirely wanting.103 Inscribed bricks comprise most
of the local evidence for Sargonid construction of Babylonian tem-
ples, though foundation inscriptions have been recovered in Babylon,
Borsippa, Nippur, and Uruk.104 The presence of inscriptions authored
by Assyrian kings in Babylonian temples and temple-towers is the
most trustworthy evidence available for tracking historical Assyrian com-
mitment to repair work on major city-temples in Babylonia. Royal
correspondence follows in ranked believability, with royal inscriptions
recovered from Assyrian capital cities a distant third. Notices of the
discovery of Assyrian foundation inscriptions by Nabonidus at Harran
and in Babylonia are plausible, though the actual contents, i.e., sheep-
ish admissions by Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal to have failed to
219-26 argues on the basis of excavations begun at Tell al-Delam in 1989 that it
is indeed the site of ancient Dilbat.
102
J. A. Brinkman, "From Destruction to Resurrection: the Antecedents of Baby-
lonia's Birth as a World Power in the Seventh Century," Sumer 41 (1985) 110-12.
103
Although inscribed bricks and a fragmentary cylinder belonging to Nabonidus
confirm, in all probability, that modern Harran (= Altmba§ak) is the site of the
great temple-complex of Sin, no inscriptional evidence or articulated structures have
been officially excavated from the Neo-Assyrian period. See citations in chapter 4
infra 389-390.
104
For the limited evidence for Esarhaddon's building programs in Babylonia,
see the discussions in Brinkman, Prelude to Empire, 75; Porter, Images, Power, and
Politics, 53-56, and chapter 4 infra 360-362.
256 CHAPTER THREE
locate the original foundation courses, are self-glorifying fabrications

(see discussion in Table 5:23).
There is no evidence at all that the temples refurbished at prodi-
gious cost by Assyrians in Babylonia were intended to house Assur
cults or other collections of deities identifiable with the Assyrian state
pantheon. Several times in the Sargonid royal correspondence, authors
in Babylonian cities refer to the (Assyrian) kings' temples, clearly de-
noting the great city temples of Babylonia together with their ancient
cults.100 Furthermore, there is no adamantine evidence that specifically
Assyrian deities received worship in major cult centers of Babylonia
during the Neo-Assyrian period.106 If Assyrian gods were routinely
105
ABL no. 1200 (80-7-19,45) (writer: Sin-dun), describing the affairs of E.an.na
and "your temples"; CT 54 no. 112 +ABL no. 1241 (presumably written by an
official from Ur, Kissik, or Sat-iddina to Assurbanipal); In ABL no. 1047:4-5, the
salutation of the Babylonian author Ina-tesi-etir writing to Sargon II convention-
ally notes that "it is well with Esagila and Babylon, temples of the king of lands,
my lord" su-lum a-na E.SAG.IL u TIN.TIR1" E DINGIR.MES sd LUGAL KUR.KUR
be-K-ia, ABL no. 1047:4-5 (Sm 346); see Dietrich Aramaer, 200-1 no. 155. A let-
ter from Ana-Nabu-taklak in Borsippa to Sargon II asserts that "Nabu and the gods
of the king have opened the way to Borsippa for the king, my lord" CT 54 no.
31 rev. 3-4 (K 1890 + 5385 + 11799+13118). The satammu of E.an.na of Uruk
writes to the same king "the watch of E.an.na, the temple of your gods (E DIN-
GIR-ka), is well," CT 54 no. 483:3-4. Correspondence with such ideologically
provocative messages would not have been addressed to Sargon II had it not been
common knowledge that he craved a "working relationship" with the Babylonian
pantheon. Salient thoughts of the Assyrian kings themselves emerge in correspon-
dence with their Babylonian clients. SAA 13 no. 4, a letter from Esarhaddon or
Assurbanipal addressed to the clergy of Der, established an intercalary month and
commands the readers to "perform the festival and rites of my gods" (obv. 8-13).
SAA 13 no. 5, another letter from Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal addressed to the
clergy of Cutha uses the same formula, "my [godjs."
106
In ABL no. 1000 (K 1550), the writer reports to Assurbanipal that the Assyrian
nemesis, Nabu-bel-sumati, "brought the gods of the king and the Assyrians, all that
he captured \x x x h]e gathered, into the city of Hupapanu," DINGIR.MES sd
LUGAL u LU.af + sw^-a-a ma-la u-sab-bi-tu [x x x i]k-mi-su ina \JR.\J.hu-pa-pa-a-nu
ul-te-si-ib (rev. 13-14). While this is proof of the existence of Assyrian god images
in southern Babylonia, it does not prove that Assyrian cults existed in Babylonian
cities, nor that southern Babylonians were required to reverence them, as Spieckermann,
Juda unter Assur, 343 n. 80, implies. These divine images may have served the needs
of the Assyrian occupation forces in the form of military standards. Nippur, a key
strategic outpost in Assurbanipal's international design for the control of southern
Babylonia, however, was different. "Temples of the king," ABL no. 1074:5 (Rm
60) and "gods of the king," ABL no. 699 + 617 rev. 4'-13" (81-2-4,468 + K 1167)
appear in correspondence addressed to Assurbanipal from Nippur. Assyrian divine
images at one point were used during a loyalty oath ceremony: "in the midst of
(the images of) your gods I took the loyally oath to the king, my lord, in Nippur
as well as in Uruk" ABL no.^202 rev. 4-7 (K 83). ABL no. 699+617 reveals that
these images traveled from Sarragftu to Nippur expressly for that purpose. The
installed in Babylonian cities, one would expect to hear of it in pleas

for help from besieged loyalist bastions like Uruk, begging the king
not to allow his gods to fall into enemy hands. Instead, during the
rebellion, a letter to Assurbanipal relates that "We [the nobles of
Uruk] have locked the [city] gate. As in the past, we set our faces
towards Assyria in prayer to the gods of the king," KA ni-di-il-ma
a-ki-i sd mah-ri-im-me pa-ni-ni a-na KUR.a/+/wrki ni-is-kun ina su-li-e sd
DINGIR.MES sd LUGAL.107
For the reader unfamiliar with the realia of Mesopotamian archae-
ology, the remnants of mudbrick architecture buried in the looming
tells are difficult to distinguish from the surrounding matrix of debris
and wind-born soil. Walls rarely survive above four or five feet in
height. Floorplans are often incomplete due to the caprice of ero-
sion, construction-material robbery in antiquity, partial or unrecorded
excavation, and the exigencies of mudbrick construction that dictates
that a full restoration of a previous building entails the razing of the
dilapidated structure down to its foundations. The issue of the degree
of faithfulness to original or pre-Assyrian architectural and orna-
mental design followed by the Assyrian kings in their boasts to have
rebuilt ancient temples and temple-towers is largely insolvable. Frequent
claims to have made the building or ziggurat shine like the sun, or
to have raised its top as high as a mountain, and all done accord-
ing to its ancient specifications, are rhetorical boilerplate, useless for
visualizing what was actually accomplished.108 Glyptic images and
other visual sources portray schematic frontal views of Assyrian and
Babylonia temple and ziggurats, but none can be used to triangu-
late between pre-Assyrian and Assyrian architectural workmanship.109
"gods of the king" are distinguished from those of Nippur, ABL no. 797:14-15 (K
672). For the restoration of ABL no. 699 + 617 and the historical context of these
actions, see Cole, Mppur in Late Assyrian Times, 77 nn. 54-55. Regarding the issue
of the worship of Assur in Babylonia, see the negative conclusions in Frame, "Assur
in Babylonia," passim.
107
ABL no. 1387 rev. 8-11 (Ki 1904-10-9,47) (writer: name lost).
108
E.g., "I [Esarhaddon] completely (re)built [E.an.na of Uruk] with the work
of [the brick-god] Kulla according to its ancient specifications (and) raised its top
(as high) as a mountain," RIMB 2 8.6.31.15:18-19.
109
The only image of a temple outside the Assyrian heartland constructed under
Assyrian auspices known to this investigator is that of E.hul.hul, the temple of Sin
of Harran. An anepigraphic cult stele recovered from the provincial capital of Til
Barsip depicts a male deity with multiple lunar attributes standing atop a crenellated
structure with two towers and an inset gate; Borker-Klahn, Altvorderasiatische Bildstelen,
no. N 240 (Aleppo Museum no. 4526 only; stipple drawing); F. Thureau-Dangin
258 CHAPTER THREE
The architectural layouts of Assyrian temples, with the ideologically-

motivated exception of Sennacherib's akltu temple in Assur, follow
the Langraum design for the cult cella, whereas Babylonian temples
adhere to a Brdtraum design formalized by the early 2nd millennium.'10
The intriguing issue is whether Assyrian kings built recognizably
Assyrian or Babylonian-style temples in Babylonia. Some texts spec-
ify that the structure was restored precisely as before, adding not a
single brick length, thus the Babylon Nabu sa hare cylinder of Esar-
haddon (Table 5:17). Other inscriptions, such as Sargon IPs barrel
cylinder from E.an.na of Uruk, brag that "he made (it) larger than
before and carried out the plans accordingly."111 Surviving floorplans
from temple D I in Babylon, identified as the Nabu sa hare restored
by Esarhaddon and Nebuchadnezzar II, reveal a Brdtraum cella, thus
supporting Esarhaddon's protestations of respect for conservative tra-
ditionalism (see discussion in Table 5:17). Judging from the excava-
tion reports, the Assyrian overhaul of the Inanna temple at Nippur
(Table 5:15) was the first such thorough reconstruction since the
13th century. Esarhaddon's claim to have completely restored the
temple "according to its ancient specifications," kima simatisu labirdti,112
is less than candid in light of the fact that the orientation of Level
I (Assyrian construction) diverges from that of the earlier temples.113
Assurbanipal apparently encased the upper storeys of the E.kur zig-
and M. Dunand, Til-Barsib: Album (BAH 23; Paris: Librairie orientaliste Paul Geuthner,
1936) pi. 14.5 (AO 26555 only; photo); A. M. Bisi, "Un bassorilievo di Aleppo e
1'iconografia del dio Sin," OrAnt 2 (1963) 215-21 pi. 40 (Aleppo Museum 4526
only; photo); P. Albenda, "Stone Sculpture Fragments," JANES 21 (1992) 9-12 (AO
26555 only; photos). K. Kohlmeyer, "Drei Stelen mit Sin-Symbol aus Nordsyrien,"
in Von Uruk nach Tuttul: Fine Festschrift fur Eva Strommenger, Studien und Aufsatze von
Kollegen und Freunden, edited by B. Hrouda, S. Kroll and P. Z. Spanos (Vienna: Profil
Verlag, 1992) 99-100, pis. 40-41 (photos), has made a perfect join between Borker-
Klahn no. N 240, and Thureau-Dangin and Dunand, Til-Barsib: Album, pis. 41-42,
thereby restoring the entire relief and providing it an archaeological context. See
also U. Seidl, "Kleine Stele aus Til Barsip," N.A.B.U. (1993/85) 72 (line drawing).
The unremarkable building facade is in keeping with Assyro-Babylonian glyptic rep-
resentations of temples in the 1st millennium. Regrettably, there are no known pre-
Assyrian "illustrations" of this temple.
110
For a global discussion of Mesopotamian temple architecture, see Heinrich,
Tempel und Heiligtumer, passim.
111
RIMB 2 B.6.22.3 ii 5-6 (Table 5:7).
112
A. Goetze, "Esarhaddon's Inscription from the Inanna Temple in Nippur,"
JCS 17 (1963) 130:16.
113
J. A. Armstrong, "The Archaeology of Nippur from the Decline of the Kassite
Kingdom until the Rise of the Neo-Babylonian Empire" (Ph.D. dissertation, The
University of Chicago, 1989) 192 n. 48.
gurat in blue and green glazed bricks, but the layout of his Enlil
temple restoration (Level II) diverged markedly from that of the
Kassite period foundation.114
But because we are unsure of precisely the designs and ornamenta-
tion adopted by Assyrian-built temples in Babylonia and elsewhere,
we must not underestimate their systemic political and ideological
impact. To a degree difficult to grasp for modern westerners accus-
tomed to protean civic, corporate and private urban monumentally,115
ancient Mesopotamian cities were their hallowed walls, gates, temples
and ziggurats, and Assyrian kings, depending upon their good plea-
sure, left their impress on all of these. "Esagila, the palace of the
gods, and his cult center, Babylon, city of exempt status, together
with Imgur-Enlil, its wall, and Nemet-Enlil, its outer wall, I (Esarhad-
don) rebuilt from foundation to battlements and made them larger,
loftier, and more magnificent than before."116 [See Figure 12] On the
flat alluvial plain of Mesopotamia, ziggurats stood visible for miles,
and elaborately reticulated temples were the dominant inhabited
urban structures, challenged in magnificence only by royal palaces.117
Mesopotamian temples exercised a pivotal role in the maintenance
of the economic and social equilibrium of their cities. As major land-
holders, the stability of agricultural productivity was paramount, so
temples engaged in land tenure and loans.118 Since temple ritual and
temple corporate agri-business depended on the accurate archiving
114
J. P. Peters, Nippur, or, Explorations and Adventures on the Euphrates: the Narration
of the University of Pennsylvania Expedition to Babylonia in the Tears 1888-1890 (New York
and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1897) 151-52, 157; D. E. McCown, R. C.
Haines and D. P. Hansen, Nippur I: Temple of Enlil, Scribal Quarter, and Soundings (OIP
78; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1967) 18, 27; Armstrong, "Archaeology
of Nippur," 202-4.
110
For orientations to this underexplored topic, I direct the reader to the theo-
retical section of Goodsell, Social Meaning of Civic Space, 1-52; N. Ellin, Postmodern
Urbanism (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1996).
116
Borger Esarh., §11, Bab. A-G, Ep. 23, 21:16-24. Porter, Images, Power, and
Politics, 56-57, comparing the inscriptional evidence of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal,
concluded that Esarhaddon's claims to have finished the work on Babylon's walls
were probably bogus.
117
On the cultural ubiquity of the ziggurat, see S. W. Holloway, "The Shape
of Utnapishtim's Ark: A Rejoinder," %AW 110 (1998) 622-24.
118
J. N. Postgate, "The Role of the Temple in the Mesopotamian Secular
Community," in Man, Settlement and Urbanism: Proceedings of a Meeting of the Research
Seminar in Archaeology and Related Subjects Held at the Institute of Archaeobgy, London University,
edited by P. J. Ucko, R. Tringham and G. W. Dimbleby (London: Duckworth,
1972) 811-25.
260 CHAPTER THREE
and production of texts, temple libraries acted as national treasuries

of learning and cultural memory, as well as the repository of cor-
porate records, and the perpetuation of a cadre of scribal bureau-
crats and literate clergy rendered schools a necessary wing of temple
services.119 "As corporations, temple households engaged in large-
scale economic enterprises that were predicated on a centralized
authority and administration, direct ownership or control of produc-
tive resources, and the employment and remuneration of a sizable
labor force. The commodities and services that a temple household
produced were applied predominantly to its own support and to the
needs of its resident deity."120 The symbolic impact of the temple
through civic ritual and common knowledge of its daily custodian-
ship of the gods cannot be overstressed. To destroy the temple of a
patron deity profoundly compromised the political integrity of its
city-state or territorial nation; to maintain a temple signified that the
gods were pleased with king and nation, and that the fragile gift of
civilization remained intact.
It is no exaggeration to state that ancient Mesopotamian civiliza-
tion idealized static urban cultures, where kingship, temple cult, and
the status of privileged citizens maintained their formal Gestalten in
the face of shifting political fortunes, and monumental architecture
strove to replicate itself across the centuries as an anchor of collec-
tive civic vitality. The Assyrians fully understood the role that was
expected of them in Babylonia whenever they were inclined to assume
the mantel of Babylonian kingship. The so-called negative confes-
sion of the Babylonian king, ritually performed In Babylon in the
presence of Marduk's great statue on the fifth day of the New Year's
festival, is pellucid: "I have not sinned, O lord of the lands, I have
not been negligent of your divinity, I have not destroyed Babylon,
I have not commanded her dispersal, I have not made Esagila trem-
ble, I have not struck the cheek of the privileged citizens, I have
not humiliated them, I have been mindful of Babylon, I have not
destroyed her outer walls."121 Assyrian kings, like all aspirants to legit -
119
R. F. G. Sweet, "The Sage in Mesopotamian Palaces and Royal Courts," in
The Sage in Israel and the Ancient Near East, edited by J. G. Gammie and L. G. Perdue
(Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1990) 99-107; M. van de Mieroop, The Ancient Mesopotamian
City (Oxford and New York: Clarendon Press, 1997) 215-28.
120
J. F. Robertson, "The Social and Economic Organization of Ancient Meso-
potamian Temples," CANE 1:447.
121
F. Thureau-Dangin, Rituels Accadiens (Paris: Presses universitaires des France,
imate control of Babylonia, were duty-bound to "not make Esagila

tremble," but to repair the houses of the gods anciently associated
with the conferral of kingship. That they, like their native Babylonian
counterparts, lavished attentions on the major cult centers in some
reigns and ignored them in others, or worse, is symptomatic of fiscal
limitations and policy evolution, the dynamics of which are only dis-
cernable to us at the grossest level. Including Sennacherib, Sargonid
Assyrian kings strove to reinvent themselves in the eyes of the urban
Babylonians as enlightened Babylonian kings through a program-
matic series of public works projects aimed primarily at the major
city temples and their cults. Restoration work on the physical edifices
was, however, only the most visible facet of this program.
TABLE 6. Offerings or Provision of Sacrifices

Political Status
[1) Samsl- after having "kissed royal Arrapha (northeast
Addu I the feet of Addu" in inscriptions'22 Kirkuk: kingdom
(1813-1781) an unknown city, south of the Lower
the king performed Zab River]
a festival sacrifice
for Samas and Addu
in Arrapha
1921) 144:423-28 (MNB 1848); W. Farber, "A. Kultische Rituale, I. Texte zum
Akitu-Fest (Neujahrsrituale)," in Rituale und Beschworungen. Part /., edited by O. Kaiser
(TUAT 2/2; Gutersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1987) 222. On the long history of the akitu-
festival in Mesopotamia, see A. Kuhrt, "Usurpation, Conquest and Ceremonial: From
Babylon to Persia," in Rituals of Royalty: Power and Ceremonial in Traditional Societies,
edited by D. Cannadine and S. R. F. Price (Past and Present Publications; Cambridge
and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987) 20-55; M. E. Cohen, The Cultic
Calendars of the Ancient Near East (Bethesda, MD: CDL Press, 1993) 400-53; B. Pongratz-
Leisten, "Das 'negative Stindenbekenntnis' des Konigs anlaBlich babylonischen
Neujahrfestes und die kidinnutu von Babylon," in Schuld, Gewissen und Person: Studien
zur Geschichte des inneren Menschen, edited by J. Assmann, T. Sundermeier and H. Wroge-
mann (Studien zum Verstehen fremder Religionen 9; Gutersloh: Giitersloher Verlags-
haus, 1997) 83-101; idem, "Neujahr(s fest). B. akkadischen Quellen," RLA 9:294a-98a.
122
RIMA 1 A.0.39.1001 (AO 2776). Contextual attribution of this broken inscrip-
tion to Samsf-Addu I, while supported by Grayson and others, is uncertain. A tem-
ple to a storm god in Arrapha is known from Old Babylonian texts; ARM 1 no.
75:17 (author: SamsT-Addu I). Samsi-Addu I denounces lasub-Addu, who, among
other villainous deceits, swore an oath to the Assyrian king by the gods in the tem-
ple of Addu of Arrapha; J. Laess0e, "An Aspect of Assyrian Archaeology," in In
Memoriam Eckhard Linger. Beitrdge z.u Geschichte, Kultur und Religion des Alien Orients, edited
262 CHAPTER THREE
Table 6 (cont.)

Political Status
2) Adad-nararl sacrificed in person royal Kumme: near

II (895) before Adad of inscriptions123 modern Zaho on
Kumme the western Iraqi-
Turkish border
3) Shalmaneser sacrificed in person royal North Syria: vassal

III (853, to Adad of Halab inscriptions124 city
palu 6) (Aleppo)
4) Shalmaneser sacrificed in person royal Babylonia

III (850, and presented gifts inscriptions123
palu 9) to the temples of
Babylon, Borsippa
and Cutha
5) Samsf-Adad sacrificed in person Synchronistic Babylonia

V (814-811) at Babylon, Borsippa History126
and Cutha
by M. Lurker (Baden-Baden: Verlag Valentin Koerner, 1971) 191:18-20 (SH 809

[Susarra, Tell Semsara]). A letter from Isme-Dagan to his brother notifies him that
a park (kirum) with juniper is to be planted in Arrapha for Addu; ARM 1 no. 136.
123
RIMA 2 A.0.99.2:91-93 (VAT 8288, Ass 18497). Action dated by eponym.
124
UDU.SISKUR.MES ana IGI d ISKUR sa UWJ.hal-man DU-m; RIMA 3
A.0.102.2 ii 87 (BM 118884, the "Kurkh Monolith"). English translation in K. L.
Younger, Jr., "Shalmaneser III (2.113) Kurkh Monolith (2.1 ISA)," 263. The West
Semitic name underlying dISKUR of Aleppo is unknown; "Haddu" is a fair guess.
From the Gottemdressbuch it is known that this god was worshiped in the city of
Assur, Menzel Tempel, 128, T 154 116 (VAT 8918, Ass Ph 4681). For citations
of this god in cuneiform literature and Hittite texts, see H. Klengel, "Der Wettergott
von Halab," JCS 19 (1965) 87-93; B. Lafont, "Le roi de Mari et les prophetes du
dieu Adad," RA 78 (1984) 7-18; Haas, Geschichte der hethitischen Religion, 547-55;
H. Klengel, "Die historische Rolle der Stadt Aleppo im vorantiken Syrien," in Die
orientalische Stadt: Kontinuitdt, IVandel, Bruch: 1. Internationales Colloquium der Deutschen
Orient-Gesellschaft, 9.—10. Mai 1996 in Halle/Saale/im Auftrag des Vorstands der Deutschen
Orient-Gesellschqft, edited by G. Wilhelm (Colloquien der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft
1; Saarbriicken: Saarbriicker Druckerei und Verlag, 1997) 359-74.
125
E. Michel, "Die Assur-Texte Salmanassars III. (858-824), 11. Fortsetzung,"
WO 4 (1967) 30-32 v 3-vi 5 = RIMA 3 A.0.102.5 v 3-vi 5; A.0.102.6 ii 49-50;
A.0.102.8:27'; A.0.102.10 ii 41-42; A.0.102.14:82; A.0.102.16:60'-61'; A.0.102.23:19;
A.0.102.24:11-12; A.0.102.25:1 7-19; A.0.102.26:12-16; A.0.102.29:44-46;
A.0.102.30:28-30; A.0.102.39:5-6. As one of the most oft-narrated adventures in
the well-documented inscriptions of Shalmaneser III, the king evidently took immod-
erate pride in his ecumenical parley with Babylonia, prior to his defeat of Chaldean
forces to the south.
126
Grayson Chronicles, no. 21, 168 iv 9-10 (K 4401a + Rm 854).
Table 6 (cont.)
Political Status
6) Adad-na.ra.rl probably sacrificed royal Babylonia
III (802-794) in person at the inscriptions127
major temples of
Babylon, Borsippa,
and Cutha; received
the nhdtu, "leftovers"
from these temples
7) Tiglath- sacrificed in person royal Babylonia:
pileser III to Assyrian and inscriptions128 Hursagkalamma
(745) Babylonian deities (Tell Imgarra),
in Hursagkalamma eastern precinct
of Kis
8) Tiglath- offers sacrifice to royal Median territory:

pileser III "Marduk who dwells inscriptions129 Til-Assuri
(737) in Til-Assuri"
127
Nimrud Slab: H. Tadmor, "The Historical Inscriptions of Adad-nirari III,"
Iraq 35 (1973) 149:23-24 (1 R 35, 1, "Calah Slab," discovered in 1854): Tadmor
plausibly restores line 24 niqe elliiti [ina Bdbili, Barsip, Kuta lu aqqi\ - RIMA 3
A.0.104.8:23-24. Temple rihatu were cultic "remnants" from the meals served the
gods in the major Babylonian city-temples, normally reserved for the king of Baby-
lonia: the political symbolism investing the act evidently warranted citation in the
inscriptions of Adad-nararf III and succeeding Neo-Assyrian emperors. Unlike his
father, Adad-narari III never claimed in his own inscriptions the title "king of Sumer
and Akkad" and was not recognized as such in any of the Babylonian-provenanced
chronicles; see Grayson Chronicles, no. 24, 182 rev. 8 (BM 27859 [98-7-11,124]).
128
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Summary Inscription 1:15-16 (BM 118936);
Brinkman PKB, 230-31 nn. 1455-56; M. Gibson, "Hursagkalamma," RLA 4:520a-21b;
D. O. Edzard, "Kis. A. Philologisch," RLA 5:607b-13a; M. Gibson, "Kis. B.
Archaologisch," RLA 5:613b-20a.
129
UDU.SISKUR.MES KU.MES a-na dAMAR.UTU a-sib KUR.DU6-ds-su-ri aq-
qi; Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Annal Unit 15:12 (Layard, MS A, fol. 67). "[the
'Fortress of the Babylonians' mentioned in line 11] and the cult centre of Marduk
in Til-Ashuri mentioned in 1.12 point to the existence of Babylonian colonies in
western Media. The origin of these colonies should be sought in the late Kassite
period (cf. Brinkman, PKB, pp. 258-259)" Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, 72-73.
Parpola, Neo-Assyrian Toponyms, 352; Brinkman PKB, 232 n. 1469. Til-Assuri was
located in Median territory; M. C. Astour, "Tel-Assar," IDE Supplementary Volume,
868; R. Zadok, "Geographical and Onomastic Notes," JANES 8 (1976) 123-24.
264 CHAPTER THREE
Table 6 (cont.)

Political Status
9) Tiglath- has sacrifices royal Babylonia

pileser III performed at the inscriptions130
(728/727) major cult centers of
Babylonia: Sippar,
Nippur, Babylon,
Borsippa, Cutha,
Kis, Dilbat, and
Uruk
10) Tiglath- received the nhdtu royal Babylonia

pileser III from the erib-biti- inscriptions131
(728/727) priests of Babylon,
Borsippa and Cutha
11) Sargon II received the rihatu- royal Babylonia

(709) offe rings from the inscriptions132
erib-biti-priests and
ummdnu-officiah of
Babylon and
Borsippa; sacrificed
in person at Esagila
130
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Summary Inscription 7:11-12 (K 3751); 11:9-10(DT
3); Brinkman PKB, 241-42. Summary Inscription 7:12 states that the gods enumer-
ated from the Babylonian pantheon "loved my priesthood" (i-ra-mu LU.SANGA-H-ft').
131
LU.TU.E sa E.sag-il E.zi.da E.fmes.lam x x x] re-hat EN dAG d U+GUR a-di
mah-ri-a u-[bi-lu-ni]; Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Annal Unit 8:6-7 (Layard, MS A,
fol. 130). Tadmor dates this action to the second Babylonian campaign in 731 (84).
I agree with Brinkman PKB, 241-42 and n. 1547 in dating these events to the
period of Tiglath-pileser Ill's dual monarchy.
132
Fuchs Khorsabad, Ann 311-14 (Rooms V: C2,14-17; II: 28,7-11). These lines,
taken in the context of the preceding narrative, draw a rhetorically polished con-
trast between the conduct of Merodach-baladan II, who callously abandoned Babylon
and gave bribes to Elam, and Sargon II, who received the royal "remnant-offerings"
from Esagila and E.zi.da, and reverently entered Babylon at the behest of its cul-
tic officialdom, thus advertising to the world at large whom the gods and their ado-
rants recognize as rightful king of Babylon. In actuality, Merodach-baladan II appears
to have fulfilled the role of a dutiful Babylonian king; the Merodach-baladan II we
meet in the annals of Sargon is an "elaborate literary foil for Sargon himself";
Brinkman, Prelude to Empire, 47—49.
Table 6 (cont.)

Political Status
12) Sargon II participated in the royal Babylonia
(709) Nisannu New Year's inscriptions133
celebration at Esagila;
provided copious
sacrifices and costly
gifts to Bel,
Zarpamtu, Nabu, and
Tasmetum, the "gods
who dwell in the cult
centers of Sumer and
Akkad"
13) Sargon II allocation of annual royal Babylonia: Dur-

(710, palu 12) sibtu-tax (cattle and inscriptions134 Athara, Aramaean
sheep) levied against enclave converted
the Puqudu and into a provincial
Hindaru tribes for center for Gambulu
Bel and Nabu, and renamed Dur-
probably at Esagila Nabu
14) Sargon II restoration of royal Babylonia

(709, palu 13) interrupted sattukku- inscriptions133
offerings to the
temples of Ur, Uruk,
Eridu, Larsa, Kissik
and Nemed-Laguda
133
Fuchs Khorsabad, Ann 320-25 (Room V: 9,6-11; II: 29,7-9), Prunk 140-44
(Rooms X: 12,8-12, VII: 10,6-12); VAS 1 no. 71 pi. 47:1-22 (VA 968, the Cyprus
stele).
134
Fuchs Khorsabad, Ann 277-78 (Rooms V: 10-14-15; XIII: 6,9); Ann 288a-b
(Room II: 25,6-7). The sibtu-tax was collected from the Aramaean tribal represen-
tatives at Dur-Athara/Dur-Nabu. The siege and capture of Dur-Athara was prompted
by the defensive activities of Sargon's bete noire, Merodach-baladan II. Forcing the
Aramaean Puqudu and Hindaru tribes to provide for the cultic upkeep of Babylonian
temples doubtlessly was meant to convey to the Babylonians that Sargon II was a
better Babylonian king that the Chaldean Merodach-baladan II. See Brinkman PKB,
52. On the nature of the sibtu-tax, see Postgate Taxation, 171-73.
135
Khorsabad: Fuchs Khorsabad, Ann 376-78 (Room V: 6,11-13), Prunk 136-37
(Rooms X: 12,4-5 [BM 118834 (47-7-2,22 + 29-31+35-40 + 45 + 48)]; VII:
10,1-2 [A 11254 (Chicago)]); Nimrud: Gadd, "Inscribed Prisms of Sargon II," 186
vi 79 (largely restored).
266 CHAPTER THREE
Table 6 (cont.)

Political Status
15) Sargon II letter informing the royal Harran: provincial

king that the "king's correspond- center
sacrifices" had been ence136
performed before
Sin of Harran
16) Esarhad- claims to have royal Babylonia: Uruk

don (672 or performed "splendid inscriptions137 (TulQl al-Warka')
later) sacrifices" for Istar
of Uruk when her
cella E.nir.gal.an.na
was rebuilt
17) Esarhad- re-established the royal Babylonia: Babylon

don (674 or guqqdnu, bread, and inscriptions
later) sattukku offerings of and corre-
Esagila spondence138
18) Esarhad- Mar-Istar complains royal Babylonia

don (671 or to the king that, correspond-
later) contrary to royal ence 1 ^Q
orders, the ginu-

offerings of the
goddess of Akkad,
to be provided by
the city Lahiru,
have lapsed again
136 r
UDU.SISKUR!1.MES sa LUGAL; ABL no. 134 = SAA 1 no. 188:11 (K 1234)
(writer: Nabu-pasir, a high official stationed in Harran).
137
Borger Esarh., §48, Uruk B, 76:14 = RIMB 2 B.6.31.16 (YBC 2147, NBC
2509, W 856).
138
Borger Esarh., §11, Bab. C, D, F, Ep. 33, 24:16-19; the entire "episode" indi-
cates that Esarhaddon took credit for the comprehensive revival and operation of
the cultus at Esagila, which entailed refurbishing the images of the gods, rebuilding
the temple complex, manufacturing cultic paraphernalia, providing for offerings and
installing several classes of priests. With the exception of his physical presence at
the time of the crucial annual rites, these are essentially the same responsibilities
the Great King, as vicar of Assur, was bound to fulfill for his own gods at Assur.
See Porter, Images, Power, and Politics, 57-58, 65-71, 91-100. Suma-iddina, the satammu
of Esagila, reports to the king on a lapse in the .crow-offerings to Bel caused by the
qipu-offidal stationed there; ABL no. 968 = SAA 13 no. 179:15-17' (K 4789).
139
ABL no. 746 = LAS I no. 275 = SAA 10 no. 359:7-10 (83-1-18,146).
Assyrian governors are attested for Lahfru for the reigns of Sennacherib, Esarhaddon,
and Assurbanipal. The province was located at or near the Assyro-Babylonian bor-
der; Hannoon, "Historical Geography of Northern Iraq," 373-75.
Table 6 (cont.)
Political Status
19) Esarhad- letter informing the royal Babylonia: Borsippa

don (670) king regarding the correspond- (Birs Nimrud)
status of the "king's ence140
offerings" at
Borsippa; the satammu
of E.zi.da is ordered
to report on the
gz«z2-offerings
20) Esarhad- a Chaldean leader is royal Babylonia: Babylon
don accused of with- correspond-
holding dates from ence141
Bel and speaking
disrespectfully of the
king
21) Esarhad- in broken context, royal corre- Babylonia

don or Assur- the king is informed spondence142
banipal of the status and
possible malfeasance
of various classes of
sheep offerings
to Bel
22) Assurba- claims to have royal Harran: provincial

nipal (664 or sacrificed in person inscriptions143 center
earlier) at E.hul.hul, temple
of Sin at Harran
23) Assurba- the sheep ginu- royal corre- Babylonia: Babylon
nipal (before offering for Bel spondence144
652) annually provided by
the Halmaneans has
ceased
140
ABL no. 1202 = LAS I no. 281 = SAA 10 no. 353 (81-2-4,66) (writer: Mar-
Istar).
141
CT54no. 506 = SAA 13 no. 181:10-rev. 8 (83-1-18,32) (writer: Suma-iddina).
142
CT 53 no. 876 = SAA 13 no. 172 (Rm 2,514). The editors of SAA 13 pro-
pose the Babylonian priest Urad-ahhesu as the author.
m
Borger BIWA, "Large Egyptian Tablets," rev. 62-63 = Onasch, Die assyrischen
Eroberungen Agyptes II 92, K 228 rev. 69, K 2675 rev. 63. If there is any truth to
the king's claim, a stopover at Harran during the first or second Egyptian cam-
paign is a good guess; in any event, the inscription was completed shortly after the
second Egyptian campaign.
144
ABL no. 464 = SAA 13 no. 166 (K 1519) (writer: [Urad-ahhesu]):
268 CHAPTER THREE
Table 6 (cont.)

Political Status
24) Assurba- accuses Samis-sumus- royal Babylonia: Babylon

nipal (after ukfn of withholding inscriptions145
652) his (Assurbanipal's)
offerings from Bel,
Nabu, Samas and
Erra
25) Assurba- re-established the royal Babylonia

nipal (after sattukku-offerings of inscriptions146
649) Babylon, Cutha, and
Sippar after the
defeat of
Samas-sumu-ukTn
The historical pattern of royal sacrifice, provision of sacrifice, and

participation in local cults is similar to that of temple restoration, in
that pre-Neo-Assyrian kings established precedence for the patron-
Obv. 11) ma UGU UDU.MES gi-ne-[e]

12) sd a-na LUGAL aq-bu-u-ni
13) mu-uk UJ.hal-man-a-a 3 ME 30 UDU.MES
14) sd MU.AN.NA a-na dEN id-du-nu
15) mu-uk u-ma-a TA E DUMU LUGAL
16) ina GIS.GU.ZA u-si-bu-u-ni
17) ik-ta-al-'u la id-du-nu
Regarding the regular sheep offerings of which I spoke to the king, to wit: 'The
Halmaneans have annually provided 330 sheep for Bel, but since the crown
prince has ascended the throne, it has stopped; they do not provide (it)'.
Neo-Assyrian Halman (= Hulwan? in the vicinity of Sar-e Pol-e Zahab; see Rep.
geogr. 5, 115; Levine, Geographical Studies, 24-27) was located in Bft-Hamban in the
central Zagros. In the same letter the writer mentions the sibtu-tax in oxen and
sheep collected by the governors (LU.NAM.MES) destined for (the temples of) Bel,
Nabu, and Nergal; obv. 21'~23'. Frame, Babylonia 689~627 B.C., 108 suggests that
the people of Halman ceased sending sheep to Marduk because Halman was con-
sidered part of Assyria, not Babylonia, and speculates that the practice of provid-
ing offering materials for Babylonian cities by political entities east of the Tigris
was begun in the time of Esarhaddon.
145
Borger BIWA, A iii 112-14. The cults involved were those of Babylon, Borsippa,
Sippar and Cutha, cities closed to direct Assyrian intervention shortly after the
beginning of the rebellion.
146
Borger BIWA, A iv 90-91.
age of ancient cult centers outside the Assyrian heartland (Table 6:1).
As more inscriptions of early Assyrian kings come to light, we can
expect additional examples of such high-profile patronage. Although
sacrifice by Neo-Assyrian kings at prominent 2nd-millennium sites
such as Kumme and Halab disappears from the royal inscriptions
after the 9th century, the cults of these storm gods figure in Sargonid
copies of the Gotteraddressbuch, a compendium of gods worshiped in
Assur and other ancient Assyrian cities.147 The propaganda value of
enlisting ancient and famous storm gods in the cause of Assyrian
westward expansionism was surely lost on neither the regional inhab-
itants nor the Assyrian elites privy to the action. From the reign of
Samsf-Adad V forward, Harran and the major cult centers of Babylonia
were the primary beneficiaries of Assyrian sacrificial solicitude. The
Great Kings sacrificed in person at the ancient cult cities of Babylonia
(Table 6:4-7, 10-12, 16) and Harran (Table 6:22), and/or arranged
for the provision of sacrifices in Babylonia (Table 6:9, 13-14, 17-21,
23—25) and Harran (Table 6:15). The imposition of what in essence
was a temple tax in livestock on Dur-Athara, Lahfru, and the ter-
ritory of Halman to support Babylonian cults (Table 6:13, 18, 23)
echoes the administrative dues of Assyrian provincial governors for
the supply of animal sacrifice at Assur. There is no evidence in these
texts that the Assyrians orchestrated sacrificial deliveries for Assyrian
cults in Babylonia. Provision of sacrifice, partaking of the cultic "rem-
nants," and personal participation in the Nisannu New Year's cer-
emonies in Babylon were all potent traditional rights and incumbencies
of Babylonian kings, which Assyrian claimants to Babylonian royal
authority could ill afford to neglect. By contrast, even before the
ferocious reduction of Babylon in 689, Sennacherib, who resisted
taking the title "king of Sumer and Akkad" for himself, claimed to
have done none of these things. [See Figure 13]
Menzel Tempel, T 154:115-16.

270 CHAPTER THREE
TABLE 7. Participation by the Assyrian King in Person or by Proxy

Political Status
1) Tiglath- "took the hands eponym Babylonia: Babylon

pileser III of Bel" chronicle148
(729, 728)
[2) Shalmane- as king of Babylonia, Babylonian Babylonia: Babylon]

ser V may have partici- Chronicle149
(727-722) pated in the Nisannu
New Year's festival
at Babylon
3) Sargon II "took the hands of royal Babylonia: Babylon

(709) Bel and Nabu" inscriptions'30
4) Sargon II "took the hand of eponym Babylonia: Babylon

(708) Bel" canon;
Babylonian
Chronicle'0'
5) Esarhaddon performed a public royal Babylonia: Babylon

(680) basket-bearing ritual inscriptions'32
during the founda-
tion ceremonies for
Esagila
148
Ungnad, "Eponymen," RLA 2:431:45-46; 432:4; Millard, Eponyms, 45. It is
generally understood that the expression "to take the hands of Bel" of Esagila meant
that the king played the traditional role of the Babylonian king in the cultic drama
of the Nisannu New Year's festival in Babylon; see Black, "The New Year Ceremonies
in Ancient Babylon," 39-59; van der Toorn, "The Babylonian New Year Festival:
New Insights from the Cuneiform Texts and Their Bearing on Old Testament
Study," 331-44. On the chronological difficulties in the eponym canons C b l (K
51), C h 3 (K 3202) for Tiglath-pileser III, see Brinkman PKB, 241 n. 1547. As
Brinkman observes, Tiglath-pileser Ill's kingship of Babylon was accepted by both
Assyrian and Babylonian chronographic traditions; Brinkman PKB, 241 n. 1545.
149
Grayson Chronicles, no. 1, 73 i 27-30 (BM 92502 [84-2-11,356]); Brinkman
PKB, 243-45.
150
Fuchs Khorsabad, Ann 320-21 (Rooms V: 9,6-7; II: 29,7-8); Prunk 141
(Rooms X: 12,9 [BM 118834 (47-7-2,22 + 29-31 + 35-40 + 45 + 48)]; VII: 10,7
[A 11254 (Chicago)]).
151
Tadmor, "Campaigns of Sargon II," 85; Grayson Chronicles, no. 1, 75 ii 1'
(BM 75976 [AH 83-1-18,1338]).
152
Borger Esarh., §11, Bab. A, Eps. 19~22, p. 20; Porter, Images, Power, and Politics,
82, 91-97.
Table 7 (cont.)
Political Status
6) Esarhaddon claimed to have royal Babylonia: Uruk

(672 or later) taken the hand of inscriptions153 (Tulul al-Warka5)
Istar of Uruk and
guided her into her
refurbished cella
E.nir.gal.an.na
7) Esarhaddon king requested to royal corre- Babylonia: Babylon
(672 or later) make a decision on spondence'34
the design of a
royal statue so that
duplicates may be
set up in the
temples of Babylon
8) Esarhaddon king informed as to royal corre- Harran: provincial
(672 or later) the propitious month spondence155 center
and day in which to
set up statues of
himself and the two
crown princes in the
temple of Sin of
Harran
9) Esarhaddon request for a kuzippu- royal corre- Harran: provincial
(670?) garment of the king spondence l:>6 center
to accompany Sin to
his bit aklti in Harran
153
Borger Esarh., §48, Uruk B, 76:11-14 = RIMB 2 B.6.3U6. Apart from the
Babylonian New Year's festival, claims by Esarhaddon and other kings to have per-
sonally "taken the hand" of DN and led him or her into a newly refurbished cella
does not constitute historically reliable evidence of physical presence; see Frame,
Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 90 n. 127.
1M
SAA 13 no. 178:10-25 (TKSM 21/676; writer: Suma-iddina, the satammu of
Esagila); see the comments in LAS II, 283-84. ABL no. 257 = LAS I no. 286 =
SAA 10 no. 358 rev. 2'-6' (K 1614) (writer: Mar-Istar) probably refers to the same
royal statues.
155
ABL no. 36 = LAS I no. 7 = SAA 10 no. 13 (K 1032) (writer: Istar-sumu-
eres). The letter indicates that two large statues of the king flanked the cult statue
of the moon god on the right and left, whereas smaller statues of the sons of the
king (surely Assurbanipal and Samas-sumu-ukm) were positioned in front and behind,
literally surrounding Sin of Harran with the rulers and ruler-designates of the
Assyrian Empire.
156
ABL no. 667 = LAS I no. 272 = SAA 10 no. 338:9-rev. 2 (81-7-27,30);
the king's £w<;z/>/>w-gannents are also involved in ritual activities in ABL no. 612 —
272 CHAPTER THREE
Table 7 (cont.)

Political Status
10) Assurba- took the hands of royal Harran: provincial

nipal (647 or Sin and Nusku and inscriptions'37 center
earlier) guided them into
their refurbished
cellas
11) Assurba- took the hands of royal Babylonia: Uruk

nipal (638 or Nanaia, Usur-amassa, inscriptions'08 (Tulul al-Warka')
earlier) and Arkayitu and
guided them into
E.an.na of Uruk
12) Assurba- took the hands of royal Babylonia: Cutha

nipal (638 or Nergal and Las and inscriptions159 (Tell Ibrahim)
earlier) guided them into
E.mes.lam of Cutha
Table 7 presents instances of Assyrian royal involvement in local

cults by prestige acts imbued with blatantly political overtures. In
my opinion, these activities provide the strongest evidence for the
concentration of Assyrian foreign cultic patronage into two geographical
regions: Harran (the West), and Babylonia (the South and Southeast).
LAS I no. 269 = SAA 10 no. 340:9-12 (K 1148) and ABL no. 29 = LAS I no.
271 = SAA 10 no. 339:9-13 (K 1204), all written by Urad-Ea, the chief chanter-
priest (galamahu] of Sin of Harran. His professional "title" appears in a colophon
reproduced in LAS II, 452 (81-2-4,306). Urad-Ea, the only known galamahu-pnest
to have corresponded with Esarhaddon, also prepared astrological reports: Thompson
Rep. no. 72 = SAA 8 no. 183 (K 1383), Thompson Rep. no. 100 = SAA 8 no.
181 (K 1405), Thompson Rep. no. 256c = SAA 8 no. 182 (K 853).
157
Borger BIWA, T iii 13-14, C i 97-98, IIT 68b-69a (divine names restored);
took the hands of Sin alone: Borger BIWA, "Large Egyptian Tablets," rev. 62 —
Onasch, Die assyrische Eroberungen Agyptes II 92, K 2675 rev. 62 (divine name restored,
but certain). Assurbanipal claims to have rebuilt E.hul.hul of Harran in 669 (664
or later is more probable); that he also coterminously refurbished the temple or
cella of Nusku there is guesswork.
158
Borger BIWA, "Die Nergal-Las-Inschrift," 70-71 = Streck Asb., 186 rev.
16-17 (K 2631 + 2653 + 2855). Nanaia and Usur-amassa were available in Babylon
to greet the Marduk statue on its return from Assur in 668. A speedy repatriation
of the goddess images would have curried favor among the citizens of the strate-
gic city of Uruk.
159
Borger BIWA, "Die Nergal-Las-Inschrift," 88-89 = Streck Asb., 188 rev.
34-35 (K 2631 +2653 + 2855).
Both Assyrian and Babylonian sources record that Tiglath-pileser III

and Sargon II participated in Nisannu New Year's ceremonies in
Babylon; although it is likely that Shalmaneser V did so as well, the
Babylonian sources do not explicitly say so.160 While it was demon-
strably possible to retain kingship over Babylonia without being per-
sonally present for the New Year's pageantry in Babylon, the symbolic
capital was immense, and the "publicity" unexcelled. By reaffirming
the lordship of Marduk, marching at the processional head of the para-
mount Babylonian god images, and guaranteeing the coveted kidinnu-
status of its special citizens, the diplomatic Assyrian king signified to
one and all that the traditional core values of Babylonian elite civ-
ilization would be upheld during his tenure, that he would wage
warfare against the enemies outside the city walls, and promote jus-
tice and the arts of economic prosperity within.161
While it would be reductionistic to ascribe political motives to
every ritual call for a royal kuzippu., the king's garments substituted
for his physical presence in akitu-processions with significant impe-
rial impact. Pongratz-Leisten's doctoral dissertation and subsequent
studies of the akitu-festival in 1 st-millennium Mesopotamia highlight
key ideological distinctions between the events in imperial Assyria
and Babylonia.162 Her thesis maintains that the Assyrian akl^-festival
was not designed to elevate exclusively the unique patron god of the
nation, but rather the king himself, accompanied by the patron god
and members of the state pantheon of the city in which the rite was
celebrated. Unlike the Babylonian fl£fft/-festival, in which Marduk's
sovereignty is reified by an assembly of cult statues transported to
Babylon for the event, the Neo-Assyrian akitu-festivah vignetted the
king's capacity to subdue the nation's enemies and maintain its ter-
ritorial integrity through the cooperation of the leading patron deities.
Consonant with the systemically militaristic identity of Assyria, various
sources associate the performance of aAita-festivals with the ritual
160
Grayson Chronicles, no. 1, 73 i 27-28; no. 24, 183 rev. 20 [restored].
161
See Kuhrt, "Usurpation, Conquest and Ceremonial," 40-48; Pongratz-Leisten,
"Das 'negative Sundenbekenntnis' des Konigs," passim.
162
Pongratz-Leisten, Ina sulmi irub, 79~84; idem, "The Interplay of Military
Strategy and Cultic Practice in Assyrian Politics," in Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the
10th Anniversary Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, September 7—11,
Corpus Project, 1997) 245-52; idem, "Territorialer Fuhrungsanspruch," passim; idem,
"Das 'negative Siindenbekenntnis' des Konigs," passim; idem, "Neujahr(s fest). B.
akkadischen Quellen," 9:294a-98a.
274 CHAPTER THREE
entrance of the victorious campaign army into the city (erab all),
replete with a dramatic procession of captives, booty, and ritual exe-
cutions of state enemies which Pongratz-Leisten aptly compares with
the Roman triumphus.163 Her history-of-religions typology is that of
center versus periphery, and the order of urban civilization versus
the chaotic steppeland: the Assyrian king, either through personal
participation in local akitu-festivah or by substitutionary proxy, mas-
ters the foes of the nations through the aegis of the patron deity,
thereby securing the cosmic and temporal borders of Greater Assyria.
With the exception of the city of Assur, it is not the national god
Assur who is the central figure of the cultic events. Rather, the Assyrian
king is at the centre, accompanied by the respective patron-god whose
blessing the king receives after the oAzfa-festival. In Assyria, the net of
power is not produced by the visiting gods coming from the periph-
ery to the centre of the empire, but the Assyrian king departs from
the centre toward the periphery.164
Excepting the cities of Assur and Nineveh, Pongratz-Leisten's evi-

dence for the local Assyrian akitu-festival is heavily dependent on the
text editions and interpretations in S. Parpola's LAS, some of which
do not mention the local akitu by name: Kurba'il,163 and the Assyro-
Babylonian-Elamite border city of Der.166 Akitu temples are attested
in Assyrian royal inscriptions and correspondence in Assur, Nineveh,
Milqia (located outside Arba'il), Kilizi, and Harran, where the gods
Assur, Istar of Nineveh, Istar of Arba'il, Adad of Kilizi and Sin of
Harran, respectively, participated in the attendant rituals. With the
163
In his captious review of Pongratz-Leisten's published dissertation, George's
remark, ". . . the ideology of P.-L.'s triumphal akitu is not so very different from
that of Marduk's [New Year] festival," misses the executive political association
between Assyrian military victories and local akUu-festivals, which refocus the event
away from the sovereign function of one god, Marduk, to that of the sovereign role
of the Assyrian king in the maintenance of an empire; A. R. George, "Studies in
Cultic Topography and Ideology," BiOr 53 (1996) 375-77.
164
Pongratz-Leisten, "Interplay of Military Strategy," 252; see also idem, "Terri-
torialer Fiihrungsanspruch," passim.
165
SAA 10 no. 339:9~rev. 7.
166
ABL no. 956 = LAS I no. 190 = SAA 10 no. 253 rev. 8-9 (K 930) (writer:
Marduk-sakin-sumi). The cryptic allusion to a festival practice in Der in a single
letter to Esarhaddon, in my view, is too slender to support Pongratz-Leisten's inter-
pretation. However, protracted Assyrian involvement in Der's political and religious
affairs, possibly including a period of annexation to Assyria proper, and the unusual
significance of the patron god Anu-rabu/Istaran in the cultic history of Assyria, sug-
gests that the political clout of an Assyrian-sponsored a^zto-festival there would have
been a rational expedient.
exception of Der, all of these cities were incorporated within the

provincial system of the early Neo-Assyrian period, assuming key
geo-political positions and in some instances distinctive ideological
roles within the expanding empire. Weissert contends that the akltu-
festivals of Milqia, Arba'il and Assur mentioned in the texts of
Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal were components marking significant
political victories in a multi-city ritual procession beginning in Nineveh,
progressing to Milqia and Arba'il in the 12th month and conclud-
ing in Assur at the beginning of Nisannu, the first month, where
captives and booty were displayed before Assur himself.167 Urad-Ea,
the chief lamentation priest of Harran, reported to Esarhaddon that
the king's garments had "participated" in the akttu-ntes of Sin of
Harran168 and Adad of Kurba'il.169 In the numerous akitu-festivah
staged in the central Assyrian provinces—and in Harran—in various
months of the year, proxies for the king himself, such as his garments,
assumed his place in public processions celebrating his victory over the
enemies of the state in an annual spectacle designed to flaunt before
native and provincial eyes the military puissance of the Assyrian em-
peror. Pongratz-Leisten plausibly compares the function of the provin-
cial akitu-ritual with royal steles and other symbolic media of imperial
authority that reinforced the controlling power of the Great King.
The ancient cultural background and political significance of the
emplacement of royal statues in cult cellas has been discussed in
chapter 2. 170 I have chosen to treat the actions of Esarhaddon's cre-
ation of royal statues in Babylonia (Table 7:7) and Harran (Table
7:8) here because the context is of a piece with other forms of "benev-
olent" cultic patronage. The erection of royal statues in temples out-
side the ruler's city-state or territorial nation enjoyed hoary precedence.
Over a thousand years earlier, temples were dedicated to the Ur III
11)7
E. Weissert, "Royal Hunt and Royal Triumph in a Prism Fragment of
Ashurbanipal (82-5-22,2)," in Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Symposium
of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, September 7-11, 1995, edited by
S. Parpola and R. M. Whiting (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project,
1997) 348. He contends that 82-5-22,2, a fragment of Prism E, describes the
triumphus of Assurbanipal following his first major military victory, the capture of
Memphis. His well-argued thesis, that here is a ritual connection between royal lion
hunts, the rituals of military triumphs and the a/;fte-festivals in the central Assyrian
cities, is provocative and deserving of further research.
1(18
Table 7:9. The event took place in the 2nd month.
l( 9
' SAA 10 no. 339:9~rev. 7. The month of performance is unknown.
170
Chapter 2 supra 178-197.
276 CHAPTER THREE
ruler Su-Suen in Girsu, Ur and Esnunna, while his statues were

placed in temples in Uruk, Nippur and Drehem.171 Royal statues in
temples ensured the steady flow of blessings of the god(s) to the ado-
rant through his simulacrum, and at the same time advertised both
his literal proximity to the divine and the magnitude of his imperious
control over the affairs of god and humankind. The inscription of
a statue of Shalmaneser III, dedicated to Adad of Kurba'il, is explicit:
In order to sustain my life, protract my days (and) multiply my years,
(and) to preserve the throne of my servanthood, to incinerate my adver-
saries, to remove my intractable (foes), to cause princes (who are) my
enemies to bow down at my feet, I dedicate (this statue) to Adad, my
lord. A statue of pure, bright, shining alabaster whose craftsmanship
is gorgeous to behold, whose likeness is remarkable, I had made and
erected it in front of Adad, my lord. As often as Adad, my lord, gazes
at this image, may he be genuinely pleased (and) continually decree
long life for me, multiply my years, (and) may he daily command the
expelling of sickness from my body.172
Preliminary models of his salam sarrutiya, clearly for statues in the

round, were prepared for Esarhaddon, and marked deference to the
king's wishes regarding the quality of the statues' fidelity to their
subject represents, I believe, his earnestness that they excel in polit-
ical theater rather than flatter his vanity. By the very placement of
these objects on daises next to the sacred images of Sin of Harran
and Marduk of Babylon, sovereign authority of the kings in Nineveh
was ritually renewed on a daily basis, a striking complement to the
participation of the kings in person and by substitutionary proxy dur-
ing the aki^-processions. [See Figure 14]
Whether Esarhaddon or Assurbanipal actually "took the hands"
of Babylonian or Harranean cult statues in a ceremonial reinstallation
in their refurbished cellas is historically moot (Table 7:6, 10-12).173
171
Citations in SAA 13 xxiii n. 22.
172
ana TI ZI.MES-a GID U4.MES-w sum-ud MU.ME§-za PAB GlS.GU.ZA SlD-
ti-ia za-i-ri-ia ana qa-me-e ds-tu-te-ia ana ZAH mal-ki KUR.MES-za a-na GIRn-z'fl suk-
nu-se a-nadISKUR EN-ia a-qis sa-lam NAj.GlS.NUn.GAL eb-bi nam-ri su-qu-ri sd
ep-se-tu-su a-na da-ga-li lu-ul-la-a su-tu-ru bu-un-na-nu-su u-se-pis-ma ina IGI dL§KUR
EN-<2 us-zi-iz e-nu-ma dISKUR EN sal-mu su-a-tu ina IGI.LA-/H ki-nis lip-pdr-da-a GID
U^.MES-za liq-bi sum-ud MU.MES-za lit-tas-qar ZI si-li-f-ti sd SU-za li-ta-am u4-me-sam\
J. V. Kinnier Wilson, "The Kurba'il Statue of Shalmaneser III," Iraq 24 (1962)
94-95:35-41, pi. 35 = RIMA 3 A.0.102.12:34-41 (IM 60497 [ND 10000]). The
king is portrayed bare-headed, hands reverently clasped in front in the ancient pos-
ture of the votive statue; Magen, Assyrische Konigsdarstellungen, 40-45 pi. 6, no. 4.
173
In other texts, Esarhaddon claims to have been in Babylonia only to do battle
The expression as it is used in the Babylonian New Year's festival

signifies that the king led the great Marduk cult statue in procession.'74
There is no evidence aside from the royal inscriptions that the
Assyrian kings were physically present for these ceremonies. The fact
that their royal inscriptions portray them as doing so at these cult
centers and, outside of Assyrian proper, nowhere else in the empire,
however, constitutes signal notice of unique Sargonid investment in
these foreign cults.
TABLE 8. Refurbishment and Restoration of Captured Divine Images

Political Status
[1) Tiglath- possible refurbish- royal Babylonia]

pileser III ment and return of inscriptions1'1
(745) Babylonian divine
images
2) Sargon II return of gods to royal Median territory:

(716, palu 6, Harhar inscriptions176 rebellious vassal
campaign to city converted into
Media) a provincial capital
with Samas-ibni, "king" of Bit-Dakkuri (Borger Esarh., §27, Nin. A, Ep. 12, 52 iii
62-70. Samas-ibni was taken to Assyria and executed in 678; Grayson Chronicles,
no. 1, 83 iv 1~2). Esarhaddon purportedly set an example of piety for the people
by personally hoisting the basket (of earth) on his royal head while rebuilding Esagila
(Borger Esarh., §11, Bab. A, C, D, E, Ep. 21, 20:12-17).
174
Black, "The New Year Ceremonies in Ancient Babylon," passim.
175
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Ann 9:1 [iij-za-'i-in-su-nu-ti-ma a-na KUR-/W-WM il-
li-ku URU.MES su-a-tu'-\nu a-na] es-su-ti DU-aJ, "[I] (re)decorated them and they
returned to their land. I rebuilt tho[se] cities." Tadmor locates the text fragment
near the narrative beginning of the king's reign that describes the creation of Kar-
Assur. Earlier restorations based on Rost grotesquely linked the fragment with
Tiglath-pileser Ill's participation in the rihatu-offerings of Babylonia; so CAD 21 s.v.
zanu 49. What, precisely, was decorated and repatriated remains uncertain, but to
Z.u'unu a divine image, standard, or cult object is a plausible restoration based on verb
usage; see CAD 21 s.v. zanu. The political implications of this action are unclear.
If indeed cult statues were restored and returned to their countries, the historical
context favors Babylonian cult centers over Aramaean or Chaldean enclaves, since
the brunt of Tiglath-pileser Ill's regnal year campaign was waged against the latter.
Indeed, since the Assyrian king came to assist the Babylonian king Nabonassar in
his struggle with Aramaean and Chaldean tribesmen, pragmatic cultic patronage in
the guise of restored cult images or temple furnishing would have been a highly
advantageous political gesture. On the political scenario, see Brinkman PKB, 228-32.
1/6
Levine, Two Neo-Assyrian Stelas from Iran, 40 ii 44.
278 CHAPTER THREE
Table 8 (cont.}

Political Status
3) Sargon II return of the eponym Musasir]
(713?) Urartian national chronicle and
god Haldi to Musasir royal corre-
spondence177
4) Sargon II return of captured royal Babylonia

(709) gods to Ur, Uruk, inscriptions178
Eridu, Larsa, Kissik,
and Nemed-Laguda
5) Sennacherib return of gods of Babylonian Babylonia: Uruk

(681) Uruk, which he Chronicle179 (Tulul al-Warka5)
captured in 693
6) Esarhaddon return of gods and royal inscrip- Babylonia: Der
(680?) goddesses of Der tions and cor- (Tell cAqar)
after repairing them respondence;
in the temple- Babylonian
complex of Assur Chronicle180
177
Unfortunately, evidence for this action derives solely from two damaged and
heavily restored documents: Eponym Canon CM (Rm 2,97) as restored by Tadmor,
"Campaigns of Sargon II," 86-87, and CT 53 no. 340 = SAA 1 no. 7 (K 7381)
(writer: name lost). If Tadmor's reconstruction is correct, the statue of Haldi was
returned to Musasir in 713, the year following its deportation. If Parpola's reconstruction
of CT 53 no. 340 is substantially correct, it would appear that Sargon himself wrote
to an individual, presumably the king of Urartu, regarding the return of "your
gods" (6', 9') in exchange for diplomatic concessions of some kind; the actual restora-
tion of these cult objects is not vouchsafed in the legible portions of the tablet.
1/8
u DINGIR.MES-/M-w« [sal-lu-ti a-na ma-ha]-z[i-su-nu u-tir-ma sat-tuk]-ki-[su-nu\
ba-at-lu-ti u-tir ds-ru-us-su-un, "(I restored their freedom) and their captured gods I
returned to their cult cities and restored their interrupted regular offerings," Fuchs
Khorsabad, Ann 377-78 (Room V: 6,12-13), restored from Prunk 137 (Rooms X:
12,5 [BM 118834 (47-7-2,22 + 29-31 + 35-40 + 45 + 48)]; VII: 10,1/2 [A 11254
(Chicago)]); Nimrud: Gadd, "Inscribed Prisms of Sargon II," 186 vi 75-79 (largely
restored). These god images had probably been taken to Dur-Iakin by Merodach-
baladan II in 710, thus providing Sargon II with another opportunity to revile the
Chaldean king as an enemy of the ancient Babylonian city cults; see van der Spek,
"Struggle of King Sargon II," 60, 65-66.
179
Grayson Chronicles, no. 1, 81 iii 29 (BM 92502 [84-2-11,356]); the reasons
for this conciliatory act on the part of the destroyer of Babylon are unclear; see
Brinkman, Prelude to Empire, 62 n. 299, and 70 n. 334; Frame, Babylonia 689-627
B.C., 59-60.
180 A
Borger
t> Esarh.,) §47,
3 1 Uruk A,' 74:20 = RIMB 2 B.6.31.15: a-num GAL-M V(=
v
Istaran); Borger Esarh., §53, AsBbA, 84 rev. 42: AN-GAL (= Istaran), Sarrat-Deri,
Nirah (MUS), Belet-TI.LA, Kurunitu, Sakkud-sa-Bube, and Mar-bfti; Grayson
Chronicles, no. 1, 82 iii 44-45 (BM 92502 [84-2-11,356], BM 75977 [AH
Table 8 (cont.)

Political Status
7) Esarhaddon return of gods and royal inscrip- Babylonia:

(680?) goddesses of tions and cor- Dur-Sarruku
Dur-Sarruku after respondence;
repairing them in Babylonian
the temple-complex Chronicle181
of Assur
8) Esarhaddon return of the gods royal Adummatu (Dumat

(before month of Haza'el the Arab inscriptions'82 al-Jandal, al Jawf ):
II 676) after repairing and Syrian desert
inscribing them with
the "might of
Assur" and the
king's name,
together with the
restoration of the
queen/priestess
Te'elhunu
83-1-18,1339]). The Assur Stele of Samsi-Adad V reports that the Assyrian king
deported eleven gods and goddesses from Der in his fifth campaign, including AN-
GAL, Sarrat-Deri, Mar-biti-sa-pan-biti, Mar-bTti-sa-birit-nari, and Sakkud-sa-Bube;
Weidner, "Die Feldziige Samsi-Adad V. gegen Babylonien," 93 iii 42~48 (Ass 6596).
On Istaran, the city god of Der, see W. G. Lambert, "Istaran," RLA 5:211a-b; on
Mar-bfti, see Krebernik, "Mar-biti," 7:355b~57a.
181
Borger Esarh., §53, AsBbA, 84 rev. 44: Ahum-hum-mu Asu-qa-mu-na dsi-i-ma-li-
j [ a ] , following Parpola's equation of Sippar-Aruru = Dur-Sarruku, LAS II, 300;
Grayson Chronicles, no. 1, 82 iii 46 (BM 92502 [84-2-11,356]). ABL no. 438 (K
177) (writer: Marduk-[x x x])deals with repair work on divine images, including
Humhum, probably that of Dur-Sarruku (obv. 11-16). The images of Humhum
and Srmaliya were probably deported from Dur-Sarruku by Samsi-Adad V in 811
and returned by Esarhaddon in 680; LAS II, 300. It must be emphasized that the
early dating of this action rests entirely on the witness of the Babylonian Chronicle.
On the uncertainty of the location of this toponym, see Rep. geogr. 8, 124. Frame,
Babylonia 689~627 B.C., 76, believes the gods mentioned in Table 8:6—7 were all
deported by Sennacherib. The equivalence of the god names in the inscriptions of
Samsi-Adad V and Esarhaddon are too close for coincidence, indicating that these
cult statues had been stockpiled in Assyria for over a century.
182
an-hu-su-nu ud-dis-ma da-na-an Aas-sur EN-z'# u si-tir MU-za \JG\J-su-nu ds-tur-ma
u-tir-ma ad-din-su. "I refurbished them and the might of Assur, my lord, and my
(own) name I inscribed on them and returned (them) to him," Borger Esarh., §27,
Nin. A, Ep. 14, 53 iv 13-14; §66, Mnm. B, 100:9-12; Heidel, "A New Hexagonal
Prism of Esarhaddon," 18 ii 57-59 (IM 59046); Borger BIWA, "Exkurs: Der Text
K 3087 // K 3405 // Rm 2,558," 70:9-11, which identifies the restored deity
only as a goddess (dis-tar-su). The cult statues were seized by Sennacherib in 689
or 688, Table 3:46. According to Borger Esarh., §66, Mnm. B, 100:9-12, the gods
280 CHAPTER THREE
Table 8 (cont.)

Political Status
9) Esarhaddon elevated Tabua to royal Arab territory
(month XII queenship over the inscriptions183
674) Arabs and returned
her and her cult
images to her land
10) Esarhaddon return of Istar of Babylonian Babylonia: Akkad
(month XII Akkad and other city and
674) gods recovered from Esarhaddon
Elam Chronicles184
11) Esarhaddon return of the gods of royal Bazu (Arab
(673/669) Layale, king of Yadi5, inscriptions180 territory)
after inscribing them
with the "might of
Assur"
were cAtarsamain, Da, Nuha, Ruda, Abirillu, and Atarquruma. "Esarhaddon's return
of the images after their repair, and his refusal to burden Haza'el further, con-
tenting himself with tribute only slightly increased over that of Sennacherib, all
point to his desire to pacify the western border region of Babylonia," Eph'al, Ancient
Arabs, 127. On the Arabian god 'Atarsamain, see W. Caskel, "Die alten semitischen
Gottheiten in Arabien," in Le Antiche Divinita Semitiche, edited by S. Moscati (Studi
Semitici 1; Rome: Centre di studi semitici, istituto di studi orientali, Universita di
Roma, 1958) 95-117; M. Hofner, "Die Stammesgruppen Nord- und Zentralarabiens
in vorislamischer Zeit," in Worterbuch der Mythologie, Bd. 1, Go'tter und Mythen im Vorderen
Orient, edited by H. W. Haussig (Stuttgart: Ernst Klett Verlag, 1965) 427-28;
T. Fahd, Le pantheon de I'Arabie centrale a la veille de I'Hegire (BAH 88; Paris: Librairie
orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1968) 47; Weippert, "Die Kampfe des assyrischen Konigs
Assurbanipal gegen die Araber," 44 n. 24; M. E. Barre, The God-List in the Treaty
between Hannibal and Philip V of Macedonia: A Study in Light of the Ancient Near Eastern
Treaty Tradition (Johns Hopkins Near Eastern Studies; Baltimore and London: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1983) 161 n. 47; N. Blazek, "The Semitic Divine Name
âttati-at-} and its Possible Afroasiatic Cognates," in Studies in Near Eastern Languages
and Literatures: Memorial Volume of Karel Petrdcek, edited by P. Zemanek (Prague:
Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, Oriental Institute, 1996) 133.
183
Borger Esarh., §27, Nin. A, Ep. 14, 53 iv 15-16; §66, Mnm. B, 100:12-14; Heidel,
"A New Hexagonal Prism of Esarhaddon," 18 ii 60, 62. Images seized by Sennacherib,
Table 3:47. Esarhaddon's cryptic inscriptions treat the return of Tabua and her
gods, and the return of the gods of Haza'el, as discrete events, whereas the inscrip-
tions of Assurbanipal unify them; Borger BIWA, "Exkurs: Der Text K 3087 // K
3405 // Rm 2,558," 70:13-14. See the discussion in Ephcal, Ancient Arabs, 127-28.
184
Grayson Chronicles, no. 1, 84 iv 17-18 (BM 92502 [84-2-11,356]); no. 14,
126:21-22 (BM 25091 [98-2-16,145]). Brinkman believes that an Elamite raid on
Sippar in 674 may have been the occasion when the divine statues were looted from
Akkad, and were restored the following year; Brinkman, Prelude to Empire, 78 n. 379.
185
Borger Esarh., §27, Nin. B, Ep. 12, 57 iii 47-48; Heidel, "A New Hexagonal
Table 8 (cont.}
Political Status
12) Esarhad- return of gods and royal inscrip- Babylonia: Uruk

don (671 or goddesses of Uruk tions and (Tulul al-Warka3)
later) after repairing them correspond-
in the temple- ence186
complex at Assur
13) Esarhad- repair and embellish- royal Babylonia: Babylon

don (67 1 or ment of divine inscriptions187
earlier) images of Esagila
held in Assyria
14) Esarhad- return of Samas of royal Babylonia: Larsa

don (671 or Larsa inscriptions188 (Tell es-Sinkara)
later)
15) Esarhad- abortive attempt to royal inscrip- Babylonia: Babylon

don (669) return the statue of tions and cor-
Marduk to Esagila respondence189
Prism of Esarhaddon," 20, 22 iii 24-32 (IM 59046); see Eph'al, Ancient Arabs, 131.
The cult statues were captured by Esarhaddon before 676, Table 3:48.
186
Nanaia, Usur-amassa, Arkayftu, Anunltu, and Palil, gods and goddesses of
Uruk, repaired at the bit mumme of the Assur temple-complex; ABL no. 476 = LAS
I no. 277 = SAA 10 no. 349:12-26 (83-1-18,5) (writer: Mar-Istar). Borger Esarh.,
§53, AsBbA, 84 rev. 43 claims that Esarhaddon returned Usur-amassa to Uruk; in
Borger Esarh., §48, Uruk B, 76:11-14 = RIMB 2 B.6.3L16 (YBC 2147, NBC
2509), the king states that he refurbished Istar's chapel in E.an.na, E.nir.gal.an.na,
and "grasped the hand of Istar of Uruk, great lady, and caused her to enter it and
take up her eternal abode." Arkayftu, Anunitu, and Palil may not have been returned
to Uruk until the reign of Assurbanipal; see LAS II, 266. It is unclear at present
whether Esarhaddon visited Uruk in person during his reign; it is quite possible that
the terminology of "grasping the hand of DN" here, at least, was merely pious rhetoric.
187
Marduk, Zarpamtu, Belet-Babili, Ea, and Madanu (DI.KUD): Borger Esarh.,
§53, AsBbA, 83-84 rev. 35-38; Il-Amurru: rev. 40; Borger Esarh., §57, AsBbE, 88
rev. 11-16 (Ass 3916 = ES 6262). Both AsBbA and E refer to the conquest of
Egypt, hence the dating of the action. SAA 9 no. 2, i 9', iii 24'-27' (K 12033 +
82-5-22,527), a composite tablet bearing prophecies for Esarhaddon, alludes to
Esagila and Babylon, and in the one unbroken stretch (iii 24'~27'), Istar of Arba'il
diplomatically directs that sacrifices be sent to the gods of Esagila that "languish in
the 'steppe' of mixed evil" a veiled reference to their Assyrian captivity.
188
Borger Esarh., §53, AsBbA, 84 rev. 43. AsBbA deals with Esarhaddon's con-
quest of Egypt, hence the dating. The cult statue was captured by Sennacherib in
month VII 693; Table 3:44.
189
K 6048 + 8323, K 13383; SAA 4 no. 264 (83-1-18,541), ABL no. 32 = LAS
I no. 29 = SAA 10 no. 24 (K 527) (writer: Istar-sumu-eres, which Parpola dates
to month II 669). For the evidence undergirding the reconstructed events of this
failed attempt at cultic restoration, see n. 56 supra.
282 CHAPTER THREE
Table 8 (cont.)

Political Status
16) Esarhad- repair of divine royal corre- Babylonia: Babylon

don (late) or images of various spondence190
Assurbanipal temples in Babylon
(early)
17) Assurba- return(?) of six gods royal corre- Babylonia: Babylon

nipal and goddesses to spondence191
Babylon that had
been deported by
Sennacherib
18) Assurba- participation (in royal Babylonia: Babylon

nipal (668) Assyria) by the king inscriptions;
in the restoration Babylonian
ceremonies of Bel Chronicles192
of Babylon, including
the return of the
"gods of Akkad"
19) Samas- return of Marduk royal Babylonia: Babylon

sumu-ukfn from Assur to inscriptions193
(668) Esagila in Babylon
20) Assurba- return of image of royal Qedar: Arab

nipal (before 'Atarsamain to inscriptions194 territory
652) Yautac b. Haza'el,
King of Qedar
190 prOgress report, presumably from Babylon, on the repair of Sarrahftu, Uras
and Belet-ekalli (city gods of Dilbat), Zababa (city god of Kis), Erragal, and
Lugalmarada (city god of Marad), all divine images that had cults in Babylon; CT
53 no. 106 = LAS I no. 283 = SAA 10 no. 368 (K 8741 + 14677) (writer: Mar-
Istar), and comments in LAS II, 276, and see the articles by E. Unger, "Dilbat,"
RLA 2:222a-23b, and M. Stol, "Lugal-Marada," RLA 7:148a-49a.
191
See Table 3:45 supra.
192
Streck Asb., 264, 269 iii (K 2694+3050); Bauer IWA, 84; Borger BIWA, "Zur
Inschrift L4," 187-88, and see provisionally E. Weissert and H.-U. Onasch, "The
Prologue to Ashurbanipal's Prism E," Or 61 (1992) 58-77; Grayson Chronicles, no.
1, 86 iv 35-36 (BM 92502 [84-2-11,356]); no. 14, 127:35-36 (BM 25091
[98-2-16,145]); no. 16, 131:6-7 (BM 86379).
193
Grayson Chronicles, no. 1, 86 iv 34-36 (BM 92502 [84-2-11,356]); no. 14,
126:35-36 (BM 25091 [98-2-16,145]); no. 16, 131:5-7 (BM 86379). RIMB 2
B.6.33.1 (BM 91112 [AH 82-7-14,1038]): found at Sippar, the gist of the dedica-
tion is Samas-sumu-ukln's renovation of the city wall of Sippar. As there is no men-
tion of Assurbanipal or of his royal Assyrian forebearers, the inscription may date
from the period of hostilities between the two brothers.
194
Borger BIWA, B vii 93-98, C ix 90'-95'. The cult image was captured by
Table 8 (cont.)
Political Status
21) Assurba- return of image of royal Babylonia: Uruk

nipal (646) Nanaia of Uruk inscriptions195 (Tulul al-Warka3)
from Elam, where it
had been held
reportedly for 1,635
years
While it is by no means certain that the Neo-Assyrian empire was

the first Mesopotamian political state extensively to exploit captured
divine images like human hostages, the motif of king as restorer of
Babylonian cults plays a notable role in the official discourse of
Sargon II, Esarhaddon, and Assurbanipal. Both Assyrian royal inscrip-
tions and Babylonian Chronicles reveal that major temple cults robbed
of their hallowed divine images were compromised, as witness the
suspension of the Babylonian New Year's Festival during the "exile"
of Marduk's image in Assyria,196 yet the temples themselves contin-
ued to function.197 Nevertheless, the memory of the lost image, the
Esarhaddon between 673-669; Table 3:49. The filiation, if any, between Haza'el
the Arab of Adummatu and Yauta' b. Haza'el of Qedar is unclear. Assurbanipal's
scribes were constrained to distinguish between two Arab Yauta's (b. Haza'el and
b. Birdada), so the significance of a common Aramaic name in pre-Islamic Arab
ruling houses should not be overly stressed. Equally unclear is the relationship, if
any, between the image of 'Atarsamain returned to Haza'el by Esarhaddon, Table
8:8, and the image returned in this action by Assurbanipal. Cogan, Imperialism and
Religion, 19-21, accepts K 3405, the Assurbanipal text, as historically definitive, and
therefore relates Yauta c b. Haza'el to Haza'el of Adummu and believes that only
a single 'Atarsamain image circulated in a mobile hostage situation between
Sennacherib, Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal. On the textual recensions of B, see
A. C. Piepkorn, Historical Prism Inscriptions of Ashurbanipal, I: Editions E, Bl 5, D, and
K(AS 5; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1933) 23-27, and M. Cogan,
"Ashurbanipal Inscriptions Once Again," JCS 32 (1980) 149-50. Unpublished
Assurbanipal edition B texts in the British Museum collections are listed in Lambert
and Millard, Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouyunjik Collection of the British
Museum, Second Supplement, 94 (index), and Lambert, Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets
in the Kouyunjik Collection of the British Museum, Third Supplement, K 18114, 21672, 22110.
Chronology and reconstruction of events follows Ephcal, Ancient Arabs, 147. See also
Gerardi, "Arab Campaigns of Assurbanipal," 72-73, 78, 84.
1515
Borger BIWA, A vi 107-24, F v 72-vi 11, T v 9-32, TTafl iv 12-35.
196
Grayson Chronicles, no. 16, 131:1-4 (BM 86379) laconically observes that
Bel stayed in Assur and the Babylonian a/ito-festival failed to take place for twenty
years during the reigns of Sennacherib and Esarhaddon.
1!)/
The cult statue of Samas of Sippar was destroyed by a raid during the reign
of Simbar-Slpak (1025-1008); BBSt. no. 36, 121 i 8 (BM 91000). A sun-disk sym-
284 CHAPTER THREE
most tangible intersection between the supernatural and the earthly

realms, never dimmed, and the desire to recover the unique numi-
nous object and thus restore the cult to full integrity and prestige
was that of unrequited love. In a Babylonian text that describes the
diagnostic procedures of determining whether a cult statue is restor-
able, and if so, the rituals involved, the rites performed during the
image's absence from its temple are evocative of the religious chaos
that must have been occasioned by the abduction of a god image.
A lamentation priest "beats his breast and utters 'woe!','' and is
enjoined to maintain his mourning rites until the image is restored.
Propitiatory sacrifices are performed for the absent god. The king
of the land and his family are directed to abase themselves ritually
on the ground, together with the entire populous.198 As treated in
the discussion of Table 3, the pan-cultural theological rationalization
for a lost cult statue was divine abandonment due to the god's wrath
with his/her people.
Descriptions of the repair and refurbishment of divine statues in
Assur prior to their repatriation occur only in the inscriptions of
Esarhaddon and possibly Assurbanipal, Table 8:6 (Der), 7 (Dur-
Sarruku), 12 (Uruk), 13 (Babylon), 16 (Babylonia). The timing of the
restoration process was, in principle, jointly established by divination
and the consultation of a menology, thereby emphasizing divine pre-
meditation and control, critical legitimizing credentials in ancient
Mesopotamia. Divination was also used to select the skilled artisans
[ummane] responsible for the work. The repairs themselves took place
in the bit mumme, a workshop traditionally associated with Mesopotamia!!
temples, a locus both sacred enough for the task and secure enough
to safeguard the precious metals and gemstones used to adorn the
statues.199 [See Figure 15]
In a favorable month, on a propitious day in month XI, the favorite
month of Enlil, I (Esarhaddon) entered the bit mumme, the place of
renewal, which they (the gods) had chosen. I brought carpenters, gold-
bol (niphu) substituted for the lost image until the reign of Nabu-apla-iddina (890?—851?),
when a new image was dedicated to the god; BBSt. no. 36, 123-24 iii 19—
iv 28. Cult statues could be replaced more expeditiously. The kingdom of Namri
lost its gods twice within an eight-year span to Shalmaneser III (Table 3:16-17).
198
Walker and Dick, "Mesopotamian mis pi Ritual," 106 11.7-20 (A 418 [Istanbul]).
199
On the nature of these images themselves, see J. Renger, "Kultbild. A.
Philologisch," RLA 6:307a-14b; U. Seidl, "Kultbild. B. Archaologisch," RLA 6:314b-
19a; Berlejung, Theologie der Bilder, 33-93.
smiths, metalworkers, stonecutters, skilled artisans versed in the mys-

teries, into the temple which Samas and Adad had selected through
divination . . . Bel, Beltiya, Belet-Babili, Ea, Madanu, the great gods,
were duly born (im-ma-al-du) within the Esarra, the temple of their sire
(Assur), and they grew beautiful in feature. With red sdriru-gold, the
product of Arallu, ore from the mountains, I made their forms glori-
ous. With splendid ornaments (and) precious jewelry I adorned their
necks and ladened their breasts, just as the great lord Marduk desired
(and) as pleased queen Zarpanftu. They (the artisans) fashioned the
statues of their great divinity even more artistically than before. They
made them most sumptuous, they infused them with awe-inspiring dig-
nity (and) made them shine like the sun.200
Esarhaddon's chancellery exploited the fact that the great statue of

Marduk and other images from Esagila were restored in the temple
workshops of Assur by treating the act as a "birth" and thereby
claiming that the pantheon of Babylon were the offspring of Assur.201
While this was perhaps a daring means of rehabilitating the "image"
of Marduk in Assyrian worship in an effort to reverse the deliber-
ate occultation of Marduk's cult by Sennacherib,202 the master goal
was to foster a sense of political and cultural unity between the two
kingdoms through the fiction of a single pantheon. Making Marduk
and the other gods of Esagila dependent on Assur and his servants,
of course, implied that Babylon itself w7as theologically and cultur-
ally dependent upon Assyria. "Although the Babylonians would cer-
tainly welcome the [Marduk] statue's return and the resumption of
full religious life and divine protection which they entailed, they
would scarcely be enthusiastic about the appropriation of Marduk
as an Assyrian god—a somewhat subordinate one, at that."203
200
Bonrer
o
Esarh.,' S53,
o "
AsBbA," 83-84 rev. 27b-30,' 35-38.
201
Porter, Images, Power, and Politics, 124-25, 152; Machinist, "The Assyrians and
Their Babylonian Problem: Some Reflections," 353-64; Michalowski, "Presence at
the Creation," 361.
202
See Frahm Einleitung, 284-88. It is possible that the novelty of this trans-
formation in the character of Assur has been overstated. In the course of Sennacherib's
program of elevating Assur over Marduk, the family life of the Assyrian patron god
was considerably expanded, making Assur the father of Zababa, and spouse or con-
sort of Seru'a; see K. Deller and V. Donbaz, "Sanheribs Zababa-Tempel in Assur,"
BaghM 18 (1987) 221-28. It is no great step to add Marduk to the filiation of Assur,
though the political repercussions were potentially volatile. The metaphor of the
creation of a cult statue as a "birth" is traditionally formulaic. For instance, Sargon
II describes the manufacture of the cult statues in the Assur temple for his temples
in Dur-Sarrukm as a birth process; Berlejung, Theologie der Bilder, 155-56.
203
Porter, "Gods' Statues as a Tool," 12.
286 CHAPTER THREE
Many of the cult statue restoration accounts are historically opaque,

marred by textual lacunae, and, as witness the Arab campaigns re-
counted in the royal inscriptions of Assurbanipal, garbled by the
scribes who wrote them. Tiglath-pileser Ill's action in his first cam-
paign (Table 8:1), set in correct textual context by Tadmor, is con-
sistent with his demeanor towards the Babylonian cult centers. However
the initial lacuna is to be filled, it is inconceivable that cult statues
were returned to Aramaeans or Chaldeans by this king. Due to the
lacunae in our texts and terseness of description, it is unclear whether
Sargon II restored gods to Harhar that he (or Tiglath-pileser III or
even Shalmaneser III) had earlier seized from its temples, or whether
the gods belonging to the loyal bel dli of Harhar, Kibaba, were recov-
ered from the instigators of the rebellion and "restored" alongside
Assyrian deities (Table 8:2). Seizure of the image of Haldi of Musasir,
the national god of Urartu, was of comparable notoriety to the loss
of the great Marduk statue from Babylon. If indeed Haldi was restored
to Urartu the year following its capture, it gives notice that the
Assyrian rulers were considerably more eager to secure a rapid
Urartian cessation of hostilities than to perpetuate the humiliating
scandal of an empire deprived of its tutelary deity (Table 8:3). Out
of 20 incidents of Assyrian restoration of divine images to foreign
cults in Table 8, three and possibly four involve the return of stat-
ues that were not stolen by the Assyrians (Table 8:2[?], 4, 10, 21),
leaving sixteen incidents of restored statues out of a total of 49
recorded Neo-Assyrian lootings of divine images (Table 3). Is this
discrepancy due to the caprice of Assyrian scribal historiography, or
was there a historically greater likelihood that captured divine images
would never be returned? Was the restoration of divine statues a
predictable element of Assyrian foreign "policy" or was Assyrian
"policy" in this matter more the nature of a scribal collection of ad
hoc decisions? I believe the latter to be the case. There were two
population areas where the Assyrians repeatedly despoiled and restored
divine images: Babylonia (Table 8:1, 4-7, 10, 12-19, 21) and Arab
territories (Table 8:8-9, 11, 20). Of the latter objects, two had the
dubious honor of receiving inscriptions extolling the "might of Assur,"
both engraved by Esarhaddon, a procedure without parallel in the
Assyrian royal inscriptions. As Ephcal observed, the treatment of Arab
divine statues was atypical of Assyrian power politics, a situation due
in main to the tactical difficulties entailed in controlling nomad pop-
illations.204 Presumably, the ongoing propaganda value of placing

Assyrian inscriptions on the cult statues was not the message itself,
which, if Akkadian, precious few Arab worshippers could be expected
to decipher, but the medium: cuneiform, recognizable as an Assyrian
cultural trademark by learned and illiterate alike. As a concrete illus-
tration of the political leverage exerted by the loss of a cult statue,
Esarhaddon's narrative of Layale of Bazu relates that the Arab king
took flight from Assyrian attack, but, within a relatively brief span
of time after learning of his loss, made his way to Nineveh to parley
for his gods.200 Assyria's dogged efforts to control Babylonian affairs
from Tiglath-pileser III until the last emperor evoked the gamut of
possible administrative responses, including reconciliation through the
return of captured cult statues.
The inscriptions of Esarhaddon describe his solicitude for foreign
cults and a desire to restore "missing" divine statues:
For the renewal of the great gods and the completion of the shrines
of every major cult city, the great gods called him (Esarhaddon) for
kingship. Fabricator of the temple of Assur, (re)builder of Esagila and
Babylon, restorer of the gods and goddesses who dwell there; he who
returned the captured gods of the nations from the city Assur to their
(own) place, and prepared (for them) a tranquil dwelling place until
he had finished (their) temples and guided them into their cellas to
dwell in perpetuity . . ,206
The captive gods of the nations—their paraphernalia he renewed;
from Assyria he returned them to their places and (re)established their
prebends.207
Assurbanipal also took up the refrain of Esarhaddon's benevolence

towards foreign cults in order to "expose" the ingratitude of a faith-
less client ruler. In a text describing the treachery and punishment
of the Arab leader, Yautac, who had assisted in the great rebellion,
Assurbanipal rehearses the generosity shown Yauta c 's father by
Esarhaddon's return of his Arab goddess, generalizing that "[he
treated] with kindness the captured gods of all nations whose tem-
ples had been trampled, (in order that) they might grant him the
204
Ephcal, Ancient Arabs, 127 n. 440.
20
' A point made by Eph'al, Ancient Arabs, 131.
206
Borger Esarh., §27, Nin. A, Ep. 3, 45-46 ii 19-27.
207
Goetze, "Esarhaddon's Inscription from the Inanna Temple in Nippur," 130:11.
288 CHAPTER THREE
blessing of a long life . . ,"208 Both royal inscriptions and correspondence

portray Esarhaddon as earnestly committed to undoing the mischief
done to Babylonian temples by Sennacherib and earlier Assyrian
kings; of the eleven incidents recorded above of Esarhaddon's refur-
bishment, adornment and/or return of divine statues, eight were con-
cerned with Babylonian temples, north and south (Table 8:6-7, 10,
12-16), while the other three dealt with Arab gods (Table 8:8-9,
11). What, we may ask, did Esarhaddon do with the Philistine gods
deported by Sargon II (Table 3:36) or the Phoenician gods taken
by Sennacherib (Table 3:39), or any of the dozens of non-Babylonian
divine images seized by earlier Assyrian emperors and left to rot in
temples or possibly less honorable lodgings? The progress reports
issued to Esarhaddon by Mar-Istar on repairs to foreign divine stat-
ues in the bit mumme of the Assur temple at Assur mention only
Babylonian deities. Babylonia, a perennial thorn in the side of Assyrian
Realpolitik, received from Esarhaddon and later Assyrian emperors
lavish measures of cultic good-will with parallels only at Harran and
the Assyrian heartland itself. Barring certain Arab leaders, historical
texts and administrative correspondence concur that Esarhaddon's
touted solicitude for captured divine images did not embrace the rest
of the empire. Whether this "policy" is anything more than a mod-
ern forensic interpolation or not, it is the ideological statement that
the king's scribal army sought to impart to posterity.
TABLE 9. Royal Inscriptions Placed on Cult Objects and Temples

(Excluding Brick and Foundation Inscriptions)

Political Status
1) Esarhaddon restoration of the royal Adummatu (Dumat
(before month gods of Haza'el the inscriptions209 al-Jandal, al-Jawf):
II 676) Arab after repairing Syrian desert
and inscribing them
with the "might of
Assur" and the
king's name
208
Borger BIWA, "Exkurs: Der Text K 3087 // K 3405 // Rm 2,558," 70:18-19.
209
Borger
o Esarh.," §27,
o " Nin. A," Ep.
Jr 14,' 53 iv 6-14;' 866,
o " Mnm. B,' 100:9-14;' see
Table 8:8.
Table 9 (cont.)
fang Action Source Geography and

Political Status
2) Esarhaddon restoration of the royal Bazu (Arab
(673/669) gods of Layale, king inscriptions210 territory)
of Yadi3, after
inscribing them with
the "might of Assur"
3) Esarhaddon name of the king royal corre- Babylonia: Borsippa
(670) and the crown spondence211 (Birs Nimrud)
prince were engraved
on a jewelled crown
for the cult image of
Nabu at Borsippa
4) Esarhaddon reference to a royal royal corre- Babylonia: Babylon
(670?) or inscription on the spondence212
Assurbanipal socle (kigallu) of
(667?) Tasmetum, probably
in Esagila
5) Esarhaddon copy of an royal Babylonia: Babylon

inscription on the inscriptions213
socle (kigallu) of
Marduk in Esagila
6) Esarhaddon oversized lapis lazuli royal Babylonia: Babylon
cylinder seal inscriptions214
dedicated to Marduk
210
Borger Esarh., §27, Nin. B, Ep. 12, 57 iii 47~48; Heidel, "A New Hexagonal
Prism of Esarhaddon," 20-22 iii 24-32 (IM 59046). See Table 8:11.
211
ABL no. 1202 = LAS I no. 281 = SAA 10 no. 353:5-7 (81-2-4,66) (writer:
Mar-Istar). Other texts that probably dealt with the manufacture of this crown:
ABL no. 404 = LAS I no. 58 = SAA 10 no. 41 (81-2-4,62) (writers: Nabu-ahhe-
eriba [and Balasi]); ABL no. 689 = LAS I no. 57 = SAA 10 no. 40 (83-1-18,83)
(writers: Balasi and Nabu-ahhe-enba); ABL no. 340 = LAS I no. 276 = SAA 10
no. 348:5-16 (Bu 91-5-9,183) (writer: Mar-Istar).
212
ABL no. 257 = LAS I no. 286 = SAA 10 no. 358 rev. 2'-6' (K 1614) (writer:
Mar-Istar); see the discussion in LAS II, 283.
213
Borger Esarh., §58, AsBbF, 89-90 (K 7862). ABL no. 968 = SAA 13 no.
179:13'-14' (K 4789) (recipient: Esarhaddon or Assurbanipal) (writer: Suma-iddina,
the satammu of Esagila) notes that golden socles (kigalle) have been inscribed with
the king's name. The restoration of ABL no. 120 = SAA 13 no. 162 rev. 13-16
(K 126) (writer: Urad-ahhesu) suggests that the king's name was inscribed on pedestals
(labunne) in Esagila.
214
RIMB 2 B.6.31.1 (VA Bab 647); drawing in D. Collon, First Impressions: Cylinder
Seals in the Ancient Near East (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1987) no. 563.
290 CHAPTER THREE
Table 9 (cont.)

Political Status
7) Assurba- dedication of royal Harran: provincial
nipal (652 or objects for the inscriptions215 center
later) E.me.lam.an.na of
Nusku of Harran
8) Assurba- dedication of a royal Babylonia: Uruk

nipal (646?) golden bowl (makkasu) inscriptions216 (Tulul al-Warka3)
to Nanaia of Uruk
9) Assurba- copy of a royal royal Babylonia: Babylon

nipal (before inscription on a inscription217
639) "golden incense
burner" dedicated to
Marduk of Esagila
10) Assurba- copy of a royal royal Harran: provincial
nipal inscription on a inscriptions218 center
gold-plated lintel (?)
(GlS.tallu) in the bit
aklti of Nikkal of
Harran
213
Bauer IWA, pis. 29-30 (K 2813 + 8394 + 79-7-8,134), dedication of a cor-
bel (sillu), and pi. 30 (K 2822), dedication of a cedar door with an apotropaic figure
(?). Assurbanipal calls himself [sakkd\nakki Bdbili (Bauer IWA, pis. 29:22), a title
befitting the time when Samas-sumu-ukfn's authority was in eclipse; Assurbanipal
uses the tide in other inscriptions, one of which may date from the time of Kandalanu.
See Seux, Epithetes, 278, and Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 194.
216
Borger BIWA, Lose Blatter 1, 110 (microfiche score) = Bauer IWA, 52 14/11
(K 1364, duplicate 82-5-22,531). The image of Nanaia of Uruk was repatriated
from Elam in 646; possibly this vessel was dedicated at the time of her restoration,
and represents a portion of the vast Elamite booty plundered from the sacred
precincts of Susa.
217
Borger BIWA, "Die 'Weihinschrift an Marduk'," (K 120b + 144 + 3298 + 3265,
and 80-7-19,333), dedication on a golden basket (masabbu) in Esagila. K 120b:20,
25 mentions "Dugdamme" and his successor, hence the date; see A. T. L. Kuhrt,
"Lygdamis (Greek Avy&xius)," RLA 7:186b-89a.
218
Streck Asb., 286-92 (Bu 89-4-26,209); mentions the E.gi6.par, the cella of
Nikkal of Harran; George, House Most High, no. 380. On the uncertain meaning of
GlS.tallu in a cultic context, see the entries in AHw 3, 1311. Ninurta-kudurrT-usur,
governor of Suhu in the mid-8th century, built a palace in the city Anat on the
Euphrates whose gate had a GIS.tal-li; RIMB 2 S.O.I002.3 iv 25' (IM 124202,
inscription found at 'Ana [ancient Anat]). A GlS.tallu of Marduk in Esagila had a
Sumerian ceremonial name and rated mention in a gate list; George, Babylonian
Topographical Texts, 393 (BM 35046). A Neo-Babylonian text describes expenditures
of oil for cultic ceremonies in the E.an.na of Uruk, including the GIS.tal-la/lu sd
Table 9 (cont.)
Political Status
11) Assurba- text celebrating the royal Harran: provincial
nipal creation of an inscriptions219 center
inscribed Anzu-bird
for E.hul.hul of
Harran
12) Assur-etel- dedication of a royal Babylonia

ilani wooden offering-table inscriptions220
to Marduk, probably
in Esagila
13) Assur-etel- manufacture of a royal Babylonia:
ilani golden scepter for inscriptions221 Sippar-Aruru
Marduk in
E.es.er.ke4, temple at
Sippar-Aruru
ANVDINGIR.[UTU?]; P.-A. Beaulieu, "The Impact of Month-Lengths on the Neo-

Babylonian Cultic Calendar," £A 83 (1993) 82:9, rev. 3', 15' (NCBT 1132); he
draws attention to Neo-Babylonian_ correspondence in which Larsa temple officials
request workmen to repair the GIS.tallu. The tallu occurs in Old Babylonian texts,
often in a cultic context; see the examples in B. R. M. Groneberg, "La culture
materielle a Mari: Der nubalum und seine Objekte," M.A.R.I. 6 (1990) 171, 178-79.
219
B. Pongratz-Leisten, "Anzu-Vogel fur das E.HUL.HUL in Harran," in Beit-
rage Z.UT Kulturgeschichte Vorderasiens: Festschrift fur Rainer Michael Boehmer, edited by
U. Finkbeiner, R. Dittmann and H. Hauptmann (Mainz: Verlag Philipp von Zabern,
1995) 551-57 (K 8759+Rm 133+288). This interesting tablet, whose obverse praises
Sin and lists Assurbanipal's titulary, and whose reverse describes the votive artwork,
together with a lost colophon, bears no information useful for dating. If the man-
ufacture of the Anzu bird coincided with the general refurbishment of Harranean
E.hul.hul, then the inscription probably dates no earlier than 664, when the cella
of Sin was decorated with electrum sacked from Egypt during the second cam-
paign. As Pongratz-Leisten observes, the Assur temple sported a golden Anzu-bird,
while Esarhaddon adorned the temples of Istar of Arba'il and Nabu of Borsippa
with Anzu-birds and Assurbanipal added such images to the temple of Nergal in
Cutha (not Tarbisu, pace Pongratz-Leisten; ibid, 555). Her inference that the Anzu-
bird added to the cella of Nusku of Harran (K 9143 rev. 1-11 = Bauer IWA, 38
n. 2) and the one mentioned in this inscription mounted as a "Torhiitter" before
the entrance to the temple of Sin refer to one and the same object, and that the
two temples were physically joined, is very probable.
220
RIMB 2 B.6.35.1 (PTS 2253, a clay tablet, provenance unknown).
221
E. Ebeling, "Eine Weihinschrift Assuretililanis fur Marduk," in Miscellanea
Orientalia, edited by A. Beimel (AnOr 12; Rome: Pontificio Istituto Biblico, 1935)
71-73 = RIMB 2 B.6.35.2 (VAT 13142, a clay tablet found in the Merkes tem-
ple entry, with a colophon specifying its original usage); George, House Most High,
no. 269.
292 CHAPTER THREE
Table 9 is a miniscule sample of what was probably a ubiquitous

royal prerogative in a civilization accustomed to maintaining detailed
records of commercial and legal transactions: the affixing of dedi-
catory labels to objects manufactured or repaired for use in local
temples. At the divine level, the work of repair and elaboration was
carried out so that, for example, "DN1 and DN2 may command a
favorable destiny for the king, my lord, the queen mother, and the
crown princes, my lords; may they deliver the enemies of the king,
my lord, into the hands of the king, my lord!"222 In the temporal
sphere, it is likely that lavish and beautiful inscribed votive gifts to
foreign cults worked for Assyrian interests in several ways. Ideologi-
cally, the gods of a temple that benefited concretely from Assyrian
munificence were perceived as positively disposed towards the Assyrian
Empire. An example of this phenomenon in reverse may be seen in
Assurbanipal's complaint that his estranged brother had cut off his
(Assurbanipal's) offerings to the gods of Babylon (Table 6:24). Citizens
whose city temples, ever a source of civic pride and rivalry, had
been repaired and enriched by outsiders could be expected to demon-
strate their gratitude through political loyalty. Mar-Istar's anxiety that
the Assyrians, and not the Elamites, take responsibility for repairs
on the temple of the border city of Der reflects the foreign policy
of securing Babylonian good-will through cultic sponsorship (Table
5:19). Esarhaddon's inscribing of captured Arab divine statues with
the "might of Assur" and his own name at the time of their restora-
tion to their owners is unique in Assyrian records, an intrusive
reminder designed to communicate in the bluntest possible fashion
the Arab's status of religious and political subordination to the Assyrian
superpower. In areas of cuneiform literacy like Babylonia and Harran,
it may be assumed that the intended readership of these inscriptions,
besides the gods, was the educated ruling elite. In distant parts like
the Arab territories, the cuneiform signs themselves bore the mes-
sage of cultural contact—and dominance—in the sphere of state reli-
gion. [See Figure 16]
222
ABL no. 340 = LAS I no. 276 = SAA 10 no. 348:17-22 (Bu 91-5-9,183),
a pious and correct expostulation of Mar-Istar following his report on the gathering
of gernstones and gold from the king and the queen-mother for a crown for Nabu.
TABLE 10. Recognition or Inauguration of Divinely-Sanctioned Civic

"Exemptions" and Protection

Political Status
1) Shalmaneser prepared a banquet royal Babylonia: Babylon
III (850) for the citizens of inscriptions223 and Borsippa
Babylon and
Borsippa under the
privilege (and)
freedom (sabe kidinni
subarre} of the great
gods
2) SamsT-ilu, claims to have "set (royal) unknown

turtdnu, reign up kidinnu''1 in his inscriptions224
of Adad- land
na.ra.rf III
3) Tiglath- Assyrian royal corre- Babylonia: Babylon

pileser III plenipotentiaries spondence223
(731-729) negotiating with
Babylonians promise
that "your kidinnutu
is secure"
[4) Tiglath- in broken context, royal corre- Babylonia: Babylon]

pileser III and author reminds spondence226
Shalmaneser V Sargon II that these
[latter name two kings restored
partially (ikassaru} the
restored] kidinnutu of Babylon
223
E. Michel, "Die Assur-Texte Salmanassars III. (858-824), 11. Fortsetzung,"
WO 4 (1967) 32 vi 4 = RIMA 3 A.0.102.5 vi 4-5 (BM 124667 [Rm 1047]+BM
128156, BM 124665 and BM 124666 [Rm 1046]) (Balawat Gate inscription).
224
RIMA 3 v A.0.104.2011:12' (VA 3295). Because the inscription is quite frag-
mentary, and Samsl-ilu refers to himself in the third person throughout, "his land"
may well refer to the field marshal's territories, rather than Urartu, as assumed in
earlier studies. The establishment of kidinnutu-status is a kingly prerogative, another
symptom of the supreme political autonomy of this powerful ruler within his realm.
225
H. W. F. Saggs, "The Nimrud Letters, 1952—Part I," Iraq 17 (1955) 23:17,
pi. 1 (writers: Samas-bunaia and Nabu-etir) (ND 2632). Tiglath-pileser's envoys prac-
tice siege diplomacy, arguing the merits of Assyrian partisanship over allegiance to
Ukm-zeri (Nabu[?-]Mukm-zeri), Chaldean claimant to the Babylonian throne.
Diplomacy and the reduction of several Chaldean strongholds proved successful,
and Tiglath-pileser III was proclaimed king of Babylonia in 729; Brinkman PKB,
236-40.
226
CT 54 no. 66 rev. 3-4 (K 4740 + 5559 + 14644). See J. A. Brinkman,
294 CHAPTER THREE
Table 10 (cont.)
Political Status
5) Sargon II recognized exemp- royal Babylonia
tions of various inscriptions227
Babylonian cities:
Sippar, Nippur,
Babylon, Borsippa,
Der, Ur, Uruk,
Eridu, Larsa, Kullab,
Kissik, Nemed-
Laguda
6) Sargon II restored ancient royal Harran: provincial
exemptions (zakutu inscriptions228 center
and kidinnutu) for
Harran
7) Esarhaddon restoration or grant royal Babylonia

of kidinnutu-status inscriptions229
and other exemp-
tions to the citizens
of Babylon, Nippur,
Borsippa, Sippar
"Merodach-Baladan II," in Studies Presented to A. Leo Oppenheim, June 7, 1964, edited

by R. D. Biggs and J. A. Brinkman (Chicago: Oriental Institute of the University
of Chicago, 1964) 34; M. Dietrich, "Neue Quellen zur Geschichte Babyloniens (I),"
WO 4 (1967-68) 68.
227
Uruk: RIMB 2 B.6.22.3 ii 28-31 (YBC 2181, foundation inscription from E.an.na
of Uruk, though found in Nimrud, speaks only of Uruk); Cyprus: VAS 1 no. 71,
right side 9—16 (VA 968); Nineveh: Thompson, "Cuneiform Historical Texts from
Nineveh," 86:1 (Sippar, Nippur, Babylon, Borsippa (BM 122614 [Th 1930-5-8,3]+BM
122615 [Th 1930-5-8,4]); Khorsabad: Fuchs Khorsabad, Zyl 4 (N III 3155, N III
3156, BM 22505 [K 1681], BM 108775 [1914-2-14,1], A 17590 [DS 1294], DS
32-47, D§ 32-45, A 17589 [DS 1293]; R 2-4 (AO 19863); Stier 5-8 (numerous
exemplars, see pp. 60-61); S4 5-8 (numerous exemplars, see p. 259); Bro 7-12 (AO
21370); Nimrud: Gadd, "Inscribed Prisms of Sargon II," 186 vi 75-77 (largely restored).
228
Cyprus: VAS 1 no. 71, right side 17-22 (VA 968); Nineveh: Thompson,
"Cuneiform Historical Texts from Nineveh," 86:2 (BM 122614 [Th 1930-5-8,3] + BM
122615 [Th 1930-5-8,4]); Khorsabad: Fuchs Khorsabad, Zyl 6 (N III 3155, N III
3156, BM 22505 [K 1681], BM 108775 [1914-2-14,1], A 17590 [DS 1294)], DS
32-47, DS 32-45, A 17589 [DS 1293)]; R 7-8 (AO 19863); Stier 9-10 (numer-
ous exemplars, see pp. 60-61); S4 12 (numerous exemplars, see p. 259); Bro 13-15
(AO 21370). In the first line of the numerous Zyl exemplars, Sargon II calls him-
self the favorite (nisit mi) of Anu and Dagan. In the broken context of the Tang-
e Var inscription, Sargon appears to say that he "set up kidinnu" in the gate of
Harran; Frame, "The Inscription of Sargon II at Tang-i Var," 36:15; English trans-
lation in K. L. Younger, Jr., "The Tang-i Var Inscription (2.118J)," COS 2:299.
229
Borger Esarh., §11, Bab. A, Ep. 37, 25-26 vii 12-41; §53, AsBbA, 81:41; CT
Table 10 (cont.)

Political Status
8) Assurba- restoration of royal inscrip- Babylonia: Babylon

nipal kidinnutu-sta.tus of tions and
Babylon correspond-
ence230
9) Assurba- restoration (?) of royal Babylonia: Sippar

nipal kidinnu of Sippar inscriptions231
10) Assur-etel- established permanent royal Babylonia:

ilani freedom from service inscriptions232 Sippar-Aruru
[subarre] for the erib- (= Dur-Sarruku)
blti- and kinistu-pnests
of Sippar-Aruru
The Neo-Assyrian kings inherited an ancient system of legal civic

institutions backed by divine authority. Old Babylonian texts from Susa
reveal that a kidinnu, a type of divinized ensign or standard (surin-
num), functioned analogously to divinized weapons in certain juridical
procedures, maintaining the legal integrity of sworn statements and
54 no. 212 (K 8681) (writer: Bel-hser) — E. Reiner, "The Babylonian Fiirstenspiegel

in Practice," in Societies and Languages of the Ancient Near East: Studies in Honour of
I. M. Diakonojf, edited by M. A. Dandamayev, et al. (Warminster: Aris & Phillips,
1982) 320-26, in which the so-called Babylonian Fiirstenspiegel is quoted to
Esarhaddon (see below).
230
kidinnutu: RIMB 2 B.6.32.1:12; 6.6.32.2:48-49; B.6.32.3:10; B.6.32.4:10;
B.6.32.5:10; B.6.32.6:12; 6.6.32.12:10-11; 6.6.32.13:15 (restored); B.6.32.14:29;
6.6.32.19:18; ABL no. 926:1 (K 4447) (writer: Assurbanipal); ABL no. 878:3, 9,
rev. 7 (K 233) (writers: the citizens of Babylon); ABL no. 1431:14 (K 990) (writer:
unspecified, though context indicates citizens of Babylon); ABL no. 301:15-19 (K
84) (writer: Assurbanipal): translation in Oppenheim, Letters from Mesopotamia 169 no.
115, and Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 138-39. A full study of ABL no. 301
appears in W. L. Moran, "AssurbanipaPs Message to the Babylonians (ABL 301),
with a Excursus on Figurative biltu" in Ah, Assyria. . . Studies in Assyrian History and
Ancient Near Eastern Historiography Presented to Hayim Tadmor, edited by M. Cogan and
I. Eph'al (ScrHie 33; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1991) 320-31: "Up to now, my
thoughts have been on your brotherhood with the citizens of Assyria, and on your
privileged status that I granted" (Moran's translation).
231
G. Frame and A. K. Grayson, "An Inscription of Ashurbanipal Mentioning
the kidinnu of Sippar," SAAB 8 (1994) 5:3' (K 6232).
232
RIMB 2 B.6.35.2:15b-18 (VAT 13142). In a letter from the temple steward
(lahhinu) of Istar of Arba'il, acknowledgement is made that either Esarhaddon or
Assurbanipal sent a sealed tablet establishing the exemptions (zaku) of the servants
of Istar, meaning presumably the entire temple complement.
296 CHAPTER THREE
commercial agreements. Kassite period sources indicate that kidin-

nutu-status had been adapted to serve as a blanket guarantee against
various legal incumbencies, thus acquiring the role of sanctioned
communal protection against civic exactions.233 By the 1st millen-
nium, south Mesopotamian cities—Sippar, Babylon, Nippur, Borsippa,
and others—and Assur to the north, claimed to enjoy the coveted
kidinnutu-status as a political heritage, diplomatically lodging com-
plaints against wayward rulers who chose to ignore this civic "right."
Citizens meriting kidinnutu-status were known as sdbe kidinni, men of
kidinnu. The wording of various Neo-Assyrian inscriptions suggests
that the visible mechanics of marking a city as dl kidinni was unchanged
for a thousand years: the kidinnu-ensign of unknown design was erected
in a public place, probably the city gates.234
The precise nature of the guaranteed privileges of kidinnittu-status
and related exemptions, the andurdru, subarru., and âkutu, never appear
as a prescription in a law code, but can only be broadly inferred
from a medley of royal inscriptions, literary works, and correspond-
ence. Generally speaking, such privileges entailed exemption from
military conscription, corvee, and a variety of taxes and imposts.
The action of Assur-etel-ilani described in Table 10:10 is unique in
Assyrian sources in that the exemptions are restricted to a particu-
lar class of professionals rather than a civic body. Similarly unique
is the inscription of Samsf-ilu, in which an Assyrian official (monarch
though he may have been in his own lands)235 established kidinnu
outside of Mesopotamia (Table 10:2). A comparable example is
Bel-Harran-belu-usur, powerful and independent ndgir ekalli under
Shalmaneser IV and Tiglath-pileser III, who founded a city bearing
his own name, installed a temple for "the great gods" in it, and pro-
claimed the city's "liberty" (zakutii) from taxation and corvee.236
Unfortunately, the assumption of royal prerogatives in this inscrip-
233
The basic study remains W. F. Leemans, "Kidinnu, un symbole de droit divin
babylonien," in Symbolae ad jus et historiam antiquitatis pertimentes Julio Christiano van Oven
dedicatae, edited by B. A. van Groningen, M. David and E. M. Meijers (Leiden:
E. J. Brill, 1946) 36-61.
234
Table 10:2 (zaqapu); Esarhaddon claims to have set up (zaqdpu) the kidinnu in
the gates of Assur "forever" after having reinstated the city's privileges; Borger
Esarh., §2, Ass. A, 3 iii 13-15.
235
Grayson, "Studies in Neo-Assyrian History II."
236
E. Unger, Die Stele des Bel-Harran-Beli-Ussur, ein Denkmal der %dt Salmanassars IV
(Publicationen der Kaiserlich Osmanischen Museen 3; Constantinople: Ahmed Ihsan
& Co., 1917) pi. 2:12-14, 19-23 = RIMA 3 A.0.105.2:12-14, 19-23 (ES 1326).
tion are sufficiently anomalous to preclude any generalizing from

Bel-Harran-belu-usur's behavior. The so-called "Charter of Assur"
of Sargon II, which recounts the rationale behind the overthrow of
Shalmaneser V, states that the latter king abrogated the ancient kidin-
rcwta-status of Assur by imposing crown corvee upon the city (ilku-
tupsikku), thereby degrading its citizens to the hupsu-status, subject to
corvee and military conscription. Sargon II restored Assur's exemption
(zakutu) from the levy of the land (dikut mati], proclamations of the
herald (sistt nagiri] and from quay tolls and riverine crossing imposts
(mikse kdri [neben]}.^7 Whether Shalmaneser V systematically violated
the civic privileges of Assur is historically moot; that Sargon II could
exploit such a narrative as a foil for his better, fairer rise to king-
ship bespeaks the depth of the ideological connection between a just
king and the maintenance of these exemptions. The andurdru, a form
of debt-relief widely attested in Western Asia in the Bronze Age,238
was one of the exemptions that Sargon II claimed to have restored
to Der, Ur, Uruk, Eridu, Larsa, Kullab, Kissik, and Nemed-Laguda
(Table 10:5). Esarhaddon's chancellery scribes eloquently paint the
monarch as a ruler sensitive to the timeless legal and moral war-
rants of Babylonia:
I renewed the andurdru debt-remission of the oppressed Babylonians, the
men of kidinnu, the subarru-proteges of Anu and Enlil. Those who had been
sold into slavery and distributed among the foreign riffraff I gathered and
made them Babylonians anew; their stolen property I returned. The naked
I clothed. Then I set their feet on the road to Babylon. I encouraged
those who dwell in the city to build houses, to plant orchards (and) to
clear the canals. Their kidinniitu-statm, which had been abrogated and lost,
I restored. Their zakutu-rights I recorded anew on a tablet.239
237
Edition of K 1349 in G. W. Vera Chamaza, "Sargon IPs Ascent to the
Throne: the Political Situation," SAAB 6/1 (1992) 23:38-39, based on H. W. F.
Saggs, "Historical Texts and Fragments of Sargon II of Assyria. I. The 'Assur
Charter'," Iraq 37 (1975) 12-16. See the discussion of this issue in H. Reviv, "Kidinnu:
Observations on Privileges of Mesopotamian Cities," JESHO 31 (1988) 289. On
these forms of taxation, see Postgate Taxation, 131-33.
238
N. P. Lemche, "Andurarum and Misarum: Comments on the Problem of Social
Edicts and their Application in the Ancient Near East," JjVES1 38 (1979) 11-22;
D. Charpin, "Les decrets royaux a 1'epoque paleo-babylonienne, a propos d'un
ouvrage recent," AfO 34 (1987) 36-44; idem, "L'Andurarum a Mari," M.A.R.I. 6
(1990) 253-70; E. Otto, "Programme der sozialen Gerechtigkeit: die neuassyrische
(an-)duraru-Institution sozialen Ausgleichs und das deuteronomische ErlaBjahr in Dtn
15," ZABR 3 (1997) 31-51.
239
Borger Esarh., §11, Bab. A, Ep. 37, 25 vii 16-37.
298 CHAPTER THREE
Both royal inscriptions and administrative texts indicate that the

zakutu included exemptions from grain and straw taxes (SE nusdhe
and tibse).2W In his historical inscriptions Esarhaddon repeatedly asserts
that he restored Babylon's coveted exemptions (Table 10:7). However,
one letter dating from late in Esarhaddon's reign describes how the
hard-pressed citizens of Babylon were taxed for the preparation of
chariots for their governors (LU.GAR.UMUS.MES); the citizens of
Borsippa and Cutha were similarly taxed.241
Partisan urban Babylonian perceptions of the duty of a king are
accessible through a fascinating 1 st-millennium composition known
as the "Babylonian Fiirstenspiegel," that sought to warn a ruler, using
the protasis-apodosis format of the omen text genre, of the dire con-
sequences to himself and his own land should he violate the civil
rights and traditional exemptions of the citizens of Sippar, Nippur,
and Babylon. Although only subarre are mentioned in line 30, it is
evident that the panoply of coveted civic exemptions inform the
entire text. The canons of traditional social justice must be enforced:
rigged lawsuits, extorted monies, the accepting of bribes and false
imprisonment shall result in condign punishment meted out by the
gods for the offending ruler. Corvee and general mobilization for
military service must be eschewed. Taxation on straw and livestock
is forbidden. Not only must the king himself observe these privileges,
but he must not be swayed by his advisors or administrative per-
sonnel into violating these civic rights. The ruler must not void the
contracts or official inscriptions of these cities. Finally,
If either a shepherd (variant: officer [aklu]}, or a temple overseer (satammu),
or a royal sut-resi-off\cia\, who acts as temple overseer of Sippar, Nippur,
or Babylon imposes upon them [the citizens of these cities] corvee in con-
nection with the temples of the great gods, the great gods shall become
enraged and abandon their cult places; they will not enter their shrines.242
240
Borger
o Esarh.," §2,
o ' Ass. A,' 3 iii 8-11;~ ADD no. 621 rev. 10, ~ ADD no. 70
rev. 4; see Postgate Taxation 174-99.
241
SAA 10 no. 348:23-rev. 14. LAS II, 264, dates the letter to month V 671.
242
Lambert BWL, 114:55-59, pi. 32 (DT 1; cuneiform text, transliteration and
translation); M. Civil, appendix to Reiner, "Babylonian Fiirstenspiegel," 324-26 (12
N 110 = IM 77087, transliteration and study); W. von Soden, "Weisheitstexte, I.
Der babylonische Fiirstenspiegel," in Weisheitstexte, Mythen und Epen, edited by O. Kaiser
(TUAT 3/1; Giitersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1990) 170-73 (translation); Foster, Before the
Muses, 2:72:55-59 (translation); new edition and translation in Cole, Nippur IV, no.
128. Diakonoff, correctly in my opinion, understands "shepherd" (re'u) in context as
a literary expression denoting a ruler of any sort, not a common shepherd; I. M.
Diakonoff, "A Babylonian Political Pamphlet from about 700 B.C.," in Studies in
A letter addressed by the city assembly of Babylon to Assurbanipal

and Samas-sumu-ukfn suggests that the Babylonians understood the
privileges of the kidinnutu-status to extend beyond the permanent res-
idents of the city to anyone who entered the municipal borders:
"even a dog that enters it should not be killed."243 As Reviv observes,
"the kidinnu of the community also involved physical immunity for
everyone within the cities' gates. The element of collective security
prominently implies a state of asylum, turning the cities of kidinnu
into cities of refuge."244 The existence of such special pleading in a
letter rather pointedly intimates that the Assyrian monarchy took a
different view of the inclusiveness of the kidinnutu-status.
That these privileges and exemptions were held to derive from
the gods is reinforced in several Assyrian royal inscriptions and var-
ious literary texts. Shalmaneser Ill's invocation of the divinely-ordained
exemptions of the citizens of Babylon and Borsippa (Table 10:1)
occurs in a passage recounting his opulent gifts and sacrifices to their
city-temples (Table 6:4). Sargon IFs use of the phrase "men of Anu
and Dagan" in his oft-repeated assertion of the granting of civic
exemptions (kidinnu and zakiitu) to Harran and Assur (Table 10:6) is
a tribute to his chancellery scribes' thorough schooling in Babylonian
literary cliches. In the Erra Epic, the pestilence-god Erra caused the
death of the Babylonian soldiers, "men of kidinnu, sacred to Anu and
Dagan."245 As Reviv acutely observes, in both the Erra Epic and the
royal inscriptions of Sargon II, the people enjoying kidinnutu-status
are either said or implied to be sacred to Anu and Dagan, not the
principal city god (Marduk of Babylon or Sin of Harran).246 The ori-
gin of the kidinnutu-status in the 2nd millennium probably explains
its association with the politically otiose gods Anu and Dagan.
Assurbanipal is piously described in an omen text composed during
the Samas-sumu-ukm crisis as one "whose eyes are set on your
(divine) personal protection (ki-di-in sd ZI-A:#)."247
Honor of Benno Landsberger on His Seventy-fifth Birthday, April 21, 1965, edited by H. G.
Giiterbock and T. Jacobsen (AS 16; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,
1965) 349. For a dissenting view, see Lambert, "Literary Style," 124. On the Babylonian
Furstenspiegel in historical context, see Brinkman, "Babylonia c. 1000-748 B.C.," 291.
243
ABL no. 878:11 (K 233) (writers: citizens of Babylon).
244
Reviv, "Kidinnu" 291.
245
Foster, Before the Muses, 2:780 iv 31-34.
246
Reviv, "Kidinnu," 292.
24
' E. G. Klauber, Politisch-religib'se Texte aus der Sargonidenzeit (Leipzig: Eduard
Pfeiffer, 1913) 112-13, no. 109 rev. 4-5 = SAA 4 no. 282 rev. 4-5 (K 4).
300 CHAPTER THREE
The Erra Epic, an 8th- or 7th-century Babylonian composition, de-

scribes a "world turned upside-down" when devious Erra convinces
Marduk to abandon his city of Babylon. Warfare, murder and mad-
ness ensues. The royal soldiers in Babylon, sdbe kidinnu ikkib dAnim
u dDagan, "men of kidinnu sacred to Anu and Dagan," are sacrilegiously
slaughtered in the city when Marduk withdraws his protection. A
more light-hearted work, the satirical confection Poor Man of Nippur,
turns on the clever revenge of the protagonist against the mayor of
Nippur. Having been duped into a thrashing, the slow-witted mayor
protests "My lord, do not destroy a man of Nippur; with the blood
of kidinnu sacred to Enlil do not [dese]crate your hands."248 The cit-
izens of Nippur, as men of kidinnu, are shielded by the gods against
homicide. As noted earlier, all of the violations against the civic ex-
ceptions of Sippar, Nippur and Babylon enumerated in the Babylonian
Fiirstenspiegel shall result in devastating punishments contrived by
the gods whose peculiar spheres of patron authority are broached.
The liturgy of the Babylonian New Year's festival ritually enacts the
triumphal return of Marduk to Babylon, his sovereignty over the
Babylonian pantheon, and the renewal of hallowed royal and civic
status. The political recognition of the kidinnutu-status of the citizens
of Babylon is explicit at several points. The sesgallu-priest on the sec-
ond day of the festival prays for Marduk to recognize the protege-
status (subarru) of the citizens of Babylon, the men of kidinnu. On the
fourth day he implores long life for the men of kidinnu. On the fifth
day the king of Babylon, stripped of his symbols of office and ritu-
ally humiliated by the priest, makes his famous "negative confession"
in which he swears before Marduk that "I have not made Esagila
tremble, I have not struck the cheek of the privileged citizens, I have
not humiliated them."249 It is assumed without textual warrants that,
during the return of the cult statue of Marduk to Esagila along the
great processional road, the "men of kidinnu'" marched behind their
kidinnu-symbo\.2M [See Figure 17]
248
O. R. Gurney, "The Sultantepe Tablets (continued}, V. The Tale of the Poor
Man of Nippur," AnSt 6 (1956) 154:105-6; Foster, Before the Muses, 2:832:105-6.
249
[ul u-r\ib-bi e-sag-gil ul u-ma-as-<si> ME-/M \ul a\m-ha-as TE LU.ERIN-fo ki-
din-nu [ul~] as-kun qa-lal-su-nu; Thureau-Dangin, Rituels Accadien, 144:425-27 (MNB
1848); Farber, "Texte zum Akitu-Feste," 222.
2o
° A suggestion by Leemans, "Kidinnu, un symbole de droit divin babylonien,"
56, repeated with due reservations by Kuhrt, "Usurpation, Conquest and Ceremonial,"
Assyrian kings, hankering to promote themselves as paramount

patron-bosses in Mesopotamia, exploited the institution of divinely-
mandated civic protections assiduously and adroitly, reinstating, mod-
ifying and dismissing them as the winds of political fortune dictated.
While it is true that the exemptions depicted in the idealizing Baby-
lonian Fiirstenspiegel limited royal encroachments in certain civic lib-
erties, the goal of these privileges was to sustain the overall health
of the economic system, a primitive form of supply-side economics
as it were, while at the same time maximizing the propaganda value
for the palace. The proclamation of circumscribed debt-relief at the
beginning of a reign powerfully reinforced the immemorial image of
the king as upholder of social justice and order with only a short-
term loss of revenues.201 And there were other benefits. A letter to
Sargon II reveals that the king's institution of (anjdurdru debt-remis-
sion in Babylon was a source of economic irritation to certain citi-
zens deprived of their legal recourse to distrain debtors. The writer
recommends deportation for the protesters.252 Lanfranchi reads this
scenario as a species of divide-and-conquer tactics, in which these
politically and economically powerful exemptions were played off
among the various urban elites, ultimately favoring those with the
most to gain from Assyrian patronage, in this case the Babylonian
priesthood.203 In the conclusion of his foundation inscription for
E.an.na of Uruk, Sargon II unsubtly asserts the do ut des nature of
these civic grants: "during his (Sargon's) reign, may those freed from
service [subarre] not be in disorder."254 Although the Assyrian text is
substantially plagiarized from an original by Merodach-baladan II,
the concluding section was Sargon's own, strongly suggesting that
the text was made public in some manner prior to interment. Certainly,
Assyrian Realpolitik appropriated the administration of popular civic
35, and Reviv, "Kidinnu" 292. On the political role of the kidinnutu-status in the
Babylonian New Year's festival, see Pongratz-Leisten, "Das 'negative Siindenbe-
kenntnis'," 94-101.
201
See the discussion in J. P. J. Olivier, "Restitution as Economic Redress: The
Fine Print of the Old Babylonian mesarum-Edict of Ammisaduqa," ÂBR 3 (1997)
12-25, which can be generalized for the various civic privileges of the 1st millennium.
252
ABL no. 387 = SAA 5 no. 203 rev. 14'-side 1 (Sm 1045) (writer: Sarru-emur-
ranni, governor of Mazamua and Bit Zamani).
253
Lanfranchi, "Consensus to Empire," 86.
254
RIMB 2 B.6.22.3 ii 28-31.
302 CHAPTER THREE
privileges as a choice leveraging agent in pitting urban Babylonians

against would-be Chaldean rulers. Elsewhere, Sargon II states in his
palace inscriptions that he reestablished the coveted exemptions from
taxation and military levy (zakutu and kidinnutu) of Assur and Harran
"which had been forgotten for ages."255 It is impossible at present
to determine whether Harran had actually enjoyed this special status
before, or whether Sargon, in his quest for political legitimation, in-
vented a "traditional" civic right in order to bestow it upon a grate-
ful population.256 Sennacherib's inscriptions are wholly silent regarding
civic exemptions, whether Assyrian or Babylonian. If he ever pro-
moted them in Babylonian cities, they were surely null and void by
689. To remedy the fiasco of Assyro-Babylonian relations left by his
father, Esarhaddon's ponderous effort to win the hearts of Babylonia's
aristocracy through cultic patronage officially espoused a full reinstate-
ment of these divinely protected rights, though various pieces of cor-
respondence suggest there were awkward lapses in the coverage. For
instance, a letter from Esarhaddon's roving agent in Babylonia, Mar-
Istar, attempts to cushion pending news of the fiscal distress caused
by heavy taxation in Babylon, Borsippa and Cutha, certainly a nega-
tive advertisement for Assyrian respect for Babylonian kidinnu.^1 Assur-
banipal plumed himself as a "lover of kidinnutu" and dangled civic
exemptions before the Babylonian citizens as a good-conduct prize
for Assyrian loyalty during the Samas-sumu-ukfn rebellion,258 but his
conception of the status appears to have been less liberal than that
of the Babylonian city assembly itself, at least prior to 652.2o9
255
Table 10:6.
206
In the recent edition of the "Harran Census" in SAA 11, the editors Fales
and Postgate speculate that this enigmatic document, which is organized by land
owners in the vicinity of Harran, may have been commissioned by Sargon II as
the bureaucratic means of establishing tax-exemptions in the Harran region. Sketchy
prosopographic evidence suggests a date for these texts late in the reign of Sargon
or possibly Sennacherib; SAA 11 xxxii-xxxiii.
257
ABL no. 340 = LAS I no. 276 = SAA 10 no. 348:23-rev. 14 (Bu 91-5-9,183).
258
ABL no. 301:15-19 (K 84) (writer: Assurbanipal).
259
ABL no. 878 (K 233) (writers: the citizens of Babylon).
TABLE 11. Royal Commands Affecting the Date of Cultic Ceremonies

Political Status
1) Adad- the king orders the royal corre- Guzana (Tell
naran III governor and inhab- spondence260 Halaf): provincial
(793-782) itants of Guzana to capital
perform propitiatory
rites for (H)addu
Meyer, Ungnad, and Weidner, Die Inschriften vom Tell Halaf, no. 5,
pi 2 (TH 8, destroyed in Berlin during WWII):
obv. 1) a-bat LUGAL
2) a-na mman-nu-ki-K\JR.as+sur
3) at-ta UN.MES KUR-ka
4) 3 U4.MES pa-an rd!§KURn
5) di-at pa-ni bi-ki-a
6) sa-ri-ia
7) KUR-Aa-fz«
8) u-ga-ar-ku-nu
rev. 9) ka-pi-ra
10) ma-aq-lu-a-te
11) qu-lu-a
12) tak-pir-tu
13) E na-kar-ka-ni
14) lis-ku-nu
15) bi-bil IGI dISKUR
16) ep-sd
17) ina U4.1.KAM
18) li-pu-su
Order of the king to Mannu-kf-Assur: You (and) the people of your land, for
three days make a tearful lamentation (and) pray before (H)addu! Purify your
land (and) fields; make burnt offerings; let them perform the purification rite
of/in the nakarkanu-house; make (H)addu become reconciled! Let them do (these
acts) on the first day.
Di-at in line 5 is the lexeme dimtu with loss of intervocalic m; on takpertu in line 12,
obviously some kind of purification ritual, see AHw s.v. CAD 11/1 s.v. nakarkanu,
159 cites this passage (line 13) as the only lexical source for this unknown build-
ing. For the expression bibil pant, see CAD 2 s.v. biblu, 221. As always, a letter
represents one-half of a dialogue; unless we presume that Adad-narari III sponta-
neously issued this order to perform rites of appeasement to (H)addu, we have lit-
tle inkling as to the events in Guzana which prompted this cultic fiat. It is a
reasonable assumption that dISKUR represents a local storm god: there are no
specifically "Mesopotamian" rites mentioned in the letter, whereas collective lamen-
tation, burnt offerings, and ritual purification of the land (kaparu) in the context of
divine absence or wrath were endemic ritual functions among West Semitic reli-
gions, and suggest that the king's letter was drafted in response to some calamity
(drought? plague?) for which (H)addu was held to be the origin. For the cuneiform
textual evidence for the cult of the storm god at Guzana, see Menzel Tempel, 85
304 CHAPTER THREE
Table 11 (cont.)

Political Status
2) Esarhaddon reference in a letter royal corre- Babylonia: Babylon

(670) to the king's orders spondence261
regarding intercala-
tion and the
performance of cult
ceremonies at
Babylon
3) Esarhaddon royal communique royal corre- Babylonia: Der
or Assurbanipal informing temple spondence252 (Tell £Aqar)
officials of a
calendrical inter-
calation, established
by the king, which
will affect the date
for rituals performed
for "my gods" in
the temples at Der
4) Esarhaddon royal communique royal corre- Babylonia: Cutha
or Assurbanipal informing temple spondence263 (Tell Ibrahim)
officials of a calen-
drical intercalation,
established by the
king, which will
affect the date for
festivals at Cutha
and notes; on ancient Near Eastern ideology and customs of lamentation for divine
loss, see Podella, Som-Fasten, 35-61, 114-16. On the dating of the Neo-Assyrian
epistolary archive recovered from Tell Halaf, see Parpola, "Assyrian Royal Inscriptions
and Neo-Assyrian Letters," 122.
261
Istar); see also ABL no. 956 = LAS I no. 190 = SAA 10 no. 253:15-19 (K 930)
(writer: Marduk-sakin-sumi), as both letters probably refer to the same intercala-
tion. For the dating, see the intricate argumentation in LAS II, 186-87. For exam-
ples of Neo-Babylonian and Persian period royal orders for calendrical intercalations
addressed to temple personnel, see LAS II, 504-5. See the discussion in Beaulieu,
"Neo-Babylonian Guide Calendar," 66-87, regarding the mechanics of relating the
lunar phenomena with the Mesopotamian cultic calendar.
262
EZEN U4 GARZA.MES sa DINGIR.MES-e-a ina ITI sal-me ep-sd-a"; ABL no.
401 = SAA 13 no. 4:8-13 (83-1-18,30) (writer: a Sargonid king; addressees: Zerutu
and the erib-biti-priests of Der); see LAS II, 285.
263
ABL no. 1258 = SAA 13 no. 5:8-13 (Bu 91-5-9,71) (writer: a Sargonid king;
addressees: Nabu-iddina and the erib-biti-priests of Cutha); see LAS II, 285.
Table 11 (cont.}

Political Status
5) Esarhaddon letter seeking royal corre- Babylonia: Babylon
or Assurbanipal information from the spondence264
king regarding a
calendrical intercala-
tion, which will
affect the date for
the performance of
sacrifices to Bel at
Babylon
The motives behind Adad-naran Ill's order to the governor of

Guzana are obscure, although the letter's tone of urgency suggests
that it was an extraordinary rather than a routine annual ceremony
(Table 11:1). Clearly, the governor of this early 8th-century provin-
cial city held the authority to instigate communal rites for a, or per-
haps the, deity perceived as exercising a decisive influence over the
city and its environs. The decrees issued for calendrical intercalation
in Babylonia represented another aspect of traditional royal over-
sight of the cult, as texts from the reign of Hammurapi through
Cambyses attest.260 Nevertheless, the benefits of Babylonian calen-
drical manipulation, including the organization of sacred time,
collaterally included concrete political and possibly economic impli-
cations for Assyria. For instance, synchronization of the Assyrian and
Babylonian calendars simplified the ongoing task of monitoring the
activities of the powerful Babylonian clergy, rationalized royal corre-
spondence and administrative texts, and of course the power of inter-
calary decree was emblematic of political legitimation through exercise
of the traditional arts of kingship.
264
ABL no. 971 = SAA 13 no. 60:16-rev. 4 (83-1-18,54) (writer: Urad-Nabu).
Noble citizens of Babylon and Borsippa approached the writer, inquiring of the
king the current intercalation that will allow them to celebrate the festival (isinnu)
of Babylon. The ritual calendar of Babylon and hence all Babylonian city cults
dependent on its lead hang on a single word from the king of Assyria. On his
"Banquet Stele," prominently displayed in his palace at Nimrud, Assur-nasir-pal II
boasts of establishing festival dates in Kalhu; RIMA 2 A.0.101.30:73-75. '
2b5
See LAS II, 504-5 and F. Rochberg-Halton, "Calendars, Ancient Near East,"
ABD 1:811. On the nature of calendrical intercalation in Mesopotamia, see also H. Hunger
and E. Reiner, "A Scheme for Intercalary Months from Babylonia," W^KM 67
(1975) 21-28; H. Hunger, "Kalender," RLA 5:297b-303a; Cohen, Cultic Calendars, 5-6.
306 CHAPTER THREE
TABLE 12. Miscellaneous

Political Status
1) Samsf- dedication of royal Mari: capital and
Addu I wooden thrones to inscriptions266 kingdom on the
(1813-1781) the tutelary god of Middle Euphrates
Mari, Itur-Mer
2) (?) Tiglath- an Assyrian official royal corre- Phoenicia: client
pileser III located at mainland spondence267 state
(733/732 or Tyre prevents the
later) transportation to
Tyre of a cult-object
belonging to a
Sidonian temple
266 "\Yhen Itur-Mer, my lord, definitively entrusted to me dominion and over-

sight over the land of Mari and the Euphrates basin, I dedicated ..." RIMA 1
A.0.39.4 (A 2231 [Paris]). RIMA 1 A.0.39.5 describes what is apparently a different
throne dedicated to the same god, using the same rhetoric of temporal investment.
Other ex-voto inscriptions of this king recovered from Mari include the dedication
of a kettledrum to Istar-sarrum, RIMA 1 A.0.39.6 (A 4509 [Paris]), and a broken
text describing twin objects dedicated to Dagan, A.0.39.7 (A 889 [Paris]).
257
H. W. F. Saggs, "The Nimrud Letters, 1952—Part II: Relations with the
West," Iraq 17 (1955) 130-31, no. 13, pi. 31 (ND 2686) (writer: Qurdi-Assur-lamur).
The salient portion reads
obv. 8) m[U+]GUR-MU e-qu
9) sa E DINGIR-nz.MES-.ra
10) sa SAG URU.Jt-</a-«-nz
11) i-ti-kis ma-a a-[n]a URU.rar-n
12) la-an-tu-uh a-ni-tu
13) u-sa-ak-li-u-m
14) e-qu sa i-k\i-s\u-u-ni
15) ma GIR KUR-e [x x x]
Nergal-iddina cut down the equ of his/its temple which is (located at) the 'head'
of Sidon, saying 'I will transport it to Tyre' (but) I had him stopped from
doing that. The equ which he cut down (was/is) at the foot of the mountain . . .
The readings of this portion of ND 2686 present no particular difficulties, save for
the enigmatic equ in obv. 8, 14; CAD 4 s.v. equ, 253, "(a cultic object)"; Sagg's
translation and interpretation foundered upon this word. The verb, naka.su, "to cut,"
is commonly used to describe the felling of timber. It is possible, by the equ's care-
fully specified location at the foot of a mountain, that the object belonging to the
Sidonian temple was not actually in the temple complex itself; or, it is equally pos-
sible that the missing verb indicated that the severed equ now lies at the foot of
the mountain. The commonly accepted dating of this letter to 733 at the earliest
in the reign of Tiglath-pileser III is plausible; there is nothing in the text, however,
that rules out the letter's composition during the reign of Sargon II. Nergal-iddina,
the individual with the staunchly Mesopotamian name, is attested only in this letter.
Whether he was a fellow Assyrian official acting in his own capacity is purely conjee-
Table 12 (cont.)

Political Status
3) Sargon II orders the erection royal corre- Que(?): province
(713 or later) of a female divine spondence268
statue near a river,
possibly in Que
tural, nor is it evident that his action constituted a "desecration by an Assyrian

official of a Phoenician temple" as stated in B. Oded, "The Phoenician Cities and
the Assyrian Empire in the Time of Tiglath-pileser III," £DPV9Q (1974) 48. Similarly,
although the powers exercised by Qurdi-Assur-lamur in Phoenicia and perhaps in
Transjordan (if he is the same individual as the Qurdi-lamur known from other
Nimrud correspondence) suggest the possibility that he held the office of qepu, there
is no published text that explicitly identifies him in his official capacity, and we
know all too little about the internal Assyrian administration of client kingdoms to
be dogmatic about the rank of this individual; see M. Weippert, "The Relations of
the States East of the Jordan with the Mesopotamian Powers during the First
Millennium B.C.," in Studies in the History and Archaeology of Jordan, edited by A. Hadidi
(New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul; Amman, Jordan: Department of Antiquities,
1982-87) 3:100 n. 42. From the contents of other letters written by Qurdi-Assur-
lamur, he appears to have had the authority to regulate trade relations and oth-
erwise influence the internal affairs of the region without deferring to the local
rulers; his job entailed the protection of Assyrian economic interests and keeping
the peace. Regarding his directives for the Sidonian temple, it is irrelevant whether
he stopped an act of profanation or merely blocked the transfer of a valuable cult
object from one temple to another: as a representative of the Assyrian crown, he did
not impose an Assyrian cult in Phoenicia, but strove to maintain the status quo.
Oppenheim, in a study of an Assyrian ritual that takes place in a bit eqi, notes that
the term is always used of temples belonging to goddesses; A. L. Oppenheim, "Analysis
of an Assyrian Ritual (KAR 139)," HR 5 (1965) 256. Menzel Tempel, 29-31, col-
lects the majority of the published Neo-Assyrian occurrences of E eqi and equtu and
demonstrates that, for the Assyrian heartland, the E eqi was always used of the tem-
ple of a goddess and that the expression equti suluku is used of female temple oblates
in goddess temples. Oppenheim, cognizant of the use of the verb nakdsu with equ
in the context of a West Semitic cult of the 1st millennium, rather sharply observes
that "this is hardly sufficient to suggest that the equ was a pillar-like sacred object"
("Analysis of an Assyrian Ritual," 256). There is perhaps one further shred of evi-
dence that might bolster the hypothesis that a wooden object comparable to the
biblical CT~lipK in a Phoenician temple was denoted by the Akkadian word equ. In
the ritual text KAR 139, Oppenheim is at pains to convey that the central cult
object in the E eqi was intended to "transmit" the prayers of the supplicants to
Istar who, in her atypical role as interceding deity, would then "forward" the prayers
to the highest authorities, "the great gods who determine the fate of the sufferer" (ibid.,
261). In the Ugaritic texts, the goddess 'Atiratu, consort of the god of ultimate cos-
mic authority, 'Ilu, frequently functions in an intercessory role between lesser deities,
occasionally humans, and Tlu: a good word from her can influence the decisions
made by her husband; see F. O. Hvidberg-Hansen, La Deesse TNT: Une etude sur la
religion canaaneo-punique, Vol. 1, Texte (Copenhagen: G. E. C. Gad, 1979) 71; L. K.
Handy, "A Realignment in Heaven: An Investigation into the Ideology of the
Josianic Reform" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 1987) 88-89, 215-16.
268
CT 53 no. 15 = SAA 1 no. 251 (K 1285) (writer: name lost). The name of
308 CHAPTER THREE
Table 12 (cont.)
Political Status
4) Sargon II reexcavation of the royal Babylonia: Babylon

(710 or later) canal from Borsippa inscriptions269 and Borsippa
to Babylon to
facilitate the New
Year's procession
5) Sargon II reports on temples in royal corre- Babylonia: Babylon

(710 or later) Babylon, with special spondence270
reference to the
activities of the qlpu-
official of Esagila,
Nabu-ahhe-iddina
6) Sargon II confirmation of the (temple) Babylonia: Uruk

(710 or later) gift of Aramaean dedicatory (Tulul al-Warka')
tribesmen (Puqudu) document27 '
to the temples of
Uruk as oblates
(sirkutu)
the goddess is missing, and indeed the medium of the divine image is uncertain.
This damaged letter mentions Assur-sar-usur, governor of Que. Que was made an
Assyrian province in 713 (palu 9), hence, the dating of the action. On the geogra-
phy of Neo-Assyrian Que, see Hawkins, "Political Geography," 97-99, and Lemaire,
"Tarshish-Tarsin," 44-62.
269
Fuchs Khorsabad, Ann. 316-17 (Rooms V: 9,2-3; II: 28,13-29,2). There may
be an epistolary allusion to this deed: "Nabu and the gods of the king have opened
(iptetuni) the way to Borsippa for the king, my lord"; CT 54 no. 31 rev. 3-4 (writer:
Ana-Nabu-taklak) (K 1890 + 5385 + 11799 + 13118).
270
ABL no. 516:5-rev. 6 (81-7-27,31) (writer: Bel-iddina).
271
J. B. Nies and C. E. Keiser, Historical, Religious and Economic Texts and Antiquities
(Babylonian Inscriptions in the Collection of J. B. Nies 2; New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1920) no. 132:1-7 (NBC 1219); on the basis of the mention of Kudurru, the
governor of Uruk in obv. 8 and 12, Brinkman dates this document to 649 or later
in the reign of Assurbanipal; Brinkman, Prelude to Empire, 75 n. 368. In the Governor's
Archive from Nippur, Cole highlights a passage indicating that the Aramaean
Puqudu, probably before Sargon's extensive military operations in southern Babylonia,
treated Nippur as a religious center: "Now in the month Ululu, the entire Puqudu
tribe is coming to Nippur for the festival" Cole, Nippur IV, 88:9-13, no. 27 (12 N
187 = IM 77164). Sargonid patronage of the major cult centers in Babylonia was
directed primarily at the settled urban populations; there is no example of Babylonian
captives being given to Aramaean or Chaldean temples as oblates. Allocation of
women and children prisoners-of-war as ex-voto offerings is attested in Mesopotamia
as early as the Ur III period; I. Gelb, "Prisoners of War in Early Mesopotamia,"
JNES 32 (1973) 83, 92.
Table 12 (cont.)

Political Status
7) Sargon II king informed that royal corre- Harran: provincial

Sin had entered the spondence272 center
akitu-temple, and
that the "king's
sacrifices" had been
performed
8) Sargon II letter involving a royal corre- Harran: provincial

royal decision, spondence273 center
probably cultic
affairs, regarding
Si5-gabbari, a priest
of Neirab
9) Sargon II news regarding the royal corre- Harran: provincial

"emblem of the spondence274 center
moon god of
Harran"
272
ABL no. 134 = SAA 1 no. 188 (K 1234) (writer: Nabu-pasir).
273
ABL no. 1227+CT 53 no. 923 = SAA 1 no. 189 (82-5-22,145+82-5-22,164)
(writer: Nabu-pasir). The import of the letter's obverse has been lost in a lacuna:
3
Si -gabbari, "servant of the king" (LU.IR [s]d LUGAL), together with a prefect
(LU.GAR-ww) and a servant of the governor of Arpad are brought to the king's
attention. The reverse tenders the request that the king let someone go to their
duty (masdrtu) and invoke blessings upon the king before Sin and Nikkal. The
identification of this Si'-gabbari with a priest of the moon-god Sahr at Neirab of
the same name, known from a funerary stele, is virtually certain; S. Parpola, "Si'gab-
bar of Nerab Resurrected," OLP 16 (1985) 273-75. To refer to him as a servant
of the king in a royal letter probably means that the subsidies for his cultic duties
were arranged, directly or by prebendal grant, by the Assyrian administration; in
other words, he was a royal client. Neirab was located a few km. south of Halab
(Aleppo), a distance of 200 km. or more from Harran on the principal caravan
routes; the gist of the letter implies that Nabu-pasir, stationed in Harran, exercised
some form of authority over events in Neirab. If the priest Si'-gabbari was in fact
the individual referred to on the letter's reverse, it is conceivable that the Assyrians
perceived the cult of the Aramaean moon-god Sahr as equivalent to that of Sin.
"The spellings dSe-e-ri-, dXXX-er-id-ri-' for the name of the same person support the
view that *Sahr was identified with Sfn at Neirab," R. Zadok, On West Semites in
Babylonia during the Chaldean and Achaemenian Periods: an Onomastic Study (revised ed.;
Jerusalem: H. J. & Z. Wanaarta and Tel-Aviv University, 1978) 42.
274 &
sn-n-m-m sa d30 sa URU.KASKAL, ABL no. 489 = SAA 1 no. 50:4-5
(83-1-18,117) (writer: Tab-sar-Assur, treasurer [masennu] of Assyria). On the office
of masennu, best known from the incumbency of Tab-sar-Assur, see Mattila, The
King's Magnates, 13-28.
310 CHAPTER THREE
Table 12 (cont.)
Political Status
10) Sennache- claims to have given royal Babylonia: Babylon

rib (694) silver, gold, and inscriptions270
precious stones as
gifts to Bel and
Zarpamtu of Esagila
11) Sennache- confirmation of the (temple) Babylonia: Uruk

rib (probably gift of Aramaean dedicatory (Tulul al-Warka3)
before 689) tribesmen (Puqudu) document276
to the temples of
Uruk as oblates
(sirkutu)
12) Esarhad- creation of a gem- royal Adummatu (Dumat

don (before encrusted star of inscriptions277 al-Jandal, al-Jawf):
month II 676) red gold, apparently Syrian desert
a votive gift given
to Haza'el the Arab
when his gods were
returned
13) Esarhad- news regarding cultic royal corre- Babylonia: Nippur

don (676/675) affairs at Nippur spondence278 (Nuffar)
275
Frahm Einleitung, T 174:10-11 (K 2622+DT 236) (transliteration and trans-
lation). The context is the sacrilegious "purchase" of the Elamite military services
by Nergal-usezib and the Babylonian elite by utilizing the treasures of Esagila.
276
Nies and Keiser, Historical, Religious and Economic Texts and Antiquities, no. 132:4,
14 (NBC 1219). In his own inscriptions, Sennacherib records the gift of individu-
als from the Rasappa province for the recently finished akitu temple in Assur, SAA
12 no. 86 (VAT 9656), and the gift of personnel for the Zababa and Babu tem-
ple in Assur, SAA 12 no. 87 (VAT 8883). SAA 12 no. 86 is dated to Sennacherib's
22nd year (684/683). In a document recovered from his "Palace Without Rival"
in Nineveh, an agent of Sennacherib (name and title lost) purchased three indi-
viduals and their families, at least one of whom bore an Aramaic name, in 684.
Among the witnesses, seven are priests or hold cultic offices, six are palace porters,
the professions of two are lost in a break, and one is the scribe. Of the three priests
whose temple-names survived, Tasmetum, Sarrat-nipha, and Gula, all had cults in
Nineveh. It is very likely that the individuals were purchased with the intention of
becoming ex-votos; ADD no. 255 = Kwasman, Neo-Assyrian Legal Documents, no. 171
= SAA 6 no. 59 (83-1-18,334).
277
Borger BIWA, "Exkurs: Der Text K 3087 // K 3405 // Rm 2,558," 70:15-17;
see Table 8:8.
278
CT 54 no. 22 = SAA 10 no. 112:28-rev. 2, 14-17 (K 1353) (writer: Bel-
usezib); Suma-iddina, the sandabakku of Nippur, is accused of tampering with the
Table 12 (cont.)
Political Status
14) Esarhad- appointment of priests royal Babylonia: Babylon

don (674 or and other temple inscriptions279
earlier) personnel for the
operation of Esagila
15) Esarhad- confession of a Baby- royal corre- Harran: provincial

don (671) lonian haruspex to spondence280 center
having engineered a
treasonous divina-
tory report in the
temple of Bel Harran
16) Esarhad- report of a royal corre- Harran: provincial

don (671) (treasonous) oracle spondence281 center
from Nusku of
Harran to an indi-
vidual named Sasi,
to the effect that the
Sargonid dynasty
shall be terminated
and Sasi made king
in its stead
ancient dais (BARA) of Enlil, in addition to committing other more overtly politi-
cal acts. The sandabakku Suma-iddina (mMU-MU), almost certainly the same indi-
vidual denounced in SAA 10 no. 112, was executed in Esarhaddon's 6th regnal
year; Grayson Chronicles, no. 14, 126:19 (BM 25091 [98-2-16,145]). The corre-
lation between the "'MU-MU of the Esarhaddon Chronicle and the individual dis-
cussed in K 1353 was suggested by Dietrich Aramaer, 47-48.
279
Borger Esarh., §11, Bab. C, D, F, Ep. 33, 24:20-28. Bab. C and F mention
the restoration of Babylonian gods from Elarn.
280
ABL no. 755 + 1393 = SAA 10 no. 179 (83-1-18,122 + Ki 1904-10-9,169)
(writer: Kudurru). My dating and interpretation of this incriminating piece of cor-
respondence substantially follows that of Nissinen, References to Prophecy, 133-38,
146-47, save for the locus of the temple, for which reasoning see chapter 4 infra
410-12.
281
ABL no. 1217 = Nissinen, References to Prophecy, 110 rev. 4'-8' (82-5-22,108)
(writer: Nabu-rehtu-usur), transliteration and translation by S. Parpola. On the the-
ory that the oracle in this letter, together with other documents, reflects a wide-
spread anti-Assyrian conspiracy centered at Harran, see Parpola, LAS II, 238-40,
and Dietrich Aramaer, 50-56, 160. "There is no evidence that the Sasija of the
oracle was an official of or headquartered in Harran or that he instigated a wide-
spread revolt in Babylonia," Brinkman, "Notes on Arameans and Chaldeans in
Southern Babylonia in the Early Seventh Century B.C.," 314-15. The question of
Harran's role in a conspiracy against Esarhaddon, however, has been reopened by
Nissinen; see chapter 4 infra 410-12.
312 CHAPTER THREE
Table 12 (cont.)

Political Status
17) Esarhad- oversight of temple royal corre- Babylonia: Borsippa
don (671) affairs at Borsippa spondence282 (Birs Nimrud)
18) Esarhad- booty from Egypt royal Babylonia

don (671 or given to the temples inscriptions283
later) of Babylonia
19) Esarhad- news regarding the royal corre- Babylonia: Babylon

don (670) participation of an spondence284
image of Bel in a
cultic ceremony in
Babylon
20) Esarhad- news regarding an royal corre- Babylonia: Akkad

don (670[?]) akltu procession of spondence285
Istar-of-Akkad
282
ABL no. 1014 = LAS I no. 292 = SAA 10 no. 350 rev. 3-18 (K 4678)
(writer: probably Mar-Istar).
283
Borger Esarh., §64, Smlt., 94:28-29. A damaged passage of the Babylonian
Chronicle appears to report that booty from the campaign to Subria was given to
Uruk; Grayson Chronicles, no. 1, 84-85 iv 19-21 (BM 92502 [84-2-11,356]).
Brinkman succinctly describes the textual and chronological inconcinnities in the
passage—the booty appears to have been sent to Uruk before it is captured!—and
observes that the phrase "entered Uruk" is more fitting for a subject like "gods of
Uruk" than "booty"; J. A. Brinkman, "The Babylonian Chronicle Revisited," in
Lingering Over Words: Studies in Ancient Near Eastern Literature in Honor of William L.
Moron, edited by I. T. Abusch, J. Huehnergard and P. Steinkeller (HSS 37; Atlanta:
Scholars Press, 1990) 94. For descriptions in historical inscriptions of booty destined
for Assyrian temples, see Garelli, "Les temples et le pouvoir royal en Assyrie du
XIVe au VHP siecle," 119-20. "Such distribution of booty was an unusual favor,
ordinarily reserved for the homeland cities of Assyria alone. Like the building projects
and other favors, it was both a tangible gift and a sign of the change in Assyrian
relations with Babylonia; although Babylonia remained a subject state, Esarhaddon
was conferring benefits upon its cities that they would normally have received only
from their own Babylonian king," Porter, Images, Power, and Politics, 65.
284
ABL no. 956 = LAS I no. 190 = SAA 10 no. 253 rev. 2-7 (K 930) (writer:
Marduk-sakin-sumi). "Note that even though the statue of Marduk carried away by
Sennacherib was still in 'exile' in Assur, Bel could still be dressed and carried in pro-
cession in Babylon. This simply implies that a spurious statue was used in the cer-
emonies to keep the cult of the god alive, and does not shatter the dating of the
letter to Esarhaddon's reign, which rests on sound evidence," LAS II, 188. CT 54
no. 506 = SAA 13 no. 181:5~rev. 3 (83-1-18,32) (writer: Suma-iddina, the satammu
of Esagila) deals with a statue of Bel made by the king and the failure to supply
its provision of dates. If this text was written to Esarhaddon, it stands as further
evidence for a substitute cult image during the sojourn of the "real" Bel in Assur.
285
Table 12 (cont.)

Political Status
21) Esarhad- oversight of temple royal corre- Babylonia: Uruk

don (670 p]) affairs at Uruk spondence286 (Tulul al-Warka3)
22) Esarhaddon news regarding the royal corre- Harran: provincial

moon god cult at spondence287 center
Harran
23) Esarhaddon oversight of temple royal corre- Babylonia:

affairs at spondence288 Dur-Sarruku
Dur-Sarruku
24) Esarhaddon a grant of land for royal Huzfrma

the provision of inscriptions289 (Sultantepe)
regular offerings
(ginu), probably for
Istar of Huzirfna
(writer: name lost, probably Mar-Istar); CT 53 no. 34 = LAS I no. 282 = SAA
10 no. 355 rev. 2'-18' (K 1173) (writer: probably Mar-Istar).
286
SAA 10 no. 355:1-14 (writer: probably Mar-Istar), and CT 54 no. 60 (K
4670+BM 99229 [Ki 1904-10-9,261]) (writer: probably Ahhesa): the writer points
out that he and his brother were consecrated as clergy by Sennacherib. See the
discussion in M. Dietrich, "Neue Quellen zur Geschichte Babyloniens (II)," WO 4
(1967-68) 227-30, and Dietrich Aramaer, 14-16, who dates the latter letter to 680.
287
ABL no. 625 = LAS I no. 268 = SAA 10 no. 341 (K 1222); ABL no. 612
= LAS I no. 269 = SAA 10 no. 340 (K 1148); ABL no. 669 = LAS I no. 270 =
SAA 10 no. 342 (83-1-18,270); ABL no. 667 = LAS I no. 272 = SAA 10 no. 338
(81-7-27,30); ABL no. 28 = LAS I no. 273 = SAA 10 no. 343 (K 1024), all writ-
ten by Urad-Ea, a lamentation priest. Unsurprisingly, most of these texts dealt with
lamentation rites performed explicitly for the king's sake.
288
Istar). Nabu-bel-usur, governor of Dur-Sarruku and eponym in 673, was accused
of embezzling silver, sheep and oxen from the local temple(s).
289
STT no. 49 = Postgate Royal Grants, no. 39 = SAA 12 no. 24 (SU 51/33).
Another Sultantepe document, STT no. 406 + 407 = SAA 12 no. 91 (SU 51/57 +
118 + 147B + 184), is an administrative text that deals with a transfer of personnel
connected with the temple of Istar of Huzfrina to Nusku. There is no royal name
or terminology customarily associated with royal grants in the surviving text. Harran
census tablet Johns Doomsday Book no. 5 = SAA 11 no. 219 iv 16 (K 4729) men-
tions an orchard belonging to Istar of Hufzirina].
314 CHAPTER THREE
Table 12 (cant.)
Political Status
25) Esarhaddon gathered the royal Babylonia: Uruk

* * 9Ufl
scattered livestock inscriptions (Tulul al-Warka')
belonging to Istar
of Uruk (and
another deity whose
name is lost), and
perhaps reconfirmed
a grant (siriktu) of
Sargon II
26) Esarhaddon manufacture of cultic royal inscrip- Babylonia: Babylon

paraphernalia for the tions and cor-
gods of Esagila respondence291
27) Esarhaddon creation of various royal corre- Harran: provincial

silver cult objects in spondence292 center
Harran
290
RIMB 2 B.6.31.1001 (VAT 14519 = LKU no. 46); study and translation in
R. Borger, "Die Inschriften Asarhaddons (AfO Beiheft 9)," AfO 18 (1957-58) 116-17.
Borger plausibly concludes that, since the text mentions a siriktu of Sargon, his grand-
father, the dedicator was Esarhaddon. 60,000 sheep, 6000 cows together with their
shepherds are claimed to have been returned. Must have been quite a roundup, or the
Assyrians were again indulging in their habit of inflating sheep figures in official docu-
ments, e.g., Sargon IPs claim of seizing 100,225 sheep during his eighth campaign,
and Sennacherib's fiction of acquiring 800,600 during his first campaign, the largest
number of anything in the Assyrian royal annals; De Odorico, Use of Numbers, 184-85.
291
A picture (litu) of Marduk's bed is sent to the king; ABL no. 497 = SAA 13
no. 175 (K 545) (writer: Rasi-ili). Divine images ordered by the king are ready; a
crown for Anu and pieces of ornamentation for Marduk and his consort are being
made; precious materials for these are in the keeping of the Assur temple, and the
writer seeks to secure access to them: ABL no. 498 = SAA 13 no. 174:5-25 (K
646) (writer: Rasi-ili). Landsberger identifies Rasi-ili as a priest of Bel; Landsberger
Brief, 64-66. Gerardi, "Prism Fragments from Sippar: New Esarhaddon Inscriptions,"
127 B 1-5 (BM 56628 [82-7-14,1010]), enumerates pedestals (kigalle] for the eel-
las of Ea and Asalluhi. CT 53 no. 48 = LAS I no. 175 = SAA 10 no. 258 rev.
5-7 deals with jewels for a sacred chariot, probably for Marduk (K 1426) (writer:
[Marduk-sakin-sumi]). In his inscriptions Assurbanipal takes credit for having made
both the cultic bed and chariot for Marduk; LAS II, 169. The so-called Chronicle
notes the shipment of the [former] bed and new chariot of Marduk from Assur to
Babylon in the fourteenth and fifteenth years, respectively, of the Babylonian king's
reign, a remarkable lag time from the return of the great cult statue that may well
have constituted a source of Assyrian-inspired irritation for Samas-sumu-ukm; Grayson
Chronicles, no. 15, 129:4-5 (BM 96273 [1902-4-12,385]); A. R. Millard, "Another
Babylonian Chronicle Text," Iraq 26 (1964) 14-35 19-23; Brinkman, Prelude to
Empire, 86 n. 417; Porter, Images, Power, and Politics, 58.
292
CT 53 no. 921 = SAA 13 no. 188 (82-5-22,152 + 83-1-18,66) (writer:
name lost).
Table 12 (cont.)
Political Status
28) Esarhaddon king notified of a royal corre- Babylonia: Babylon

clothing ceremony for spondence293
Bel (Esagila), with a
request that clergy be
returned to Babylon
to assist the writer
29) Esarhaddon illicit dismissal and royal corre- Babylonia
appointment of spondence294
"delegates" (qepdni]
of the temples of
Sippar, Cutha,
Hursagkalamma, and
Dilbat
30) Esarhaddon a sacrifice of "well- royal corre- Harran: provincial
or Assurbanipal being" (sulmu) per- spondence290 center
formed for the king
in the presence of Sin
31) Assurba- horses from the king royal corre- Babylonia: Uruk
nipal (666-659) of Elam with a spondence295 (Tulul al-Warka5)
dedicatory harness
sent to the temple
of Istar of Uruk were
intercepted; the
harness and the
shepherds who found
the horses were sent
to Assurbanipal
293
ABL no. 496 = SAA 13 no. 176 (K 474) (writer: Rasi-ili).
294
(writer: Mar-Istar). A qurbutu-ofiicial and a deputy of a Lahfrite official dismissed
and appointed new qepdni by explicitly citing the king's authority. Mar-Istar does
not directly condone or denounce the actions, but draws the king's attention to the
matter in language used elsewhere to signal that the king should take action. It is
a valid inference that the actions were made without royal authorization. CT 53
no. 75 = LAS I no. 284 = SAA 10 no. 354 rev. 19-23 (K 4792+7516), another
letter by the indefatigable Mar-Istar, describes the appropriation of sheep and bulls
by the governor (sdkin temi] of Cutha, further evidence for Esarhaddon's interest in
the cultic life of the city.
295
ABL no. 514 = SAA 13 no. 187 (K 477) (writer: Bel-iddina). Provenance of
the letter based on the salutation and the mention of Sin, Nikkal and Nusku in
obv. 13-14.
296
ABL no. 268:13-rev. 13 (K 514; writer: Nabu-usabsi, governor of Uruk);
316 CHAPTER THREE
Table 12 (cont.)

Political Status
32) Assurba- installation of royal Harran: provincial

nipal (before youngest brother, inscriptions297 center
652) Assur-etel-same-erseti-
muballissu, as urigallu-
priest of Sin of
Harran
33) Assurba- manufacture of cultic royal Babylonia: Babylon

nipal (before paraphernalia for inscriptions298
652) Esagila
34) Samas- unknown cult item royal Babylonia: Borsippa

sumu-ukm and dedicated to Nabu inscriptions299 (Birs Nimrud)
possibly for the service of the
Assurbanipal E.zi.da temple at
(before 652) Borsippa
35) Assurba- gift of cultic royal corre- Babylonia: Ur (Tell

nipal (between paraphernalia made spondence300 al-Muqayyar)
652-648) to the temple of
Ningal at Ur
duplicate text CT 54 no. 429+ABL no. 751 (Sm 1871+920). See G. Frame, "The
Correspondence of Nabu-usabsi," in Cuneiform Archives and Libraries: Papers Read at the
30' Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Leiden, 4—8 July 1983, edited by K. R. Veenhof
(UNHAII 52; Istanbul: Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul,
1986) 266. As was the case of the building operations at Der, this was probably
another instance of unfriendly competition for the loyalties of the Babylonians to
be won by the more munificent display of support for the ancient city cults.
297
Streck Ash., 250:17-18 (K 891), and see Landsberger Brief, 16-17.
298
Borger BIWA, T i 36-51, TTafl i 8'-23', C i 36-46; IIT 45b-50a =
Thompson Esarh., pi. 14 i 39-51 (Th 1929-10-12,2); Borger BIWA, J Stuck 2
1-12 = Millard, "Fragments of Historical Texts," 108 ii 2'-14' (83-1-18,600, and
BM 123425, edition J). For texts and bibliographies, see E. Matsushima, "Les rit-
uels du mariage divin dans les documents accadiens," AcSum 10 (1988) 99-109,
120 23. The bed of Marduk and Zarpanftu deported by Sennacherib was returned
to Esagila in 654, and the new chariot was dedicated to Marduk in 653; see Grayson
Chronicles, no. 15, 129:4, 5 (BM 96273 [1902-4-12,385], the Samas-sumu-ukfn
Chronicle).
299
RIMB 2 B.6.33.5 (CBS 733+1757).
300
ABL no. 1246 (83-1-18,123) (writers: names lost, possibly the grateful citi-
zens of Ur). The hostilities described in the letter make clear that it was drafted
during the rebellion. Sin-balassu-iqbi, governor of Ur until 650/649, dedicated var-
ious temple repairs and enhancements to the city's ancient patron deity Nanna "in
order to ensure the good health of Assurbanipal, king of Assyria" (RIMB 2
B.6.32.2003-4, 2015). His brother Sin-sar-usur, governor of Ur at some point
Table 12 (cant.)

Political Status
36) Assurba- royal grant of land royal Eluma (near

nipal and a garden to Sin inscriptions301 Carchemish):
(temple) of Emma provincial village
37) unknown a royal land grant royal Huzfrina

Neo- Assyrian in the region of inscriptions302 (Sultantepe)
king Huzlrma for the
support of a temple
of Zababa and Babu
between 657 and 650, dedicated to Istar and Nanaia of Uruk a tract of land "in
order to ensure the good health of Samas-sumu-ukm, king of Babylon" (RIMB 2
B.6.33.2001 [AO 6793, HE 144]). We are on safe ground if we attribute to the
writers of ABL no. 1246 the same prudential political motivations as the governors
of Ur. There are no known cultic dedications to the "good health" of Kandalanu,
Assurbanipal's puppet king of Babylonia (647-627).
301
Bauer IWA, 2 90, pi. 21 = SAA 12 no. 90 = Borger BIWA, Lose Blatter 7
(microfiche score) (K 2564), is an unusual composition whose central aim is the
votive (re)dedication of a village to the god Sin. Interpretation is complicated by
the fact that only half of each line is preserved. The land and orchard (obv. 21,
URU.SE A.SA GlS.SAR) of the village involved in the grant were earlier donated
to the god by an individual, probably the Il-yabi mentioned in obv. 6, but were
dishonestly taken back by stealth (obv. 11, ina surqi). The editors of SAA 12 suggest
that a stele (obv. 16, NA^NA.RU.A) was probably set up in the temple of "Sin
who dwells in Eluma" (obv. 8, d30 a-sib URU.e?-/w-»ia) by Il-yabi, only to be removed
by him at the time his gift was perfidiously reappropriated. Assurbanipal, being
apprised of the matter, recovered the stele, read its contents, had the votive property
restored to the Sin temple in his own name and commissioned a new stele record-
ing these affairs, complete with suitable blessing and curse clauses (rev. 3-13). The
geography of the toponym is established by BM 116230, a legal tablet found at
Carchemish, which deals with the village and E dMAS.QAL of Eluma; collated text
published in Postgate Taxation, 360-62. The Assurbanipal grant describes the god
Sin in an elevated diction typical of the royal inscriptions of this king, and in rev. 5
speaks of d30 EN-z'a, "Sin, my lord." Whatever the local name of this moon god
may have been, the Assyrian scribe, by his choice of language and imagery, ranked the
cult of Sin of Eluma on a par with the moon gods of Harran, Babylonia, and Assyria.
302
Postgate Royal Grants, no. 40 = SAA 12 no" 48 (SU 51/117 = STT no.
44). In addition to a land grant for the purpose of providing temple offerings, the
text includes a decree of offerings, the appointment of priest and other staff, land
and personnel exemptions, and perhaps a building inscription. Grants of land in a
provincial center like Huzfrma for the support of a temple in Assur are amply
attested; however, in the absence of the new reading of rev. 7, "I settl[ed] Assyrians
there" r SA-fo ?1 u-se-s[ib~], established by the editors of SAA 12, earlier studies of
this document based on Postgate's edition, together with Sennacherib's documented
work on the Zababa and Babu temple in Assur (SAA 12, nos. 86, 87), led other
researchers astray; K. Deller, "Neuassyrisches aus Sultantepe," Or 34 (1965) 467-68;
Menzel Tempel, 175-76; H. D. Gaiter, "Der Tempel des Gottes Zababa in Assur,"
318 CHAPTER THREE
Table 12 (cont.)

Political Status
[38) unknown a deported Yahweh Hebrew Palestine: province

Neo- Assyrian priest was repatriated Scriptures303 of Samenna]
king (720 or to Samaria
later)
Table 12 is a medley of Assyrian activities that affected foreign cults,

again in most cases those in Harran and Babylonia. Samsi-Addu Fs
dedication to the tutelary god of Mari (Table 12:1) reinforces the
observation that Neo-Assyrian patronage of key foreign cults was a
well-seasoned imperial administrative tactic, novel only in its mag-
nitude. The comprehensive interest of the Great Kings in the minu-
tiae of temple operations in Babylonia, as catered to by the detailed
reports of an individual such as Mar-Istar, the king's "eyes" in Baby-
lonia, sought to probe the loyalty of governors, priests, and other
high officials connected with the administration of these temples,
many of whom may have taken advantage of Assyrian disinterest in
Babylonian affairs in the latter years of Sennacherib to seize temple
properties and neglect their duty regarding the provisioning of sacrifices.
Gifts of Aramaean tribesmen as oblates to the temple of Uruk by
Sargon II and Sennacherib (Table 12:6, 11) highlight the fact that
ARRIM 2 (1984) 2; Holloway, "Harran: Cultic Geography," 291. Sennacherib's

construction and endowing of a Zababa and Babu temple in Assur (SAA 12 no.
87 [VAT 8883]) raises the possibility, but cannot prove, that his is the missing royal
name in SAA 12 no. 48. Postgate's suggestion that the grant stems from an ora-
cle or command of Sin of Harran, based on his collation of obv. 6', remains plau-
sible in light of the discovery of the tablet at Sultantepe and the fact that certain
other royal grants of land and temple personnel root the action in oracles or com-
mands of Samas and Adad, the oracle gods par excellence (ADD no. 738 = SAA 12
no. 22:3'-6' [80-7-19,111], SAA 12 no. 86:3 [VAT 9656], SAA 12 no. 87:1'~2'
[VAT 8883, the latter both by Sennacherib]).
303
2 Kgs 17:25-28. 2 Kgs 17:24-41 is a folkloristic account of the origins of
international mixed religion in Israel, stressing the melding of native Israelite Yahwism
together with various Babylonian, North Syrian, and cults of other nations imported
by deportees settled in the country. It is not possible to prove or disprove the his-
toricity of this Deuteronomistic composition. However, the multiple inconcinnites
of the acts of an anonymous Assyrian king in a narrative sustained by linguistic,
thematic, and theological ties between the prophetic legend of the man of God
(1 Kgs 13), the description of the origins of Samaritan syncretism (2 Kgs 17), and
Josiah's destruction of Samarian cult places (2 Kgs 23:15-20), strongly suggest that
the historical value of 2 Kgs 17:24-28 for reconstructing Assyrian provincial pro-
cedures is nil.
Assyrian religious foreign policy in Babylonia targeted the Babylonian

elite citizenry only. The interception by an Assyrian official of white
horses from Elarn destined as votive offerings for the temple of Istar
of Uruk (Table 12:31) is a notable instance of the political gravitas
the Assyrian kings ascribed to cultic affairs in Babylonia, patrimo-
nial patronage brokers who brooked no rivals. Compare the descrip-
tion of and comments on the treasonous oracle of Nusku of Harran
(Table 12:16). The complexity of Assyria's "Arab problem," in the
era of expeditions into Egypt and disturbances along the western
borders of Babylonia is showcased by Esarhaddon's exceptional gift
of a votive offering to a goddess of Haza'el the Arab, Table 12:12,
presumable made when the latter's cult statues were returned, Table
8:8. All of the instances of royal cultic involvement in northern
Mesopotamia and Syria canvassed above (Table 12:7—9, 15—16, 22,
27, 30, 32, 36) had to do with cults of the moon god(s), with the
exception of land grants to temples in Huzfrfna (Table 12:24, 37).
[See Figure 18]
CHAPTER FOUR
ANALYSIS OF THE EXERCISE OF EMPIRE:

THE ORGANS OF ASSYRIAN IMPERIALISM
AND REGIONAL STRATEGIES
Tout commentaire est d'abord commentaire d'un silence.

—Edmond Jabes
Agents of Assyrian Religious Imperialism
The scope of the offices of various Babylonian temple administra-

tors and relevant gubernatorial positions vis-a-vis Assyrian control is
definable in general terms. The nuances escape us, however, due
both to the paucity and nature of the primary evidence: the royal
correspondence, laced as it is with tales of internecine squabbling,
shrill accusations of criminal nonfeasance, and overheated expostu-
lations of loyalty and personal injury, hardly the stuff of dispassion-
ate historiography.1 The temptation to read backwards from the far
better documented Chaldean and Achaemenid Persian reigns into
the period under consideration must be resisted as well, since the
duties and interactions of the provincial governors, satammus, qtpus,
and other officials concerned with temple administration specialized
and dissimilated through time.2 An in-depth study of Babylonian
1
The materials exhaustively surveyed in Brinkman and Kennedy, "Documentary
Evidence," and Brinkman and Kennedy, "Supplement," establish the importance
of the Babylonian offices by their frequent inclusion among the witnesses, but rarely
tell us anything about the functioning of the offices per se.
2
Such studies include San Nicolo Prosopographie, passim; H. W. F. Saggs, "Two
Administrative Officials at Erech in the 6th Century B.C.," Sumer 15 (1959) 29-38;
R. H. Sack, "Some Remarks on Sin-iddina and Zerija, qlpu and satammu of Eanna
in Erech," %A 66 (1976) 280-91; H. M. Kummel, Familie, Bemf und Amt im spdt-
babylonischen Uruk: prosopographische Untersuchungen z.u Berufsgruppen des 6. Jahrhunderts v.
Chr. in Uruk (ADOG 20; Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1979); G. Frame, "Nabonidus, Nabu-
sarra-usur, and the Eanna Temple," %A 81 (1991) 37-86; P.-A. Beaulieu, "Neo-
Babylonian Larsa: a Preliminary Study," Or 60 (1991) 58-81; J. MacGinnis, "Qipu's
Receive," N.A.B.U. (1993/93) 77-78; R. H. Sack, "Royal and Temple Officials in
Eanna and Uruk in the Chaldean Period," in Vom Alien Orient zum Alien Testament:
ANALYSIS OF THE EXERCISE OF EMPIRE 321
provincial and temple administration during the second and third

quarters of the 7th century is a research topic sorely in need of spon-
sorship. The following outline must suffice.
The division of Babylonia into provincial administrative districts
usually centered around leading temple-cities. Sdkin temi (LU.GAR.
UMUS), a term attested since Kassite times,3 was the commonest
title for provincial governor in the royal Assyrian correspondence
that dealt with Babylonia. The office is known to have been held
in Der, Babylon, Borsippa, Cutha, Dilbat, Kis, Ur, and Uruk.4 An
ancient term for the governor of Nippur, sandabakku (LU.GU.EN.NA),
was observed by authors in the Kuyunjik text corpus; other terms
used of Babylonian governors include bel pdhete (provincial governor),
saknu and sakin mati.5 In Sargonid times, the appointment of a
Babylonian governor was a decision unambiguously residing with the
Assyrian king: "the king wrote to PN, 'have no fear, the governor-
ship (sdkin-temuti) of Uruk is yours, I shall give it to no-one else'."6
"It is the king who grants the office of satammu . . . and the gover-
norship (sdkin-temuti)."7 Similarly, Esarhaddon recalled Asaredu, gov-
ernor (sakin temi} of Cutha, due to denunciations lodged against him.8
"Dynasties" of governors are attested in Assyrian-ruled Babylonia at
Babylon, Borsippa, and Ur, suggesting that the Assyrian patronage
system well understood the benefits of rewarding prominent families
for continuing loyalty.9 In the case of the Sealands, two sons of the
notorious but politically adroit Chaldean ruler and sometimes
Babylonian king Merodach-baladan II were appointed as governors
by, respectively, Sennacherib and Esarhaddon, in the latter case gain-
ing a diplomatic coup that did much to rein in the rebellious pro-
clivities of the powerful Bft-Iakfn during the Assyrian king's reign.10
Festschrift fiir Wolfram Freiherm von Soden zum 85. Geburtstag am 19. Juni 1993, edited
by M. Dietrich and O. Loretz (AOAT 240; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker;
Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1995) 425-32; J. MacGinnis, "The Satammu
of Sippar," WO 26 (1995) 21-26.
3
Brinkman PKB, 307; CAD 17/1 s.v. sakin temi.
4
Brinkman PKB, 308.
5
See Appendix B in Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 269-83.
6
ABL no. 965:7 (K 2889), quoted in CAD 17/1 s.v. sakin-temutu.
7
ABL no. 1016+ = CT 54 no. 470 edge 1-2 (81-2-4,379+K 4682) (writer: Qisti-
Marduk, writing from Babylon to Sargon II), quoted in CAD 17/2 s.v. satammutu.
8
ABL no. 1345+ = CT 54 no. 37 (K 1919 + K 7378 + 10489 + 12958 +
13081 + 15416 + 16116) (writer: name lost); see Dietrich Aramaer, 162-63.
9
See infra 406-7.
10
See Brinkman, Prelude to Empire, 72.
322 CHAPTER FOUR
As with other high officials in the Assyrian administrative system, it

was imperative to demonstrate one's loyalty through formal visits to
the king, a form of "networking" which undoubtedly maintained the
official in the eye of the court with the expected benefits accruing
from such publicity." A royal audience was also of course a review
process supremely suited to detecting performance failures, incipient
treason, and undoubtedly served to reinforce in the mind of the
interviewee the potential reward for disloyalty. Within the very lim-
ited and severely biased text corpus covered by this study, the var-
iously titled governors of Babylonia frequently earned notices in the
royal correspondence for censorship.12 Culpable acts included unau-
thorized liturgical change,13 the interruption or failure to supply reg-
ular offering materials,14 possible violations of coveted tax exemptions,15
and crude theft or diversion of temple resources.16 Unfortunately, in
the absence of a representative body of correspondence exchanged
between Babylonian governors and Babylonian kings prior to Sargon
II, we cannot be certain whether the scenario outlined above was
atypical. One must be suspicious that, following the political havoc
wrought in Babylonia by Sennacherib's violent ministrations of 689,
the Babylonian administrative bureaucracy that survived was ideally
placed to exploit a weak central authority for personal enrichment.
Babylonian governors suspected of treason were recalled to Assyria
and in some cases executed, as witness the unfortunate sandabakku of
Nippur in 675.
The Assyrian royal inscriptions and correspondence naturally yield
little information regarding motives for chronic "disobedience" among
certain governors, particularly the sandabakku^ of Nippur. The
Governor's Archive from Nippur, composed in the reign of Tiglath-
pileser III but before Assyrian contact with Babylonia had acquired
11
ABL no. 853:13-rev. 3 (K 905) (writer: Aqar-Bel-lumur): the king (Sargon II?)
appointed the satin temi of Marad and received his tribute in person (in stark con-
trast to the present).
12
This should occasion no surprise, since the royal correspondence was devoted
to concrete problems and their solutions, and the fact that the political friability of
Babylonia meant that failures to perform duties and other possible symptoms of
treason occupied a disproportionate amount of royal attention.
13
Table 12:13. Tables 1-4 are found in chapter 2, whereas Tables 5-12 are
located in chapter 3, supra.
14
Table 12:29.
15
ABL no. 340 = LAS I no. 276 = SAA 10 no. 348:23-rev. 14 (Bu 91-5-9,183)
(writer: Mar-Istar).
16
Table 12:23.
the patina of domination, tells a story of a central Babylonian leader

in a decentralized territorial state who is in everything but name a
king. He had a retinue of courtiers and administrative functionar-
ies. He commanded chariot troops and maintained a stable of mil-
itary officers, and wielded their power both defensively and offensively
in foreign parts as distant as the Persian Gulf. He oversaw a large
and diverse body of client-dependents, including religious personnel.
He may have exercised control over the construction of a ziggurat
in the border city Der, and engaged in far-flung trading ventures
like a Renaissance merchant-prince. He parleyed and made oaths in-
dependently with Aramaean and Chaldean leaders, including Mukfn-
zeri, the Bft-Amukani chieftain who usurped the kingship of Babylon
until driven out by Tiglath-pileser III. And, like a responsible Baby-
lonian ruler, the sandabakku saw that the sacrificial schedule of E.kur,
temple of Enlil in Nippur, was maintained and perhaps had repairs
performed on its structure.17 Sargonid clientelist appropriation of
Nippur meant that the sandabakku^ were stripped of much if not most
of their former military, political and economic autonomy. They were
forced to divest themselves of much of their own patrimonial extended
"family" or direct control over it in exchange for the privilege of
joining that of the Assyrian king as a client. Is it little wonder that
they chafed at the bit?
The office of satammu (LU.SA.TAM) in the Old Babylonian period
dealt with various administrative tasks: inventory control, tax assess-
ment, and labor allocation for field and canal.18 The term appears
occasionally in cuneiform texts from Alalakh, Mari, and Tell ar-
Rimah. The title LU.SA.TAM describes inventory comptrollers for
palace and temple in Hittite texts.19 The position acquired unprece-
dented power and prestige in the Middle Babylonian and Neo-
Babylonian periods. It could be used as a royal epithet, a practice
echoed by the Middle Assyrian kings Adad-nararf I20 and Tiglath-
pileser I,21 and the early Neo-Assyrian monarch Tukultf-Ninurta II.22
" Cole, Nippur in Late Assyrian Times, 50-52.

18
See M. L. Gallery, "The Office of the satammu in the Old Babylonian Period,"
AfO 27 (1980) 1-36. The office is known to have existed in the Ur III period. On
the satammu in the Sargonid period, see Landsberger Brief, 58-63; Frame, Babylonia
689-627 B.C., 236-37, Nissinen, References to Prophecy, 68-77.
19
Gallery, "Office of satammu" 25; CAD 17/2 s.v. satammu 187.
20
KAH 2 no. 143:8 (VAT 10084), and R. Borger, "Ein Duplikat zu KAH II,
Nr. 143," AfO 17 (1952) 369 (Rm 293:8).
21
RIMA 2 A.0.87.1 i 36.
22
RIMA 2 A.0.100.1:23 (VAT 9550). It is interesting that the title occurs as
324 CHAPTER FOUR
By Sargonid times, satammu was used exclusively for the chief tem-
ple administrator, commonly in Babylonia, very rarely in Assyria,23
hence Landsberger's picturesque but perilously anachronistic trans-
lation as "bishop." Attested holders of the satammutu-ofiice in this
period included Der, Babylon, Borsippa, Sippar,24 Akkad, Gannanate,
and Uruk.2° The satammu was a royal appointment,26 meaning the
office-holder was subject to intense scrutiny and instant recall at the
king's fickle whim. Like other high officials concerned with the appear-
ance of loyalty and perhaps determined to sustain the king's fickle
interest in their careers, the satammus traveled to Assyria to obtain
royal audiences.27 There is no clear evidence that the satammu was
personally involved in sacerdotal ritual, though he was part of the
class of clergy known as the erib-biti, "temple enterer." In our text
corpus, the satammu of Esagila, Suma-iddina, paid brittle court to
Esarhaddon's special envoy, Mar-Istar, as he sought to create the
perfect statue of the king for the cella of Marduk.28 Suma-iddina was
responsible for the engraving of cult socles with the king's name,
expressing unease with the onus of handling massive quantities of
gold and gemstones for Marduk.29 A Chaldean chieftain is a loose
cannon: he is not only withholding dates for Bel, but is upsetting
both the towns that the king had donated to Bel together with an
official (bel piqitti) that the satammu and the qipu jointly appointed to
an epithet of the two turtanm known to have had control of the territory of Har-
ran, Bel-lu-balat and SamsT-ilu, but a satammu of Harran in the Babylonian sense
of a temple administrator is unattested; RIMA 3 A.O.I02.2002:4 (Bel-lu-balat),
A.O.I04.2000:8, 14 (SamsT-ilu, restored).
23
Fuchs Khorsabad, S3 39-42, among a list of high officials present at a deliv-
ery of tribute during the dedication of Dur-Sarrukfn. In the absence of named
Assyrian holders of the office, surely covered by that of sangu in the state corre-
spondence, it is likely that Sargon II's scribes inserted the high-sounding title for
literary crescendo.
24
MacGinnis, "Satammu of Sippar," 23, believes that the title of the chief tem-
ple administrator of Sippar from the early 1st millennium was sangu, which was
changed to satammu in the period of Kandalanu, only to be changed back to sangu
under Nabopolassar.
25
CAD 17/2 s.v. satammu 190-91; for Gannanate, see ADD no. 1110+ = SAA
7 no. 58 rev. iii 27-29 (K 8787+).
26
In addition to n. 7 above, Samas-sumu-ukin appointed a satammu: CT 54 no.
92:4'-?' cited in Frame, Babylonia 689-629 B.C., 283 n. 105.
27
In ABL no. 914:4-6 (K 1245+83-1-18,107) (writer: the king, possibly period
of Kandalanu), the writer mentions that Bel-iqlsa the satammu had put in a good
word about the recipient in his (the king's) presence. Suma-iddina, the satammu of
Esagila, promises to come and kiss the feet of the king as soon as Mar-Istar finishes
with his business; Table 7:7, SAA 13 no. 178:8-9.
28
Table 7:7.
29
ABL no. 968 = SAA 13 no. 179:10'-rev. 18' (K 4789).
administer them, a rare show of inter-departmental cooperation.30

Mar-Istar links the provisioning of E.zi.da of Borsippa to the joint
activity of the satammu and the sakin temi of Borsippa.31 Mar-Istar
himself officiated in a substitute king ritual that entailed the execu-
tion of a son of the satammu of Akkad. The victim was said to have
been a commoner. Although Landsberger identified the unnamed
satammu with Suma-iddina of Esagila due to his misprision that Akkad
was another name for Babylon, the restoration of the ancient impe-
rial center of Akkad was one of Esarhaddon's special projects,32 and
thus the literal meaning of the text is preferable: the victim was
indeed the biological son of the satammu of Akkad. The politics of
this action are difficult to fathom, considering Esarhaddon's multi-
faceted program of Babylonian reconciliation. Nissinen puts a dark
spin on it: the execution of the son of a high official was a pre-
meditated object lesson in political subordination.33 Mar-Istar indi-
cated that the execution aroused widespread fear, both in Akkad
itself and among the other temple-related officials of Babylonia, the
unnamed satammus and qipus.^ The satammu and the bel piqittate of
Der are negligent in fulfilling their orders to rebuild the temple
there.33 The capacity of the satammu to abuse his position from the
standpoint of civic exemptions figures in the final paragraph of the
Babylonian Flirstenspiegel.36 Another letter from Mar-Istar notes a
visit of the satammu, qlpu and temple scribe of Uruk to the Assyrian
king.37 There is no attestation for the office of satammu at Harran.
To the degree that Assyrian kings were committed to enlist the skills
and loyalties of Babylonian clergy as willing agents in their bid to
control Babylonia through its existing institutions, the satammu was
an indispensable client and high-profile prize.
30
Table 6:20.
31
Table 6:19 (SAA 10 no. 353:14-27).
32
Frame, "Nabonidus and the History of the Eulmas Temple at Akkad," 44-45;
idem, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 73-75. On the history of the city of Akkad follow-
ing the days of empire, see G. J. P. McEwan, "Agade after the Gutian Destruction:
the Afterlife of a Mesopotamian City," in 28. Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale in
IVien 6-10. JuK 1981, edited by H. Hirsch and H. Hunger (AfOB 19; Horn, Austria:
Verlag Ferdinand Berger & Sohne, 1982) 8-15.
33
For a full discussion of this letter and its historical mise en scene, see Nissinen,
References to Prophecy, 68-77.
34
ABL no. 168 = LAS I no. 280 = SAA 10 no. 352 rev. 7-9 (K 168).
35
Table 5:19.
36
See chapter 3 supra 298.
37
ABL no. 476 = LAS I no. 277 = SAA 10 no. 349:28-29 (83-1-18,5).
326 CHAPTER FOUR
The office of the qepu (Babylonian qtpu), from the adjective qipu,
"trusted one," was a blanket term for an official in Middle Assyrian
and early Neo-Assyrian texts, but came to assume the more spe-
cialized meaning of civil administrator responsible for a territory or
district, an individual city, or a temple.38 Qepdni figure among the
administrative personnel in the Assyrian royal inscriptions, some of
whom were obviously ethnically non-Assyrian. Qepu-officiah were
apparently stationed throughout the Assyrian empire; they exercised
a variety of situationally-defined duties, such as espionage surveil-
lance, enforcement of customs duties, military musters, and in gen-
eral saw to the timely execution of the king's commands within their
limited jurisdiction. Assyrian royal inscriptions and correspondence
affirm that the qipu, in clientelist fashion, was hand-picked by the
Assyrian king. Following the Samas-sumu-ukln rebellion, Assurbanipal
claims that he appointed governors (sakin mdtati) and qipdni over
Babylonia.39 Mar-Istar informs Esarhaddon that the qipus of the tem-
ples of Sippar, Cutha, Hursagkalamma, and Dilbat have been dis-
missed and replacements appointed probably without the king's
authorization, a serious violation of patronage protocol.40 I know of
only one example in which (/^-officials are associated explicitly with
Assyrian temples,41 whereas qipus were directly identified with Baby-
lonian temples, or at least responsible in part for elements of temple
provisioning and resource allocation, and crop up often in the Assyrian
state archives.
The Babylonian qipu, whose range of duties significantly and at
times disastrously overlapped those of the satammu, functioned as a
crown administrator within the politically and economically power-
ful Babylonian temples, ideally facilitating the transfer of raw goods
for temple refurbishment, maintaining sacrificial supplies, and mon-
itoring the internal functioning of the clergy. These duties were con-
sonant in spirit with those of the territorial qepus as revealed in the
Assyrian royal inscriptions and correspondence. The reality, however,
38
CAD 13 s.v. qipu. On the qepu in the Sargonid period, see A. H. Godbey,
"The Kepu," AJSL 22 (1905) 81-88; Landsberger Brief, 30, 36-37, 59; L. Finkelstein,
"Cuneiform Texts from Tell Billa," JCS 7 (1953) 124-25; Pecirkova, "Administrative
Methods," 166-67; Postgate Taxation, 194-95.
39
40
Table 12:29.
41
SAA 12 no. 96 rev. 14 (ND 5550), the qepu of the temples of Nabu and
Ninurta of Kalhu.
was on occasion quite otherwise. The discourse of Suma-iddina, the

satammu of Esagila, portrays a sometimes adversarial relationship with
an unnamed qipu. The agitated writer reports to the king that the
qipu has, claiming royal authority, placed stoppages on work on
Esagila and suspended the regular offerings of Bel.42 In a more seri-
ous matter, the satammu effectively accuses the same or a different
qipu of high treason by harboring court eunuchs fleeing from Assyrian
"justice."43 On the other hand, Suma-iddina acted in concert with
a qipu through the joint appointment of a bel piqitti.^ No fewer than
six of the letters of Mar-Istar deal with Babylonian qipu?,: the qipu
of Uruk in audience with the king;41 the anxiety of Babylonian qipu?,
over the execution of the son of the satammu of Akkad;46 limestone
given to qipu?, of Babylon for Esagila;47 the illicit dismissal and appoint-
ment of four qipus'*8 and, in broken contexts, mention of the qipu?,
of Akkad49 and Borsippa.50
A diverse collection of clergy were subsumed under the title erib-
biti (LU.TU.E), cultic functionaries permitted to enter into the inner
sancta of the temples in the performance of their duties. Our cor-
respondence deals with the actions of Babylonian and Harranean
sangu?, (LU.SANGA, LU.E.BAR), a temple administrator holding a
position seemingly equivalent to the satammu save that the sangu could
be involved in ritual performance.31 It will be recalled that Assurbanipal
boasts in his inscriptions of deporting Elamite sangu?, together with
the dynastic gods they served during his fifth Elamite campaign.52
Exceptionally, this same king installed a brother as urigallu-priest of
Harran.03 Note that a text from the time of Kandalanu identifies a
governor of Borsippa (sdkin temi] as an erib-biti of Nabu.°4 An unpub-
lished British Museum text deals with the consecration of two men
to the E.zi.da temple of Borsippa, listing 13 prominent witnesses,
42
Table 6:17, SAA 13 no. 179:15'-17'.
43
SAA 13 no. 178 rev. 4-8 (TKSM 21/676).
44
CT 54 no. 506 = SAA 13 no. 181:12-14 (83-1-18,32).
45
SAA 10 no. 349:28.
46
SAA 10 no. 352 rev. 7-9.
47
CT 53 no. 75 = LAS I no. 284 = SAA 10 no. 354:8-12 (K 4792+7516).
48
Table 12:29.
49
Table 12:20 (SAA 10 no. 355 rev. 8').
50
SAA 10 no. 353 rev. 17.
51
CAD 17/1 s.v. sangu; Menzel Tempel, 131-33.
52
Table 3:53.
53
Table 12:32.
54
Text cited in Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 273 n. 24.
328 CHAPTER FOUR
including the mayor of Nineveh and a scribe of the king of Babylon.

Context indicates that the decision took place in Nineveh in the
presence of Assurbanipal, probably early in his reign.50 Temple scribes,
tupsar bit Hi (LU.DUB.SAR/A.BA E.DINGIR), are known from both
Harran56 and Uruk.57 A temple scribe of E.an.na of Uruk was also
a kalu-priest. and a sangu-pnest^8 a situation suggesting that clerical
pluralism was not atypical.59 The chief lamentation priest (galamdhu,
LU.GAL.MAH) of Harran, Urad-Ea, corresponded directly with
Esarhaddon in his ritual capacity and also supplied the king with
astrological reports.60
Although the first sa res sarri bel piqitti E.an.na is attested in late
Neo-Babylonian texts, and thus falls outside our period, the bel piqitti
appears in Sargonid correspondence as a generic term for an official:
"The mayor (hazannii) of the town and the commander of the scouts
(rab daydli) have been appointed my officials (bel piqittatea)"61 The
Kuyunjik corpus knows of bel piqittis involved in logging,62 moving
bull colossi,63 and, putatively, lazy ones who refuse to work and take
orders.64 Two bilingual practical lists of officers and professions from
the Governor's Archive in Nippur, 2nd half of the 8th century, list
king, prince, princess, sandabakku, governor (bel pahas, a form of bel
plhati\ satammu, sdkin temi, nesakku-priest, erib-biti, sangu, shepherd and
other positions associated with palace and temple life, but no bel
piqitti, suggesting that the term was not in common use in central
Babylonia before the Sargonid interregnum.60 In Babylonia, the bel
55
R. Zadok, "SyroMesopotamian Notes," in Ana sadi Labnani lu allik: Beitrdge
zu altorientalischen und mittelmeerischen Kulturen. Festschrift fur Wolfgang Rb'llig, edited by
B. Pongratz-Leisten, H. Kuhne and P. Xella (AOAT 247; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon
& Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1997) 454-55 (BM 29391).
56
CT 53 no. 921 = SAA 13 no. 188:11 (82-5-22,152+83-1-18,66) (writer: name
lost; letter addressed to the mother of the king).
57
SAA 10 no. 349:28. On this office in Assyria, see Menzel Tempel, 209-22.
58
Text cited in Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 281 n. 80.
59
Qurdi-Nergal was sangu of Zababa and Babu, Arba'il, Huzirina, and Harran;
STT 64 rev. 13'~15' (cited in Menzel Tempel, 205 n. 56). Unless he was hardened
to a prodigious commute, the daily duties of one or more of these positions had
to have been executed by a local priest.
60
Table 7:9.
61
ABL no. 573 = SAA 1 no. 239:9-11 (K 1003) (writer: Taklak-ana-Bel).
62
CT 53 no. 866 = SAA 1 no. 248 (Rm 2,189).
63
ABL no. 1417 = SAA 1 no. 163 (79-7-8,259).
64
ABL no. 1201 = SAA 1 no. 220 rev. 1-4 (81-2-4,51) (writer: Arihi).
65
Cole, Nippur IV, no. 119 (12 N 129 = IM 77106), no. 121 (12 N 148 = IM
77125).
piqitti in the period under investigation could act as a commissioner

associated with the operations of Babylonian temples. The satammu
and qlpu of Babylon apparently appointed a bel piqitti on their own
initiative to administer towns donated by Esarhaddon for the sup-
ply of Esagila. The satammu and bel piqitti-ofiicials of Der have failed
in their duty to rebuild the temple there; Mar-Istar recommends that
the king command Assyrian overseers to be sent, including an archi-
tect.66 Urad-ahhesu, a Babylonian priest, captiously remarks that an
architect(P) (selappdiu) refuses to lay the foundation of a temple without
royal authorization,67 precisely the scenario in which other writers
might have used the term bel piqitti. Although the evidence is slight,
one may conclude that the various functionaries covered by the blan-
ket term bel piqitti in Sargonid Assyria were, in principle, subservient
to the governors, special envoys, satammus, sangus, qipus, and other
crown-appointed servants. Whereas politically expedient audiences
with the king are reported for satammus, qipus, and temple scribes,68
the lower-ranking bel piqitti was apparently beneath court ceremonial.
The gamut of officials involved in the disbursement of valuable
raw materials for temple enhancements could be daunting. One let-
ter reveals that, in addition to the unknown rank of the writer, the
deputy of the governor, scribe, deputy of the treasurer, temple scribe,
and priests of the temples of Harran together with a named chariot-
driver were all on hand for the distribution of 30 talents and
some odd minas of silver for cult objects in Harran, a colossal sum.69
Other texts bespeak the admixture of secular and clerical personnel
ideally entitled to engage in temple refurbishment. A foundation
inscription of the Chaldean king Merodach-baladan II lists, pre-
sumably in order, the officials subject to election by Marduk to
rebuild E.an.na of Uruk in the future: the king, the crown prince,
the delegate (qipu), the governor (saknu), the temple administrator
(satammu), and mayor (hazannu).70
Assyrian governors (bel pdhete, saknu, sdkin mdti) acting on behalf
of their provinces were expected to collect and forward set quanti-
ties of sacrificial materials for the cult of Assur at Assur; a Middle-
66
Table 5:19.
67
ABL no. 471 = SAA 13 no. 161:17'-rev. 6 (80-7-19,41).
68
SAA 10 no. 349:28-29.
b9
SAA 13 no. 188:8-14 (writer: name lost; letter addressed to the mother of the
king).
70
RIMB 2 8.6.21.1:38 (ND 2090).
330 CHAPTER FOUR
Assyrian archive, royal correspondence and administrative texts con-

stitute the disparate evidence for this venerable arrangement.71 As is
expected, much of our information on the provincial provisioning of
the cult of Assur derives from Assyrian priests and temple adminis-
trators, such as Akkullanu, who were anxious to bring heinous delin-
quencies to the kings' attention, delinquencies reaching as high as
the governors themselves. Assurbanipal, following the defeat of Samas-
sumu-ukm, claims to have re-established regular offerings for Assur
and other Assyrian gods throughout all of Babylonia, and to have
imposed tribute on the entire region, thus stripping Babylonia of its
privileged status and treating it like any other conquered territory;72
it is questionable that these humiliating procedures were systemati-
cally implemented in the temple cities of Babylonia prior to this date.
There is currently no evidence that Assyrian cults per se were installed
in Babylonian city-temples, even at the time of Sennacherib's and
Assurbanipal's most ardent wrath against the region.
The role of governors in provisioning the Assur temple in Assur
has already been described. Assyrian and Babylonian governors and
other secular officials functioned as organs for other forms of Neo-
Assyrian religious imperialism. The enigmatic royal command to per-
form communal lamentation rites for Adad (Table 11:1) issued to
Mannu-kf-Assur, governor of Guzana and eponym in 793,73 finds no
parallel in the 100-odd texts that comprise this official's surviving
archives.74 Tiglath-pileser Ill's agent in Phoenicia, Qurdi-Assur-lamur,
together with Samas-bunafa in Babylonia, judging from the limited
text corpus, both appear to have served in administrative and diplo-
matic capacities.75 The treasurer of Assyria in the reign of Sargon II,
Tab-sar-Assur, engaged in sensitive military affairs and was a key
supervisor of building details in Dur-Sarrukln, but also closely mon-
itored access to precious materials for the temple cults in Assyria
and Harran (Table 12:9).76 Istar-durf, governor of Arrapha and
71
See chapter 2 supra 100-8. It would be truly fascinating to know the details
of the involvement of less-exalted provincial subjects in the matter of gzVzM-offerings,
and in their own words how they felt about supplying the groceries to Assur's tem-
ple, but their documentary silence is complete.
72
73
Millard, Eporyms, 35, 99.
74
Weidner, "Das Archiv des Mannu-ki-Assur," 8—46.
75
Table 10:3 and Saggs, "Nimrud Letters, 1952—Part I," ND 2663; Table 12:2
and Saggs, "Nimrud Letters, 1952—Part II," ND 2715, 2686, and possibly 2773.
76
SAA 1 nos. 41-61.
eponym in 714,77 was chiefly concerned with gathering intelligence

about the Medes and Aramaeans, together with general conditions
in Arrapha province,78 through Sargon II's sentience to the extreme
strategic value of the border-town Der caused the governor to enforce
his master's solicitude over the refurbishment of its temple (Table
5:8).79 Nabu-pasir, a high-ranking official stationed in Harran in the
reign of Sargon II,80 dealt with a bewildering array of regional build-
ing projects, the movement of captives through his strategically placed
city, and a number of related supply details.81 In addition, he reported
on the performance of the king's sacrifices and other rituals associ-
ated with the politically vital cult of the moon god, and probably
assumed an active role in Sargon IFs reconstruction of E.hul.hul,
the temple of Sin of Harran (Tables 5:10, 6:15, 12:7, 12:8). The
exposure of an Elamite bid for the hearts of the Urukean clergy
through a votive gift is the only ostensibly temple-related act of Nabu-
usabsi, Assyrian loyalist governor of Uruk during the early reign of
Assurbanipal and the Samas-sumu-ukTn crisis (Table 12:31).82
The establishment of a new province by definition entailed the
installation of a governor, some of whom were mentioned in the
royal inscriptions in connection with the imposition of the "symbol
of Assur" (Table 4:6—8, 10, 12). In keeping with earlier interpreta-
tions, the installation of the "symbol of Assur" was a weapon or
emblem intended for worship by the nascent provincial culture, an
extension or modification of the Assyrian state pantheon calculated
to instill "fear of god and king." The interpretation adopted in this
study, on the contrary, maintains that the "symbol of Assur" was a
narrative shorthand for the administration of loyalty oaths, probably
in the presence of Assyrian battle-standards. In either case governors
77
Millard, Eponyms, 47, 97.
78
ABL no. 158 (K 530), ABL no. 159 (K 1025), ABL no. 160 (K 1243), ABL
no. 163 (K 1896), ABL no. 552 (K 640), ABL no. 707 (Sm 1212), ABL no. 709
(80-7-19,67), ABL no. 711 (82-3-23,142).
/9
Sargon IPs extension of divine privileges and exemptions for Der (Table 10:5)
was apparently the first ever recorded for that city in Mesopotamian history.
80
Parpola, "Assyrian Royal Inscriptions," 136, identifies him as a governor, but
there are no textual warrants for that claim, and the range of Nabu-pasir's duties,
particularly in light of his involvement with the moon-god cult in Harran, suggests
the possibility that he was a qipu-officia\. A qlpu of Harran is known from a Neo-
Babylonian letter from Sippar; J. MacGinnis, "Letters from the Neo-Babylonian
Ebabbara," Mesopotamia 28 (1996) 99-159 no. 28 (BM 60105).
81
SAA 1 nos. 189-203.
82
Frame, "Correspondence of Nabu-usabsi," 260-72; idem, Babylonia 689-627
B.C., 127, 157-62.
332 CHAPTER FOUR
were involved. If battle-standards and treaties stood behind the "sym-

bol of Assur," then we know that at least two different classes of
priests were actively engaged. Assurbanipal notifies the governor of
Uruk that he is sending his eunuch, "third man" official, and Akkullanu,
the well-known astrologer and erib-btti-priest (sangu) of Assur, with the
king's treaty tablet to be subscribed to by the governor himself and
his countrymen.83 The (standard-)priests of the military chariots of
Nergal and Adad are attested in a war-ritual text ("King Against
Enemy"), the LU sd E.HUB sd dMAS.MAS/dIM.84 Repousse and
palace reliefs of priests officiating before chariot-standards in mil-
itary encampments have survived; these may have been the same in-
dividuals as the LU sd E.HUB sd dMAS.MAS/dIM.85 The commander
of the standard-bearing military chariots was the LU.A/DUMU.SIG5.86
Individuals officially involved in the religious affairs of Babylonia
and other countries include governors and other more-or-less secu-
lar office-holders, on the one hand, and clergy and "scholars" on
the other, both Assyrian and Babylonian. Exceptional in every respect
is Mar-Istar, Esarhaddon's special envoy to Babylonia, whose only
known title of "scribe" does him scant justice. More than any other
individual profiled in this study, Mar-Istar appears to have played a
pivotal role in orchestrating Esarhaddon's massive efforts at revital-
izing the cultic life of the ancient Babylonian temple cities, in the
final years of that king's reign (671—669). The temple cults we know
him to have overhauled include Der, Babylon, Borsippa, Sippar,
Cutha, Hursagkalamma, Dilbat, Akkad, Dur-Sarruku, Lahfru, Nippur,
and Uruk. His numerous letters range from global work on temple
83
ABL no. 539 rev. 12b-16 (K 17) (writer: Assurbanipal).
84
Menzel Tempel, T 82-84; Deller, "Neuassyrische Rituale," 342:22B, 24A,
343:30B (A = K 9923, B = K 3438+9912). On the twin role of Nergal and Adad
as Assyrian standard-deities, see Deller, "Einleitung," 292~94. Intriguingly, an arrow
(siltahu) of Assur is utilized in this ritual by the standard-priest of Nergal, where it
rides in the chariot of Nergal. Far from being an object of worship, this arrow is
ritually commanded to pierce the heart of the enemy. On the office of the LU sa
E.HUB sa DN, see Menzel Tempel, 270.
85
Barnett, Assyrian Palace Reliefs, pi. 170; drawing in Borker-Klahn, Altoorderasiatische
Bildstelen, no. 146, p. 187 (Balawat Gates of Shalmaneser III); Russell, Sennacherib's
Palace Without Rival, 60 fig. 35 (Room X: 7); 207 fig, 113 (Room XXXVI: 13);
Bleibtreu, "Standarten auf neuassyrischen Reliefs," pi. 62 (Tiglath-pileser III, Sargon
II), pis. 64-65 (Sennacherib). The cylinder seal of a standard-priest of Nergal and
Adad depicts both the priest (LU.SANGA) and the divine standards; U. Moortgat-
Correns, "Ein Kultbild Ninurtas aus neuassyrischer Zeit," AJO 35 (1988) 123; Deller
and Pongratz-Leisten, "Siegel des Assur-sumu-iddina," passim.
86
Deller, "Einleitung," 295.
fabrics, such as the reconstruction of the quay wall of E.zi.da of

Borsippa and the walls of E.mes.lam of Cutha,87 to such minutiae as
a royal inscription on a pedestal of Tasmetum and jewels for a crown
of Nabu.88 He evidently exercised near veto power over the design of
royal statues intended to share cult cellas and the refurbishment
of cult images.89 Judging from his correspondence, Mar-Istar's pre-
ferred means of instigating change in Babylonia was a direct appeal
to the king for orders; however, on occasion he issued commands
directly to governors and top-ranking temple functionaries. A famous
letter of Suma-iddina, the satammu of Esagila, written immediately
after an inspection tour of Mar-Istar, vividly portrays the latter as
an imperious autocrat accustomed to servile deference. In the polit-
ically destabilized state of Babylonian affairs that centuries of Assyrian
interference had accelerated, diversion of temple resources and wide-
spread corruption were rampant, and many of Mar-Istar's commu-
nique's detail his recommendations for amelioration of broken sacrificial
supplies, stolen cult property, and the implied punishment of the
malefactors.90 The choice imperial imperative of exacting harsh dis-
cipline to maintain general obedience figured heavily in Mar-Istar's
Babylonian tactics. "Let the king, my lord, send a trusted bodyguard
to make inquiry (regarding a case of temple theft and embezzlement
by the governor of Dur-Sarruku). The man who incited the gover-
nor (bel pdhete) to do this should be punished. [Let] (the others) [kn]ow
and take fright, [or eljse [the govern] ors will remo[ve] a [11 the treasures
o]f the temples."91 In addition to reports on the internal cultic affairs
of Babylonia, Mar-Istar expressed concern over the timely perfor-
mance of rituals affecting the king, and was enough of a scholar and
lore-master in his own right to report on celestial phenomena and
offer detailed interpretations and suggestions for apotropaic rituals, in-
cluding the intricate substitute king ritual.92 His report on the execution
87
Table 5:21 (SAA 10 no. 364:12'-16').
88
Table 9:3-4.
89
Table 7:7.
90
Table 6:18, 19; 12:23, 29.
91
Table 12:23, rev. 10-17.
92
ABL no. 337 = LAS I no. 278 = SAA 10 no. 347 (DT 98); SAA 10 no. 349
side 1-2; ABL no. 1014 = LAS I no. 292 = SAA 10 no. 350:1'-13' (K 4678); ABL
no. 629+ = LAS I no. 279 = SAA 10 no. 351 (K 1263+20907); SAA 10 no. 352;
SAA 10 no. 353 side 1-2; LAS I no. 289 = SAA 10 no. 362 (K 1551); ABL no.
744 = LAS I no. 290 = SAA 10 no. 363 (K 480); ABL no. 1214 = LAS I no.
291 = SAA 10 no. 364 rev. 9-20 (81-2-4,131).
334 CHAPTER FOUR
of the son of the satammu of Akkad as a substitute king, albeit a

commoner (saklu), dismayed the inhabitants of the city and spread
alarm to other Babylonian satammus and qipus, highly-placed officials
who in principle were protected by the blanket kidinnutu-status of
Babylon, Sippar, Nippur, and other cities in the "enlightened" reign
of Esarhaddon.93 Despite the fulsome rhetoric of disinterested nur-
ture of the Babylonian cultic polity in his royal inscriptions, Assyrian
patronage of foreign clergy and temples under Esarhaddon was ever
spurred by the urge for political mastery, the imperative of presenting
a facade of united effort among his hand-picked officials and the
appearance of consent among the subordinate population, exploit-
ing conciliatory gestures or ruthless repression as served the moment.
A word on political climate. The corporate American slang expres-
sion, "micro-management," rather accurately captures the adminis-
trative culture fostered by the Sargonid kings. The correspondence
of an mb-biti-priest of Bel in Babylon, Rasi-ili, is redolent with pleas
for royal orders and asseverations that the king's orders have been
scrupulously followed. Gemstones needed for a crown of Anu and
a sundisk are stored in the Assur temple: Rasi-ili begs the king for
authorization to release the precious items.94 The design of Marduk's
bed was forwarded to the king as per orders.90 Two of his fellow
clergymen, in audience with the king, are needed to assist Rasi-ili
with a ceremony for Bel that the king commanded—will the king
not return them?96 In a letter describing the completion of the refur-
bishment of Esagila, another Babylonian priest relays the commands
of Samas-sumu-ukln for additional building operations, clearly imply-
ing that all such orders must be approved initially by Assurbanipal.97
Copies of terse orders by Esarhaddon or Assurbanipal issued to the
ranking clergy at Der and Cutha, respectively, establish intercala-
tions that govern the entire liturgical year of the temples, Table
11:3—4. Letters by both Assyrian and Babylonian court officials, schol-
ars and priests illustrate the fact that major temple appointments
were the jealously guarded prerogative of the Assyrian king. Mar-
Istar complains that a "bodyguard" (sa-qurbuti] and a Lahfrite official
dismissed and appointed new (/^-officials for the temples of Sippar,
See supra 325.

Table 12:26 (SAA 13 no. 174:9-25).
Table 12:26 (SAA 13 no. 175).
Table 12:28 (SAA 13 no. 176:12-rev. 13).
Table 5:25 (SAA 13 no. 168 rev. 8-16).
Cutha, Hursagkalamma, and Dilbat by (falsely) invoking the king's

word.98 A number of extispicy texts from the reigns of Esarhaddon
and Assurbanipal lay before the gods the appointment of priests
(sangu) for named deities," and in one case the appointment of a
delegate (qepu) for a temple at Assur,100 in another the creation of a
satammu.m While inquiries to the gods regarding the choice of their
servants was practiced in the 3rd millennium and later, the discov-
ery of such texts in the state archives of Nineveh, and not in the
temple archives themselves, illustrates Assyrian iron resolve to exer-
cise hegemonic cultic control in Assyria and, presumably, abroad.
Liberties taken with established cultic architecture and liturgy with-
out royal sanction constituted a serious breach of authority. Bel-
usezib, a Babylonian scholar who corresponded with Esarhaddon,
was probably instrumental in the Assyrian recall and execution of
Suma-iddina, governor (sandabakku) of Nippur in 675, Table 12:13.
During a royal audience with four elders of Nippur, nesakku-priests,
Bel-usezib enjoins the king to interrogate his visitors about Suma-
iddina's removal of the cult dais of Nippur, "an ancient dais built
in the distant past."102 The Nippur governor altered its position, and
thence performed an apotropaic rite. The writer even invents an
interior dialogue to explain the governor's anxiety to perform the
rites: "'Let me (Suma-iddina) deflect the evil omens from myself,
[. . .] and let them instead go to the king's palace [. . .]'."103 Belu-
sezib further incriminates the doomed governor by implicating him
in a rebellion in the Nippur region, a tumultuous decade in which
three sandabakku?, held the office in as many years.104 On the other
hand, other Babylonian governors, such as Sin-balassu-iqbi at Ur,
autonomously engaged in vigorous temple reconstruction, in some
cases coolly giving credit to Assurbanipal in distant Nineveh rather
than their own liege in Babylon, Samas-sumu-ukfn (Table 5:33). For
Assyrian parallels, an unknown Assyrian correspondent complains
about the scrapping of traditional rites for Nikkal in favor of novel
98
Table 12:29 (SAA 10 no. 364 rev. 1-9).
99
SAA 4 nos. 266 (83-1-18,543, Marduk), 306 (K 1436+1523, Anu of Assur),
307 (K 8674, Sin), 308 (K 8680, Sin), 309 (K 11665, Sarrat Kidmuri).
100
SAA 4 no. 310 (K 4669).
101
SAA 4 no. 150 (K 11500).
102
SAA 10 no. 112:31-32.
103
SAA 10 no. 112 rev. 16-17.
104
On the chronology and politics of governor Suma-iddina's execution, see
Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 84, and Cole, Nippur in Late Assyrian Times, 53 n. 62.
336 CHAPTER FOUR
ones,103 while an Assyrian lamentation priest is accused of liturgical

innovation and other gratuitously detailed cultic crimes.106
In common with all subjects of Assyria living under the loyalty
oaths of Esarhaddon, which had the goal of converting the Assyrian
Empire into something bordering on a modern police state, loyal
Babylonian officials were duty-bound to report treasonous actions
and if possible apprehend traitors, real or assumed. The instrumen-
tality of the Babylonian scholar Bel-usezib in the execution of the
governor of Nippur has been described, Table 12:13; several of his
other letters dealt with military affairs in Mannea and inner-Babylonian
politics, usually involving appointees to civil offices.107 In another let-
ter Bel-usezib deals at length with a prospective appointment for
Borsippa, probably a satammu, describing his social status, significant
Assyrian pedigree, and manifest devotion to the Assyrian cause in
Babylonia.108 It is possible that the satammu Suma-iddina's arrest of
a eunuch fleeing from Esarhaddon was a response to the Assyrian
conspiracy of 670 that eventuated in the executions of several court
eunuchs. The satammu relates that the qipu (of Babylon?) hid two
fugitive eunuchs, later transferring them to Borsippa, beyond the
writer's effective jurisdiction; he requests that the king send an autho-
rized agent to apprehend the fugitives before they escape again.109
A letter from a certain haruspex named Kudurru, possibly the son
of a Bft-Dakkurian shaykh,110 is a desperately composed plea to save
his skin from the charge of high treason.111 Amid much coloratura
background narration, Kudurru asserts that he was taken under cus-
tody to the temple of Bel Harran by the chief cupbearer and there
forced to produce a bogus divinatory report to the effect that the
chief eunuch shall become king. Although Nissinen believes that this
conspiratorial affair transpired in Nineveh,112 there is no evidence
whatsoever for the existence of temples explicitly dedicated to Sin
of Harran outside the environs of Harran.113 Similar murmurings
105
CT 53 no. 906 = SAA 13 no. 47 (81-2-4,130) (writer: name lost).
106
ABL no. 951 = SAA 13 no. 134 (K 189) (writer: name lost).
107
SAA 10 nos. 110-13, 115-17.
108
CT 54 no. 441 = SAA 10 no. 118 (Rm 280).
109
SAA 13 no. 178:26-rev. 17 (TKSM 21/676).
110
A theory propounded in Nissinen, References to Prophecy, 133.
111
Table 12:15 (SAA 10 no. 179).
112
Nissinen, References to Prophecy, 134, 150.
113
Menzel Tempel, 123, cites inscriptional evidence for a Sin-Samas temple in
Nineveh in the time of Esarhaddon, presumably modeled after the older Sin-Samas
and accusations abound in the correspondence of Assyrian authors.

The unknown Nabu-rehtu-usur conveys prophecies in the name
of Nikkal and Mullissu aimed at strengthening Esarhaddon's confi-
dence even as he quotes a treasonous prophecy and details seditious
events in Harran and elsewhere aimed at toppling the Sargonid king-
ship. His admonitions to Esarhaddon frantically implore the king to
save his own life by executing a certain Sasi and his named fellow-
conspirators. Given the writer's apparently unmediated knowledge of
prophecies, and a description of a personal vision (diglu), it is a dis-
tinct possibility that Nabu-rehtu-usur was himself an Assyrian prophet,
staunchly committed to the preservation of king and empire.114 Istar-
sumu-eres, the chief scribe during much of the reigns of Esarhaddon
and Assurbanipal whose work is represented by over 70 letters,
describes an ominous event during the abortive return of Marduk's
cult statue from Assur to Babylon late in Esarhaddon's life.113 The
event obviously had profound political ramifications for Assyro-
Babylonian relations, and may have been the precipitating cause in
canceling the repatriation of the image, a galvanizing symbol of
Babylonian nationalism. The striking identity in rhetorical tenor
between the Assyrian and Babylonian correspondents, with the excep-
tion of the inner circle of Assyrian scholars, highlights the fact that
the Babylonian clients had, for the most part, completely assimilated
the epistolary survival skills of Sargonid Assyria: defer to the gra-
cious king in all things, respond directly to royal queries, accuse the
next man of treason and sloth when expedient, and whine bitterly
about cruel fate.
Finally, the torching of temples and the spoliation of divine images
were ultimately the handiwork of the citizen-soldiers of Assyria, the
common troops who comprised the backbone of the Assyrian army.
With what degree of enthusiasm they performed their impious labors
cannot be known, since they left us no texts. A single letter indi-
cates that overly zealous soldiers contravened their orders in Babylonia
temple of Assur. There is no intrinsic reason against Kudurru's being held under
house arrest in Harran, and it is more believable that such a cast of highly-placed
conspirators would choose a temple in the distant provincial city rather than one
located in Esarhaddon's capital. On the Kudurru affair and its relationship with
the crown conspiracy of 670, see the otherwise carefully reasoned reconstruction in
Nissinen, References to Prophecy, 133-38, 146-47.
114
On the figure of Nabu-rehtu-usur and the possible relationship of his mes-
sages to the conspiracy of 670, see Nissinen, References to Prophecy, 108—53.
115
ABL no. 32 = SAA 10 no. 24 (K 527), and citations in Table 8:15.
338 CHAPTER FOUR
and assaulted a temple.116 Comparative examples drawn from Roman

sources and universal military behavior suggest that far more destruc-
tion of foreign temple property occurred than the laconic official
inscriptions attest, particularly when valuable plunder was known to
reside in the dark cellas of the gods.
Cultic Patronage, Participation, and Regional Strategies
Introduction
The Neo-Assyrian emperors did not invent the tactic of cultic patron-
age within set geographical bounds: they inherited it. The powerful
imperialist SamsT-Addu I of the Old Babylonian period constructed
or restored the temple of the influential West-Semitic deity Dagan
of Terqa,117 advertised himself as having made public obeisance to
Addu in Arrapha,118 and dedicated wooden thrones to the tutelary
god of Mari, Itur-Mer,119 all high profile gestures signifying support
for these gods, their clergy, and the elites who drew prestige and
legitimation from the prosperity of the cults. Whether SamsI-Addu
I personally derived spiritual solace from these acts cannot be divined
from the stereotypical nature of the inscriptions, and is not a ques-
tion that concerns this study. That he himself was heir to the diplo-
matic arts of the first Akkadian empire, and saw fit to portray himself
as a protector and sponsor of select major cults under his rulership,
is an historical survival that grants us a narrow window into the
arsenal of stratagems placed in the hands of his Neo-Assyrian suc-
cessors. The text dealing with Arrapha transparently links cultic
patronage with imperial designs: "I entered his fortress. I kissed the
feet of (the god) Addu, my lord, and reorganized (ûtaq^qin) that land.
I installed my governors (saknia) everywhere and in Arrapha itself I
sacrificed during the Festival of Heat to Samas and Addu."120 The
early Neo-Assyrian kings continued the legacy of their Middle Assyrian
116
ABL no. 1339 (K 8379) (writer: Marduk-apla-iddina), see chapter 2 supra
120-21 n. 149.
117
Table 5:1.
118
Table 6:1.
119
Table 12:1.
120
Table 6:1: RIMA 1 A.0.39.1001 ii' 1~10 (reservations regarding Samsf-Addu
Fs authorship have been discussed in the table entry's note).
forefathers in their support, outside the Assyrian heartland, of the

cults of storm gods, surely a holdover from the age of Mitannian
glory when forms of Tesub were worshiped across northern Mesopo-
tamia and Syria.121 Shalmaneser I constructed or refurbished the
temples of storm gods at Kahat and Isana.122 In an important essay
Radner argues that Shalmaneser I's sponsorship of the cult of Salmanu
(Sulmanu) in Dur-Katlimmu was a significant tactical component in
his efforts to establish an Assyrian identity in Hanigalbat, and relates
his reconstruction of temples outside the Assyrian heartland to the
same impulse.123 His namesake Shalmaneser III advertised his own
solicitude for the ancient cult of Adad of Halab (Aleppo) in his royal
inscriptions, the last Mesopotamian king to do so,124 and restored an
Adad temple (and possibly its ziggurat) at Tell al-Hawa (ancient
Sahuppa?), located within the politically contested region of Katmuhu.12'
It is noteworthy that this latter action does not figure in the copi-
ous inscriptions of Shalmaneser III preserved at Assur and Kalhu,
but is known only from inscriptions recovered in situ.126 The storm
gods of Arrapha and Halab were identified with Tesub in Hittite
sources.127 The treaty between Suppiluliuma I of Hatti and Satti-
waza of Mitanni was witnessed by "Tesub, lord of the kurinnu of
Kahat," and a duplicate copy of the text was placed with this god,
presumably in his temple in Kahat.128
Adad-nararf II claimed to have sacrificed before Adad of Kumme,
121
On Tesub, his mythology and cult in the Hittite and Mitannian Kulturkreis,
see G. Wilhelm, The Humans (trans. J. Barnes; Warminster, England: Aris & Phillips,
1989) 49-51; V. Haas, Geschichte der hethitischen Religion (Handbuch der Orientalistik.
Erste Abteilung, Der Nahe und Mittlere Osten 15; Leiden and New York: E. J.
Brill, 1994) 315-39.
122
Table 5:2-3.
123
K. Radner, "Der Gott Salmanu ('Sulmanu') und seine Bezeihung zur Stadt
Dur-Katlimmu," WO 29 (1998) 33-51.
124
Table 6:3.
125
Table 5:5.
1211
As the tells of Iraq and Syria disclose their secrets in the coming decades, a
more nuanced image of this dynamic king's religious foreign policy is likely to
become part of the property of the historical guild.
127
Haas, Hethitischen Religion, 544-45, 553-56.
128
G. M. Beckman, Hittite Diplomatic Texts (2nd ed.; Writings from the Ancient
World 7; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1999) 6A, §§13-14, 6B §11. A text was found at
Tell Barn/Kahat with the phrase Tesub of the kurinnu; M. Salvini, "I dati storici,"
in Tell Barri/'Kahat 1: Relazione preliminare sulk campagne 1980 e 1981 a Tell Barri/'Kahat
nel bacino del Habur, edited by P. E. Pecorella, M. Salvini and R. Biscione (Rome:
Consiglio nazionale delle ricerche Istituto per gli studi micenei ed egeo-anatolici,
1982) 21.
340 CHAPTER FOUR
an internationally recognized cult that would later be wooed by

Urartian kings.129 Kumme, a region and capital city bordered on the
west by Katmuhu and to the east by Ulluba, an area open to Urartian
influence, was famous as a cult center of Hurrian Tesub. Tesub/Adad
of Kumme is attested at Ugarit130 and Mari,131 and figures in Hittite
ritual and mythological texts.132 His Hurrian epithets include "king
of the gods" and "god of gods, our king."133 After confiscating the
divine images of Kili-Tesub, king of the land of Katmuhu, the Middle
Assyrian king Tiglath-pileser I "donated" the objects to an Adad
temple, probably in Assyria, thus respecting pantheon correspondences
across cultures.134 The Urartian emperors Ispuini and Menua claimed
to have sacrificed to the god of Kumme. Teiseba, the highest god
in the Urartian state pantheon after Haldi, was the linguistic and
presumably hierarchical equivalent of Hurrian Tesub. Menua may
have occupied Kummean territory during the reign of Adad-narari
III, when Assyrian central authority suffered eclipse in the first half
of the 8th century. The motives for sacrifice by the Urartian emperor
were the same as those of Adad-naran II: staking claim to the ter-
ritory, cultivating support among the elite members of the society,
reinforcing a cultural presence through potent religious symbols and
rites.130 Patronage of major storm god temples by early Neo-Assyrian
kings was probably an echo of the prerogatives of Mitannian king-
ship. Shalmaneser III dedicated a life-sized anthropomorphic statue
129
Table 6:2.
130
Ug. 5 L 511:2 (Corpus 168); RS 19.148:4 (Hurrian texts from Ugarit).
131
ARMT 17 no. 219:7, and F. Joannes, "Le traite de vassalite d'Atamrum
d'Andarig envers Zimri-Lim de Mari," in Marchands, diplomates et empereurs: etudes la
civilisation mesopotamienne offerts a Paul Garelli, edited by D. Charpin and F. Joannes
(Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1991) 177:4'-6" (M 7750), among
other deities mentioned in an oath list.
132
Haas, Hethitischen Religion, 331-32.
133
Haas, Hethitischen Religion, 331.
134
Table 3:1.
130
See Rollig, "Kumme," 6:336a-37a; M. Salvini, "I testi: 'Azerbaigiani di Ispuini
e Menua e il loro sfondo storico'," in Tra lo Zjigros e I'Urmia: ricerche storiche ed arche-
ologiche nell'Azerbaigian iraniano, edited by P. E. Pecorella and M. Salvini (Incunabula
Graeca 78; Rome: Edizioni dell'Ateneo, 1984) 13; M. Liverani, Studies on the Annals
of Ashumasirpal II, 2: Topographical Analysis (Quaderni di Geografica Storica 4; Rome:
Universita di Roma "La Sapienza", 1992) 105; M. G. Masetti-Rouault, "Adad ou
Samas? Notes sur le culte local aux sources du Khabour, Xc~IXe siecles avant
J.-C.," Sem 47 (1997) 11-12; M. Salvini, "Assyrie-Urartu: guerres sans conquetes,"
in Guerre et conquete dans le Proche-Orient ancien: Actes de la table ronde du 14 novembre 1998
organisee par I'URA 1062, 'Etudes Semitiques', edited by L. Nehme (Antiquites Semitiques
4; Paris: Jean Maisonneuve, Librairie d'Amerique et d'Orient, 1999) 54.
to Adad of Kurba'il, a city and eventually a provincial capital whose

precise whereabouts are unknown but which was situated north of
Nineveh near the Urartian frontier.136 Refurbishing of an Adad tem-
ple by the same king at Tell al-Hawa doubtlessly served to legiti-
mate the authority of Shalmaneser III and Assyria by honoring the
ancient pantheon head of Katmuhu. A command by Adad-nararf
III that the governor and inhabitants of Guzana perform lamenta-
tion rites to Adad, opaque motive notwithstanding, belongs in this
discussion.137 The political and economic importance of Kumme to
Assyria in the first half of the 9th century may be gauged from the
list of ambassadors invited to Assur-nasir-pal IFs housewarming party
for Kalhu, which included the Urartian border regions of Kumme,
Musasir, Hubuskia and Gilzanu.138 Kumme fell within the province
of the abarakku/rab masenni. The precise political alignment of Kumme
during the reign of Sargon II, however, is difficult to determine,
despite (or because of!) a number of letters written by Assur-resuwa,
an Assyrian intelligence official (city-ruler? governor? qepu?) stationed
there.139 None of these letters allude to Adad of Kumme. However,
the cult of Adad of Kumme claimed sufficient presence in the Assur
temple during Sargonid times to rate an entry in the Gotteraddressbuch.m
From the perspective of the Late Neo-Assyrian period, a series of
"experiments" in foreign cultic patronage to former strongholds of
Mitannian storm gods were applied by the likes of Shalmaneser III
that would not be replicated in succeeding ages. It is possible that
Assyrian sponsorship of these temples persisted but did not rate notice
in Sargonid royal inscriptions and correspondence. What can be said
with some confidence is that we have no proof at present for such
widespread cultic sponsorship throughout this region and to gods of
this particular pantheon class following the 9th century. The Early
Neo-Assyrian kings did, however, directly foreshadow the vast com-
mitments of men and materiel to other ancient territorial deities.
136
See J. N. Postgate, "Kurba'il," RLA 6:367b-68a.
137
Table 11:1.
138
RIMA 2 A.0.101.30:143-47 (ND 1104).
139
See the analysis by Lanfranchi, SAA 5 xxi-xxii, xxv; L. Pearce and K. Radner,
"Assur-resuwa," in The Prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, Vol. 1, Part 1: A, edited
by K. Radner (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1998): "high-rank-
ing intelligence officer based in Kumme reporting on Urartian activities . . . [I]t is
very probable that Assur-resuwa, who is mentioned in both these letters (that describe
a qepu in Kumme), is this delegate" (212).
140
Menzel Tempel, T 154 115 (VAT 8918, Ass Ph 4681).
342 CHAPTER FOUR
The inscriptions of Assurbanipal relate that Shalmaneser III refur-

bished the temple of the moon god of Harran.141 The royal inscriptions
of Shalmaneser III,142 his son Samsf-Adad V,143 and Adad-naran
III144 themselves give evidence of the protracted, tumultuous, and para-
doxical patronage of Babylonian urban cults by Neo-Assyrian kings.
With the crucial exception of Harran and Babylonia, it is evident
that, from the kings' coign of vantage, Late Assyrian interest in local
cults was strictly secular and pragmatic. To our knowledge, provin-
cial governors and officials stationed in client cities did not send rou-
tine dispatches to the Great Kings detailing the performance of ritual
activities, the identities and duties of the clergy, or the status of
sacrificial provisions in the local temples, unless these activities had
overtly political consequences. Just as the political rulers of these
regions were subject to Assyrian dictates, in like measure were the
pantheons of conquered nations assigned positions ideologically sub-
ordinate to Assur.145 By maintaining the cults of the master deities,
the Assyrian kings could afford to ignore the diurnal affairs of the
myriad lesser gods and their temples checkering the expanse of the
empire.146 The vassal treaties of Assyria with West Semitic rulers
demonstrate accurate knowledge of major pantheon members with
cults supported by the subject nation and in the surrounding poli-
ties. In the curse clauses of the treaty between Bacal of Tyre and
Esarhaddon, mention is made of the gods Bethel, cAnat-Bethel, Bacal-
samem, Ba'al-malage,147 Bacal-sap6n, and the all-embracing "gods of
Eber-nari," in addition to the specifically Phoenician gods Melqart
and Esmun.148 In the 8th-century treaty between Assur-naran V and
Matl'-Tlu of Arpad, besides "Sin, the great lord who dwells in
141
Table 5:4.
142
Table 6:4.
143
Table 6:5.
144
Table 6:6.
145
SAA 2 no. 6, 44:393.
146
Outside of Assyria, Babylonia, and Harran, Assyrian kings claim to have
sacrificed only to (H)addu of Aleppo (Shalmaneser III, Table 6:3) and "Marduk
who dwells in Til-Assuri" (Tiglath-pileser III, Table 6:8), both deities representing
divine types worshiped in Assyrian temples.
147
On Ba'al-malage and the other West-Semitic deities mentioned in the Esarhaddon
treaty with Ba'al of Tyre, see F. O. Hvidberg-Hansen, "Ba'al-malage dans le traite
entre Asarhaddon et le roi de Tyr," AcOr 35 (1973) 57-81; Barre, God-List, 50-56,
81-86; Barre equates Bacal-Malage with Zeus Meilichios (= Kusor) of Sakkunyaton (86).
148
SAA 2 no. 5. Barre concludes that Bethel and Anat-Bethel were the supreme
gods of the Tyrian pantheon at the time of the drafting of the Esarhaddon/Bacal
treaty; Barre, God-List, 135-36.
Harran"149 and (H)addu of Aleppo,150 the heavily reconstructed curse

clauses at the end may contain allusions to Dagan, Melqart and
Esmun, Kubaba and Karhuha (two goddesses mentioned in con-
temporary Neo-Luwian sources), and Rammanu of Damascus.151 But
foreign gods everywhere were always perceived as potential pawns
and hostages to fortune in the hands of Assyrian sovereigns, as wit-
ness the swathe of spoliated divine images incontinently cut across
Western Asia in Table 3, whereas temples receiving sustained Late
Assyrian financial backing were limited to two nodes of the empire
at the limits of Mesopotamia: Harran, point of embarkation to the
western Fertile Crescent, and Babylonia, Assyria's southern neigh-
bor, economic entrepot and military sentry box to the South, the
Elamite East, and the Arab West.
Babylonia
Towards the end of the remarkable 75 years of concord between

Assyria and Babylonia, Shalmaneser III in 851 went to the aid of
the hard-pressed Babylonian king Marduk-zakir-sumi I during a civil
war waged between two brothers. In the following year, the Assyrian
king campaigned successfully through Kassite enclaves in the east-
ern Diyala, then proceeded south to engage the three major Chal-
dean shaykhs in their own hinterland.la2 Before embarking south,
Shalmaneser III sacrificed at Cutha, Babylon and Borsippa,103 dis-
tributing gifts and making a feast for the "men of privilege and free-
dom" (sabe kidinni subarre] of Babylon and Borsippa,104 a glamorous
politic demonstration of his support for the Babylonian cause. As
one of the most oft-narrated adventures in the well-documented
inscriptions of Shalmaneser III, the king evidently took immoderate
pride in his ecumenical parley with Babylonia, prior to his defeat of
Chaldean forces to the south. lo5 The detente cordial enjoyed between
Assyria and Babylonia died at the hands of Samsf-Adad V; vengeance
149
SAA 2 no. 2, 11 rev. iv 4.
1:
'° SAA 2 no. 2, 13 rev. vi 18.
151
SAA 2 no. 2, 13 rev. vi 21-24.
1)2
In later years, Shalmaneser III would despoil two rebellious Kassite kings of
Namri of their cult images, deporting one king, lanzu, to Assyria; Table 3:16-17.
153
Table 6:4.
154
Table 10:1.
I5;>
Citations in Table 6:4.
344 CHAPTER FOUR
for a humiliating treaty forced upon the Assyrian king in exchange

for Babylonian support for his protracted struggle to hold his throne
is generally held to be the precipitating cause.156 In his ascendancy
Samsi-Adad V captured and deported two hapless Babylonian kings,
numerous divine images, and inaugurated mass deportations by Neo-
Assyrian kings of defeated Babylonians.137 Curiously, the same source
that details the military ravages of this king in Babylonia, the so-
called Synchronistic History, recounts that he like his father before
him sacrificed at Cutha, Babylon and Borsippa.108 Samsi-Adad V
assumed the title "King of Sumer and Akkad" in his own inscrip-
tions,159 but was never recognized as king of Babylon in any known
Babylonian administrative or chronicle texts. His hold over Babylonia
was ephemeral, for the kingdom fell into anarchy following his mil-
itary razzias and the double vacancy of the Babylonian throne. The
Babylonian achievements of his son Adad-nararf III are difficult to
define due to the paucity and varied nature of the sources.160 The
eponym chronicle states that Adad-naran III campaigned in Baby-
lonia.161 The Assyrophile Synchronistic Chronicle asserts that the Assyr-
ian king returned deportees and established a boundary by mutual
consent, suggesting that a treaty existed between the two countries.162
Adad-naran III himself claimed to have imposed tribute on "all
the kings of Chaldea."163 In addition, his own inscriptions portray
him as having sacrificed at Cutha, Babylon and Borsippa, and in
the manner of a presumptive Babylonian king, he received the cul-
tic leavings for his table, yet Babylonian sources do not acknowledge
his sovereignty.164 Beyond the public spectacle of an Assyrian king
behaving in a kingly fashion at the major shrines of northern Babylonia
while on campaign, there seems to have been no deeper commit-
ment to the welfare of these cults by Shalmaneser III, SamsT-Adad
V and Adad-nararT III beyond a one-time public relations blitz. A
kudurru of Nabu-apal-iddina, the contemporary of Assur-nasir-pal II
15R
Brinkman PKB, 207; idem, "Babylonia c. 1000-748 B.C.," 308-9.
157
Table 3:19-25.
158
Table 6:5.
159
RIMA 3 A.O.I03.9 (inscribed bricks from Nineveh and Assur).
160
See Brinkman PKB, 216-18; Grayson, "Assyria: Ashur-dan II," 271-73.
161
Millard, Eponjms, 35 B 1 23'-24' (795 and 794, Der), 36 B 1 28', B 2 21'
(790, against the Itu 5 tribe), and 37 B 1 37', B 2 32' (783, against the Itu 3 tribe).
162
Grayson Chronicles, no. 21, iv 15-22.
163
RIMA 3 A.D. 104.8:22-23.
164
Table 6:6.
and Shalmaneser III, describes the Babylonian king's intention

of revitalizing the major Babylonian cult centers,165 an indirect wit-
ness to the inadequate revenues and decaying fabrics of these
temples, and highlights the diplomatic opportunities missed by the
Assyrian kings of the 9th and early 8th centuries for sustained cul-
tic investment in the south. An inscription from Uruk dated to the
fifth year of Nabonassar (743) relates how two private individuals
restored the ruinous akitu temple of the goddess Usur-amassa of Uruk.
The text carries a reproach against royal and civic cultic delinquency:
"neither king nor qlpu nor noble nor city commissioner (bel all) had
determined to perform this matter and renew the akitu temple."166
None of the succeeding three rulers of the early Neo-Assyrian
Empire had the resources to spare for currying Babylonian good
will.167 The masterful soldier and empire-builder Tiglath-pileser III,
following suppression of a revolt in Kalhu, immediately turned his
attentions to Babylonia, defeating several Chaldean strongholds, and
deporting captives together with their cult images,168 and in the east
subduing a number of Aramaean tribes. If the date of 745 can be
ascribed to this action, he sacrificed to Assyrian and Babylonian gods
in Hursagkalamma during the same campaign,169 thereby reasserting
from the beginning of his reign a more sinewy version of Shalmaneser
Ill's Babylonian policy: support the ancient city cults, but pacify the
tribal countryside with all necessary ferocity. In 744 Tiglath-pileser
III campaigned in eastern Kassite tribal territory, including Namri,170
as a component in his strategy to master Assyrian access to the Great
Hurasan Road and protect the eastern flank of Babylonia. In 738
he deported 5400 captives from Der, a critical city in the eastern
Diyala located on the border between Babylonia, Assyria and Elam.m
165
BBSt. no. 36; see Brinkman PKB, 189.
166
J. A. Brinkman, "The Akitu Inscription of Bel-ibni and Nabu-zera-usabsi,"
WO 5/1 (1969) 40:8-9 = RIMB 2 6.6.15.2001:8-9 (NBC 2502, YBC 2170, BM
113205 [1915-4-10,3]).
167
Assur-dan III, according to the eponym chronicle, campaigned in the Diyala
and northern Babylonia; Brinkman PKB, 218.
168
Table 3:27 (Sapazza), 4:6 (Humut, renamed Kar-Assur), 4:7 (unknown city,
probably renamed Dur-mTukultf-apal-Esarra).
169
Table 6:7. See the discussion in Cole, Nippur in Late Assyrian Times, 70 n. 3,
on caveats for using Summary Inscription no. 1 for dating unique events in Tiglath-
pileser Ill's first campaign.
170
Tadmor Tiglath-Pileser III, Summary Inscription no. 7:29-42; Stele I B 11 '-14';
III A 24-30; discussion in Cole, Nippur in Late Assyrian Times, 70.
171
Tadmor Tiglath-Pileser III, Ann. 13*:3; Cole, Nippur in Late Assyrian Times, 70.
346 CHAPTER FOUR
Since none of the cities of the northern alluvium that were effectively
under the suzerainty of Nabonassar were attacked in the years between
745 and 734, it is likely that the Babylonian king acceded to some
form of Assyrian protectorate status for the remainder of his reign.
Following the death of Nabonassar in 734, two short-lived claimants
to the Babylonian throne would give way to Mukm-zeri, Chaldean
chieftain of the Blt-Amukani, a manifest challenge to Assyrian impe-
rial pretensions in Babylonia.172 From 731 to 729, Tiglath-pileser III
would capitalize on the political divisions between the Chaldean
tribes, attacking their strongholds, again deporting captives and divine
images,173 and finally bottling up the Babylonian usurper Mukln-zeri
in his own capital. In a letter from the king's archive in Nimrud,
Assyrian agents parley before the gates of Babylon with the in-
habitants, promising them that "your divinely ordained privileges
(kidinnutu) are secure" as diplomatic bait to lure them away from
Mukm-zeri.174 During the same campaigns he would defeat the
Aramaean Puqudu and extend the administrative beat of the gov-
ernor of Arrapha to cover Lahlru and other cities east of the Tigris
troubled by Aramaean unrest.175 Following the defeat of Mukm-zeri,
Tiglath-pileser III claimed the kingship of Babylonia for himself, pub-
licly fulfilling the role of the Babylonian king in the Nisannu New
Year's festival in Babylon in 729 and 728,176 sponsoring royal sacrifices
in Sippar, Nippur, Babylon, Borsippa, Cutha, Kis, Dilbat, and Uruk,177
and receiving the cultic leavings of the gods' meals in Babylon,
Borsippa and Cutha,178 all highly charged emblematic acts calculated
to win Babylonian royal legitimacy. Unlike the unilateral claims of
Babylonian kingship by SamsT-Adad V and Adad-naran III, Tiglath-
pileser III was indeed acknowledged as king in Babylonian sources.
The motives for Tiglath-pileser Ill's Babylonian campaigns were
not primarily defensive: Babylonian at this time, even in the guise
of fluid alliances between tribal groups and powers to the East, posed
172
Several texts from the Governor's Archive of Nippur dated before 732 men-
tion Mukln-zeri, who held cordial relations with the Blt-Iakln, Kudurru the gover-
nor of Nippur, and the Rubu 3 Aramaean tribe; Cole, Nippur IV, nos. 6, 16-18,
21-22, 97.
173
Table 3:29 (Sarrabanu), 30 (Tarbasu and laballu), 31 (Bit-Sa'alli).
174
Table 10:3.
175
Cole, Nippur in Late Assyrian Times, 71.
176
Table 7:1.
177
Table 6:9.
178
Table 6:10.
no serious threat to Assyrian territorial integrity. That is not to say

that Assyria, a country with no natural borders, was oblivious to the
security of its southern and eastern flanks.179 Steven Cole, working
forward in time from his analysis of the 8th-century Governor's
Archive of Nippur, however, recasts the master motives of Assyria's
Babylonian policy as an imperial quest for new markets and trade
hegemony.180 Control of the lucrative seaborne commerce passing
through the ports of the Persian Gulf, and the valuable transit trade
originating in northeastern Africa, western Arabia and the eastern
Mediterranean littoral that crossed Babylonia and met the east-west
trade routes flowing out of the Zagros and the Iranian highlands,
meant policing the tribal groups that controlled the Babylonian coun-
tryside, Aramaeans and Chaldeans. The city of Der, lying athwart
the primary caravan road into Elam, bordered on the south by shift-
ing marshlands that made detours impracticable, was an especially
desirable prize for Assyria, so important that it was annexed directly
to Assyria (assigned a governor and garrison) in the reign of Shal-
maneser V and held against a Babylonian-Elamite coalition in the
reign of Sargon II. Hold over the volatile central Babylonian city of
Nippur and the far southern towns of Uruk and Ur was chronically
complicated by the relative isolation of the cities in the midst of a
countryside dominated by hostile tribal settlements opposed to an
Assyrian stranglehold over the rich transit trade and kinglike auton-
omy of its governors. Assyrian imperial strategy in Babylonia, begin-
ning with the experiments of the early Assyrian kings and given
concrete shape and momentum by Tiglath-pileser III—harsh mili-
tary suppression of Aramaean and Chaldean opposition, support of
the ancient Babylonian temple-cities to the extent that they shoul-
dered their client status without demur, and failing that, the impo-
sition of a dual Assyro-Babylonian kingship—was the determining
formula through the latter half of the 8th and, with notable excep-
tions, most of the 7th century.
The unique position Babylonia occupied in Assyrian foreign policy
was mirrored in the variety of stratagems which were tried, with vary-
ing degrees of success, to gain control over Babylonia through its
179
Brinkman PKB, 228, and idem, Prelude to Empire, 43-44, while highly cog-
nizant of Assyria's economic interest in Babylonia, writes with a cold-war mindset
that emphasizes the defensive strategy behind the Babylonian "policy" of Tiglath-
pileser III and Shalmaneser V.
180
348 CHAPTER FOUR
ancient city cults. In no other documented geographical region did

Sargonid Assyria attempt such extreme measures of direct religious
influence, ranging from Sennacherib's account of the destruction of
Babylon's temples and divine images, couched in the quasi-apocalyptic
rhetoric of cosmogonic reversal, to the costly, labor-intensive and
surely controversial program of physical reparations to the temples
and images of Babylon carried out by his son, Esarhaddon.
When the Assyrian empire conquered Babylonia, it neither reduced
the latter to province status nor made it into a client state. Instead,
the kingdom continued to exist as a separate unit, but with the Assyrian
king himself or an Assyrian nominee on the throne. The mixed
Babylonian infrastructure of provinces and tribes survived—run by
native officials closely supervised by Assyria. The Assyrian army remained
in the Assyrian homeland, prepared to move in to crush revolt wher-
ever detected by the local intelligence network.181
In general, the Sargonid Assyrians pursued a religious policy in

Babylonia designed to support the cults of the ancient city-temples
as one facet of their wider policy of working, whenever possible,
to strengthen ties with the urban Babylonian population through
"philanthropic" projects consonant with the traditional duties of a
Babylonian king. The religious measures adopted to control the
Aramaean and Chaldean tribal territories, insofar as records exist,
were almost uniformly coercive; the Assyrians apparently never trou-
bled to foster good relations with these population groups by (re)build-
ing their temples or supplying sacrifices for their cults, whereas the
royal inscriptions are replete with accounts of captured Chaldean
cult statues, none of which were ever repatriated.182 Finally, there is
181
Brinkman, "Babylonia Under the Assyrian Empire, 745-627 B.C.," 238.
182
There are no references in either royal inscriptions or correspondence to the
capture of Babylonian Aramaean cult statues. In contrast, despite the semi-nomadic
nature of the tribes, Esarhaddon elected to gain Arab good will by returning their
spoliated divine images, albeit first inscribing them with propagandistic graffiti. Four
possibilities come to mind. (1) The Assyrians routinely destroyed Babylonian Aramaean
cult images when captured, not wishing to use them as political pawns. This is pos-
sible, though by comparison Chaldean divine images were captured, but never
restored. (2) The Aramaeans were cleverer than the Chaldeans in concealing their
divine images, and thus avoided Assyrian capture for over a century. Unlikely. (3)
The Aramaeans had no divine images, but practiced exclusively aniconic cults. This
is gainsaid by, among other things, attested Aramaean participation in Babylonian
temple cults and festivals. West Semitic Aramaeans certainly maintained iconic cults
which fell prey to Assyrian depredations. (4) The Babylonian Aramaeans of the 8th
and 7th centuries were part of a wider movement seen in glyptic art of Syria and
no hard evidence for the imposition of Assyrian cults in principal

Babylonian city-temples. On the contrary, Babylonian correspon-
dence sent to the kings of Assyria repeatedly refer to the local
Babylonian pantheon members as "your gods" and "the gods of the
king, my lord."183
Motives for sustained Assyrian attempts to curry Babylonian good-
will are reasonably evident. The number and magnitude of Assyrian
military interventions in Babylonian between the reigns of Tiglath-
pileser III and Esarhaddon are out of proportion to the nugatory
military threat Babylonia itself represented to its northern neigh-
bor.184 The drain on men and materiel in order to field effective
Assyrian armies for quelling disturbances in Babylonia represented
resources sorely needed to fuel political expansion in other sectors
of the empire. From an economic perspective, the southern half of
Mesopotamia was located at the confluence of many overland and
maritime trade routes;180 booty taken from Assyrian campaigns in
southern Babylonia provide some indication of the moveable wealth
that accumulated and passed through the transit trade centers of this
extensive territory.186 For a foreign power efficiently to administer and
exploit this geographically and ethnically diverse region, maintaining
Mesopotamia in which gods were increasingly represented by symbols or astral cor-

relates rather than by anthropomorphic cult images. On this topic, see T. Ornan,
"The Transition from Figured to Non-Figured Representations in First Millennium
Mesopotamian Glyptic," in Seals and Sealings in the Ancient Near East: Proceedings of the
Symposium Held on September 2, 1993, edited by J. G. Westenholz (Bible Lands Museum
Publications 1; Jerusalem: Bible Lands Museum Jerusalem, 1995) 39~56; T. N. D.
Mettinger, No Graven Image? Israelite Aniconism in its Ancient Mar Eastern Context (ConBOT
42; Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1995) 39-48; I. Cornelius, "The Many Faces
of God: Divine Images and Symbols in Ancient Near Eastern Religions," in The
Image and the Book: Iconic Cults, Aniconism, and the Rise of Book Religion in Israel and the
Ancient Near East, edited by K. van der Toorn (Contributions to Biblical Exegesis
and Theology 21; Louvain: Peeters, 1997) 21-43; T. N. D. Mettinger, "Israelite
Aniconism: Developments and Origins," in The Image and the Book: Iconic Cults,
Aniconism, and the Rise of Book Religion in Israel and the Ancient Near East, edited by
K. van der Toorn (Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology 21; Louvain:
Peeters, 1997) 173-204; Berlejung, Theologie der Bilder, 12-17. For example, it is un-
known whether the Assyrians routinely deported captured symbol-standards (there
is one example in the royal inscriptions of Samsi-Adad V, Table 3:25, a standard
belonging to a Babylonian king) along with divine images in the round. The matter
remains a mystery.
183
See chapter 3 supra 256 n. 105.
184
Brinkman, "Babylonia Under the Assyrian Empire, 745-627 B.C.," 230.
185
See, for example, Cole, Nippur in Late Assyrian Times, 56-68.
186
Porter, Images, Power, and Politics, 39; Brinkman, "Babylonia Under the Assyrian
Empire, 745-627 B.C.," 230.
350 CHAPTER FOUR
its internal economic integrity and keeping the political peace, the
Assyrians, like the Achaemenid Persians after them, faced the formidable
challenge of gaining access to the existing administrative bureaucracy,
a bureaucracy whose nerve centers and primary organs were comprised
of the urban Babylonians living in the ancient temple cities. Brute
force and callous indifference to the ancient customs of Babylonian
rulership could at best achieve temporary political acquiescence by
an impoverished nation, ready to follow any flag that promised lib-
eration from Assyrian oppressors bent on maximizing the extraction
of economic wealth.
In the absence of his royal inscriptions and archive, presumably
victims of memoriae damnatio, all too little can be affirmed about the
brief reign of Shalmaneser V, 726-722. Babylonian sources accord
him the status of king of Babylonia, so it is possible that he like
Tiglath-pileser III participated in the New Year's festival in Babylon.187
A letter from Babylon written in the final years of Sargon II prob-
ably indicates that Tiglath-pileser III and Shalmaneser V both restored
the kidinnu-status of Babylon.188 Shalmaneser V deported Chaldeans
from Blt-Adini:189 assumption of the Babylonian kingship, restoration
of Babylon's privileges, and violence carried into the camp of the
Chaldeans all suggest that Shalmaneser V's Babylonian "policy" was
modeled on that of his father. Not the least of Sargon II's woes in
his bid for the Assyrian throne was the turmoil he inherited in
Babylonia, a determined insurgency led by the formidably capable
Chaldean claimant to the Babylonian throne, Merodach-baladan II.
Assyrian portraiture of Merodach-baladan II exhibits an irresponsi-
ble tribal interloper bent on impoverishing the great temple-cities of
Babylonia, taking hostages in the north and despoiling the southern
cities of their divine images. Judging from his own few inscriptions
to have survived, the Chaldean king, on the contrary, emerges as
an astute military and diplomatic strategist, a king who strove to
fulfill the traditional duties of a Babylonian monarch, and a leader who
brought marked economic prosperity to his land.190 Merodach-baladan
187
Table 7:2; Grayson, "Assyria: Tiglath-Pileser III," 86.
188
Table 10:4.
189
See Brinkman, Prelude to Empire, 43. This Blt-Adini was probably located in
Blt-Dakkuri.
190
Brinkman, "Babylonia in the Shadow of Assyria," 28-29. A kudurru dating
from the king's 7th year asserts that he maintained the divine privileges of Sippar,
II together with his Elamite allies attempted to wrest Der from

Assyrian control in 720, succeeding only in gaining the marshy south-
ern hinterland. However, Sargon II was apparently discouraged from
mounting a southern invasion at the time, and turned his attention
to other parts of the empire for a decade, leaving Babylonia to savor
an increasingly centralized government devoid of systemic Assyrian
interference. It is possible that a letter was written to the Assyrian
king in this period describing preliminary efforts on the reconstruc-
tion of the temple of Der.191 In 710 Sargon II advanced down the
Tigris, securing the eastern flank of Babylonia against further Elamite
interference, and received the submission of Nippur and other cities,
thereby initiating the breakup of Merodach-baladan IFs kingdom.
By 709, Sargon II received the Babylonian kingship in Babylon and
Borsippa, participated in the New Year's festival and otherwise met
traditional expectations through his performance in Babylon in 709
and 70S.192 He would seize Dur-Iakfn, the tribal capital of Merodach-
baladan II, and "liberate" the divine images of the major south
Babylonian cities that the Chaldean leader had collected there, pre-
sumably for safekeeping against Assyrian depredations.193
As part of his ploy to trump Merodach-baladan II at the game
of dutiful Babylonian king, the royal inscriptions of the Assyrian king
claim that he restored the divinely appointed exemptions of Sippar,
Nippur, Babylon, Borsippa, Der, Ur, Uruk, Eridu, Larsa, Kullab,
Kissik, and Nemed-Laguda.194 He returned captured gods and restored
the interrupted regular offerings to the southern Babylonian cities of
Ur, Uruk, Larsa, Eridu, Kissik, and Nemed-Laguda.190 A building
inscription from Uruk (mostly plagiarized from one drafted by
Merodach-baladan II between 720 and 710) confirms that Sargon
II did indeed invest effort in maintaining the integrity of temples in
southern Babylonia.196 He re-excavated the canal from Babylon to
Borsippa, ostensibly to facilitate the progress of the divine images
during the New Year's pageantry.197 He also transferred Aramaeans
Babylon, Borsippa and Nippur, ("the men of kidinnu, all that there are"), and refur-
bished their sanctuaries; VAS 1 no. 37, 29 ii 8-14, 30 iii 10-32 (VA 2663).
Table 5:8.
Table 6:11-12; 7:3-4.
Table 3:37.
Table 10:5.
>5 Table 6:14; 8:4.
Table 5:7.
Table 12:4.
352 CHAPTER FOUR
of the Puqudu tribe to the Uruk temples as oblates (sirkutu).198 As

part of his punishment of Aramaean tribal supporters of Merodach-
baladan II, Sargon II imposed a tax on the Puqudu and the Hindaru
in Dur-Athara, an Aramaean enclave converted into a provincial
center for ruling Gambulu and renamed Dur-Nabfi. The tax provided
for the maintenance of Bel and Nabu, presumably in Esagila.199 As
in the case of the better attested correspondence of Esarhaddon and
Assurbanipal, Babylonian informants—through their querulous protes-
tations—signal the king's interest if not stalwart commitment to estab-
lishing reliable and efficient cultic performance. A letter informs the
king of affairs in the temples of Babylon and the activities of the
qipu-ofhcial of Esagila.200 Sin-dun, the satammu of E.an.na of Uruk,
complains that the sakin temi of Uruk is preventing him from per-
forming his work.201 An mb-biti-priest of Samas (of Sippar?) is accused
of spiriting off cultic paraphernalia from Esagila.202 Sargon II received
a letter from Kmaya and another erib-biti-priest of Nemed-Laguda,
a happenstance suggesting that there was substance behind official
Assyrian claims of cultic solicitude for this southern Babylonian city.203
Despite Sargon IFs excellent grasp of the theatrics of Babylonian
kingship, and more serious efforts to steal the allegiance of urban
Babylonia for Assyrian governance, Babylonia had tasted both polit-
ical autonomy and its own surprisingly resilient will to resist, and
was transformed. From the beginning of Sargon II's reign until the
leveling of Babylon in 689, Babylonia, spearheaded by Chaldean
leadership, would scheme, forge alliances between tribal entities and
external powers such as Elam and Arab tribesmen, and absorb a
staggeringly disproportionate share of Assyrian administrative and
198
Table 12:6. The precise significance of this act escapes us. It is possible that
the Puqudu involved in this transaction benefited from the rights they may have
received as temple property. What is certain is that the temples received valuable
chattel—slaves.
199
Table 6:13.
200
Table 12:5. A certain Rfrnutu of Babylon, almost certainly part of the clergy
of Esagila, reminds Sargon of the patronage the temple received from earlier kings,
presumably meaning Tiglath-pileser III and Shalmaneser V; ABL no. 1330+1355+
= CT 54 no. 133:7-13 (K 5617 + 13173+5541).
201
CT 54 no. 483:7-8 (writer: Sin-dun) (81-7-27,32); see comments in Dietrich,
"Neue Quellen zur Geschichte Babyloniens (I)," 87-88. In the same letter the author
whines that Qistiya, a satammu from Babylon, has made me a laughingstock (suhetiya)
in the assembly (obv. 13-14).
202
ABL no. 468:7-rev. 5 (writer: name lost) (Rm 217).
203
ABL no. 1029+ = CT 54 no. 67 (K 5614+4745+16119).
military Angst. As Brinkman observed, the Babylonians witnessed

Assyrian vulnerability in the assassination of Shalmaneser V and the
soldier's death of Sargon II, and quickly learned to take advantage
of the limited numbers of Assyrian garrison troops stationed in the
land, and they also mastered the art of waging guerilla and defen-
sive warfare that rendered normal Assyrian battle tactics ineffective.204
Sennacherib, even at the inception of his reign, did not assume
the title of "king of Akkad" or show the same level of personal inter-
est in the older city cults as did his father.200 In response to a coali-
tion of Babylonians, Chaldeans, Aramaeans, Elamites, and Arabs
forged by Sargon IPs bete noire, Merodach-baladan II, Sennacherib
mounted a campaign in 703—702 that culminated in deportations
from Kis, Hursagkalamma, Babylon, Nippur, and Uruk.206 Four
Chaldean tribal regions were besieged.207 Hirimmu, an old border
city east of the Tigris that had passed through Assyrian hands since
the reign of Assur-nasir-pal II, failed to capitulate to Assyria and
thereafter was required to indemnify the Assur temple with provi-
sions, a situation analogous to the cultic dues levied against Assyrian
provinces.208 An Assyrian court protege, Bel-ibni, was installed as the
Babylonian puppet-king. In 700 he and his entourage were deported
to Assyria and replaced by the Assyrian crown prince, Assur-nadin-
sumi. Following the usual course of tribal pacification crowned with
the salutary success of driving Merodach-baladan II out of Babylonia
forever, Babylonia, from the standpoint of Sennacherib's royal inscrip-
tions and the Babylonian Chronicle, experienced military tranquil-
ity until 694. In that year Sennacherib mounted an attack against
Bit-Iakfnite refugees and their Elamite sympathizers. The Elamites
launched a reprisal offensive, taking Sippar, seizing the crown prince
through treason, deporting him to Elam, and installing a Babylonian
by the name of Nergal-usezib to maintain their hold over the coun-
try.209 The offense to Assyrian imperial prestige was unpardonable,
the situation intolerable, and it is possible that Sennacherib began
204
Brinkman, "Babylonia in the Shadow of Assyria," 27.
203
206
On the events leading up to the destruction of Babylon, see the discussion in
Levine, "Sennacherib's Southern Front," 28-58.
207
Brinkman, "Babylonia in the Shadow of Assyria," 34; idem, Prelude to Empire,
56-65.
208
See chapter 2 supra 106 n. 117.
209
Brinkman, "Babylonia in the Shadow of Assyria," 34-35.
354 CHAPTER FOUR
laying plans for the destruction of Babylon at that date.210 The Baby-
lonian Chronicle records that Sennacherib captured the gods of Der
in XI 694,211 whereas his own inscriptions assert that he seized the
cult images of Blt-Iakln from Bit-Iakmite refugees in the same year212
and deported the gods of Uruk and Larsa in 693.213 Correspondence
addressed to Assurbanipal probably refers to some of the cult images
seized by Sennacherib during these Babylonian campaigns.214 Despite
the capture of Nippur and Uruk, northwestern Babylonia would
remain under Babylonian control until 690. Following the ineluctable
horrors of a 15-month siege, Babylon fell on the first day of the 9th
month of 689. As a narrative exercise in urban demolition, the
description of the sack of Babylon is equaled in graphic, macabre
detail only by Assurbanipal's destruction of Susa.215
From the Bawian inscription: Its people—small and large—I filled the
city streets with their corpses. Suzubu, king of Babylonia, together with
his family and his [. . .] I deported alive to my land. The wealth of
that city, silver, gold, precious stones, goods and valuables, I gave to
my people and they took possession as their own. The gods who dwell
there—the hands of my people seized them and smashed them. They
appropriated their goods and valuables. Adad and Sala, the gods of
Ekallate, which Marduk-nadin-ahhe, king of Babylon, in the reign of
Tiglath-pileser (I), king of Assyria, had taken and deported to Babylon,
210
"In 689, Babylon fell to Sennacherib, whose forbearance had been taxed by
his unsuccessful attempts at governing the land, by the recurring revolts, by the loss
of his son, and now by a protracted two-year offensive," Brinkman, "Sennacherib's
Babylonian Problem," 94. An earlier study that deals with the psychological crisis
occasioned by the loss of his son, F. M. T. Bohl, Orientalia Neerlandica (1948) 116-37,
cited in Frahm Einleitung, 284 n. 20, is unavailable to me. In general I am skep-
tical of efforts to describe the psychology of the dead from such biographically two-
dimensional materials as the Assyrian royal inscriptions. Historicist readings of
Sennacherib's reign as peculiarly violent are falsely colored by the image of the
monarch in the Hebrew Scriptures and his dealings with Babylon. Levine,
"Sennacherib's Southern Front," 55, astutely observes that
The empire was enormously prosperous under Sennacherib, and the major
drain on this prosperity, indeed virtually the only drain, was the running sore
in the south. Perhaps this, when added to the frustrations noted by Brinkman,
was the reason that Sennacherib decided to deal so harshly with Babylon and
Babylonia in the end. Total devastation made further trouble unlikely, removed
the rallying point and symbol of Babylonian aspirations, and allayed any fear
of a resurgent challenge from the south.
211
Table 3:42.
212
Table 3:43.
213
Table 3:44.
214
Table 3:45.
213
Table 1:4.
after 418 years I brought them out of Babylon and returned them to
their place in Ekallate. The city and houses, from its foundations to
its pinnacles, I destroyed, I devastated, I put to the torch. The inner
and outer wall, temples (and) ziggurat, brick and dust (libittu u eperu],
as much as there was, I razed and dumped into the Arahtu. Throughout
that city I dug canals, I flooded its area with water. The layout of its
foundations I obliterated. I instigated a destruction more severe than
that caused by the Deluge. In order that the site of the city (qaqqar
ali] be indistinguishable for all time, I had it washed away with water
and finished it off like a swamp.216
The larger context of the Bawian inscription dwells on the creation

of hydraulic engineering works for Nineveh.217 As Gaiter has ably
demonstrated, the watery destruction and obliteration of Babylon
functions as a negative foil to the Ninevite building narrative: Sen-
nacherib, whose heroic priority raises Nineveh to unprecedented opu-
lence, transforming the dry soil into an Edenic garden through
stupendous irrigation projects, and who richly rewards the laborers
whose hands delved and built, righteously levels Babylon to its foun-
dations, expunges the very site of the city through destructive canal
works, and slaughters the inhabitants. The smashing of the Babylonian
gods, which has no counterpart in any of Sennacherib's other inscrip-
tions, offsets his restoration of the long-exiled gods of Ekallate, a rare
admission in Assyrian royal inscriptions that Assyrian gods suffered
spoliation at the hands of their adversaries. The "facts" of the nar-
rative beg suspicion in all details: not all Babylonian gods were
"smashed," not all temple paraphernalia was privatized by Assyrian
troops, and the labor involved in systematically obliterating the "lay-
out" of the Babylonian metropolis would have tied up the Assyrian
army for years. The historicity of the details of the destruction itself
cannot be established,218 though in light of Esarhaddon's Babylonian
"policy" and later Nee-Babylonian texts,219 the onus of proof is upon
the scholar who would argue that the city was spared.
216
For the cuneiform texts themselves, see OIP 2, 83-84:45-54 (Frahm Einleitung,
T 122), and Gaiter, "Zerstorung Babylons," 162-67.
21
' See Jacobsen, Sennacherib's Aqueduct at Jerwan, passim;]. E. Reade, "Studies in
Assyrian Geography: Sennacherib and the Waters of Nineveh," RA 72 (1978) 47-72.
218
See the citations in the notes to Table 1:2.
219
See, for instance, P. Gerardi, "Declaring War in Mesopotamia," AfO 33 (1986)
34:2-5 (BM 55467), a text probably authored by Nabopolassar, accusing Sennacherib
by unsubtle innuendo of major crimes against Babylon.
356 CHAPTER FOUR
From the bit aktti-mscription of Assur: After I had destroyed Babylon,

had smashed its gods, and had destroyed its people by the sword, in
order that the site of that city (qaqqar dli) be indistinguishable, I removed
its soil (qaqqdru) and had it transported to the Euphrates (and thence)
to the sea. Its dust (eperu) was carried to Dilmun, the inhabitants of
Dilmun saw it, and dreadful fear of Assur fell upon them and they
brought their audience gifts. . . . because of the destruction of Babylon.
To appease the heart of Assur, my lord, that peoples should proclaim
his exalted praise, for a spectacle for posterity I removed the dust
(eperu) of Babylon and piled (it) up in heaps (and) mounds in that akltu-
house.220
The unique bit ^^-inscription generally follows the form-critical

structure of Sennacherib's building inscription for the Assur temple,
with notable exceptions, including an account of the destruction of
Babylon and its ideological celebration. The motif of the king as
provident waterlord again mirrors the watery death meted out to
Babylon.221 Not only was the city nullified, but an exhibit of dust
(eperu) transported from the raped city of Babylon is mounted like a
trophy from a big-game hunt in the akitu temple outside Assur, an
architectural and ideological counterpoise to the shrines of Esagila.
It is conceivable that the exhibit functioned as a symbol of political
and cosmic reversal exploited at the time of the New Year's cele-
bration in Assyria: henceforth, in Sennacherib's sacred choreogra-
phy, the annual renewal of Assyrian kingship literally took place in
the presence or even atop the apocalyptic residue of Babylon and
its cherished monarchy.222 I would add to Gaiter's analysis an ele-
ment of cosmogonic reversal present in both the Bawian and bit akiti-
inscriptions: the reduction of Babylon to chaotic mud is evocative of
the political theology of the Enuma ells, thereby transferring the locus
of the New Year's celebration from the realm of Ti'amat to victo-
rious Assur. Thus, as a statement of ideologically-driven policy,
Sennacherib solved his Babylonian problem.
220
OIP 2, 137:36-47 (Frahm T Einleitung, 139), and Gaiter, "Zerstorung Baby-
Ions," 167-70.
221
See Gaiter, "Zerstorung Babylons," 168-69.
222
The ideological role adopted by Sennacherib in the artwork of the akitu-tem-
ple door of Assur, inspired by the Enuma elis, is similar in certain respects to that
of the Greek hero in the iconographic program of Augustus of Rome; see M.-J.
Strazzulla, "II mito greco in eta augustea: le lastre Campana e il caso di Teseo,"
in Le mythe grec dans I'ltalie antique: Fonction et image; actes du colloque international organ-
ise par I'Ecole franfaise de Rome, I'lstituto italiano per gli studi Jilosofici (Naples) et I'UMR
126 du CNRS (Archeologies d'Orient et d'Occident), Rome, 14-16 novembre 1996, edited by
F.-H. Massa-Pairault (Collection de 1'ecole fran9aise de Rome 253; Rome: Ecole
Both the Babylonian Chronicle223 and the Ptolemaic Canon 224

record the period of 688-681 as kingless years in Babylonia; none
of Sennacherib's inscriptions or any known economic documents
allude to the Assyrian monarch as king of Babylonia. Yet, in spite
of his late self-portraiture as the implacable foe of Babylonia, five
independent witnesses to a different attitude exist. Beautiful breccia
paving stones from Marduk's processional road Ay-ibur-sabu in Babylon
bear a brief inscription by Sennacherib.220 One of the fragmentary
narratives describing the "looting" of Esagila in order to hire the
Elamite army accuses perfidious Babylon of squandering "silver, gold,
precious [stones . . . which] I (Sennacherib) had given to Bel and
Zarpamtu as gifts."226 The Babylonian Chronicle records the return
of Urukean divine images in 681, presumable those seized by
Sennacherib in 693.227 A Babylonian dedicatory text confirms the
gift of Puqudu tribesmen to goddesses of Uruk as oblates (sirkutu).'2'28
franchise de Rome, 1999) 555-91; G. Sauron, "Legende noire et mythe de 1'age

d'or: les poles complementaires de la mystification augusteenne," in Le mythe grec
dans I'ltalie antique: Fonction et image; actes du colloque international organise par I'Ecole frangaise
de Rome, I'Istituto italiano per gli studi filosofici (Naples) et I'UMR 126 du CNRS (Archeologies
d'Orient et d'Occident), Rome, 14—16 novembre 1996, edited by F.-H. Massa-Pairault
(Collection de 1'ecole francaise de Rome 253; Rome: Ecole francaise de Rome,
1999) 593-625. The Enuma elis, it will be recalled, provided a demonic foil for the
Babylonians in the narrative of the Halule campaign of 691. The typology of
Sennacherib as the charioteer of Assur/Marduk in the cosmogonic struggle against
the chaos monster was amplified by the presence of soil from the ruin of Babylon
in the Assyrian temple, a literal terrain of conquest. A. R. George, "Exit the 'House
which Binds Death': the Names of Sennacherib's Akitu Temple and Its Cella,"
N.A.B.U. (1993/43) 35, reads the damaged Sumerian ceremonial names of the
Assyrian temple as "[House (where) the Sea] is Put to Death" and "House which
Routs the [Sea]" which is paraphrased as "[House that Routs] the Throng of
Ti'amat." See also George, "Studies in Cultic Topography," 376—77 and n. 32.
Sennacherib's claim to have made a ritual mound of soil from the ruin of Babylon
in the Assyrian temple has a Middle Assyrian parallel in the inscriptions of Shalmaneser
I, who, having laid waste a city, "gathered (some of) its earth and made a heap
of it at the gate of my city, Assur, for posterity" (RIMA 1 A.0.77.1:51-53). With
the use of unmistakable Babylonian architectural formulae, mythic substitution
through iconography, and the literal presence of Babylonian soil as a ritualized
emblem of conquest, Assyrian supercession of Babylon as a religious and political
omphalos was complete. On the role of the Assur akltu temple and the Enuma elis in
Sennacherib's political theology, see Frahm Einleitung, 284~88.
223
Grayson Chronicles, no. 1 81 iii 28.
224
ccpacnêmcc; C. Wachsmuth, Einleitung in das Studium der alien Geschichte (Leipzig:
Verlag S. Hirzel, 1895) 305.
225
Table 5:11.
226
Table 12:10.
227
Table 8:5.
228
Table 12:11. A Kuyunjik legal document records the purchase of two indi-
358 CHAPTER FOUR
Finally, a letter written to Esarhaddon by Ahhesa, a priest of E.an.na

of Uruk, asserts that he and his brother were consecrated by "Sen-
nache[rib, king of IJands, your father."229 The strategic value of Uruk
for Assyrian Realpolitik in the south was perennial, yet even so, the
sheer variety of temple patronage should caution us from falling
victim to Sennacherib's near-monolithic chancellery propaganda: we
simply do not possess the information necessary to reconstruct the
Assyrian king's shifting religious policies across the whole of Babylonia
throughout his reign.
Esarhaddon's patrimony from his father in the south was a Babylonia
whose capital city was in ruins, patron deity in exile, a kingless land
of economic stagnation, corrupt local officials on the make and per-
fervid hostility against Assyria and its isolated loyalist enclaves. By
the time of Esarhaddon's death, the Babylonian throne had been
stabilized, the economy was waxing, peace of sorts had been estab-
lished with her neighbors, the city of Babylon had been rebuilt and
holy Esagila was readied to receive Marduk. While the details and
chronology of Esarhaddon's Babylonian tenure are difficult to iso-
late, his royal inscriptions speak at length of his plans for Babylonia's
rebirth, and the copious archives of the king open unprecedented
vistas into the internal affairs of Assyro-Babylonian Realpolitik. If
Esarhaddon was possessed of any cryptic formula for success, it was
the will to foster reconciliation between Assyria and Babylonia through
the arts of peace: the reestablishment of Babylon as the political and
economic hub of Babylonia, the eschewing of military force when
other options existed, and an uncanny instinct for seizing the diplo-
matic moment. ". . . Esarhaddon fostered a policy of peaceful rela-
tions with both Babylonia and its immediate neighbors, Elam and
the Arab tribes. His non-confrontational politics bore fruit in that
Babylonia as a whole never united against Esarhaddon's rule, and
local disturbances did not attract widespread support from either
inside or outside the country."230 Historically speaking, Esarhaddon's
viduals bearing Aramaean names, and others, by an official of Sennacherib. Ten

witnesses out of 14 are clergy of temples in Nineveh, where the document was
drawn up in 684; ADD no. 255 — Kwasman, Neo-Assyrian Legal Documents, no. 171 =
SAA 6 no. 59 (83-1-18,334). Nabonidus bestowed 2,850 Cilician prisoners-of-war
as corvee grist to the temples of Bel, Nabu, and Nergal; Langdon, Die neubabyloni-
schen Konigsinschriften, Nabonid no. 8, 284 ix 31-41.
229
Table 12:21 (CT 54 no. 60:18-19).
230
conciliatory Babylonian foreign policy met with substantial success

during his own reign and for seventeen years into the reign of Assur-
banipal, judging from the absence of prolonged rebellions in the older
urban centers and general signs of growing economic prosperity.231
Esarhaddon's political acumen in Babylonia was showcased from
the inception of his reign. Nabu-zer-kitti-lfsir, son of the troublesome
Merodach-baladan II and governor of the Sealands appointed in the
reign of Sennacherib, laid siege to Ur in 680, a neighboring city not
under Chaldean (Bft-Iakfnite) rule and, worse, one staunchly loyal
to Assyria. Before the inevitable Assyrian relief army had arrived,
Nabu-zer-kitti-lTsir escaped to Elamite territory, assuming the cus-
tomary sanctuary to Assyrian rebels would be his. The newly enthroned
Elamite king Humban-haltas II, sensing the winds of change, thought
otherwise and had him executed. Na'id-Marduk, Nabu-zer-kitti-llsir's
brother, instead of seeking refuge, traveled to Nineveh and pled his
loyalty to the Assyrian king. In a master stroke, Esarhaddon, after
imposing a heavy indemnity of tribute on the province, appointed
Na'id-Marduk as governor of the Sealands, thereby securing both
the relief of Ur and the appointment of a Chaldean prince as gov-
ernor over the central Chaldean province, accomplished with the
unprecedented assistance of Elam.232
Attempts to gauge the extent to which Esarhaddon's extraordi-
nary efforts to enlist the loyalty if not the enthusiasm of Babylon's
citizens for the Assyrian banner rely for the most part on indirect
evidence. Correspondence from Ubaru, the sdkin temi (governor)
appointed over Babylon by Esarhaddon, paints a most flattering por-
trait of the Assyrian king's welcome as hero and savior: "When I
entered Babylon, the Babylonians received me in a friendly fashion.
They bless the king daily, saying that he is the one who returned
the prisoners and booty (taken) from Babylon. From Sippar as far
as Bab-Marrati the chieftains of Chaldea bless the king, saying that
he is the one who (re)settled Babylon. All the lands put their trust
in the king, my lord."233 Assyrian court epistolary style and unctu-
ous self-promotion aside, the letter would not have been written if
it were not common knowledge that Esarhaddon desired such adu-
lation in Babylonia. An exorcist, citing governor Ubaru, picks up
231
Brinkman, Prelude to Empire, 70-71.
232
Brinkman, Prelude to Empire, 72; Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 65~66.
233
ABL no. 418 (Sm 1028), quoted in Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 73.
360 CHAPTER FOUR
the theme of Esarhaddon's renewal of Babylon's exemptions by

repeating the king's own words: '"The city was in ruins, and I have
resettled it and established its freedom (du-ra-dr-su al-ta-kan)\"234 Lack
of insurrections orchestrated throughout Babylon during Esarhaddon's
reign is perhaps the best indication that Babylon's endorsement of
the Assyrian king was more than cosmetic. There were certainly con-
tradictory messages communicated by the Assyrian administration,230
however, and it would be naive to suppose that the universal loy-
alty and tranquillity of Babylon could be purchased at any price.
Chronological headaches. Attempts by Cogan236 and Porter237 to
date the composition of key Esarhaddon prisms (Borger's Bab. A,
B, D, G) to the first three years of his reign are problematic. Arguments
from internal evidence, which sensibly reject the internal dating of
the texts using the Babylonian dating formula for the accession year,
turn on an emphasis on the hydrological reclamation of Babylon
and sketchier descriptions of the monumental building projects. By
contrast, certain texts that can be securely dated to the latter por-
tion of the king's reign provide richer detail and allude to the return
of Marduk's statue. By "secure dating" is meant historiographic nar-
ratives that mention the capture of Sidon (677), the appointment of
Assurbanipal as Assyrian crown prince (672), and the conquest of
Egypt (671), dates that can be corroborated from independent sources.
Unfortunately for the modern student of ancient history, Esarhaddon's
chancellery scribes generally abandoned the more constricting pat-
tern of organizing narrative time by regnal years or campaigns. Use
of the "internal features" described above to establish a recensional
terminus ad quern admits too many other valid possibilities to compel
conviction. Rationally, the argument that Esarhaddon began plan-
ning restoration work in Babylon at the beginning of his reign is
sound. For him to have reversed his father's final judgment on the
fate of Babylon only late in his reign would have jeopardized the
entire allegiance of Babylonia, with the possible exception of cities
like Nippur and the Blt-Dakkuri that were competing economically
234
ABL no. 702 = SAA 10 no. 169:9-10 (81-2-4,77) (writer: Zakiru).
233
The ritual execution of the son of the temple overseer (satammu) of Akkad in
the role of substitute king for Esarhaddon and the crown prince Samas-sumu-ukfn
(SAA 10 no. 352), the onerous taxation of Babylon, ktdinnutu-status notwithstanding
(SAA 10 no. 348:23~rev. 14), and the rapid and fatal turnover in governors at Nippur,
demonstrate the limits of Assyrian "evenhandedness" in the matter of Babylonia.
236
Cogan, "Omens and Ideology," 86-87.
237 p orterj Images, Power, and Politics, 171-72.
and politically with Babylon.238 However, the researcher's desire to

anchor texts early in Esarhaddon's reign in order to substantiate this
logic tends to circular reasoning, and should be avoided. Esarhaddon's
own oft-repeated claim to have repaired Esagila, Babylon and the
Assur temple in his accession year is ideologically revealing but his-
torical nonsense. Nevertheless, the stylized antedating suggests that
the king willed the resettlement of Babylon from the beginning, and
took preliminary steps as soon as he had consolidated his throne in
Assyria.239 Frame adduces correspondence datable to 678 which indi-
cates that the legalities of civil society were functioning in Babylon
by that time, a situation suggesting that the reclamation of the city
was well underway.240
Even the so-called Babylonian Chronicle, in which many scholars
perceive a measure of disinterested historical reportage unique to
Mesopotamian historiography,241 offers early dates that are ques-
tionable. The issue turns on the operational status of a temple prior
to the restoration of its "exiled" cult image. If the temple and cella
were in an advanced state of decay, what would the propaganda
value truly have been for an Assyrian king to have returned a repristi-
nated divine statue to a leaky and rubbish-laden ruin? The Babylonian
Chronicle laconically observes that Esarhaddon returned the gods of
Der and Dur-Sarruku in 680.242 It is just conceivable that the tem-
ple of the vital garrison city and entrepot Der had been kept in a
useable state during the final years of Sennacherib (there is no evi-
dence for this, pro or con). However, Esarhaddon's royal inscrip-
tions state that these images—probably those abducted by Samsi-Adad
V a century earlier243—were refurbished in the Assur temple, a costly
238
See the remarks in Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 79-80; Cole, Nippur in
Late Assyrian Times, 75-76.
239
So, for instance, Table 5:17, Al-Mutawalli, "New Foundation Inscriptions,"
192:15-28, the Nabu sa bare cylinder found in situ, composed in 672 or later (which
also specifies that the Nabu sa hare temple itself was also constructed in the king's
hectic accession year). If these texts were read aloud to the Babylonians as part of
a public dedicatory ceremony, one must wonder whether the Babylonians privately
suspected either that the Assyrians thought they were infinitely gullible, or whether
the Babylonians concluded that Assyrians could not count.
240
Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 68 and n. 26.
241
On the background of this debate and a penetrating critique, see R. Drews,
"The Babylonian Chronicles and Berossus," Iraq 37 (1975) 39-55, and also see the
remarks in Brinkman, "Babylonian Chronicle Revisited," passim.
242
Table 8:6-7.
243
Table 3:23. If Sennacherib captured an image of Istaran/Anu-rabu from Der
362 CHAPTER FOUR
and time-consuming procedure, particularly if the intervening care

lavished on these warehoused images had been niggardly. One must
wonder if the author(s) of the Babylonian Chronicle were themselves
victims of Esarhaddon's ideological agenda to establish himself as
chief patron of Babylonia's cults from his first regnal year. Mar-Istar
describes repair work on a temple in Der, probably in 671,244 and
a letter written either by Esarhaddon or Assurbanipal establishes the
intercalation necessary for the ritual calendar of Der.24a The other
claim for the repatriation of the gods of Dur-Sarruku in 680 gar-
ners similar caveats. The Dur-Sarrukuan gods named in Esarhaddon's
inscriptions were probably part of Samsf-Adad V's "catch," as well.
True, the urban functionality of the site of Dur-Sarruku/Sippar-
Aruru before the reign of Esarhaddon remains enigmatic; however,
given Esarhaddon's pressing military and political objectives of his
first years as king, it is most questionable whether the temples of
Dur-Sarruku were made fit to receive their deities in 680.246 In the
broken context of the Sammeltext composed after Esarhaddon's
Egyptian campaign in 671, the Sidada temple of Dur-Sarruku is
apparently refurbished and enriched.247
In my opinion, the claim that booty donated from Esarhaddon's
Egyptian campaign in 671 significantly underwrote the reconstruc-
tion of Babylonian temples and therefore can be used to date the
lion's share of this enterprise, is also questionable.248 In truth, evi-
dence from chronicles, correspondence and marginally datable royal
inscriptions indicates that advanced reconstruction of central and
southern Babylonian temples such as Uruk and Nippur and the
restoration of their looted images had not occurred before 672; most
of our genuinely datable evidence for Esarhaddon's pious labors in
Babylonian is found in the correspondence of Mar-Istar, 671-669.
The only royal narrative securely attributed to Esarhaddon describing
in 694 (Table 3:42), then the original image taken by Samsi-Adad V had either
been surreptitiously restored, or, as seems likely, a new image had been fashioned
by the time of Sennacherib.
244
Table 5:19.
243
Table 11:3.
24()
A governor of Dur-Sarruku, eponym in 673, was accused by Mar-Istar of
embezzling various temple possessions, evidence that a functional temple existed in
the city late in the reign of Esarhaddon; Table 12:23.
247
Table 5:18.
248
Parpola, "Murderer of Sennacherib," 178-80 n. 41; Brinkman, Prelude to Empire,
75-76 n. 368. George, "Bricks of E-Sagil," 178 n. 38 alludes to Parpola's essay as
the literary source of his assumption that intensive reconstruction in Babylon did
not begin until 671.
Egyptian largesse is the badly damaged Sammeltext 1 and 2 (K 2711,

K 4487).249 In lines 28-29 the king reveals that Egyptian booty in
the form of gold, silver and precious stones were used for gifts to
the [temples (restored)] of Sumer and Akkad.250 The text goes on to
detail the creation of lavish gifts from these and other substances for
the temples and chapels of Babylon, Istar/Ninlil of Nineveh, E.zi.da
of Borsippa, Istar of Arba'il, Nergal (of Cutha?), and the temple of
Sidada at Dur-Sarruku—but never directly states that these temples
were in fact recipients of Egyptian spoils. Opulent gifts redolent of
kingly patronage were ideologically legible manifestations of support,
valuable components of Esarhaddon's Babylonian policy to be sure,
but the fundamental business of readying mudbrick temples for the
reinstallation of cult images and the reactivation of daily liturgies
entailed manufacturing solid walls and waterproof roofs, labor-intensive
and monumentally costly architectural achievements, but achievements
fully realizable without Egyptian imports. And, Egyptian booty or
not, work on Esagila continued into the reign of Assurbanipal.251
A Kuyunjik text composed in the Neo-Assyrian dialect provides
evidence for Sargonid "appreciation" of selected foreign cults.212 The
hymn, an unexceptional composition apparently written in the voice
of Istar of Uruk, enumerates cities, temples and deities, most if not
all of which were heavily sponsored by royal patronage in the Sargonid
period, a Who's Who as it were of Neo-Assyrian cultic investment.
The Babylonian cities are, in order, Uruk, Babylon, Borsippa, Sapazza,
Cutha, Der, Kis/Hursagkalamma, and Sippar; those in Assyria include
the Inner City of Assur, Nineveh, Arba'il, and Kalhu. Not unex-
pectedly in such a catalogue, Harran with its ancient patron deity
Sin is also included. Nippur, whose loyalty to Assyria was subject to
frequent lapse, is not mentioned, though the omission could be due
to local jealousy.253 Both Sargon II and Esarhaddon claimed to have
carried out extensive restoration work on the temple-complex at
Uruk,2°4 and a hymn flattering to Babylonian temples would have
249
Borger Esarh., §64, Smlt. W. G. Lambert, "Booty from Egypt?," JJS 33 (1982)
61-70 is a fragmentary annalistic text describing what is surely booty from Egypt,
probably won by Esarhaddon. Any indication of its final disposition is lost in lacunae.
'2M Borger Esarh., §64, Smlt., 94:28-29.
2:
" Table 5:25; 12:33.
252
Editio princeps: A. R. George, "A Neo-Assyrian Literary Text," SAAB 1 (1987)
31-41; SAA 3 no. 9 (K 1354).
2o3
Cole, Nippur in Late Assyrian Times, 73-78.
254
Table 5:7, 13-14.
364 CHAPTER FOUR
been politically correct in either reign.205 Omission of Ur from the

list argues against a dating to Assurbanipal, in light of the massive
construction projects on the city temples undertaken in the name of
the king by the Assyrian-appointed governor, Sin-balassu-iqbi,256 unless
it be supposed that Assyria took no credit for these labors. All of
the other Babylonian cities mentioned in the poem, including Sapazza,
located near Sippar, either received direct ministrations in the guise
of temple refurbishments, restored divine images, sacrificial regula-
tion, or the reinstitution of civic privileges set in motion by Esarhaddon,
so composition during his reign is very probable.207
Esarhaddon's religious policy seemingly had the goal of the fos-
tering a sense of unity between the Assyrians and Babylonians by
initially assuming the role of chief guardian and patron of their major
city cults, then, towards the end of his reign, appointing his two sons
to the helms of their allocated nations as sworn protectors of the
cults of Assyria and Babylonia. Concrete means of achieving his
Babylonian objectives in the northern alluvium included the main-
tenance of daily sacrifices (Babylon,258 Akkad,239 Borsippa),260 temple
building repairs and construction (Babylon,261 Borsippa,262 Cutha,263
Sapazza,264 Akkad),260 participation in rituals (Babylon),266 embellish-
ment and restoration of purloined images (Akkad,267 Babylon),268 the
255
George, "A Neo-Assyrian Literary Text," 39, ascribes the document to the
reign of Esarhaddon. While this is the safest likelihood, Sargon's carefully edited
foundation inscription for E.an.na of Uruk, with its scrupulous avoidance of allu-
sions to Assyrian deities—Sargon himself appears as king of Assyria almost as an
oversight!—and the notice that a copy of the text exists in Assyria, forcefully sug-
gests the extent to which Sargon was seeking the good-will of the urban Babylonians
through a program of cultic sponsorship, both in word and in deed.
256
Table 5:33.
257
Uruk: Table 5:13-14, 6:16, 7:6, 8:12, 12:21, 25; Babylon: 5:12, 17, 6:17,
20-21, 7:5, 7, 8:13, 15, 9:4-6, 10:7, 11:2, 12:14, 19, 26, 28; Borsippa: 5:16, 6:19,
9:3, 10:7, 12:17; Sapazza: 5:22; Cutha: 5:21, 11:4(?), 12:29; Der: 5:19, 8:6, 11:3(?);
Hursagkalamma: 12:29; and Sippar: 10:7, 12:29.
" 258 Table 6:17, 20(?), 21(?).
259
Table 6:18.
260
Table 6:19.
261
Table 5:12, 17.
262
Table 5:16.
263
Table 5:21.
264
Table 5:22.
265
Table 5:23.
266
Table 7:5, 7.
267
Table 8:10.
268
Table 8:13, 15-16(?).
bestowal of gifts consonant with the traditional largesse of a king

(Borsippa,269 Babylon),270 the reestablishment of coveted civic entitle-
ments "guaranteed" by the gods (Babylon,271 Borsippa272 and Sippar),273
the hands-on regulation of cultic calendars through intercalary fiat
(Babylon,274 Cutha),273 and a plethora of muscular patron-client acts
of temple oversight (Babylon,276 Borsippa,277 Akkad,278 Sippar, Cutha,
Hursagkalamma, and Dilbat).279 While Sargon II and even Sennacherib
underwrote a limited measure of publicity-conscious construction
work in Babylonia,280 it is Esarhaddon's massive temple-related pro-
jects principally in northern Babylonia, but also at Nippur and Uruk,
and his commitment to restoring the regular sacrificial schedules
and honest administration of temple resources, that stamps his pro-
paganda program with conviction. As Porter documents, in Assyria,
Esarhaddon maintained a similar level of material investment in the
cult centers, but he also fulfilled the traditional role of an Assyrian
emperor by instigating secular works aimed at strengthening the
economy, administration and military machine: irrigation projects,
administrative and army staging centers called ekal masarti, palaces,
and urban defense works.281 There could be no doubt where his gen-
uine priorities lay.
Esarhaddon's cultic patronage, so far as the evidence reveals, did
not extend to Aramaeans or Chaldeans inhabiting Babylonia. Sen-
nacherib captured the divine images of Bft-Iakfn spirited away to
Elamite territory by Merodach-baladan II.282 Unlike the Arabian
divine images seized by Sennacherib and restored by Esarhaddon as
if they had been redeemed from a pawnshop, no Chaldean cult stat-
ues were forthcoming. Despite the "amnesty" extended by Esarhaddon
to the cult images of the principal Babylonian city-temples captured
Table 9:3.
Table 9:4-6; 12:26.
Table 10:7.
Table 10:7.
Table 10:7.
Table 11:2, 5 (correspondence addressed either to Esarhaddon or Assurbanipal).
Table 11:4 (written by either Esarhaddon or Assurbanipal).
Table 12:14, 19, 28.
Table 12:17.
Table 12:20.
Table 12:29.
Brinkman, Prelude to Empire, 53-54, 56.
Porter, Images, Power, and Politics, 66-75.
Table 3:43.
366 CHAPTER FOUR
by Assyrians, there are no records of the restoration of any Aramaean

or Chaldean divine images by the Assyrians in the 8th or 7th cen-
turies. Either the return of their sacred images was reckoned detri-
mental to Assyrian control of these restive subjects, or their "capture"
in the royal inscriptions was a euphemism for loss or destruction.
Esarhaddon's bid for the Babylonian loyalty was aimed at the ancient
urban enclaves and their temples; tribal entities were dealt with
through other methods, such as conciliatory political appointments,
as witness the installation of the Chaldean Na'id-Marduk as gover-
nor of the Sealand territories.
In certain respects, Esarhaddon's Arab problem was an inheri-
tance of his father's Babylonian problem, to which he responded
with both harshness and Machiavellian generosity. The lucrative trade
routes passing through the Syrian desert and points south materially
impacted Assyrian control of Babylonia, so leaving these tribal groups
to their own devices was not an option.283 Three times he claims to
have seized Arabian divine images: those of the distant land of
Bazu,284 the gods of Yautac b. Haza'el,285 and the gods of Uabu the
Arab.286 Following an audience craving his mercy, Esarhaddon returned
the gods that Sennacherib had taken from Haza'el the Arab, com-
plete with illustrative epigrams—presumably in cuneiform—extolling
the might of Assur.287 A similar procedure was carried out with the
gods of Layale of Yadi3.288 It appears that Tabua was made "queen
of the Arabs" and returned to her land with her gods, though
Assurbanipal's inscriptions conflate the restoration of the gods of
Haza'el and Tabua.289 The latter three actions, remarkable in that
Esarhaddon rarely returned divine images outside Babylonian terri-
tory, testify to his desire to achieve a peaceful modus vivendi on the
western borders of Babylonia.
283
On the economic relations between Sargonid Assyria and the Arab West, see
M. Elat, "Die wirtschaftlichen Beziehungen der Assyrer mit den Arabern," in Festschrift
fur Rykle Borger zu seinem 65. Geburtstag am 24. Mai 1994: tikip santakki mala basmu,
edited by S. M. Maul (Cuneiform Monographs 10; Groningen: Styx Publications,
1998) xvii, 377.
284
Table 3:48.
285
Table 3:49.
286
Table 3:50.
287
Table 8:8.
288
Table 8:11.
289
Table 8:9. On Esarhaddon's Arab policy, see Brinkman, Prelude to Empire, 77.
Nippur, a militarily pivotal city located in central Babylonia, re-

ceived extraordinary attentions from Esarhaddon. On the one hand,
in the first five years of his reign, the Assyrian king deported and
executed an alarming number of sandabakkus (governors), one of whom
was accused of meddling with the liturgical architecture of the Enlil
temple.290 Probably well after 675, Esarhaddon had begun extensive
restoration work on the Inanna and Enlil temples, neither of which
had received comprehensive structural attentions since the late Bronze
Age.291 Nippur was included in his official roster of cities that won
the exempt kidinnutu-status.292 An erudite letter from an astrologer in
Nippur tactfully reminds Esarhaddon of his obligation both to rebuild
Nippur and, mindful of its kidinnutu-status, to refrain from employ-
ing press-gang tactics among the citizenry to accomplish it.293
Esarhaddon's explicit cultic involvement in southern Babylonia is
represented almost exclusively by his patronage of the temples of
Uruk. Inscribed bricks corroborate the rebuilding of E.an.na of
Uruk.294 In keeping with the high profile publicity of the king's bene-
ficence, he performed "splendid sacrifices" for Istar of Uruk/Nanaia
upon the refurbishment of her cella and her return.290 While Esar-
haddon claims to have refurbished the images of Usur-amassa,
Arkayftu, Anunftu, and Palil in the bit mumme of Assur and to have
returned the cult statues to Uruk, like his boast of having restored
Marduk to Esagila, the restoration may not have occurred until the
reign of Assurbanipal.296 Uruk was the recipient of Subrian booty in
673, probably some of which found its way into the temples.297
Correspondence from Mar-Istar kept the king informed of cultic
affairs in the city.298 An unusual inscription describes the roundup
and return of thousands of head of livestock to the Uruk temple,
and possibly other benefits conferred by the king.299 Uruk remained
a strategic prize in the south throughout the Sargonid period, ardently
290
Table 12:13, and see Cole, Nippur in Late Assyrian Times, 75~76.
291
Table 5:15.
292
Table 10:7.
293
See the discussion of the Babylonian Furstenspiegel chapter 3 supra 298, and
Cole, Nippur in Late Assyrian Times, 76 and n. 46.
294
Table 5:13-14.
295
Table 6:16; 7:6; 8:12.
296
Table 8:12.
297
Table 12:18.
298
Table 12:21.
299
Table 12:25.
368 CHAPTER FOUR
courted and warred over by Assyria in the face of repeated attempts

at seduction by Elam and chronic tribal hostilities. Exceptionally, a
royal inscription composed in 671 or later mentions the return of
Samas of Larsa.300 Was this, then, the extent of Esarhaddon's cultic
investment in the south? I would remind the reader of the dispar-
ity between the official image of Sennacherib promulgated in his
royal inscriptions and the evidence from other sources of his cultic
interest in Babylon and Uruk, and, more generally, the number of
archaeologically-provenienced inscribed bricks and dedicatory in-
scriptions of Early and Late Neo-Assyrian kings who built temples but
maintained silence of the fact in their public texts. During the Samas-
sumu-ukln rebellion, a letter composed by the citizens of Ur, Kissik
and Sat-iddina begs that Assurbanipal take rapid steps that the tem-
ple and "the wealth which the kings your fathers gave to Sin shall
(not) fall into the hands of the enemy."301 Given Esarhaddon's epic
munificence in Babylonia, it is very probable that he was included
among the "fathers" of Assurbanipal in this deftly-conceived rhetor-
ical cry for help. Again, even in the case of Esarhaddon who con-
sciously strove to sculpt an image of himself as the master patron
of Babylonian city-temples, we lack the detailed evidence required
to map out the execution of his global Babylonian policy with any
but the crudest guidelines. Putting it differently, the raging lust of
the modern historian for exhaustive data laid out on a transparent
chronological grid is not catered to by the chancellery scribes of
ancient Assyria, not even those of Esarhaddon, and it behooves us
in our disappointment both to limit our reconstructions to the plau-
sible data, and to attend to the gaps and silences.
The slender but genuine correlation possible at present between
Esarhaddon's claims to have underwritten construction work on
Babylonian temples and the discovery of Assyrian building inscrip-
tions in situ tends to argue for the general historicity of the Assyrian
boasts.302 Inscribed bricks of his recovered from Uruk and Nippur
in situ cannot be gainsaid.303 While a handful of his inscribed bricks
have been found in Babylon in situ,™ publication of his foundation
inscription recovered intact from the important Nabu sa hare temple
300
Table 8:14.
301
CT 54 no. 112+ABL no. 1241; see chapter 2 supra 149-50 n. 235.
302
See the notes to Table 6 passim; Porter, Images, Power, and Politics, 51-56.
303
Table 5:13-15.
304
Table 5:12.
located in the Ka-dingirra quarter305 constitutes evidence of a foren-

sic sort that Esarhaddon's grandiose plans for the cultic rebirth of
Babylon were at least partially realized.
Esarhaddon's Babylonian propaganda took many shapes. An aston-
ishing naru-genre text, composed in the post-mortem first person,
purports to account for Sennacherib's sin (hltu) as failure to make
or renew the cult statue of Marduk.306 Sennacherib had in fact
renewed the image of the Assyrian state god, Assur, invoking this
act as part of his titulary in several inscriptions, but his persona
accuses "Assyrian scribes" of preventing him from carrying out his
pious design to renew the Babylonian counterpart,307 an alignment
of scribal power profoundly unlikely and doubly impossible as an
admission of weakness on the part of an Assyrian king. The com-
position is an astonishingly original "marketing ploy" designed, per-
haps, to acclimate Esarhaddon's Assyrian power base to his controversial
Babylonian restoration program, which had as its centerpiece the
refurbishment and return of the Marduk statue deported to Assyria
by Sennacherib. This and other documents from the chancellery of
Esarhaddon sought to anchor the destruction of Babylon in the san-
itized theologoumenon of Marduk's wrath rather than in Sennacherib's
good pleasure. Sennacherib's only crime, it would appear from this
text, lay in his failure to fashion a new cult statue for Marduk, a
"crime" remedied by his royal heir. Indeed, Esarhaddon's official
narratives that describe the destruction of Babylon without excep-
tion never allude to Assyrian agency, but in some instances blame
the events on the impious deeds of the inhabitants and its wrathful
abandonment by its gods, the ancient pan-Mesopotamian theology
305
Table 5:17.
306
K. 4730(+) Sm. 1876 ['The Sin of Sargon and Sennacherib's Last Will'] is a
political and propagandist^ document drawn up to justify Esarhaddon's costly
and controversial Babylonian policy, which propagated a cosmetic equality
between Assyria and Babylonia, and in its essence involved 'dividing' the
empire between the king's two sons, restoring the destroyed cult centers of
Babylonia, and fashioning a new, Assyrian-made, statue for Marduk, to replace
the original one deported by Sennacherib. Since this policy seemingly involved
a total reversal of the hard-line policy pursued under Sennacherib, which had
been propagated and theologically justified in official inscriptions, it had to be
backed by an even more effective and ingenious counterpropaganda.
Parpola, in Tadmor, Landsberger, and Parpola, "The Sin of Sargon and Sennacherib's
Last Will," 45. The "sin" belongs to Sargon, 10:10', but by implication an analo-
gous "sin" is confessed to by the shade of Sennacherib.
307
Tadmor, Landsberger, and Parpola, "The Sin of Sargon and Sennacherib's
Last Will," 15 rev. 21'-23'.
370 CHAPTER FOUR
of divine abandonment. In like manner, Esarhaddon's constructive

acts are prompted by the will of the gods.308 His oft-repeated claim
to have begun construction work on the temples Esarra in Assur
and Esagila in Babylon simultaneously in his regnal year is fictitious,
a chronological torture of reality in the service of promoting the
view that Esarhaddon, as patron of the two national cults, was equi-
tably disposed towards them both.
Sennacherib attempted to abrogate the Babylonian god's status in
Assyria by substituting Assur for Marduk in the texts of the cos-
mogonic myth Enuma elis and its representation on the lost bronze
doors of the Babylonian-inspired Festhaus at Assur.309 Esarhaddon, by
the act of physically restoring the great image of Marduk in the tem-
ple of Assur and through texts that refer to Assur as ab Hani, "father
of the gods" and Marduk as aplu restu, "first heir," appears to have
incorporated Marduk into the Assyrian pantheon through his fictive
rebirth in the national temple at Assur.310 Machinist perceptively
explores the similarities between the actions and literary productions
of Tukultl-Ninurta I, the conqueror of Babylon, and the Sargonid
Assyrian kings, cautioning us, while rummaging in the historian's
toolbox for the usual economic and military rationales, to be mind-
ful of the pervasiveness of the ancient cultural rivalry between the
two Mesopotamian kingdoms as an operative motive in the half-mil-
lennium of Assyrian foreign policy maneuvers in Babylonia.311
Esarhaddon's claim to the kingship of Babylonia was most tangi-
bly embodied through his reconstruction of Babylon and its temples,
308
Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 71; Porter, Images, Power, and Politics, 96-97.
309
See supra n. 222.
310 porter ^ Images, Power, and Politics, 124-25; on Sennacherib's cult-reform measures
against Marduk in Assyria, see Lambert, "The God Assur," 86; Machinist, "The Assy-
rians and Their Babylonian Problem: Some Reflections," 353-64. Deller and Donbaz
educe evidence for the "filiation" of Zababa by Assur and Mullissu, similar to that
of Seru'a. This they believe was a theological ploy perpetrated on Sennacherib's
part to counter the growing Nabu cult in Assyria, given the king's antipathy to
things Babylonian; Deller and Donbaz, "Sanheribs Zababa-Tempel," passim.
311
Tukulti-Ninurta's response to Babylonia and its culture, and that of the Neo-
Assyrian Sargonid kings are not merely parallel: they are, at the most, crests
of a centuries-long continuum of confrontation between Assyria and Babylonia.
The very reappearance of the cultural issue in that confrontation suggests that
it was an intimate part of it, not an isolated fantasy of a few native scholars
or a cynical, propagandistic excrescence of the official documents. The Assyrian
ruling elites, thus, had to deal with Babylonia not only politically and mili-
tarily in the narrower sense, but also culturally—to find a way to neutralize
and appropriate what they evidently felt was a Babylonian cultural superiority.
Machinist, "The Assyrians and Their Babylonian Problem: Some Reflections," 362.
the master symbol of Babylonian sovereignty, and the reorganiza-

tion of its society through reaffirmation of its prestigious civic exemp-
tions and other modes of economic assistance. Yet Esarhaddon's
reawakening of Babylonia's melded political and religious heritage
assumed other guises. While there is no archaeological proof of his
words, royal inscriptions,312 correspondence313 and the Babylonian
Chronicle314 affirm that he alone of the Sargonid kings was mindful
to restore the ancient imperial city of Akkad, returning its gods from
Elam in 674, even if the substitute king ritual of month XII 671
required the sacrifice of the satammu of Akkad's son, an event that
spawned terror in Akkad and other Babylonian cities. It is unlikely
that Akkad possessed any notable strategic or commercial value: by
rebuilding the city, like Babylon, Esarhaddon sought to rekindle the
imperial majesty of Babylonia with the clear mandate of the gods
and, unquestionably, establish that imperialism as Assyrian in con-
ception and execution.310 Although Nippur was a critical node in the
Assyrian administrative and political network dominating central and
southern Babylonia, the magnitude of the temple restorations, given
the long centuries of prior neglect, was stunning, what a cynical
observer might term "good theater." One should entertain the dis-
tinct possibility that Esarhaddon's commitment to restoring the fab-
ric of Nippur's cultic culture was another aspect of his quest for the
retrieval of Babylonia's imperial past. In the third and early second
millennia, the priesthood of Enlil in Nippur conferred an office of
kingship that no claimant to imperial pretensions could forego. The
historical and mythological connections between the Courts of the
Scepter in the environs of Ninurta's temple in Nippur, a god who
was son and heir of Enlil, and the function of the Nabu sa hare tem-
ple in Babylon as the place of royal investiture, are borne out in
the ceremonial names of the latter temple and the rituals conducted
there that involved Nebuchadnezzer II, Nabonidus, Cyrus and Cam-
byses.316 Esarhaddon's foundation inscription from the Nabu sa hare
temple draws unusual attention to the two crown princes, Assurban-
ipal and Samas-sumu-ukfn, to whom a prayer to Nabu enjoins that
312
Table 5:23.
313
Table 12:20.
314
Table 8:10.
3h>
Note in this regard the comments in Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 73-75.
3I()
See the lucid discussion of the history of the Nabu sa hare temple and its rela-
tionship to Nippur in George, "Studies in Cultic Topography," 377-85.
372 CHAPTER FOUR
they shall lead "my land" in truth and justice, "my land" under-
stood as an ideologically fused Assyria and Babylonia.317 By rebuild-
ing Esagila, Etemenanki, the Nabu sa hare temple, and the temples
of Akkad and Nippur, Esarhaddon delved deeply into the imperial
traditions of Mesopotamia to ratify his own dynastic sovereignty,
using no weapons but the arts of the mudbrick mason and con-
summate public works diplomacy to secure a reputation as the builder-
king par excellence of Babylonia.
In 672 it was revealed that "what has not been done in heaven,
the king my lord (Esarhaddon) has done upon earth and shown us:
you have girded a son of yours with headband and entrusted him
the kingship of Assyria; your eldest son you have put (up) to the
kingship in Babylon."318 Assyria and Babylonia were divided between
his two sons with explicit testamentary instructions. In principle, all
of Assyria had sworn allegiance to Assurbanipal as crown prince of
Assyria by the time of his accession to the throne.319 Under Assur-
banipal, the resplendent Neo-Assyrian Empire reached the apogee
of its power and geographical sprawl through his military exploits
in Egypt and Elam. Yet, by the end of his reign sometime between
630 and 627, Assyria's territorial conquests—including Babylonia—
were falling away at a geometrically accelerating rate that would
culminate with the sack of Nineveh in 612 and Harran in 609 by
a Medo-Babylonian coalition. Assurbanipal's reign began auspiciously
enough in month IX 669 with the natural death of Esarhaddon
and a regular coronation without known political opposition. The
reign of the sibling crown prince Samas-sumu-ukm, belatedly in-
vested with the kingship of Babylonia in the first months of 668,
was another matter.320
317
Table 5:17.
318
ABL no. 595+870 = CT 53 no. 31 = LAS I no. 129 = SAA 10 no. 185:5-11
(K 1119+1915+82-5-22,107) (writer: Adad-sumu-usur).
319
Note that, in the 670 lines of SAA 2 no. 6, an Esarhaddon-sponsored docu-
ment devoted almost exclusively to Assurbanipal's succession and treaty-guaranteed
safety, only 11.86-88, 668-70 deal with Samas-sumu-ukm by name.
320
On the reign of Assurbanipal, see Brinkman, Prelude to Empire, 85-104; Frame,
Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 102-213; A. K. Grayson, "Assyria 668-635 B.C.: the Reign
of Ashurbanipal," in Cambridge Ancient History, Volume III, Part 2: The Assyrian and
Babylonian Empires and Other States of the Near East, from the Eighth to the Sixth Centuries
B.C., edited by J. Boardman, I. E. S. Edwards, N. G. L. Hammond, E. Sollberger
and C. B. F. Walker (2nd ed.; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991)
142-61, passim; E. Weissert, "Assur-bani-apli," in The Prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian
Empire, Vol. 1, Part 1: A, edited by K. Radner (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text
Among the motives advanced by Brinkman for the civil war that
broke out between Assyria and Babylonia in 652, the humiliatingly
subordinate treatment of Samas-sumu-ukm by Assurbanipal ranks
highly.321 Although Samas-sumu-ukm, the elder brother, bore the
exalted title of king, his de facto executive authority and regional mil-
itary resources appear to have been less than that of many Assyrian
provincial governors. Samas-sumu-ukm had cause for grievance against
his brother. His installation as king was delayed, and though the
repristinated image of Marduk accompanied him to Babylon at that
time, replete with dazzling pageantry, ritually significant items of cul-
tic paraphernalia that Sennacherib had seized in 689 failed to mate-
rialize in Esagila until 14 years after his coronation in 668. In the
official inscriptions of Assurbanipal, the Assyrian king takes full credit
for initiating both actions (he also assumes credit for installing Samas-
sumu-ukm as king, as if he were appointing a governor to office).
Again, in virtually all inscriptions created by the scribal pool of
Assurbanipal, whether foundation texts interred in Nineveh or
Babylonia, full credit for Babylonian temple refurbishment and other
cultic enhancements goes to the Assyrian king. Correspondence
addressed to Assurbanipal by Babylonian officials, clergy and schol-
ars strongly suggest that all real executive power was his hands, and,
more galling still, any independent initiatives taken by Samas-sumu-
ukln were reported directly to Assurbanipal.322 In other words, Samas-
sumu-ukm was being constantly spied upon in his capital by his own
elite subjects, a demeaning situation that surely chilled his relations
with Assyria. Militarily, Assyria was responsible for Babylonia's defense
since the latter country evidently did not possess sufficiently large
Corpus Project, 1998) 159-63; K. Radner, "II. The Political History of AssurbanipaPs
Reign," in The Prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, Vol. I, Part 1: A, edited by
K. Radner (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1998) 163-71. The
definitive modern textual edition of Assurbanipal's prisms and other narrative inscrip-
tions is Borger BIWA; other texts of immediate relevance to this study are collected
in RIMB 2 B.6.32 passim, and several volumes in the SAA series.
321
Brinkman, "Babylonia in the Shadow of Assyria," 47-50, 53. Frame, Babylonia
689-627 B.C., 108, to the contrary, states "There is no concrete evidence that rela-
tions between Ashurbanipal and Samas-suma-ukm were anything but good until
rebellion broke out in 652." My sense is that Frame is overly impressed by the
rhetorical expressions of good will in the inscriptions of both monarchs prior to
652. Diplomatically speaking, what choice did either antebellum king have, regard-
less of their personal likes and hinted fraternal rivalries, save to lavish praise upon
his "favorite brother," ahu talimusu?
322
SAA 13 no. 168 rev. 8-15; Brinkman, Prelude to Empire, 88 n. 428.
374 CHAPTER FOUR
contingents of cavalry and infantry to protect itself from Elamite

incursions and sundry tribal assaults. Tardy dispatches of Assyrian
armies to quell invasions of Babylonia were detrimental to the coun-
try's sovereignty and, by extension, the dignity of Samas-sumu-ukin's
office. The governors of key cities in southern Babylonia such as Ur
and Uruk maintained direct communication with Assyria, seemingly
circumventing the authority of the king in Babylon in all matters of
military disposition.323 In terms of international relations, Assyria con-
trolled all of Babylonia's official contacts with Elam until 653.324 To
be sure, we are ignorant of the details of Esarhaddon's plans for the
full scope of relations between Assyria and Babylonia following his
death, and must allow for the possibility that both Assurbanipal and
Samas-sumu-ukin up until 652 fulfilled pre-ordained roles in their
spheres of political, economic, military and cultic control. Yet even
so, Samas-sumu-ukm, a former crown prince of Assyria imbued with
a self-image of royal entitlement from birth, an elder brother to
Assurbanipal, undoubtedly a resourceful diplomat and military leader
judging from the course of the civil war, was made to bob and curt-
sey the part of a puppet king in the gaze of all Babylonia. It is not
surprising that, after 16 years, he chose to disavow the role through
a rebellion that amounted to wholesale civil war. The civil war itself
(month X 652~late 648), instigated by Samas-sumu-ukfn, quickly
brought Elam and various Chaldean, Aramaean and Arab tribes into
a savage contest with Assyria over the possession of Babylonia. Armies
clashed in the open countryside of northern Babylonia until month
IV 650, when Assyria gained the upper hand and was at liberty to
commence systematic siege operations against Babylon, Cutha, Sippar
and Borsippa. In central Babylonia, Nippur threw in its lot with the
rebellion from the beginning, while Ur, Uruk and other pro-Assyrian
enclaves held fast to the Assyrian cause in the south.325 An oft-quoted
letter from the governor of Nippur confesses to Assurbanipal that
the city is heartily detested by its neighbors for, in essence, acting
as an Assyrian lackey.326 Despite the death of Samas-sumu-ukln in
323
Samas-sumu-ukin's epistolary archive has not survived, and most of the Assyro-
Babylonian correspondence that passed between Nineveh and southern Babylonia dates
to the civil war, so this statement may require revision in light of future discoveries.
324
Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 119-22; Brinkman, "Babylonia in the Shadow
of Assyria," 47-53.
323
Brinkman, "Babylonia in the Shadow of Assyria," 53-57.
326
ABL no. 327:13-20 (K 517).
648, anti-Assyrian resistance spearheaded by Nabu-bel-sumati, a son

of Merodach-baladan II, continued with the assistance of Elam until
646. Elam was definitively neutralized as a military threat by 646,
and Nabu-bel-sumati, under peril of extradition to Assyria, cognizant
that he was scheduled to provide a spectacle of protracted death for
the inhabitants of Nineveh, had himself slain.327 By 651 Nippur was
garrisoned and ruled thereafter directly from Nineveh, whereas the
shadowy king Kandalanu (647—627) ruled Babylonia on Assyria's
behalf, apparently in peace and growing prosperity.328 There are no
known pieces of correspondence addressed to Kandalanu or royal
inscriptions in his name.329 If Babylonian temples and their cults were
patronized by Assyria during his reign, Assurbanipal took full credit.
There are many difficulties in establishing the chronology and
extent of Assurbanipal's cultic interventions in Babylonia. The edi-
torial and recensional processes behind the composition of his annal-
istic inscriptions are the most convoluted, opaque and contradictory
in the Sargonid period.330 In most cases we are reduced to guessing
from context whether the action occurred while the sibling mon-
archs were cooperating, during the civil war, or following the
pacification of Babylonia and the installation of the puppet king
Kandalanu. Another serious historiographic consideration is the actual
extent of responsibility. While Assurbanipal claimed for himself the
initiative for reconstructing many Babylonian temples, including
Esagila, it is evident that he actually finished work in a Babylon left
in an advanced state at the death of his father, and the unsettling
possibility exists that the Assyrian king disingenuously boasted of
building projects actually commissioned by Samas-sumu-ukfn. For
3
-' Brinkman, "Babylonia in the Shadow of Assyria," 56-57.
328
Brinkman, "Babylonia in the Shadow of Assyria," 60-62; Frame, Babylonia
689-627 B.C., 191-213.
•m The theory that Kandalanu was a throne-name for Assurbanipal has little to
recommend it. There is no evidence that Tiglath-pileser III, Shalmaneser V or any
other Assyrian king ever had a throne-name used exclusively in Babylonia. The fact
that Kandalanu died or was removed at the time of Assurbanipal's death does not
mean that the two were one. Following 651, economic texts from Nippur would
be dated to Assurbanipal, not Kandalanu, a curious practice indeed if the two were
one. On this question see Brinkman, "Babylonia in the Shadow of Assyria." 60-61.
3io
See Grayson, "Reign of Ashurbanipal," 142-43; H. Tadmor, "Autobiographical
Apology in the Royal Assyrian Literature," in History, Historiography and Interpretation:
Studies in Biblical and Cuneiform Literatures, edited by H. Tadmor and M. Weinfeld
(Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1983) 47-52.
376 CHAPTER FOUR
instance, both kings assert that they carried out various repairs to
the temples of Samas of Sippar331 and Nabu of Borsippa.332 An
inscription by Samas-sumu-ukln and possibly Assurbanipal takes credit
for an unknown cult item dedicated to Nabu for the service of the
E.zi.da temple at Borsippa.333 Were these enterprises performed jointly
in the period when cooperation between the two kingdoms was pos-
sible, or did the Babylonian king himself sponsor the reconstructive
work before the rebellion?334
Because of favorable mentions of Samas-sumu-ukln in the texts,
Babylonian temples presumably refurbished by Assurbanipal prior to
the rebellion of 652 include Esagila and other temples of Babylon,335
E.babbar of Sippar,336 E.zi.da of Borsippa,337 and E.an.na of Uruk
in the south.338 It is impossible at present to date the repair work
done on the E.dim.gal.kalam.ma of Der,339 E.mes.lam of Cutha,340
the ziggurat (E.gi.rin?) at Dur-Kurigalzu,341 E.sa.hul.la of Me-Turran,342
the temple of Istar-of-Akkad in either Babylon or Akkad,343 and pos-
sibly work done by Assurbanipal on E.dur.gi.na at Sapazza/Bas.344
Given that Assurbanipal reassumed direct control of Nippur in 651,345
it is likely that the temples and E.kur ziggurat there were restored
after that date, though it is possible the work was begun as early as
331
Table 5:28, 30.
332
Table 5:29, 31-32.
333
Table 12:34.
334
All of Samas-sumu-ukm's well-preserved inscriptions make reference to Assur-
banipal, "his favorite brother": RIMB 2 6.6.33.2:7-11; 6.6.33.3:12, 27; 6.6.33.4:20,
31; 6.6.33.5:36 (mentions Assurbanipal's name before a lacuna); RIMB 2 6.6.33.6
(6M 41650 [81-6-25,266]) does not cite Assurbanipal, but the final roster of royal
names ends with that of Sargon II before a lacuna. Interestingly, unlike the 6abylonian
inscriptions of Esarhaddon that diplomatically avoid explicit mention of Sennacherib,
the titularies of Samas-sumu-ukfn incorporate the name of the destroyer of Babylon
without compunction. In nearly all of Samas-sumu-ukin's inscriptions, poetic refer-
ence is made to Marduk's cessation of hostilities and return to 6abylon, the king's
restoration of Esagila and the reestablishment of its regular offerings (sattukku)—with-
out attribution to or permission granted by "his favorite brother."
335
Table 5:25.
336
Table 5:28.
337
Table 5:29.
338
Table 5:27.
339
Table 5:35, terminus ad quern 646/5.
340
Table 5:36, terminus ad quern 639.
341
Table 5:37.
Table 5:38.
Table 5:39.
Table 5:40.
664.346 y^g highly independent pro-Assyrian governor of Ur, Sin-

balassu-iqbi, dedicated some of his many cultic construction projects
to the life of Assurbanipal;347 it is unclear, however, that the Assyrian
king himself directly sponsored temple refurbishment at Ur.
Assurbanipal demonstrated concern for the sacrificial provisioning
of Babylonian temples. A letter securely dated before 652 complains
that sheep offerings for Bel have been suspended by the Halmaneans
located in Bft-Hamban.348 In the same letter the writer mentions the
sibtu-tax. in oxen and sheep collected by the governors (LU.NAM.MES)
destined for (the temples of) Bel, Nabu, and Nergal. Later, Assurbanipal
accuses Samas-sumu-ukfn of withholding his (Assurbanipal's) offerings
from Bel, Nabu, Samas and Erra, probably at the beginning of the
rebellion, an act indicative of the keen political symbolism of royal
sacrifices in Babylonian temples.349 Following the rebellion, Assurbanipal
boasts of having reestablished the regular offerings for Babylon, Cutha,
and Sippar.350 If such sacrifices were suspended, we may be sure it
was due to the exigencies of civil war and not negligence on the
part of Samas-sumu-ukln while Assyrian detente beckoned. Assurbanipal's
claim to have physically guided the cult statues of the deities of
E.an.na of Uruk and the divine couple of E.mes.lam of Cutha into
their refurbished cellas is stock literary piety.351 A letter written to
Assurbanipal reminding him of the existence of six Babylonian divine
images deported to Assyria in the days of Sennacherib may or may
not have resulted in their return by the king.302 The great image of
Marduk, whether refurbished or created anew for the event, together
with other Babylonian gods, was repatriated in 668.3o3 Following his
final punitive expedition against Elam, Assurbanipal reports that he
recovered an image of Nanaia of Uruk putatively held hostage in
Elam for 1 ,635 years and restored it to Uruk, an action that, if true,
took place around 646.3o4 A copy of a dedicatory inscription for a
346
Table 5:26.
347
Table 5:33.
348
Table 6:23.
349
Table 6:24.
350
Table 6:25.
351
Table 7:11-12.
352
Table 8:17.
353
Table 8:18-19.
3o4
Table 8:21. The impressive number of years the statue languished in exile is
probably fabulous, but magnifies the portrait of Assurbanipal's pious zeal even as
it lends dramatic tension to the plot.
378 CHAPTER FOUR
golden bowl to Nanaia exists.355 Cultic items created or returned to

Esagila include the bed of Marduk and Zarpanitu (restored in 654),
Marduk's chariot (653), and an inscribed golden incense burner.306
Possibly as a reward for their loyalty during the Samas-sumu-ukm
rebellion, Ur received gifts of cultic paraphernalia dedicated to Ningal
of Ur.357 On a mildly dramatic note, Nabu-usabsi, the governor of
Uruk, intercepted horses from the king of Elam with a dedicatory
harness dispatched to the temple of Istar of Uruk, a deed of blatant
diplomatic bribery recognized as such.338 Finally, in a clear encroach-
ment into the religio-political sphere of authority of Samas-sumu-ukm,
Assurbanipal maintains that he restored or honored the kidinnutu-
status of Babylon359 and Sippar.360
The assumption that Assurbanipal continued Esarhaddon's inten-
sive labors on Esagila and other temples in Babylon until the return
of the Marduk statue in 668, then was idle until 654 when cultic
items were belatedly returned there from Assur, is an intriguing
hypothesis,361 but lacks chronological substantiation. In light of the
fact that inscriptional evidence for Assurbanipal's restorations to
E.zi.da of Borsippa predate the civil war, and Samas-sumu-ukm's
work there and at Sippar, and possibly in Babylon itself, was autho-
rized if not underwritten by Assyrian funding, it seems unlikely that
Babylon's cultic veneer was scandalously ignored by Assurbanipal for
14 consecutive years. Judging from official propaganda and inscribed
remains recovered in situ, it is fair to conclude that Assurbanipal's
Pharaonic urge to urban renewal was concentrated to a greater
degree in the Assyrian heartland than had been the case with his
father.362 Assurbanipal's inscriptions do not expatiate on his role as
restorer of Babylon and patron of Babylonian cults to the extent
that Esarhaddon did of himself. Yet, having distinguished father from
son in commitment to Babylonian cultic enhancements, it must be
averred that Assurbanipal continued the general Sargonid policy of
cultic patronage in Babylonia, repairing temples and their contents,
maintaining sacrificial schedules, and selectively guaranteeing civic
Table 9:8.
Table 9:9; 12:33.
Table 12:35.
Table 12:31.
Table 10.8.
Table 10:9.
Grayson, "Reign of Ashurbanipal," 157.
See the overview in Grayson, "Reign of Ashurbanipal," 155-58.
exemptions. If Assurbanipal employed a roving eye like Esarhaddon's

Mar-Istar whose duties included canvassing Babylonian temples and
reporting their operation in finical detail, the correspondence has
failed to reach our hands.
Assurbanipal was succeeded by his son Assur-etel-ilani, who reigned
over the faltering Assyrian Empire for three or at most four years
in competition with the founder of the ascendant Neo-Babylonian
Empire, Nabopolassar.363 Although Assur-etel-ilani never styled him-
self king of Babylonia, several inscriptions of his chronicle continu-
ing Assyrian patronage of cultic life of Babylonia. A Sumerian brick
inscription recounts his restoration of the E.kur of Nippur.364 Another
brick inscription describes his work on the temple of the city gods
Uras and Ninegal of Dilbat.363 He dedicated a wooden offering table
to Marduk, probably at Esagila, and created a golden scepter for
Marduk in the temple of Sippar-Aruru, and established exemptions
from civic service (subarre) for two classes of clergy at Sippar-Aruru,
the only known Assyrian king to limit the granting of such freedoms
to a professional body outside of Assyria.366 Although we may spec-
ulate whether it was really Assur-etel-ilani who personally ordered
these projects, or whether it was the eunuch Sin-sumu-lfsir speaking
in the voice of his master,367 these deeds represent the final gambit
in a century of intensive Neo-Assyrian cultic patronage in the south.
The burning of a temple in Saznaku by Sin-sar-iskun, recorded in
the Babylonian Chronicle, was the first major charge of Neo-Assyrian
religious desecration in Babylonia since the destruction of Babylon
in 689.368 Was it a final reversion to Sennacherib's scorched earth
policy, or merely a commonplace disaster of war set in clay?
31)3
On the reign of Assur-etel-ilani, see J. Gates, "The Fall of Assyria (635-609
B.C.)," CAH- 3/2, 162-78, andj. A. Brinkman, "Assur-etel-ilani," in The Prosopogmphy
of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, Vol. 1, Part 1: A, edited by K. Radner (Helsinki: The Neo-
Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1998) 183-84. The dates of this king's reign remain
a matter of ardent scholarly controversy.
364
Table 5:41.
363
Table 5:42.
3(i
" Table 9:12-13.
3b/
The Seleucid Uruk Kinglist records, jointly, Sin-sar-iskun and Sin-sumu-lisir
as kings of Babylonia immediately following Kandalanu. Another kinglist, KAV no.
182 iv 7', neither accords Assur-etel-ilani the title of "king of Assyria and Babylonia"
as it does Sennacherib and Esarhaddon, nor Assurbanipal, thus implying, as Frame,
Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 210 observes, that the Babylonian throne was held by some-
one other than Assur-etel-ilani.
368
Table 1:5.
380 CHAPTER FOUR
Babylonia: Summary
In the preceding section, Neo-Assyrian military, political and eco-

nomic imperialism has been outlined in sufficient depth for the reader
to grasp the parameters of concomitant religious imperialism in
Babylonia. By definition, all territories outside the Assyrian heart-
land absorbed into Greater Assyria constituted contact zones, "social
spaces where disparate cultures meet, clash, and grapple with each
other, often in highly asymmetrical relations of domination and sub-
ordination."369 Babylonia was unlike any other contact zone in the
Assyrian Empire, in that Assyria historically defined its own politi-
cal, social and religious identity through the ancient and densely-
woven fabric of Babylonian elite civilization. Yet, despite the linguistic,
geographical and historical proximity of the two regions, like all other
contact zones, Babylonia suffered the throes of institutionalized co-
ercion, radical inequality, and intractable conflict that inevitably flour-
ished beneath the shadow of Assyrian hegemony. Within the ancient
Babylonian temple-cities, Assyria sought to master Babylonia by pre-
serving, embellishing and recreating the signature symbols of king-
ship and stable society: religious complexes, city walls, latifundia.
This was not the usual strategy accorded imperial possessions. Assyria
required the bureacratic organs of Babylonian state taxation and
social control to "operate" its southern neighbor at a net profit, just
as it needed a network of loyal urban enclaves and listening posts
in the midst of an ever-shifting constellation of tribal and interna-
tional entities opposed to Assyrian control of southern Mesopotamia
and its lucrative trade routes. And, as was the case with Urartu,
years of violated political sovereignty and chronic military engage-
ments schooled the Babylonians in the arts of resistance. Assyria itself
learned to its dismay in the 7th century that the weakling Babylonia,
through its capacity to form military alliances and wage guerilla war-
fare, was mutating into a serious military threat. A precarious combi-
nation of dual kingships, closely-monitored gubernatorial appointments,
and armies based in Assyria and strategic garrison cities poised for
rapid deployment represented, with few exceptions, Assyria's response
to the growing menace to the south.
369
M. L. Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (New York: Routledge,
1992) 4. The notion of transculturation elaborated by Pratt was developed by the
Cuban sociologist Fernando Ortiz in the 1940s.
Assyrian patronage of Babylonian temples began with sporadic

gifts and public rituals in the Early Neo-Assyrian period and concluded
with the unprecedented monumental reconstruction and operational
underwriting of major temple complexes under Esarhaddon and
Assurbanipal. The equivalent of millions of dollars and thousands of
labor hours were invested in Babylonian religious infrastructure,
thereby hobbling Assyria from imperial expansion in other direc-
tions. What did the Babylonians themselves think of it? Was their
thinking about their own theology significantly influenced by Assyrian
political mythography? Did Assyrian cultic patronage significantly
further Assyrian interests in the south?
There is no convincing evidence that worship of Assyrian deities
was imposed upon the major cult centers of Babylonia. Tiglath-pileser
III established an Assyrian provincial capital on the Babylonian
periphery, renamed it Kar-Assur, settled it with Aramaean tribes,
and erected the "symbol of Assur."370 Although Assurbanipal, fol-
lowing the great internecine rebellion, asserted that he re-established
regular offerings for Assyrian deities throughout Babylonia,371 there
is neither evidence for this practice before the conflict, nor admin-
istrative corroboration of it following the war. Correspondence from
Sargonid kings addressed to Babylonian clergy that treated of native
gods identified them as "my gods"; correspondence addressed to
Assyrian kings from Babylonian authors repeatedly speak of the deities
in local temples as "your gods," as befits royal patrons of the Baby-
lonian cultus.372 The erection of divinized royal statues of Esarhaddon
in the cella of Marduk in Esagila tapped into an ancient tradition
of royal patronage, reaping massive political prestige and divinely-
authored benefits of named proximity to the gods.373 Tradition and
political sensibilities, on the contrary, would have been perilously
antagonized by erecting images of Assur in Esagila or elsewhere in
ancient Babylonian city-temples. The destruction of such images
would have been among the first targets of Assyrian hegemony to
fall to the axes of rebels. The narrative inscriptions and Babylonian
correspondence of Sargon II speak of no such "street theatre" following
the ousting of Merodach-baladan II in 710, nor do the texts and
370
Table 4:6.
371
372
See chapter 3 supra 256 n. 105 for examples.
373
Table 7:7.
382 CHAPTER FOUR
correspondence of Assurbanipal allude to anything comparable following

the mopping-up operations after the Samas-sumu-ukfn rebellion.
A related form of Neo-Assyrian tact in the face of Babylonian tra-
dition is the non-erection of "standard" royal steles in Babylonian
city-temples. None have ever been excavated in the temple-cities of
Babylonia.374 This of course is an argument from silence. But the
inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III describe numerous instances of the
erecting of royal images, presumably stone steles, in newly conquered
Chaldean enclaves at the time of their provincialization,370 whereas
the official narratives of this and all other Assyrian kings never inti-
mate that such graphic symbols of imperial domination were planted
in major Babylonian cities, whether temple or city gate. By contrast,
traditional Babylonian kudurrus were created by Samas-sumu-ukm376
and Assur-nadin-sumi,377 the doomed son of Sennacherib installed as
king of Babylonia. The livery and pose of the latter is unexcep-
tionably that of a staid Babylonian king. The Assyrians exploited the
visual communicative arts with an almost modern "feel" for ideo-
logical impact, usually exercised in the service of imperial aggran-
dizement and intimidation. Babylonia, judging from the fragmentary
evidence at hand, was accorded an astonishing delicacy in the mat-
ter of flaunting visible emblems of Assyrian hegemony.
A final tangible relic of Assyrian regard for Babylonian identity is
architecture. With the possible exception of Der, Lahlru, Nippur,
Ur, and a handful of other cities either absorbed into the Assyrian
provincial system at some point or garrisoned and administered
directly by Assyria, there is no reason to expect archaeologists to
find Babylonian examples of "government houses" laid out in the
characteristic Assyrian "palace reception suite" design of the 8th and
374
The oft-reproduced votive stele of Assurbanipal recovered from E.zi.da of
Borsippa hoisting a basket of earth on his immaculately turbaned head (Table 5:29),
matched by one of his "favorite brother" (Table 5:31), has no parallel in Assyrian
capital cities or elsewhere in the empire. The iconography of the king as pious,
hands-on builder is part of a foundation deposit tradition stretching back into Early
Dynastic times, and thus Assurbanipal's Borsippa stele, far from constituting a crude
display of imperial heraldry, delicately positions the Assyrian monarch in the royal
aesthetic of Babylonia. On the history of this iconography see Porter, Images, Power,
and Politics, 82-91.
375
Table 3:29-31; 4:6-7(?).
37(>
BBSt. no. 10, pis. 6-10, kudurru from the reign of Samas-sumu-ukm created
in 660-659; no human images are preserved (BM 87220).
3//
J. A. Brinkman and S. Dalley, "A Royal Kudurru from the Reign of Assur-
nadin-sumi," ZA 78 (1988) 76-98; see the plates following p. 80.
early 7th centuries.378 Assyrian-refurbished Babylonian temples and

temple-towers, to the extent that the stratigraphy supports positive
identification, appear to have followed Babylonian floorplans and
design techniques, eschewing the distinctive Langraum layout typical
of palace-chapels and free-standing temples in the Assyrian capital
cities.379 It is probable that, during the Samas-sumu-ukfn rebellion,
when Babylonian forces held Babylon, Borsippa, Sippar and Cutha,
national shrines refurbished by various Assyrian kings were not defaced
or destroyed as symbols of Assyrian imperialism. While this is another
argumentum e silentio, it is a fact that the inscriptions of Assurbanipal
complained heatedly about the termination of his sacrifices in Baby-
lonian temples during the civil war.380 It is a reasonable surmise
that Babylonian vandalism of Assyrian-rehabilitated temples and zig-
gurats would have received withering notice in the catalogue of Samas-
sumu-ukm's crimes, had it occurred.381
In the surviving exemplars of Esarhaddon's AsBbA inscription, the
imperial god Assur is called "father of the gods," whereas Marduk
is filiated to Assur as aplu restu, "first heir" and, together with his
consort and other deities housed in the temples of Babylon, is said
to have been "truly born in the midst of Esarra (the Assur temple
in Assur), the house of their father." Porter I believe quite correctly
concludes that this text and its startling theology was intended for
an Assyrian audience.382 The notion that the tutelary god of the
nation, a god with a pedigree of cosmological creation courtesy of
the Enuma elis, became an offspring of Assyrian Assur and Mullissu,
would have struck the Babylonian intelligentsia as presumptuous,
bizarre, and nationalistically inflammatory. In this regard it is worth
3/8
Many examples have been excavated in the western marches of the empire,
for instance, in the provincial Palestinian capital of Megiddo, Lamon and Shipton,
Megiddo I, 69-74, figs. 89, 117 (Megiddo Stratum 3, Area D, Buildings 1052 and
1369), and Hazor, Y. Yadin, et al., Hazor I: an Account of the First Season of Excavations,
1955 (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, Hebrew University, 1958) 54, 64-65 (Hazor citadel,
Stratum 3, Area B).
3/9
For the floorplans of Assyrian temples, see Heinrich, Tempel und Heligtumer, pis.
290-93, 315-31, 340-41, 343-55, 358-71.
380
Table 6:24.
381
On the other face of the coin, Sennacherib's fulsome narratives of the sack
of Babylon do not really "privilege" the destruction of its temples over the rest of
the city: all was to have been razed and nullified by flood.
382
Porter, Images, Power, and Politics, 124-25. Since AsBbE omits any reference to
Marduk's siring by Assur, Porter believes this text was created for Babylonian con-
sumption (128).
384 CHAPTER FOUR
noting that none of the dedicatory inscriptions to Marduk created

by Esarhaddon,383 Assurbanipal,384 or Assur-etel-ilani385 allude to Marduk
as "aplu restu" of Assur. The god Assur is only mentioned with any
regularity in the Babylonian inscriptions of Esarhaddon and Assur-
banipal recovered from Nippur and Uruk, indirect evidence that
both these cities were perceived as "Assyrian" outposts, and proba-
bly housed Assyrian garrisons at this time.386 No piece of flattering
Babylonian correspondence addressed to the Assyrian court in the
salutation section ever intimates such a divine filiation existed, so it
is unlikely that the idea enjoyed currency in Babylonian elite circles.
We may trust that the kings of Assyria and their advisors were
sufficiently sensitive to Babylonian pride in their pantheon hierarchy
to have eschewed "marketing" Marduk to their native worshipers as
a genealogical appendage of the bloodthirsty empire deity of Assyria.
Babylonian kings, including Assyrian aspirants to the Babylonian
throne, entered into a clientelist relationship with their patron gods.
As for me, Esarhaddon, in order to restore these things to their places,
you (Marduk) truly chose me from among the assembly of my older
brothers and your gracious protection you extended over me. All my
enemies you annihilated like a flood and all my opponents you slew,
and you allowed me to attain his desire, (the one) over whom (the
gods) extended their eternal protection in order to appease their divine
heart(s) and set their mind(s) at rest; you filled my hands with the
shepherdship of Assyria.387
Who (Assurbanipal) at the command of the gods Assur, Samas, and
Marduk rules from the Upper Sea to the Lower Sea and has subju-
gated all rulers, who provides for Esagila, the palace of the gods.388
As "pious slave, humble, submissive, fearing their great divinity,"389

Esarhaddon is elected to the kingship of Assyria as well as Babylonia
and promised victory in battle. It was the will of the gods as well—
thus enunciating his job description as client of the Babylonian pan-
theon—that Esarhaddon "restore these things to their places": rebuild
383
Table 9:5-6.
384
Table 9:9.
385
Table 9:12-13.
386
It is also striking that both Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal routinely mention
Sennacherib in their titularies in texts recovered from Nippur and Uruk, certainly
not the case with texts composed for Babylon.
387
Borger Esarh., §11, Bab. A, Ep. 11, 16:9-23.
388
RIMB 2 6.6.32.2:7-13.
389
Borger Esarh., §11, Bab. A, Ep. 1, 12:16-18.
Babylon's devastated temples and walls, repopulate the city, guar-

anteeing both social justice and civic privilege through the reafBrmation
of the kidinnutu-status of its citizens.390 As paramount client of Marduk
and the great gods of Babylonia, Esarhaddon symmetrically executed
his role as that of paramount patron to Babylonia, that is to say,
the urban Babylonian population. The most visible facet of the ancient
role of patron-king in Babylonia turned on the duties of the king to
maintain the rambling houses of the gods, the greatest monumental
edifices of Babylonia, and to protect the city through military pre-
paredness and the integrity of its city walls. The mighty public works
projects of the Sargonid kings in Babylonia, chiefly directed at the
great city-temples, represented epic reprises of deeds performed for
over a millennium in the service of consolidating the reigns of legit-
imacy-hungry Babylonian monarchs.391 The liturgy of the ancient
emesal hymns equated the loss of patron deity and destruction of
their temple with the destruction of the city. To restore ruined tem-
ples and reinstall cult images of their patron deities was a most com-
pellingly visible symbol of a city's health, the reforged cosmic bond
between heaven and earth, vouchsafed by the king.
The observation that the practically minded Mesopotamian king
functioned as patron of his nation and cultus is hardly original. The
reader who has made his or her way through Tables 5-12 will have
grasped the fact that Sargonid kings made enormous investments in
Babylonian temples; the reasons are not difficult to fathom. Following
the surrender of Nazi Germany in 1945, the American Marshall
Plan to rebuild Germany, though far differently implemented than
Esarhaddon's master plan for Babylonian pacification, was instru-
mental in achieving similar ends. As Porter has carefully documented
for the reign of Esarhaddon, his public works projects in Babylonia
focused almost exclusively on temples, whereas the same king reas-
sured his Assyrian constituency of his true national commitment by
building temples, together with palaces and enormous permanent
390
Such public notions could be accurately parroted back to the kings by astute
Babylonian correspondents:
The king of the gods, Marduk, is reconciled with the king, my lord; whatever
the king my lord says, he can do sitting on your throne, you will vanquish
your enemies, conquer your foes and plunder the land of your enemy. Bel has
said: 'Esarhaddon, king of Assyria, is (seated) on the throne like Marduk-sapik-
zeri, and (while) he is seated there, I will deliver all countries into his hands.'
ABL no. 1237 = SAA 10 no. I l l rev. 19-26 (83-1-18,1) (writer: Bel-usezib).
391
See the examples in Porter, Images, Power, and Politics, 44-45.
386 CHAPTER FOUR
military cantonments in the Assyrian heartland.392 But the ancient

patronage system, like its modern counterpart, functioned as a means
of securing the loyalty of powerful elite groups both through novel
appointments and through the hereditary transfer of high office, and
it is perhaps that aspect of Assyrian political strategy in Babylonia
that has been underestimated.
Frame through prosopographic analysis of individuals holding lead-
ing offices in Babylonia has identified examples of hereditary office-
holders under Assyrian hegemony. Two governors of Babylon (a bel
pdhete and a sdkin temi] in the reigns of Samas-sumu-ukm and Kanda-
lanu shared the same family,393 several sdkin terms, and satammus of
Borsippa shared a common descent,394 two governors of the Sealands
were sons of Merodach-baladan II,395 and a governor (saknu) and
three sons followed him in office at Ur from the beginning of
Esarhaddon's reign at least down to 649.396 As has been pointed out
previously, pluralism of high secular and sacerdotal office in Assyrian-
held Babylonia is attested.
Members of high-ranking families in Babylonian cities who were depend-
ent upon Assyria for their official positions and who were especially
favoured by them probably helped maintain Assyrian control in the
southern kingdom. In this connection, we may think of Nabu-usabsi
at Uruk and the family of Ningal-iddin at Ur who kept their cities
loyal to Ashurbanipal during the Samas-suma-ukfn Revolt.397
The power to create offices or "jobs" and fill them is the funda-
mental cog in any modern patronage machine. The patron boss
appoints the selected individual to a position, which carries financial
and prestige emoluments. The individual, of course, is part of an
extended family, and it is normal that the extended family benefits
directly from the good fortune of its highly appointed individual
member, who in many cases is empowered in turn to appoint other
members of his own family to lesser positions in an institutionalized
form of nepotism. The example set by the high appointee and
392 porter) Images, Power, and Politics, 66-75.

393
394
G. Frame, "The 'First Families' of Borsippa During the Early Neo-Babylonian
Period," JCS 36 (1984) 67-80; idem, Babylonia 689-627 B.C., 272~73.
395
396
Brinkman, "Ur: 'The Kassite Period and the Period of the Assyrian Kings',"
336-42; idem, "Notes on Arameans and Chaldeans in Southern Babylonia," 316-21;
397
financially-strengthened family creates a beguiling paradigm of com-

petition that others seek to emulate. This web of familial and sub-
sidiary appointments, in return for the patron's largesse, is expected
to demonstrate "loyalty" to the patron personally and the patron's
larger political agenda. It is impossible to guess the numerical extent
of the clientelist web in Babylonia. For a modern analogy, in mid-
twentieth-century Chicago, under Mayor Richard J. Daley, it was
estimated that for each of the 40,000 patronage appointments he
controlled, he was guaranteed ten votes or more for his Democratic
machine come election time through immediate family connections
and "hustling," thereby ensuring a solid base of almost half a million
votes.398 Esarhaddon's Babylonian clients, for instance, were scarcely
limited to governors and major clergy. By resettling Babylon and re-
establishing land rights in northern Babylonia, by refounding temples
and restoring their cult images throughout Babylonia, the emotionally-
charged trademarks of the cities, and by reestablishing civic exemptions
for selected Babylonian cities, he sought to create a nation of clients
"loyal" to Assyria, a loyalty that translated into a disinclination to
rebellion and the formation of anti-Assyrian alliances with disaffected
tribal entities and foreign powers.
Such loyalty was, I think, rarely identified with an abstract ideol-
ogy like Assyrian imperialism, but instead sought to solidify the
benefits conferred upon members of a specific class within its pro-
fession. For example, the Cyrus Cylinder, a propagandistic docu-
ment that extols Cyrus' benevolent treatment of Babylon and the
Marduk cult at the expense of Nabonidus, imitates a number of
idioms that appear in Assurbanipal Cylinder L6. A fragment of the
inscription identified in 1971 reads "[I sa]w an inscription of Assur-
banipal, a king who preceded m[e]," explicitly drawing attention to
the parallels between the positive action of Cyrus and his Assyrian
predecessor a century back.399 The archival preservation of Assyrian
building inscriptions in Babylon, long after the fall of Nineveh, and
a naked allusion to them in the text of the latest conqueror, suggests
that the clergy of Esagila were "loyal" to the notion that good kings
are good temple patrons, rather than harboring a lingering fondness
398
A. Cohen and E. Taylor, American Pharaoh: Mayor Richard J. Daley: His Battle
for Chicago and Nation (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 2000) 155-63.
399
J. Harmatta, "Literary Patterns of the Babylonian Edict of Cyrus," Acta Antiqua
19 (1971) 217-31; P.-R. Berger, "Der Kyros-Zylinder mit dem Zusatzfragment BIN
II Nr. 32 und die akkadischen Personennamen im Danielbuch," £A 64 (1975)
202:43; 216.
388 CHAPTER FOUR
for the dead kings of Assyria. Such royal patronage directly benefited
the clergy themselves in terms of office longevity, an amply-stocked
food pantry of sacrificial largesse, and the disposal of lucrative
prebends, so there should be no mystery as to the "gratitude" in
Babylonian temple communities for 200 years of Assyrian-sponsored
gifts and public works projects beginning with Shalmaneser III and
concluding with Assur-etel-ilani or his successors.
Naturally, direct royal appointments to the Babylonian ruling and
priestly bureacracy came with a high price tag: the appointee was
continually subject to surveillance by Assyrian operatives in the region
and by their own native colleagues. No office was too lofty for this
insidious form of watchtower politics, as witness the correspondence
addressed to Assurbanipal from Babylon describing Samas-sumu-
ukln's efforts at exercising a modicum of independent royal initia-
tive on repair works to Esagila.400 The office-holder was liable to
recall, replacement, and, if adjudged culpable of treasonous offence,
execution. Disloyalty was never an option under the Assyrian Empire,
with its many echoes of the classic political science paradigm of a
despotic state, but disloyal major office holders courted a life of espe-
cial peril. The reverse side of this coin permitted highly-placed office
holders the luxury of corresponding directly with the king of Assyria
and lodging formulaic appeals for the redress of slights, injustices,
and the acquiring of personal favors. After all, this was the pivotal
role of the royal patron: the guarantee of "justice" for his clients,
whether that involved the restoration of misappropriated lands, dynas-
tic sinecure, or the dispatch of an Assyrian army to relieve a loyal-
ist enclave like Ur under attack from hostile tribal neighbors.
Harran
Stratified excavations at the site of Harran (= Altmba§ak, Turkey)

show the earliest evidence of occupation in Early Bronze III;401 sur-
face finds from nearby Asagi Yanmca reveal shards of Halaf, cUbaid,
Uruk and Jemdet Nasr wares.402 Other nearby sites on the Harran
400
SAA 13 no. 168 rev. 8-16.
401
K. Prag, "The 1959 Deep Sounding at Harran in Turkey," Levant 2 (1970)
75-76 ("Early Dynastic II-III").
402
I apologize to the patient reader for the dense "prehistory" of Neo-Assyrian
Harran that follows. Since Harran and its cults have received so much less atten-
tion than Babylonia, I believe a data-intense survey is warranted.
Plain were occupied as early as the Pottery Neolithic.403 The Early

Bronze III pottery assemblage from Tell Hammam at-Turkuman
corresponds closely with Harran Ha and lib.404
No stratified, articulated ruins from the Neo-Assyrian period have
come to light in the course of the limited excavations conducted at
Harran.405 What is probably a Neo-Assyrian column base was found
in secondary usage in a 12th-century C.E. ablution basin in the Great
Mosque (Jamic al-Firdaws).406 The final report from the modern
Turkish excavations at Harran remains to be published. The south-
east gate of the tell, located in the citadel first mentioned by Muqqadasl,
near the place where a matching pair of Neo-Hittite or Aramaean
basalt lions were recovered, was partially excavated, pace Lipinski.40'
All cuneiform inscriptions recovered from Harran by stratified exca-
vation are Neo-Babylonian in date and were found in secondary
contexts.408 The city briefly achieved the status of capital of the
403 ]\j Yardimci, "Excavations, Surveys and Restoration Works at Harran," in

Between the Rivers and Over the Mountains: Archeologica Anatolica et Mesopotamia Alba Palmieri
dedicata, edited by M. Frangipane, H. Hauptmann, P. Liverani and M. Mellink
(Rome: "La Sapienza", 1993) 447-48 (Kiiciik Hebde, 7 km. south of Harran, and
Diyarbakir-Cayonii).
404
L. C. Thissen, "An Early Bronze III Pottery Region Between the Middle
Euphrates and Habur: New Evidence from Tell Hammam et-Turkman," in To the
Euphrates and Beyond: Archaeological Studies in Honour of Maurits JV". van Loon, edited by
O. M. C. Haex, H. H. Curvers and P. M. M. G. Akkermans (Rotterdam: A. A.
Balkema, 1989, 199-200, 206-7.
405
S. Lloyd and W. Brice, "Harran," AnSt 1 (1951) 77-111; D. S. Rice, "Medieval
Harran: Studies on its Topography and Monuments, I," AnSt 2 (1952) 36-83; idem,
"Unique Dog Sculptures of Mediaeval Islam: Recent Discoveries in the Ancient
Mesopotamian City of Harran and Light on the Little-Known Numairid Dynasty,"
ILN, September 20, 1952, 466-67; S. Lloyd, "Seeking the Temple of Sin, Moon-
God of Harran," ILN, no. 132, February 21, 1953, 288-89; D. S. Rice, "From Sin
to Saladin: Excavations in Harran's Great Mosque, with New Light on the Babylonian
King Nabonidus and His 104-Year-Old Mother," ILN, September 21, 1957, 466-69;
N. Yardimci, "Harran—1983," Kazi Sonuflan Toplantm 6/1 (1984) 79-91; idem,
"Harran, 1983," AnSt 34 (1984) 217-18; idem, "Harran, 1984," AnSt 35 (1985) 192;
idem, "Harran, 1985," AnSt 36 (1986) 194-95; idem, "1989 Yih Harran Kazilan,"
Ka& Sonuflan Toplantisi 12/2 (1990) 363-78; T. A. Sinclair, Eastern Turkey: An Architectural
and Archaeological Survey, Vol. 4 (London: Pindar Press, 1990) (reviews the work of
others); N. Yardimci, "1990 Yih Harran Kazi ve Restorasyon Cali§malari," Kazi
Sonuflan Toplantisi 13/2 (1991) 423-42; idem, "Excavations, Surveys," 443-47.
406
Rice, "From Sin to Saladin," 469 fig. 11.
407
Lloyd and Brice, "Harran," 99, 103-4, pi. ix.3; Rice, "Mediaeval Harran,"
48-53, 65; E. Lipiriski, Studies in Aramaic Inscriptions and Onomastics, II (OLA 57;
Louvain: Peeters/Departement Orientalistiek, 1994) 182.
408
Rice, "From Sm to Saladin," 466-69; Yardimci, "1989 Yih Harran Kazilan,"
364-65, figs. 11-12; idem, "1990 Yih Harran Kazi ve Restorasyon Cali§malan,"
424-25; idem, "Excavations, Surveys," 443, 447, reports finding more than 53 votive
inscriptions of Nabonidus in the 35 DDEE plan area.
390 CHAPTER FOUR
Islamic Empire during the Caliphate of the Ummayad Marvan II,

and witnessed monumental restoration work, including the Great
Mosque, in the Ayyubid era. Part of the Muslim ruins of the city
have undergone limited restoration in the last decades of the 20th
century, thus limiting the scope of archaeological work at those loci
for the foreseeable future. Western travelers' narratives from the 19th
and early 20th centuries at Harran, together with important analyses
of the existing architectural stonework, provide invaluable historical
sketches of the existing mound and the ethnography of its inhabitants.409
During the Ur III period, when the cult of Nanna/Suen was prob-
ably exported to a merchant colony in Harran, Nanna the moon-
god appointed rulers of Ur and all Sumer, even though protocol
demanded that Enlil actually confer the status of kingship:
0 [fajther Enlil, lord (whose) word cannot be countermanded,
[Fajther of the gods who puts the mes in their (proper) place,
1 (Nanna) have looked in his (var.: my) city, I have determined the
destiny of Ur.
The upright king who was called by me in the pure heart,
It is the king, the shepherd Sulgi, the true shepherd endowed with
beauty,
Decree a good blessing (for him) in order that he might make the for-
eign land(s) bow down to me.410
Although the glory of Ur as paramount city of Sumer and its patron

deity, the moon god Nanna/Suen, had long departed, the memory
409
G. P. Badger, The Nestorians and Their Rituals: with the Narrative of a Mission to
Mesopotamia and Coordistan in 1842-1844, and of a Late Visit to These Countries in 1850
(London: Joseph Masters, 1852) 341-44; E. Sachau, Reise in Syrien und Mesopotamien
(Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1883) 218, 278; M. van Berchem and J. Strzygowski,
Amida: Materiaux pour I'epigraphie et I'histoire musulmanes du Diyar-bekr, Beitrdge zur
Kunstgeschichte des Mittelalters von Nordmesopotamien, Hellas und dem Abendlande, mit einem
Beitrage: "The Churches and Monasteries of the Tur Abdin", von Gertrude L. Bell (Heidelberg:
C. Winter, 1910) 321-23, 330-33, figs. 269-70, 277, 281; C. Preusser, Nardmesopotamm
Baudenkmaler altchristlicher und islamischer êit (WVDOG 17; Leipzig: J, C. Hinrichs,
1911) 59-63, pis. 72-77; G. L. Bell, Palace and Mosque at Ukhaidir; a Study m Early
Mohammadan Architecture (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1914) 132, 152-53, pi. 84.2;
T. E. Lawrence, Oriental Assembly (edited by A. W. Lawrence; New York: E. P. Button,
1940) 13-19, pi. 7; K. A. C. Creswell, Early Muslim Architecture: Umayyads A.D.
622-750 (2nd ed.; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969) I: 644-48; T. Allen, A Classical
Revival in Islamic Architecture (Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert, 1986) 35-37, 41-46, 64-65
72-76, 88-89, pis. 46-48, 64-90, 96-103.
410
J. Klein, The Royal Hymns of Shulgi King of Ur: Man's Quest for Immortal Fame
(TAPhS 71/7; Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1981) 12, Sulgi Hymn
F, 11.78-83; RIME 3/2 92 (Frayne's translation). See the discussion of this hymn
in M. G. Hall, "A Study of the Sumerian Moon-God Nanna/Suen" (Ph.D. dis-
sertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1985) 420-24.
of Sin as kingmaker followed the expansion of Mesopotamian civi-

lization into the Jazlra and lodged itself firmly in the foundation of
Harran. Bearing the same name as its counterpart in distant Ur, the
temple of the moon god of Harran, E.hul.hul, housed a god whose
commanding authority over the melange of West Semitic, Aramaean
and Neo-Hittite states of Anatolia and North Syria would be exploited
by the early Neo-Assyrian propaganda machine in word and image.
The name of the northern Mesopotamian city of Harran first appears
in over 98 late 3rd-millennium administrative texts from Ebla. At
that time the city-state was ruled by a badalum, as opposed to an en,
elders (abbax-abbax), and had a queen (maliktum). Harran, always writ-
ten with the kl determinative in the Ebla tablets, engaged in gift
exchanges and trade with Ebla and other cities in the region.411 If
a new reading of an Old Akkadian text discovered in 1849 on
Cythera and published as a handcopy in 1853 be accepted, a ded-
ication to Sin of Harran was made by king dNaram-Sin of Esnunna
in the late 19th century B.C.E., the earliest unambiguous reference
to the existence of the moon god of Harran.412 The cult of Sin of
Harran is attested later in the Mari archives. A letter written to the
court of Zimri-Lim describes a treaty concluded in the temple of
Sin of Harran (E d EN.ZU sa ha-ar-ra-nimkl) between Asdi-Takim
(identified in ARMT 27 nos. 80 and 81 as king of Harran), the kings
of Zalmaqqum, and the elders of the DUMU-z«mm«. Asdi-Takim is
alluded to by Isme-Dagan in ARM 4 no. 76, rev. 33, 38.413 Letters
411
A. Archi, "Harran in the III Millennium B.C.," UF 20 (1988) 1-8; A. Archi,
P. Piacentini and F. Pomponio, / nomi di luogo dei testi di Ebla (ARET I—IV, VII X e
altri documenti editi e inediti) (Archivi Reali di Ebla, Studi 2; Rome: Universita degli
Studi di Roma "La Sapienza", 1993) 261-63; F. M. Fales, "Harran: fonti e prob-
lematica per 1'eta preamorrea," in Studi su Harran, edited by F. M. Fales (Quaderni
del Seminario di Iranistica, Uralo-Altaistica e Caucasologia dell'Universita di Venezia
6; Venice: La Tipografica, 1979) 13-41. The museum numbers, provenance, pub-
lication history and other information on all of the following textual and icono-
graphic sources will appear in Steven W. Holloway, "Materials for the Study of
Harran: Bronze Age to the Fall of Assyria: Part 1: Texts," and idem, "Materials
for the Study of Harran: Bronze Age to the Fall of Assyria: Part 2: Iconography."
412
M. Leake, "Some Remarks on the Island Cerigo, Anciently Cythera," Transactions
of the Royal Society of Literature 2nd series, 4 (1853) 255-58; E. Unger, "Tilmun," RLV
13:312-13, pi. 58A; H. Thomas, "An Inscription from Kythera," JHS 58 (1938)
256; E. F. Weidner, "The Inscription from Kythera," JHS 59 (1939) 137-38; RIME
4 E4.5.15.2 (does not restore the missing divine name); M. Repieciolo, "Una nuova
interpretatione dell'iscrizione cuneiforme di Citera a 150 anni dal suo ritrovamento,"
NA.B.U. (1999/18) 19-20. On the reign of dNaram-Sin of Esnunna (1808-1798),
see M. P. Streck, "Naram-Sin von Esnunna," RLA 9:177b-78b.
413
G. Dossin, "Benjaminites dans les textes de Mari," in Melanges Syriens offerts a
392 CHAPTER FOUR
mention or were written by Sin-teri, who was probably governor of

the district of Harran, a region that included Subat-Samas and
extended south to the borders of Tuttul.414 The toponym ha-ra-na,
which appears in several Kiiltepe tablets as a city located on the
caravan route between Assur and Kanis, is probably Harran. 415
Harran is mentioned in an Old Babylonian itinerary listing the daily
marches from Larsa in southern Babylonia to Emar on the Middle
Euphrates. The citation of the site as URU.SA.KASKAL, the cen-
tral city of Harran, the only such toponym in YBC 4499 so desig-
nated, suggests a substantial walled metropolis.416
Relatively little is known of the city's social and political history
during the late 2nd millennium. Harran was incorporated into the
Mitannian kingdom of Hanigalbat together with the greater region
of northern Mesopotamia. The toponym is mentioned in a smatter-
ing of Hittite texts,417 but Sin of Harran figures only in Hittite sources
in the treaty of Suppiluliuma with Sattiwaza of Mitanni. Sin of
Harran appears in the list of Mitannian gods, probably owing to the
part the city played in the actions leading up to the treaty.418 The
Monsieur Rene Dussaud, vol. 2, edited by "ses amis et ses eleves" (BAH 30; Paris:
Librairie orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1939) 986:10-11; ARMT 26/1 no. 24:12.
414
ARM 5 no. 75 (author: Yasub-El); D. Charpin and J.-M. Durand, "Fils de
Sim'al: les origines tribales de rois de Mari," RA 80 (1986) 180-83 (A 2560 [Paris]
[author: Sin-teri]); P. Villard, "Documents pour 1'historie du royaume de Haut-
Mesopotamie III," M.A.R.I. 6 (1990) 570-72 (A 4259 [Paris] [author: Sin-teri]);
J.-M. Durand, "Documents pour 1'histoire du royaume de Haute-Mesopotamie IF,"
M.A.R.I. 6 (1990) 271-73 (M 6669 [author: Sin-teri, heavily restored]).
415
Examples collected in Rep. geogr. 4, 51.
416
W. W. Hallo, "The Road to Emar," JCS 18 (1964) 60 rev. 32, 76-77. Other
itineraries of the period that mention Harran are treated in A. Goetze, "An Old Baby-
lonian Itinerary," JCS 1 (1953) 51-72; M. Falkner, "Studien zur Geographic des
alten Mesopotamien," A/0 18 (1957-58) 1-37; A. Goetze, "Remarks on the Old
Babylonian Itinerary," JCS 18 (1964) 114-19; B. J. Beitzel, "From Harran to Imar
Along the Old Babylonian Itinerary: the Evidence from the Archives Royales de Mari"
in Biblical and Near Eastern Studies: Essays in Honor of William Sanford LaSor, edited by
G. A. Tuttle (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1978) 209-19; idem, "The Old Assyrian
Caravan Road in the Mari Royal Archives," in Mari in Retrospect: Fifty Tears of Mari
and Mari Studies, edited by G. D. Young (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1992) 35-57.
417
Rep. geogr. 6, 90, 480; A. Harrak, Assyria and Hanigalbat: A Historical Reconstruction
of Bilateral Relations from the Middle of the Fourteenth to the End of the Twelfth Centuries
B.C. (Texte und Studien zur Orientalistik 4; Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 1987)
45-46; P. Cornil, "Liste des noms geographiques des textes hittites: KBo XXIII-
XXX, XXXIII, KUB XLV-LVII," Heth 10 (1990) 24 (KBo XXVIII no. 114, 6).
418
KBo I no. 1 rev. 54 = 2 rev. 30'; KBo I no. 3 rev. 23; KBo XXVIII no.
114, 6 (joins KUB III no. la rev.); E. F. Weidner, Politische Dokumente aus Kleinasien:
Die Staatsvertrdge in akkadischer Sprache aus den Archiv von Boghazkoi (Boghazkoi-Studien
8; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1923) 33 rev. 54 (KBo I no. 1 [Sin of Harran restored]);
Hittite emperors and the resurgent Middle Assyrian kingdom avidly

contended for Hanigalbat and its resources. According to the "Deeds
of Suppiluliuma," Harran and Wassukanni were burnt by the king
of Carchemish, Piyassili, the son of the Hittite emperor Suppiluli-
uma, in a move against the Assyrian-backed Mitannian ruler
Suttarna.419 Considering the quantity of Hittite texts devoted to the
plethora of active cults within the Hittite Empire (and beyond), the
silence regarding Sin of Harran, broken only this once, may indi-
cate his signal unimportance in the eyes of the Hittite rulers and
their religious specialists. Although the cult of the goddess Nikkal,
spouse of the moon god, spread throughout northern Mesopotamia
with the Hurrians and is attested in both Hittite420 and Ugaritic
sources,421 no 2nd-millennium texts from the region identify her with
the city of Harran. Thus, despite Gurney's speculation, it remains
an unproven assumption that the Hurrian version of the Nikkal cult
was "borrowed" from Harran.422
The "fortress Harran" was (re)captured by both Assur-uballit I
and Shalmaneser I during the largely successful Middle Assyrian push
politically to dominate and colonize Hanigalbat.423 Sporadic mentions
53 rev. 40 (KBo I no. 3). KBo I no. 3:46-47 is a damaged passage listing the
Mitanni treaty partners. I. Singer, '"The Thousand Gods of Hatti': The Limits of
an Expanding Pantheon," in Concepts of the Other in Near Eastern Religions, edited by
I. Alon, I. Gruenwald and I. Singer (Israel Oriental Studies 14; Leiden: E. J. Brill,
1994) 98, argues for the comprehensive treatment of the Mitannian pantheon in the
document. E. Laroche, "Hurrian Borrowings from the Babylonian System," in Mytho-
logies, edited by Y. Bonnefoy and W. Doniger (Chicago: The University of Chicago
Press, 1991) 1:225, believes the treaty text lacks several major Hurrian deities.
419
BoTU 44 ii = KUB XIX no. 13+14 II 31' = KBo XIX no. 50 IV; H. G.
Giiterbock, "The Deeds of Suppiluliuma as Told by His Son, Mursili II," JCS 10
(1956) 111; Harrak, Assyria and Hanigalbat, 45-46.
420
O. R. Gurney, Some Aspects of Hittite Religion (SchL, 1976; Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1977) 13-14, 18, 23-24.
421
A. Herdner, "Nouveaux textes alphabetiques de Ras Shamra—XXIVe Cam-
pagne, 1961," in Ugaritica VII, edited by C. F.-A. Schaeffer (MRS 18; BAH 99;
Paris: Mission Archeologique de Ras Shamra and Librairie orientaliste Paul Geuthner;
Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1978) 28:14 (RS 24.250+259, a ritual text); J. Nougayrol, Le Palais
Royal d'Ugarit, IV (BAH 74; MRS 9; Paris: Imprimerie Nationale and Librairie
Klincksieck, 1956) 52 rev. 20' (RS 17.340, a Hittite vassal treaty with Niqmaddu
of Ugarit); KTU2 1.24 (RS 5.194, a mythological account of Nikkal's marriage to
the moon god); see S. A. Wiggins, "What's in a Name? Yarih at Ugarit," UF 30
(1998) 761-79.
422
Gurney, Some Aspects of Hittite Religion, 14. The city of Harran appears neither
as a toponym nor as an element of a proper name in Nuzi texts; see A. Fadhil,
Studien zur Topographic und Prosopographie der Provinzstadte des Kb'nigreichs Arraphe (BaghF 6;
Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern, 1983), passim.
423
Harrak, Assyria and Hanigalbat, 12, 64, 66, 135, 172. Harrak suggests that Assur-
uballit I lost Harran to Mursili towards the end of the Assyrian king's reign (49).
394 CHAPTER FOUR
in the inscriptions of the Middle Assyrian kings Adad-narari I,

Shalmaneser I, Tiglath-pileser I and Assur-bel-kala suggest that, while
the city functioned as a regional hub (halsi and KUR [URU] .harrdni],
Assyrian political influence was limited.424 On the other hand, Middle
Assyrian letters from Dur-Katlimmu/Tell Seh Hamad mention Harran.
No. 6, dated by eponym to the reign of Tukultl-Ninurta I (1234-1197),
is a report on the economic and political affairs of the rival city-
state Carchemish: traders of the king of Carchemish and the governor
Tagi-Sarruma have returned from Kumahu and have departed for
Huzfranu, Ajjanu and Harran. No. 7: trouble with the loyalty of
huradu-troops should prompt the king to write to the fortresses (birdte)
of the land (KUR) of Harran and the district of the Kasiyari mountains
(Tur cAbdfn region). These texts hint that Harran may have been
briefly incorporated into the Middle Assyrian provincial system by
this early date.420 A Middle Assyrian tablet from Tell al-Furayy Level
IV indicates that a relationship existed between the site and Harran,
and that the former was placed in charge of administering water
rights on the Euphrates for irrigation.426 By the time Tiglath-pileser
I endeavored to reassert Assyrian control in this region, the linguistic
affiliation had shifted from Hurrian to Aramaean.427 Postgate plausibly
424
Adad-narari I (1307-1275) claimed that the great gods gave him rulership
over district (halsi) Harran and other cities as far as the Euphrates; K. Kessler,
"Das Schicksal von Irridu unter Adad-narari I," RA 74 (1980) 63:12' (K 2650);
RIMA 1 A.0.76.3:37-43. While Shalmaneser I may have retained the city within
his provincial system, RIMA 1 A.0.77.1:81-85, for both Tiglath-pileser I (RIMA 2
A.0.87.1 vi 70-75) and Assur-bel-kala (RIMA 2 A.0.89.7 iii 19b-20a), Harran had
become a place to hunt elephants or conduct the infrequent raid. For a descrip-
tion of Ass 10557 and the reign of Adad-narari I, see E. F. Weidner, "Die Kampfe
Adadnararis I. gegen Hanigalbat," AJO 5 (1928-1929) 89-100, and Harrak, Assyria
and Hanigalbat, 12, 64/66, 135, 172.
423
E. C. Cancik-Kirschbaum, Die mittelassyrischen Briefe aus Tall Seh Hamad (Berichte
der Ausgrabung Tall Seh Hamad/Dur-Katlimmu 4/1; Berlin: Dietrich Reimer
Verlag, 1996), no. 6 16'-20''(DeZ 3320 = SH 80/1527 I 142); no. 7 9'-ll' (DeZ
3835 = SH 82/1527 I 835). Cancik-Kirschbaum cites an unpublished city list that
contains (URU).KASKAL-ra-a-KM (DeZ 3281:6). See also W. Rollig, "Aspects of the
Historical Geography of Northeastern Syria from Middle Assyrian to Neo-Assyrian
Times," in Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian
Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, September 7-11, 1995, edited by S. Parpola and R. M.
Whiting (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1997) 285.
426
Bounni and Matthiae, "Tell Fray," 34; P. Matthiae, "Ittiti ed Assiri a Tell
Fray: lo scavo di una citta medio-siriano sull'Eufrate," SMEA 22 (1980) 35-51;
Harrak, Assyria and Hanigalbat, 49, 111, 176-77.
42
' For treatments of names in Neo-Assyrian sources with the theophoric elements
of the Harranean pantheon but which lack the GN KASKAL, most of which reflect
an Aramaic milieu, the reader is referred to the following studies: Fales, Censimenti
e catasti, 105-14; Lipiriski, Studies in Aramaic Inscriptions, 174—81, 189-90. R. Zadok,
surmises that Harran entered the Neo-Assyrian administrative network

at the time of Shalmaneser Ill's annexation of Til Barsip on the Upper
Euphrates. In 814, Bel-lu-balat could claim to be governor (sdkin
mati] of Tahiti, Harran, Huzfrfna, Duru, Qipani, and Balfhu, a size-
able region encompassing the upper half of the Balfh river basin.428
Huzmna but not Harran is listed among the cities that joined the
inner-Assyrian rebellion against Shalmaneser III and SamsI-Adad V.429
There is no evidence that Harran was subject to Assyrian military
reprisal at any time during the Neo-Assyrian period, early or late.
The moon god of Harran appears in seven Neo-Luwian hiero-
glyphic inscriptions, some of which belong to a ruler mentioned in
Assyrian royal inscriptions. Til Barsip Stela B, commissioned by
king Hamiyatas mentions Tarhunzas, Ea the King, the Good God,
Matilis(?), the moon god of Harran, the sun god, and Kubaba. Pre-
sumably the inscription cannot be dated later than the Aramaean
Ahuni of Bit-Adini encountered by Assur-nasir-pal II and captured
by Shalmaneser III, so chances are the adoption of the moon god of
Harran by this author was not due to any religio-political entente with
Assyria.430 In National Syrian Museum, Aleppo 2460, a Neo-Luwian
"The Ethno-Linguistic Character of the Jezireh and Adjacent Regions in the 9th-
7th Centuries (Assyria Proper vs. Periphery)," in Neo-Assyrian Geography, edited by
M. Liverani (Quaderni di Geografia Storica 5; Rome: Universita di Roma "La
Sapienza", 1995) 233-35 deals with the ethnic affiliation of PNs ascribed to per-
sons living in the Balihu region.
4 8
- W. Andrae, Die" Stelenreihen m Assur (WVDOG 24; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs,
1913) 52, pi. 20/4; RIMA 3 A.O.I02.2002. Bel-lu-balat is the only certain exam-
ple of an Assyrian official who held the office of both turtdnu and governor of
Harran; on the debunking of Forrer's theory that these offices were routinely held
by the same individual, see Postgate, "Harran," 123. An unpublished economic text
mentions a governor of Harran; Lambert, Catalogue. . . 3rd Supplement (BM 141627
[1991-1-27,1]).
429
RIMA 3 A.0.103.1 i 45-50 (BM 118892 [51-9-9,633]).
430
Thureau-Dangin and Dunand, Til-Barsib: Album, pis. 1-2; E. Laroche, Les hiero-
glyphes Hittites. Vol. 1: L'ecriture (Paris: Editions du Centre National de la Recherche
Scientifique, 1960) no. 193; P. Meriggi, Manuale di eteo geroglifico. Vol. 2, Part 2
(Incunabula Graeca 15; Rome: Edizioni dell'Ateneo, 1967-75) 2/2, no. 281, pi. 38;
J. D. Hawkins, "Review of Untersuchungen zur spathethitischen Kunst, by Winfried
Orthmann," %A 63 (1974) 308; idem, Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions, Vol. 1:
Inscriptions of the Iron Age, Part 1: Text: Introduction, Karatepe, Karkamis, Tell Ahmar, Maras,
Malatya, Commagene (Untersuchungen zur indogermanischen Sprach- und Kulturwissen-
schaft/Studies in Indo-European Languages and Cultures 8/1; Berlin: Walter de
Gruyter, 2000), III.l, 227-30, pis. 91-92; idem, "The Neo-Hittite States in Syria
and Anatolia," CAH2 3/1, 384; M. Weippert, "Elemente phonikischer und kilikischer
Religion in der Inschriften vom Karatepe," in XVII. Deutscher Orientalistentag vom 21.
bis 27. Juli 1968 in Wurzburg, edited by W. Voigt (ZDMG, Supplementa 1; Wiesbaden:
Franz Steiner Verlag, 1969) 199-200. Til Barsib Stela A, composed by a son of
Ariyahinas and probable successor to Hamiyatas, mentions the Weather God, Ea,
396 CHAPTER FOUR
stele of unknown provenance, a ruler whose name is lost mentions

"my brother Hamiyatas," a clue that the inscription is contempo-
rary with the Til Barsip steles. The inscription reads "celestial
Tarhunzas and the Harranean moon-god [march] ed [before] me . . .
those gods shall walk with me for kingship," §§2~4. The same deities
are invoked in the curse clause, §14. The inscription also mentions
the sun-god, Kubaba, and Ea. The badly weathered surface reveals
a storm god holding forked lightning.431 Wasusarmas (Wassurme),
son of Tuwatis, a king of Tabal, is known both from Neo-Luwian
and from the historical inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III.432 A dedi-
catory inscription erected by a vassal of Wasusarmas mentions the
moon god of Harran.433 Wasusarmas' own text, a lengthy and difficult
Kuparnas, Matilis(?), the moon god of Harran, and Kubaba; Thureau-Dangin and
Dunand, Til Barsib, pis. 3—6; B. Hrozriy, Les Inscriptions hittites hieroglyphiques: essai de
dechiffrement suivi d'une grammaire hittite hieroglyphique en paradigmes et d'une liste d'hieroglyphes
(Monografie Archivu Orientalniho; Prague: Orientalni ustav, 1933-1937) Bd. 3, pi.
102; Meriggi, Manuale di eteo geroglifico, 2/2, no. 280, pi. 37; Hawkins, Corpus of
Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions, 1:1, III.6, 239-43, pis. 99-100. As Hawkins observes,
it is currently impossible to determine whether these rulers were displaced by the
Aramaean house of Ahum, or whether the early members of the Aramaean dynasty
used the available Hittite language and dedicatory textual conventions. Gods cited
in the texts included the regionally popular Weather God. Ea, and the sun-god,
deities venerated by the Hurrians, the moon god of nearby Harran and the patron
goddess of Carchemish, Kubaba.
431
R. D. Barnett, "Hittite Hieroglyphic Texts at Aleppo," Iraq 10 (1948) 137-39,
pi. 33; Laroche, Les hieroglyphes Hittites, no. 193; Meriggi, Manuale di eteo geroglifico, 2/2,
no. 307, pi. 44; J. D. Hawkins, "The Negatives in Hieroglyphic Luwian," AnSt 25 (1975)
134; Hawkins, Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions, 1:1, III.5, 235-38, pis. 97-98.
432
Wassurme, son of Tuwatis, king of Tabal, is known from Neo-Luwian inscrip-
tions set up by himself [P. Meriggi, Manuale di eteo geroglifico. Vol. 2, Part 1 (Incunabul
Graeca 14; Rome: Edizioni dell'Ateneo, 1967-75) 2/1, no. 31 (Topada); [Hawkins,
Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions, 1:2, X.I 2, 451-61, pis. 250-53 (Topada)] and
his vassals, and from the historical inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III. In the Assyrian
inscriptions, Wassurme appears among a group of North Syrian vassals in 738 [Tadmor
Tiglath-Pileser III, Ann. 14*:1 (Layard, MS A, foil. 111+66-67); Ann. 27:6 (Rawlinson,
NB 2, foil. 5v-6r); Stele III A 10 (Israel Museum 74.49.96a); Summary Inscription 7
rev. 9' (K 3751); Ann. 3 5 ("Zurich 1919"); M. Weippert, "Menachem von Israel
und seine Zeitgenossen in einer Steleninschrift des assyrischen Konigs Tiglathpileser
III. aus dem Iran," ZDPVB9 (1973) 52:9'], but is captured for rebellion in 730/729
[Tadmor Tiglath-Pileser III, Summary 7 rev. 14' (K 3751)]. On the god Sarrumas,
see E. Laroche, "Le dieu anatolien Sarrumma," Syria 40 (1963) 277-302.
433
J. Lewy, "Eine neue Stele mit 'hethitischer' Bilderschrift," AfO 3 (1926) 7-8;
Hrozriy, Les Inscriptions hittites hieroglyphiques, Bd. 3, pis. 68-70; I. J. Gelb, Hittite
Hieroglyphic Monuments (OIP 45; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1939)
no. 38, pis. 56-58; Meriggi, Manuale di eteo geroglifico, 2/2, no. 67:15 (Kayseri); J. D.
Hawkins, Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions, Vol. 1: Inscriptions of the Iron Age, Part
2: Text: Amuq, Aleppo, Hama, Tabal, Assur Letters, Miscellaneous Seals, Indices (Untersuchungen
zur indogermanischen Sprach- und Kulturwissenschaft/Studies in Indo-European
Languages and Cultures 8/2; Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2000), X.I5, 472~75, pis.
account of a battle fought with eight kings, cites Tarhunzas, Sarrumas,

and two generic deities, but does not identify the moon god. In a
stele dedicated to Tarhunzas of the Vineyard on behalf of Wasusarmas
by his vassal Sarwatiwaras, the moon god of Harran and Kubaba
appear in the curse clauses.434 In a compact between Sipis, a king
of Tabal whose dates are uncertain, and Sipis Nis's son, the moon
god of Harran and Kubaba together figure in a curse clause in this
inscription from Kara Burun, approximately 450 km from Harran
in east central Anatolia.435 Both the Assyrian and the Neo-Luwian
scribes recognized the existence of several minor kings within the
greater area of Tabal; Sipis might have reigned before, during or
after the time of Wasusarmas.436 Hawkins tentatively classifies a stele
from Kululu as a foundation document and dates it to the 8th cen-
tury. The list of gods in the invocation includes Harranean Sarmas
(Sarrumas) and the moon-god of Harran.437 The moon god of Harran
is the only deity in the Neo-Luwian texts cited above to be identified
with a particular city; neither "Nikkal" nor "moon-goddess" appear
in these inscriptions, a fact suggesting that the contemporary cult of
the Harranean moon god enjoyed a career independent of the Hurrian
Nikkal. Popularity of the cult of the moon god of Harran on the
part of Late Hittite rulers in North Syria and Anatolia should not
be sought in the past glories of Hatti, when the cult was probably
identified with the Mitannian Kulturkreis, but in religio-political devel-
opments of the 1st millennium.438 [See Figure 19]
262-63. Aniconic four-sided stele inscribed on all sides, first identified in a domes-
tic courtyard in Kayseri. Secondary inscription of Maltese crosses indicates the mon-
ument was reused and probably moved in the Middle Ages.
434
Meriggi, Manuale di eteo geroglifico, 2/1, no. 30: 56 (Sultaham); Hawkins, Corpus
of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions, 1:2, X.I 4 §§31-32, 463~72, pis. 258-61.
43D
A. T. E. Olmstead, B. B. Charles and J. E. Wrench, Travels and Studies in the
Nearer East, Vol. 1: Hittite Inscriptions (Cornell Expedition to Asia Minor and Assyro-
Babylonian Orient; Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1911) 11-12, fig. 11, pi. 5;
Gelb, Hittite Hieroglyphic Monuments, no. 33, pi. 50; Laroche, Les hieroglyphes Hittites,
no. 193; Meriggi, Manuale di eteo geroglifico, 2/1, no. 26:8-12, pi. 9 (Kara Burun);
Hawkins, "The Negatives in Hieroglyphic Luwian," 148; Hawkins, Corpus of Hieroglyphic
Luwian Inscriptions, 1:2, X.I8, 480-83, pis. 266-67.
436
On the question of cultural constituency in Tabal, see N. A. Khazaradne, "Tabal:
Remarks on the Ethnocultural Description of Eastern Asia Minor Ethnopolitical Entities
of the 9th-7th Centuries B.C.," in Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft im Alien Vorderasien, edited
by J. Harmatta and G. Komoroczy (Budapest: Akademia Kiado, 1976) 429-32.
437
Hawkins, Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions, 1:2, X.20, 485-87, pis. 270-71.
Hawkins finds the epithet "Harranean" Sarrumas "unparalleled and seems hetero-
dox" (486). Could this be a caique for Harranean Nusku?
438
A Neo-Luwian cylinder seal, beautifully executed in cornelian, should be cited
here. A worshiper faces what is apparently a standard in the form of a stag-headed
398 CHAPTER FOUR
Barrakib, the outspokenly pro-Assyrian vassal king of 8th-century

Sam'al, inscribed in Aramaic above a relief of his seated majesty in
his own palace, "My lord is Bacal Harran. I am Barrakib, son of
Panammuwa." The inscription surrounds the stereotypic emblem of
the Iron Age moon-god cult, a lunar standard stele with matching
pendent tassels.439 [See Figure 20] The relief appears on a corner
serpent. The beard, robe and posture of the worshiper are of Mesopotamian inspi-
ration. Behind the worshiper is a highly ornate lunar crescent standard with tassels
and a fluted pole with patterned knobs at top and bottom. There are three columns
of Neo-Luwian hieroglyphs, which Hawkins reads as (DEUS)TONITRUS-Aw (DEUS)fe-
AVIS na-wa/i+ra/i-li-sa, "Tarhu(nzas) (and) foreign(?) Kubaba." Hawkins accepts
Porada's dating on stylistic grounds to the early 7th century. W. H. Ward, The
Cylinder Seals of Western Asia (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institution of Washington,
1910) 267-68, no. 796 (line drawing); E. Porada and B. Buchanan, Corpus of Ancient
Near Eastern Seals in North American Collections: The Collection of the Pierpont Morgan Library
(BollS 14; Washington, D.C.: Bollingen Foundation, 1948) 156, no. 1102 (photo);
J. D. Hawkins, "Kubaba A. Philologisch," RLA 6:260a-b; idem, "Kubaba at Karkamis
and Elsewhere," AnSt 31 (1981) 174-75, no. 32; idem, Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian
Inscriptions, 1:2, XIII.4, 576-77, pi. 330 (large-format photo and line drawing). While
positive association of the seal with Harran in impossible, the iconography of the
worshiper and lunar standard crescent points to northern Mesopotamia or Syria.
If the author of the Neo-Luwian letters discovered in Assur was a Harranean, then
we may have here tantalizing evidence of the preservation of Neo-Luwian culture in
that cosmopolitan city, years after the language had lost royal sponsorship in the region.
Given the number of Assyrian religious specialists and scholars associated with the
city, the impressive Sultantepe library nearby, and the long tradition of Hermetic
and other forms of speculative thought from Late Antiquity cherished in Harran
well into the Islamic era, such a survival of Late Hittite civilization should occa-
sion no surprise.
439
The cult symbol of the moon god, a sickle-shaped crescent mounted upon a
pole with the cusps pointing upwards, is attested in southern Mesopotamia and
Bahrain in the 3rd millennium; O. Keel, Studien zu den Stempelsiegeln aus Paldstina/Israel,
IV (OBO 135; Fribourg: Universitatsverlag Freiburg; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 1994) 165-67, 194 (line drawings); K. M. al-Sindhi, The Dilmun Seals in
the Bahrain National Museum (Manama, 1994) 49, 58-59, 165, 174-82, 213, 262-63,
306 [Arabic]; M. Heinz, "Bahrain als Handelsdrehscheibe im 3. und 2. Jt. v. Chr.,"
in Beitrdge zur Kulturgeschichte Vorderasiens: Festschrift fur Rainer Michael Boehmer, edited
by U. Finkbeiner, R. Dittmann and H. Hauptmann (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern,
1995) 237-55 (photos); H. E. W. Crawford and R. Matthews, "Seals and Sealings:
Fragments of Art and Administration." in The Dilmun Temple at Soar: Bahrain and its
Archaeological Inheritance, edited by H. E. W. Crawford, R. G. Killick and J. Moon
(Saar Excavation Reports/London-Bahrain Archaeological Expedition 1; London
and New York: Kegan Paul International, 1997) 57 (no. 1600:02); H. E. W. Crawford
and R. Killick, "The Temple: an Overview," in The Dilmun Temple at Saar: Bahrain
and its Archaeological Inheritance, edited by H. E. W. Crawford, R. G. Killick and
J. Moon (Saar Excavation Reports/London-Bahrain Archaeological Expedition 1;
London and New York: Kegan Paul International, distributed by Columbia University
Press, 1997) 90-91, fig. 89; D. Collon, "Mond. B. In der Bildkunst," RLA 8:358a-b.
No unambiguous examples of this symbol occur in conjunction with texts that
specifically mention the city of Harran prior to the late 9th century B.C.E. For that
reason, none of the North Syrian Bronze Age glyptic sources with lunar crescent
orthostat: "behind" the enthroned king stands a beardless attendant

with raised fly-whisk, virtually indistinguishable from dozens of Neo-
Assyrian palace reliefs of the Assyrian king and his retinue.440 Barrakib,
iconography can be attributed exclusively with any confidence to the cult of Sin of
Harran. A beautifully executed 13th-century Middle Assyrian seal from Sarnsat, a
bearded Assyrian deity holding a lunar crescent standard in one hand and a pen-
dent omega-symbol in the other, standing on a socle in a boat, might have been
crafted locally under the influence of the Harranean moon-god, or then again it
might have been fashioned in the Assyrian heartland and carried far from its ori-
gins, as were many heirloom-quality seals. See the discussion and illustrations in
D. Collon, "The Near Eastern Moon God," in Natural Phenomena: Their Meaning, Depic-
tion and Description in the Ancient Near East, edited by D. J. W. Meijer (Koninklijke
Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen Verhandelingen, Afd. Letterkunde, NS
152; Amsterdam: Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1992) 25, and
idem, "Mondgott. B. In der Bildkunst," 8:375, fig. 26, who understandably does
not address the possibility of Harranean influence. Hundreds of Neo-Assyrian and
Assyrianizing glyptics from Western Asia bearing an image of a lunar crescent stan-
dard, with or without matching pendent tassels, with or without a variety of socles,
have been published, none of which are associated with inscriptions that sport the
word Harran. It is not an acceptable history-of-religions position blindly to ascribe
all such representations of lunar cults to the local moon god of Harran, despite the
clear evidence of massive Assyrian sponsorship of the Harranean temples and a
popularity of Sin of Harran that spanned numerous political and linguistic borders.
For instance, seals with images of a lunar crescent standard found in any of the
Neo-Assyrian capital cities might have been commissioned with an eye to com-
memorating the local manifestation of the moon god, not the one in Harran. Dual
Sin-Samas temples existed in both Nineveh and Assur; for citations see Menzel
Tempel, 123 (Nineveh), 76 (Assur). Glyptic examples from Assur include A. Haller,
Die Grdber und Griifte von Assur (WVDOG 65; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1954) 14, pi.
l i b (grave 45, Ass 22819), pi. 19g (grave 989, Ass 11607). Sargon IPs palace at
Dur-Sarrukfn included chapels for Sin (Room XXVI) and Nikkal (Room XXIX), the
largest and most richly appointed in the chapel complex; V. Place and F. Thomas,
Ninive et I'Assyrie (Paris: Imprimerie Imperiale, 1867) vol. 3, pi. 6. Impressions of
seals with lunar crescent standards figure on several Neo-Assyrian administrative
and economic texts found at Nineveh and Nimrud; S. Herbordt, Neuassyrische Glyptic
des 8.-7. Jh. v. Chr: unter besonderer Berucksichtigung der Siegelungen aufTafeln und Tonverschliissen
(SAAS 1; Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1992), Nineveh: pis. 2:9
(Nin 32 = Ki 1904-10-9,179), 4:3 (Nin 164 = K 1603), 4:4 (Nin 146 = Sm 240),
4:5 (Nin 161 = K 410+83-1-18,392), 4:6 (Nin 192 = Ki 1904-10-9,135), 10:11
(Nin 98 = 81-2-4,153+475), 10:13 (Nin 141 = K 1514+7535), 10:15 (Nin 190 =
83-1-18,346), 10:22 (Nin 155 = Sm 1047), 14:10 (Nin 16 = K 1604); Nimrud:
pis. 4:8 (Nrd 4 = ND 2320), 10:14 (Nrd 100 = ND 2332), 15:11 (Nrd 11 = IM
74476, 74477, 74489). Worship of the moon appears to have been well-nigh uni-
versal throughout the Fertile Crescent in high antiquity, and there are legitimate
heuristic grounds for arguing—in the absence of compelling evidence one way or
another—that the ancient pan-Mesopotamian symbol of the moon god, a crescent
mounted on a pole, could be utilized by a sealcutter to represent any moon god,
whether local and indigenous or imperial and exotic.
440
E. Sachau, "Baal-Harran in einer altaramaischen Inschrift auf einem Relief des
Koniglichen Museums zu Berlin," SPAW(1895) 119-22 (no illustration); M. Lidzbarski,
Handbuch der nordsemitischen Epigraphik nebst ausgewdhlten Inschriften (Hildesheim: Georg
400 CHAPTER FOUR
like Wasusarmas of Tabal, was a vassal ruler of Tiglath-pileser III.

In this relief the king of Sam'al strives mightily to identify himself
with Assyria as a culture-bearing icon.
Motives for sustained early Neo-Assyrian political and cultural
investment in this region are evident. Domination of the Mitannian
kingdom of Hanigalbat appears to have been the paramount polit-
ical objective of Middle Assyrian expansionism;441 consequently, the
early Neo-Assyrian kings treated their hegemony over this territory
as a "right." Harran (URU.KASKAL), meaning "road," "carrefour,"
was advantageously situated on the ancient east-west caravan artery
across the Fertile Crescent linking the city with Til Barsip, Carchemish,
Aleppo and other points west and with Guzana, Nasibma, and cen-
tral Mesopotamia to the east; riverine traffic on the Balfh allowed
access to major Aramaean cities on the Middle Euphrates. Assyrian
westward expansion, as witnessed by the tally of luxury goods seized
or extorted from North Syrian and Anatolian polities in the annals
of Shalmaneser III and later emperors, had as its frank objective the
funneling of moveable wealth from the Levant into the Assyrian
heartland, and the political and administrative sequestering of all
major commercial activities of the major trade and production cen-
ters for Assyrian exploitation.442 Booty trains, prisoners-of-war, ship-
ments of timber and other valuable raw goods and annual tribute
processions passed eastward along the harrdn sarri, while Assyrian
Olms, 1962 [1898]) 444 no. IV.a.4, pi. 24:2 (inscription facsimile only); F. von
Luschan, et al., Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli: Ausgrabungsbericht und Anhitektur, 4 (Staatliche
Museen zu Berlin, Mitteilungen aus den orientalischen Sammlungen 14; Berlin:
W. Spemann and Georg Reimer, 1911) 346-49, fig. 255, pi. 60 (high-resolution
photo); W. Orthmann, Untersuchungen zur spdthethitischen Kunst (Saarbriicker Beitrage
zur Altertumskunde 8; Bonn: Rudolf Habelt, 1971) 545, no. Fl, pi. 63c (photo);
H. Genge, Nordsyrisch-siidanatolische Reliefs (Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes
Selskab Historisk-filosofiske Meddelelser 49; Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1979) 121,
pi. 55 (photo); KAI no. 218.
441
Harrak, Assyria and Hanigalbat, 278-84; Machinist, "Assyrians and Hittites in
the Late Bronze Age," 266.
442
On the variety and quantities of this booty, see N. B. Jankowska, "Some
Problems of the Economy of the Assyrian Empire," in Ancient Mesopotamia: Socio-
Economic History, edited by I. M. Diakonoff (Moscow: "Nauka" Publishing House,
1969) 253-76; Winter, "North Syria in the Early First Millennium B.C.," 484-514;
J. Bar, Der assyrische Tribut und seine Darstellung: eine Untersuchung zur imperialen Ideologie
im neuassyrischen Reich (AOAT 243; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-
Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1996); H. Klengel, "Beute, Tribut und Abgaben:
Aspekte assyrischer Syrienpolitik," in Assyrien im Wandel der êiten: XXXIX* Rencontre
Assyrialogique Internationale, Heidelberg 6.-10. Juli 1992, edited by H. Waetzoldt and
H. Hauptmann (HSAO 6; Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag, 1997) 71-76.
armies bound for campaigns in Anatolia, Syria-Palestine, and ultimately

Egypt marched west. Mastery of the major overland highways in the
Harran region was strategically crucial for sustained Assyrian expan-
sion in the West.443 An undated legal text from Nineveh lists mate-
rials purchased by traders, licitly or otherwise, in the city of Harran,
consisting of iron, dyed skins, stone, linen garments and wool, reflecting
the intensely cosmopolitan society of Harran in late Sargonid times.444
Shortly before the reign of Tiglath-pileser III, the 8th-century Akkadian
treaty between Assur-nararl V and Matrc-5Ilu of the North Syrian
kingdom of Arpad singles out "Sin, the great lord who dwells in
Harran" as a divine guarantor.445 Besides its proven worth as an
economic and administrative fulcrum, the ancient cult of the moon
god of Harran carried an international prestige that was both acknowl-
edged and augmented by pre-Sargonid Neo-Assyrian kings.
The Assyrian kings carved their likenesses together with the sym-
bols of the state gods on inaccessible mountain escarpments in lim-
inal regions of the empire, just as Americans chiseled Mount Rushmore
into the portraits of its chief presidential pantheon. Within those
cities most closely identified with Assyrian political presence or hun-
gry for recognition—the Assyrian heartland, Babylonia, and Harran—
the Great Kings engaged in the perennial royal office of architectural
patronage, demolishing ruinous temples and raising new ones with
foundation inscriptions, terra-cotta brickwork and more visible ded-
icatory texts extolling their grandiloquent piety. Assurbanipal, wrhose
memory was jogged, presumably, by a foundation inscription dis-
turbed during his own building efforts, claims that his royal ances-
tor Shalmaneser III had repaired the temple of Sin of Harran,
E.hul.hul.446 A border (tahumit) stele inscribed by both Adad-nararf
III and Shalmaneser IV, the Kizkapanli Koy stele, found near
Pazarcik, bears only the relief image of a lunar crescent atop a pole,
443
On the historical geography of the Neo-Assyrian "royal road," see the dis-
cussion and maps in Kessler, Topographic Nordmesopotamiens, 183-236. The discussion
of "Horse Reports" in Postgate Taxation, 7-18, gives some idea of the quantity of
horses that passed through this region to their destination in Assyria proper; the
texts themselves have been collated and translated in SAA 11 nos. 107-22; SAA
13 nos. 82-123.
444
ADD no. 812 = SAA 11 no. 26.
440
SAA 2 no. 2, 11 rev. iv 4; the mislabeled Vassal Treaties of Esarhaddon,
designed for international implementation, simply calls upon the oath-takers to
"[swear each individually] by all the gods of Harran!" ibid., no. 6, 30:36.
446
Table 5:4.
402 CHAPTER FOUR
sans tassels or socle. [See Figure 21] The inscription of Adad-narari

III on the obverse recounts how he and his mother, the famous
Sammu-ramat, crossed the Euphrates to wage battle with Atarsumki
of Arpad and his allies. The stele was erected as a boundary marker
between the kingdoms of Kummuh and Gurgum. The concluding
curse clause finishes by citing "Assur, my god, (and) Sin who dwells
in Harran" (obv. 23). The reverse face, inscribed by Shalmaneser IV,
describes tribute received from the king of Damascus, and reaffirms
the boundary of Uspilulume of Kummuh. The text of Shalmaneser
IV repeats the last line of obv. 23, a formulaic appeal for vengeance
from Assur and Sin of Harran.447 The iconography of another care-
fully executed stele from Tavla Koyii, Turkey, shows two male figures
in Assyrian costume flanking a tasseled standard mounted on a
stepped socle. Since the top of the stele, which contained the divine
symbol, is broken away, it is guesswork that the symbol was origi-
nally that of Sin of Harran. However, the findspot, surviving formal
design, and multiple references to Sin of Harran in the inscription
intimate that the missing portion of the design bore a lunar cres-
cent. [See Figure 22] In the text, Adad-nararf III and his gener-
alissimo Samsf-ilu claim to have established a boundary between
Zakkur of Hamath and Atarsumki of Arpad. Four deities are twice
identified as "the great gods of Assyria": Assur, Adad, Ber, and Sin
of Harran.448 A much weathered relief of a tasseled crescent atop a
pole mounted on a stepped socle, found in Qaruz (a village south
of Arslan Tas), bears approximately 18 lines of cuneiform text, clearly
modeled after a Neo-Assyrian royal stele of the lunar crescent type.
Kohlmeyer, who did not publish a copy of the poorly preserved text,
read the divine names Adad, Anu, Nabu(?), and Sin, and city names
which include Harran and Sahlalu. The deities cited and a broken
reference to a king of As [sur] suggests a royal Assyrian origin of the
object.449 The unique fusion of Assyrian royal inscriptions with the
447
Borker-Klahn, Altvorderasiatische Bildstelen, no. 166 (no illustration). For photo-
graphs, handcopies, transliterations and translations of the inscription, see V. Donbaz,
"Two Neo-Assyrian Stelae in the Antakya and Kahramanmaras, Museums," ARRIM
8 (1990) 8-10, photos on 15-24; RIMA 3 A.0.104.3; A.0.105.1.
448
Borker-Klahn, Altvorderasiatische Bildstelen, no. 167 (no illustration); O. A. Tas,yiirek,
"Some New Assyrian Rock-Reliefs in Turkey," AnSt 25 (1975) 180 (no illustration).
For texts and photographs see Donbaz, "Two Neo-Assyrian Stela," 6-7, and photo-
graphs on 11-14; RIMA 3 A.0.104.2.
449
Kohlmeyer, "Drei Stelen mit Sin-Symbol," 96, pi. 39.5 (photo).
steleform iconography of Sin of Harran in northern Mesopotamia

and Syria arrestingly departs from what we know of the empire-
wide code of the Assyrian royal stele. No well-traveled soldier or
trader used to the familiar menacing piety of the royal image mounted
in city gates or carved on beetling cliffs could fail to take notice and
draw the correct conclusion.
An anepigraphic Neo-Assyrian stele, lunar crescent type, was found
in Gokta§ Koyii, Turkey. Two diminutive adorants in Assyrian dress
flank a tasseled lunar crescent standard mounted atop a stepped
socle. The object is badly weathered and broken, but the relief design
is unmistakable.450 Another anepigraphic Neo-Assyrian stele, lunar
crescent type, was located in cAran, Syria. The lower half is miss-
ing, but the upper portion preserves a relief of a tasseled crescent
atop a pole.451 Zaraqotaq, Syria yielded another uninscribed Neo-
Assyrian stele of the lunar crescent type. It sports a relief of a tas-
seled crescent atop a pole mounted on a stepped socle, a design very
common in Assyro-Babylonian glyptics.402 An anepigraphic Assyrian-
style mixed standard and cult stele, badly eroded and chipped, was
found at Aligor (near Urfa, Turkey). A male deity standing on a
winged lion-dragon, wearing an outsized polos with disk at top, faces
a tasseled lunar crescent standard half his height. A small winged
solar disk hovers near the deity's headdress.433 An uninscribed cult
relief was excavated at the Assyrian provincial capital Til Barsip, but
only recently reassembled. Atop a crenellated temple a male deity
whose weapons and headpiece sport diminutive crescents is flanked
by two huge lunar crescent standards. The deity is probably Sin of
Harran, and, if so, the temple is therefore E.hul.hul of Harran.454
450
Borker-Klahn, Altoorderasiatische Bildstelen, no. 244a-c (photos); Keel, Studien ZM
den Stempelsiegeln aus Palastina/Israel, IV, 141, 182, fig. 8 (line drawing); Uehlinger,
"Figurative Policy," 346, fig. 33 (line drawing).
4jl
Kohlmeyer, "Drei Stelen mit Sin-Symbol aus Nordsyrien," 91-94, pi. 38.1
(photo); Keel, Studien zu den Stempelsiegeln aus Palastina/Israel, IV, 140, 181, fig. 6 (line
drawing).
4j2
Kohlmeyer, "Drei Stelen mit Sin-Symbol aus Nordsyrien," 94-95, pi. 39.3
(photo); Keel, Studien zu den Stempelsiegeln aus Palastina/Israel, IV, 140, 181, fig. 5 (line
drawing).
403
H. Qambel, "Archaologischer Bericht aus Anatolien: Kurze Reisenotizen," Or
20 (1951) 250-1 (no illustration); Borker-Klahn, Altvorderasiatische Bildstelen, no. 240
(stipple drawing, photo); Keel, Studien zu den Stempelsiegeln aus Palastina/Israel, IV, 142,
183, fig. 9 (stipple drawing); Uehlinger, "Figurative Policy," 314, fig. 12 (stipple
drawing).
4)4
See chapter 3 257-58 n. 109 supra, and see Figure 23.
404 CHAPTER FOUR
[See Figure 23] In historical retrospect, Harran's location on the

major caravan routes, the ancient international prestige of its moon
god, and the city's career as a major cultic and administrative cen-
ter for northern Mesopotamia and points west won for it a remark-
ably consistent investment in Assyrian Realpolitik during the formative
years of the empire.
Zadok's onomastic studies of 9th— 7th-century cuneiform documents
that deal with Harran and its environs suggest that the population
was predominantly Aramaean, with individuals of an Assyro-Babylonian
linguistic background rarely numbering more than 30%.455 An
Aramaean milieu for a city located on the BalTh at this period is
predictable. Unhappily, we have no texts that describe in any fash-
ion participation in the moon-god cult in the city by the local elites
and other sojourners in Harran, save for clergy and the Assyrian
rulers. The palace orthostat of Barrakib of Sam'al with its Aramaic
tribute to Ba'al Harran bespeaks the official adoption of the cult by
this Assyrian vassal. Three metal lunar crescent finials, three-dimen-
sional counterparts to the tasseled lunar crescent standards portrayed
on steles and glyptic, have been found respectively in Tell Halaf
(Guzana),406 Tell Zinjirli (Sam'al),457 and Tell es-Serfca in southern
Palestine.4:>8 Very few West Semitic inscriptions accompany stamp
seals with lunar crescent standards. [See Figure 24] Two are Aramaic;
the Aramaic inscription along the long edge of one reads pcr hmn,
possibly the city Pacar of the Amanus near Zinjirli.459 Several stamp
403
See Zadok, "Ethno-Linguistic Character," 233-35, 278, together with Fales,
Censimenti e catasti, 105-7 n. 90, and Lipiriski, Studies in Aramaic Inscriptions, 189-90.
436
M. F. von Oppenheim, Der Tell Halaf, eine neue Kultur im dltesten Mesopotamien
(Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1931) 190, pi. 57:5 (photo); idem, "Imamkulu, ein neues
subaraisches Denkmal aus der Hettiterzeit in Kleinasien," AfO 11 (1936-37) 347;
F. Langenegger, K. Miiller and R. Naumann, Tell Halaf. Bd. 2: Die Bauwerke (Berlin:
Walter de Gruyter, 1950) 50; B. Hrouda, Tell Halaf, IV: Die Kleinfunde aus historischer
&it (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1962) 49, pi. 34:1 (TH 729, object presumably
destroyed during World War II; photo).
457
Luschan, Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, 5:105, pi. 48z (S 3902; VA inventory no.,
if any, unknown; photo).
458
E. D. Oren, "Ziklag—A Biblical City on the Edge of the Negev," BA 45
(1982) 159-60 (photo); E. D. Oren, "Sera', Tel," NEAEHL 1333 (IAA 87-9; photo).
459
P. Bordreuil, Catalogue des sceaux ouest-semitiques inscrits de la Bibliotheque Nationale,
du Musee du Louvre et du Musee biblique de Bible et Terre Sainte (Paris: Bibliotheque
Nationale, 1986) 21-22, no. 4 (Bibliotheque Nationale, Cabinet des Medailles,
Collection Henri Seyrig 1973, I, 525; photos); A. Lemaire, "Cinq nouveaux sceaux
ouestsemitiques," SEL 1 (1990) 104-6, pi. 2:4 (photo); P. Bordreuil, "Le repertoire
iconographique des sceaux arameens inscrits et son evolution," in Studies in the Icono-
graphy of Northwest Semitic Inscribed Seals, edited by B. Sass and C. Uehlinger (OBO
and cylinder seals excavated in Palestine depict ritual scenes per-

formed around lunar crescent standards in wooded settings, gener-
ally with musical accompaniment.460 [See Figure 25] The city name
appears compounded in many forms in the cuneiform and Aramaic
onomastica of the Neo-Assyrian period, once in Middle Assyrian
cuneiform and twice in hieroglyphic Neo-Luwian.46' The most fre-
quent form of the name of the moon god of Harran used as a
theophore in Akkadian texts is (d)Bel-Harran-^T, which is based on
the Aramaic formulation of the cult name. There are no Akkadian
onomastic constructions such as
Heavy attestation of the Akkadian and Aramaic
forms of the divine names Sin and Nusku as theophoric elements
occur in Sargonid northern Mesopotamia in a region as far south-
west as Neirab, with an eastern perimeter somewhat to the west of
Guzana, and a range north to Huzfrma, with the heaviest concen-
tration along the "royal road" (harrdn sarri] between the Euphrates
and the Balfh.462 The discovery of new archives in North Syria and
Mesopotamia could alter this linguistic map dramatically.463
125; Fribourg: Universitatsverlag; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993) 97

n. 29; N. Avigad and B. Sass, Corpus of West Semitic Stamp Seals (Publications of the
Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, Section of Humanities; Jerusalem: Israel
Academy of Arts and Sciences/Israel Exploration Society/The Institute of Archaeology,
Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1997) 836 (J. Rosen Collection 5230; photo).
460
The cylinder seal excavated in a tomb on Mt. Nebo, Jordan, is representa-
tive; S. J. Sailer, "Iron Age Tombs at Nebo, Jordan," LASBF 16 (1965-66) 187-92,
fig. 7 (SBF 239; photo).
461
See provisionally Holloway, "Materials for the Study of Harran, Part 1: Texts,"
5.7, where the Neo-Assyrian names Bel-Harran-abu-usur, Bel-Harran-ahu-usur, Bel-
Harran-belu-usur, Bel-Harran-dun, Bel-Harran-idrf, Bel-Harran-ilT, Bel-Harran-isse'a,
Bel-Harran-killanni, Bel-Harran-kusurrani, Bel-Harran-sabtanni, Bel-Harran-sadu'a,
Bel-Harran-sarru-usur, Bel-Harran-taklak, Bel-Harran-uballit, Bel-Harran-usuranni,
Harran-bel-usur, Harranaia (male and female), Harranu, Man(nu)-ki-Harran, Qurdi-
Harran, Ubru-Harran are cited with sources and variants. A single Middle Assyrian
example is known to this researcher: KASKAL-nz, "the Harranean" (3.3). The name
harranayyu appears in Aramaic clay tablets probably produced in the region between
Harran and Guzana (7.1). A Neo-Luwian stele contains the proper name mhara+i-
na-(m)u'-sa-ha, "the Harranean." (10.1), and one of the Neo-Luwian letters from
Assur was written by an author using the ethnicon "Haranawean" (10.1.1).
4h
- Fales, Censimenti e catasti, 105-9; Zadok, On West Semites, 44.
4( 3
' On the partially published Akkadian and Aramaic archive originally said to
have been found in the vicinity of Harran (but now attributed to the greater Harran-
Guzana area), housed in Brussels, see D. Homes-Fredericq, "Coquillages et glyp-
tique arameenne," in Insight Through Images: Studies in Honor of Edith Porada, edited
by M. Kelly-Buccellati, P. Matthiae and M. van Loon (Bibliotheca Mesopotamica
21; Malibu, CA: Undena Publications, 1986) 111-18; idem, "La glyptique des
archives inedites d'un centre provincial de 1'empire assyrien aux Musees Royaux
406 CHAPTER FOUR
There is no mention of Harran in the extant literary corpus of

Tiglath-pileser III. From the time of Sargon II to the fall of Harran
in 609, however, the cult of the moon god attains an aggressively
new visibility in the self-construction of Assyrian imperial identity
that surely mimics the growing political might of the city itself. Sargon
II stated that he reestablished the coveted exemptions from taxation
and military levy (zjakutu and kidinnutu) of Assur and Harran "which
had been forgotten for ages."464 It is impossible at present to deter-
mine whether Harran had actually enjoyed this special status before,
or whether Sargon II, in his quest for political legitimation, invented
a "traditional" civic right in order to bestow it upon a grateful pop-
ulation. In any event, the ranking of distant Harran with the ancient
capital city of Assyria is indicative of the vital position Harran occu-
pied on the political chessboard of the late 8th-century empire. A
series of Kuyunjik tablets originally published by Johns as an "Assyrian
Doomsday Book" appears to have been part of a cadastral survey
of Harran and its environs in the 7th century prepared for the pur-
pose of taxation. In the recent edition of the "Harran Census" in
SAA 11, the editors Fales and Postgate speculate that this enigmatic
document, which is organized by land owners in the vicinity of
Harran, may have been commissioned by Sargon II as the bureau-
cratic means of establishing tax-exemptions in the Harran region.
Sketchy prosopographic evidence suggests a date for these texts late
in the reign of Sargon II or possibly that of Sennacherib.463 Fales'
earlier detailed onomastic analysis of these texts reveals that the pop-
ulation, both within the major cities themselves and in the sur-
rounding villages, was predominantly West Semitic (Aramaean), with
a sizable minority bearing Assyro-Babylonian names.466 A broken text
d'Art et d'Histoire, Bruxelles," in Cuneiform Archives and Libraries: Papers Read at the
30' Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Leiden, 4-8 July 1983, edited by K. R. Veenhof
(UNHAII 57; Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, 1986) 247-59;
E. Lipiriski, "Le langue des tablettes arameennes de Bruxelles," in Studies in Near
Eastern Languages and Literatures: Memorial Volume of Karel Petrdcek, edited by P. Zemanek
(Prague: Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, Oriental Institute, 1996)
323-42; idem, "The Personal Names Handi, Harranay and Kurillay in Neo-Assyrian
Sources," in Assyrien im Wandel der êiten: XXXIX" Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale,
Heidelberg 6.-10. Juli 1992, edited by H. Waetzoldt and H. Hauptmann (HSAO 6;
Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag, 1997) 89~93.
464
Table 10:6.
465
SAA 11 xxxii-xxxiii.
41)6
Fales, Censimenti e catasti, 105-14. Zadok finds evidence of Arab names (those
with Southwest Semitic precative elements) in the cuneiform sources for the Harran
of Sargon II mentions use of 7'/2 minas of silver for E.hul.hul, the

temple of Sin of Harran, suggesting perhaps not only embellishments
to the existing structure on the part of this king, but actual refur-
bishments to its fabric.467 A substantial body of correspondence
addressed to Sargon II by Nabu-pasir, a high official stationed in
Harran, dealt with troop movements, captives, deportees and sundry
administrativa,468 but other texts describe events associated with the
moon-god cult. The king was informed that Sin had entered the
akitu-temple, and that the "king's sacrifices" had been performed.469
One letter involves a royal decision, probably cultic affairs, regard-
ing Si'-gabbari, a priest of Neirab.470 Letters from Nabu-pasir describe
the size of beams used for doors, which in one case measured 13 x
4 cubits, for a principal building and a small building, together with
a possible reference to a door covered with metal plates. Circumstantial
evidence suggests that a monumental structure in Harran is being
refurbished, probably a temple.471 Exceptionally, Tab-sar-Assur, trea-
surer of Assyria, informed Sargon II about an "emblem (dsurinnu) of
the moon god of Harran."472
Sennacherib's annalistic inscriptions are devoid of references to
Harran, but a much-weathered lunar crescent standard stele bear-
ing what was probably a dedicatory inscription of his was found at
A§agi Yanmca, a "suburb" of Harran.4'3 [See Figure 26] Harran
swims into sharpest focus in the reigns of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal
in many textual genres. A letter to Esarhaddon describes work on
a cella of Nasuh/Nasuh = Nusku, probably located in Harran, a
region. "Most of these names show that the Arabians were not only influenced by
the Aramaic cultural and linguistic substratum, but also assimilated to some extent
with the Arameans," Zadok, On West Semites, 220.
467
Table 5:10.
468
ABL no. 131 = SAA 1 no. 190 (K 625); ABL no. 132 = SAA 1 no. 191 (K
655); CT 53 no. 20 = SAA 1 no. 192 (K 1060+1253); ABL no. 642 = SAA 1
no. 193 (K 12046); ABL no. 1073 = SAA 1 no. 194 (Rm 58); ABL no. 701 =
SAA 1 no. 195 (Sm 1338); CT 53 no. 208 = SAA 1 no. 196 (K 1903); CT 53
no. 839 = SAA 1 no. 197 (Sm 1624); CT 53 no. 262 = SAA 1 no. 198 (K 5502);
CT 53 no. 734 = SAA 1 no. 199 (K 16059); ABL no. 135 = SAA 1 no. 200 (K
5531); ABL no. 1223 = SAA 1 no. 201 (82-5-22,127).
469
Table 12:7.
470
Table 12:8.
471
ABL no. 130 = SAA 1 no. 202 (K 624); ABL no. 457 = SAA 1 no. 203 (K
1014); authorship of SAA 1 no. 203 is assigned to Nabu-pasir by S. Parpola.
472
Table 12:9.
47;i
S. Lloyd and W. Brice, "Harran," AnSt 1 (1951) 77-111 pi. 10:3 (photo); C. J.
Gadd, "Note on the Stele of As.agi Yarimca," AnSt 1 (1951) 108-10 (no illustration);
Borker-Klahn, Altuorderasiatische Bildstelen, no. 206 (stipple drawing).
408 CHAPTER FOUR
central deity in the Harranean pantheon.474 A number of silver cult

objects were created for the temples of Harran in his reign, involv-
ing a large contingent of Harranean clergy and secular officials.473
The king was informed as to the propitious month and day in which
to set up statues of himself and the two crown princes in the tem-
ple of Sin at Harran. Nissinen plausibly associates this action with
Esarhaddon's "coronation" at Harran en route to Egypt in Nisannu
671. 476 The ideological impact of erecting statues of the Assyrian
king and heirs presumptive on the same dais as the great image Sin
of Harran, comparable to royal statues commissioned for Marduk's
cella in Esagila, cannot be overestimated. In a remarkable Neo-
Babylonian letter addressed to both Assurbanipal and the god Assur,
ABL no. 923, the author appears to describe an Egyptian royal motif
in connection with Sin of Harran. While in a temple in the envi-
rons of Harran, Esarhaddon is said to have taken two crowns from
the head of Sin and placed them on his own head, whereupon he
was issued the oracle "you will go (and) conquer the world with it."
Anthony Spalinger and others have seen here a ceremony in which
Esarhaddon received the Double Crown of Egypt prior to his inva-
sion of Egypt in 671. 4/7 In this connection it is worth noting that
474
Table 5:20. Parpola dates this letter to 670/669. In the official mythology of
Harran, Nasuh/Nusku played the role of son to Sin and Nikkal.
" 475 Table 12:27.
476
Table 7:8; Nissinen, References to Prophecy, 124 n. 466. See the discussion imme-
diately below.
477
ABL no. 923 = LAS I no. 117 = SAA 10 no. 174; A. J. Spalinger, "An
Egyptian Motif in an Assyrian Text," BASOR 223 (1976) 64-67; Onasch, Die
assyrischen Eroberungen Agyptes I, 160-61; Nissinen, References to Prophecy, 79, 123-24;
Uehlinger, "Figurative Policy," 316-18. The Assyrian equivalent of the State
Department understood the difference between the political and cultural entities of
the Delta, Pathros, and Nubia; it stands to reason that Assurbanipal and his min-
isters, perhaps with expert coaching, could recognize the imperial significance of
the Double Crown and other Egyptian royal symbols. The association of the royal
age-crown and the horns of the crescent moon was a familiar literary image that
the Sargonid kings heard ad nauseum in the stock phrase of the astronomical reports:
"if the moon wears a crown: the king will achieve supremacy." Bel age, "lord of
the crown," was a venerable epithet of Sin of Harran that one meets with in royal
Assyrian correspondence; SAA 10 no. 13 rev. 9', and in the Assurbanipal dedica-
tion text of the Anzu-bird for Sin of Harran; Pongratz-Leisten, "Anzu-Vogel" 551:4
(K 8759+Rm 133+Rm 288). One can speculate that the increasing attention paid
by Esarhaddon to the personal and political implications of omina in general, not
least of which were the threats against his very life signaled by those lunar eclipses
meeting the specified arcana, served to magnify the traditional role of the moon-
god of Harran in the career of the Sargonid kings. The only lamentation-priest
known to have reported directly to Esarhaddon, Urad-Ea, the galamdhu of Sin
three faience cylinder seals were excavated between 1955-58 at

Nimrud by the British School of Archaeology in Iraq bearing a lunar
crescent standard, a symbol used of Sin of Harran, in conjunction
with an Egyptian uraeus.478 [See Figure 27] A similar cylinder seal
was excavated at Tell Jemmeh in Palestine by Flinders Petrie early
in the 20th century.479 Other cylinder seals combining a tasseled
lunar crescent standard and strongly Egyptianizing motifs have been
purchased on the antiquities market.480 While it is impossible to pin-
point the date of any of these examples, creation in the southern
Levant during the "Egyptian" phases of the reigns of Esarhaddon
or Assurbanipal is reasonable.
Esarhaddon received a number of letters and astrological reports
from the chief lamentation-priest (galamdhu) of Sin of Harran, some
of which describe royal rituals associated with the moon-god cult of
Harran.481 A letter written to either Esarhaddon or Assurbanipal
speaks of a sacrifice of "well-being" (sulmu) performed for the king
in the presence of Sin, presumably of Harran.482 Mention has already
been made of a Sargonid Neo-Assyrian hymn-like catalogue of major
temples and patron deities, written in the voice of Istar of Uruk,
which includes Sin of Harran. A Neo-Assyrian text, possibly dealing
with recipients of largesse at a royal New Year's reception in the
stationed in Harran, there performed penitential rites designed to avert the wrath
of the celestial deities and, in Nineveh, participated in a blt-rimki ceremony prepara-
tory to the substitute king ritual, set in motion by the evil portent of a lunar eclipse;
ABL no. 23 = LAS I no. 185 = SAA 10 no. 240 (K 602) (writer: Marduk-sakin-
sumi), and see commentary, LAS II, 176-80. By no means was the role of Sin of
Harran universally recognized as a major divine protagonist in the conquest of
Egypt. An astrological report from the Babylonian scholar Nabu-iqbi, relates that
"When Assur, Samas, Nabu and Marduk delivered Kush and Egypt into the hands
of the king [my lord], they plundered them [. . .] with the troops of the king my
lord. [Gold and silver from] their treasury, all that there was, they brought [into] your
royal dwelling [Ni]neveh [and distributed] booty from them to his servants;" SAA 8
no. 418:4-9 (83-1-18,202+83-1-18,305 = Thompson Rep. no. 22).
478
B. Parker, "Excavations at Nimrud, 1949-1954. Seals and Seal Impressions,"
Iraq 17 (1955) 106, pi. 17:3 (photo) (also sports a clearly-formed feather of Macat);
B. Parker, "Seals and Seal Impressions from the Nimrud Excavations, 1955-1958,"
Iraq 24 (1962) 30, pi. 11:5 (photo; plate references of ND 4178 and 4164 are
reversed); Parker, "Seals and Seal Impressions from the Nimrud Excavations, 1955-
1958," 33, pi. 16:3 (photo).
479
W. M. F. Petrie, Gerar (British School of Archaeology in Egypt Publications;
London: British School of Egyptian Archaeology, 1928) pi. 19:27 (line drawing).
480
Uehlinger, "Figurative Policy," 318-19, figs. 16-17 (line drawings); Keel, Studien
ZM den Stempelsiegeln aus Palastina/Israel, IV, 158 no. 4, pi. 16:3 (photo).
481
Table 7:9; 12:22.
482
Table 12:30.
410 CHAPTER FOUR
Assyrian capital, lists scholars in the service of Esarhaddon from the

cities of Assur, Nineveh, Arba'il, Kalhu, and Harran, and speaks of
a certain Balassu, priest (LU.SANGA) of Harran, and an unnamed
treasurer (LU.IGI.DUB) of Harran.483 Legal texts from Nineveh from
the reigns of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal contain penalty clauses
which name Nikkal (NIN.GAL) and Sin of Harran,484 or Sin of
Harran alone.485 The so-called Vassal Treaties of Esarhaddon, designed
for international implementation, simply call upon the oath-takers to
"[swear each individually] by all the gods of Harran!"486
A series of letters from Nabu-rehtu-usur purportedly illuminates a
web of conspiracy closing in on Esarhaddon that enmeshes Harran
and the Harranean pantheon. Unfortunately, the writer and his voca-
tional relationship to the royal court are unknown, the tablets are
all seriously damaged, and the historicity of the charges is virtually
closed to independent verification.487 Nabu-rehtu-usur reproduces a
(treasonous) oracle from Nusku of Harran to an individual named
Sasi, to the effect that the Sargonid dynasty shall be terminated and
Sasi made king in its stead. A slave-girl in the neighborhood of
Harran delivered the oracle. The author warns the king of his peril
in the name of Nikkal, urging that the guilty parties be executed
with utmost dispatch.488 In another letter, a vision (diglu) was vouch-
483
ADD no. 981 = SAA 7 no. 151 rev. i' 5', 16' (83-1-18,454); ADD no. 1046 =
SAA 7 no. 153 rev. ii' 1 (K 11955); R. Mattila, "Balancing the Accounts of the
Royal New Year's Reception: Seven Administrative Documents from Nineveh,"
SAAB 4 (1990) 12:348-50, 354-59.
484
ADD no. 215 rev. 1-4 = ARU no. 166:14-17 = Postgate Royal Grants, no.
144:14-17 = SAA 6 no. 98:1-4 (80-7-19,353); ADD no. 389 rev. 6-9 = ARU
no. 170:15-18 = Postgate Royal Grants, no. 83:16'-19' (81-7-27,68); ADD no.
1166 rev. 2'-5' (Ki 1904-10-9,124); Menzel Tempel, T 208, nos. 234-36.
485
ADD no. 275 rev. 2-3 = ARU no. 174:8'-9' (83-1-18,349); ADD no. 802:13-14
= ARU no. 76:15-16 = Postgate Royal Grants, no. 299:12'-!3" (K 10412+80-
7-19,345); VAS 1 no. 90 = ARU no. 214:15-16 (VAT 5394); Menzel Tempel, T
215, nos. 298-301; K. Deller, F. M. Fales and L. Jakob-Rost, "Neo-Assyrian Texts
from Assur: Private Archives in the Vorderasiatisches Museum of Berlin," SAAB 9
(1995) 112-13, no. 124 (VAT 8901). In ADD no. 275, only URU.KASKAL remains,
leaving open the possibility that some other god from Harran was originally writ-
ten. Regarding VAT 8901, Deller, Fales and Jakob-Rost, "Neo-Assyrian Texts from
Assur," 113, make the valid observation that, in light of the theophoric element of
the debtor's name, dSeri-nuri, and the sole deity mentioned in the penalty clause,
the debtor was probably from Harran.
486
SAA 2 no. 6, 30:36.
48/
On reasonably sound internal evidence Nissinen, References to Prophecy, 116-17
dates the corpus to the years between 672 and 669.
488
Table 12:16; Nissinen, References to Prophecy, 109-11, 119-127 (transliteration
and translation by S. Parpola).
safed the author regarding the king's peril from named conspirators,
including Sasi. Harran is mentioned, although the severely damaged
text does not permit us to ascertain how the city was involved.489
Open references to visions and a smattering of lexical and rhetori-
cal items reminiscent of explicit Assyrian prophecies raise the possi-
bility that Nabu-rehtu-usur was himself a prophet, and therefore his
exasperation over the anti-Sargonid oracles assumes a dimension of
professional outrage.490 Nissinen, after judiciously examining the evi-
dence for a conspiracy against Esarhaddon in 671/670, concludes
that a serious coup d'etat took place in 670, led by the chief eunuch
in Nineveh, not the flamboyantly maligned Sasi.491 Oracles purport-
edly issued by the Harranean pantheon played a significant role in
the revolt, though the extent to which the city of Harran physically
played host to the conspirators remains unclear. If Esarhaddon's sym-
bolically-charged "coronation" performed on the way to Egypt in
Harran did in fact occur in Nisannu 671, then it follows that an
attempt to depose the king during or shortly after the Egyptian cam-
paign would involve enlisting the legitimizing authority of the gods
of Harran through oracular pronouncements and other forms of pub-
licly exploitable divination. Kudurru, possibly the same individual
described as a competent (Babylonian) haruspex in SAA 10 no. 160
rev. 13, 31, wrote an eleventh-hour self-exculpatory letter to Esar-
haddon. Kudurru melodramatically expostulated that, under threat
of imminent death and liberal potations of wine, he had engineered
a fraudulent extispicy in the temple of Bel Harran, to the effect that
the chief eunuch would usurp the kingship of Assyria and he himself
would become king of Babylonia.492 Although Nissinen believes this
temple was located in Nineveh, it is more plausible that the locus
of the extispicy was Harran, where E.hul.hul was located, away from
489
CT 53 nos. 17+107; Nissinen, References to Prophecy, 111-14 (transliteration and
translation by S. Parpola). In a piece of damaged Neo-Assyrian correspondence, an
enraged Esarhaddon, possibly spurred on by the governor of Que, wrote a fright-
ening letter to the author and other unknown parties in Harran. Sasi should be
questioned! CT 53 no. 44; Fales, "New Assyrian Letters," 142-43 n. 7 (transliter-
ation); Nissinen, References to Prophecy, 140-41 (transliteration by S. Parpola).
490
Nissinen, References to Prophecy, 152-53, after citing an impressive list of inter-
nal clues of prophetic office in the correspondence of Nabu-rehtu-usur, commits
himself to nothing more definite that avowing that "he obviously had a strong
predilection for prophecy" (153).
491
Nissinen. References to Prophecy, 127-35.
492
ABL no. 755+1393 = SAA 10 no. 179 (83-1-18,122+Ki 1904-10-9,169).
412 CHAPTER FOUR
hundreds of eyes and ears belonging to highly-motivated informants

in the capital city.493 Mention of a tablet series from the temple of
Nusku further associates the action with Harran rather than Nineveh.
The theory of an anti-Esarhaddon conspiracy orchestrated from
Harran in 675 was propounded by Dietrich494 and rather thoroughly
dissected by Brinkman.495 Nissinen, working with additional texts
supplied by Parpola, has striven to correlate the letters cited above
with the conspiracy against Esarhaddon suppressed in 670 that was
recorded in the Babylonian Chronicle. Nissinen's analysis should be
taken seriously though not uncritically.496 The significance of the cor-
respondence of Nabu-rehtu-usur and Kudurru lies less in its murky
transparency for constructing a conventional political history of the
last years of Esarhaddon, however, than its revelation of the aston-
ishing political prestige carried by the oracles of Harran.
Assurbanipal repeatedly asserted that he completed extensive remod-
eling of the temples at Harran.497 The same king claims to have
sacrificed in person at E.hul.hul498 and to have taken Sin and Nusku
by the hand and guided them back into their refurbished cellas.499
While the statement by Assurbanipal that he "took the hands" of
Sin and Nusku and guided them into their refurbished cellas is prob-
ably no more than empty formula, it is conceivable that he partic-
ipated in person during an akitu-festival in Harran.500 As is well
known, Assurbanipal installed his youngest brother as urigallu-priest
of Sin of Harran prior to 652.501 The Assyrian monarch made a
number of votive dedications to members of the Harranean pan-
theon—Sin,502 Nikkal,503 and Nusku.304 Assurbanipal claims improb-
ably to have restored E.hul.hul of Harran in his accession year
493 Nissinen5 References to Prophecy, 133-35.

494
Dietrich Aramaer, 50-55.
495
Brinkman, "Arameans and Chaldeans in Southern Babylonia," 312-15.
496
". . . [T]he door certainly remains open for alternative interpretations," Nissinen,
References to Prophecy, 150.
497
Table 5:24.
498
Table 6:22.
499
Table 7:10. The cutoff date for work on the Nusku temple is 647, based on
the terminus ad quern of version C.
500
To extend the guesswork, this might have occurred in 664, on his return from
his victorious campaign to Egypt, when he probably lavished Egyptian booty on
the interior of Sin's cella.
501
Table 12:32.
502
Table 9:11.
503
Table 9:10.
504
Table 9:7.
(669),505 but instead probably used booty from his successful Egyptian
campaign in 664 to plate the interior of Sin's cella with a stagger-
ing 70 talents of precious metal, the gesture, one suspects, of a vic-
torious warrior grateful to a patron deity for services rendered on
the battlefield.506 In ABL no. 923, Assurbanipal himself was vouch
safed this oracle: "[He (Esarhaddon) we]nt (and) conquered Egypt;
the king (Assurbanipal), the lord of kings, shall conquer the remain-
der of the lands [that] have not submitted to (the gods) Assur (and
Sin.".'0/ -pn^s passage nas a counterpart in the royal inscriptions which
precede Assurbanipal's description of the refurbishment of the Sin
temple in Harran: "With the help of the great gods and [Sin who
dwells in] Harran, my lord, the wicked bowed down, the obdurate
[ x x ] kissed my feet; I conquered the lands which were insubmis-
sive."a08 Sin is the god "who consolidates the office of Anu-ship, who
bestows the scepter, throne, staff and crown of lordship."509 Elsewhere
Assurbanipal claims that, before either his father or mother were con-
ceived, "Sin, who created me for kingship, summoned me by name
to rebuild E.hul.hul: 'Assurbanipal shall rebuild this temple and shall
cause me to dwell in an everlasting shrine!' The word of Sin, who
had spoken this long ago, has revealed this now among a later
505
Tadmor is justifiably suspicious that Assurbanipal's boast of temple-building
in his res sarruti is a literary trope, like Esarhaddon's insistence that he restored the
temples of Babylon in his accession year, a "year" that lasted 12 days at most;
Tadmor, "History and Ideology in the Assyrian Royal Inscriptions," 22-23.
506
Onasch suggests that the 70 talents of âAa/w-electrum used to decorate the
temple of Sin of Harran was donated from the booty of the Egyptian campaign,
together with 50 talents lavished on the Marduk temple of Babylon; Borger BIWA,
A ii 41-42//F i 53-54//B ii 33-34//C iii 57-58 (spoliation of two Egyptian obelisks
weighing 2,500 talents); T i 28 (gift of 50 talents to Marduk temple); Onasch, Die
assyrischen Ewberungen, 79-80, gift of 70 talents to E.hul.hul of Harran, 2:112 rev.
58 (K 2675). If Egyptian booty from the 664 campaign was indeed used in the
reconstruction of E.hul.hul, then Assurbanipal's pious attentions to the temple date
no earlier than 664, quite possibly later.
507
[it-ta-l]ak KUR.mu-sur ik-ta-sad re-eh-ti ma-ta-a-ti [sa a-na] AN+SAR d30 la kan-
sd-a-ni LUGAL EN LUGAL.MES i-has-sad; LAS I no. 117 = SAA 10 no. 174:15-16
(K 2701a); see the comments on this enigmatic letter in LAS II, 100-1, and Nissinen,
References to Prophecy, 123-24. Whether the ritual actions of Esarhaddon at Harran
actually took place is immaterial, so far as an analysis of royal ideology is con-
cerned: the writer clearly ascribed to Sin the authority for sanctioning Assyrian
imperialism in the West. I side with Onasch against Parpola in dating the compo-
sition of this letter to the second rather than the first Egyptian campaign.
508
Borger BIWA, "Anhang: Zu den Large Egyptian Tablets," 186 rev. 32-34
(K 2675).
509
Pongratz-Leisten, "^M-Vdgel," 551:13-14 (K 8759+Rm 133+Rm 288, a ded-
icatory inscription of Assurbanipal).
414 CHAPTER FOUR
people. " ol ° And on the eve of the Samas-sumu-ukfn revolt, the royal
inscriptions note that a man (etlu) had a dream: on the socle of Sin
it is written '"I will grant a wretched death to whoever plots evil or
acts in a hostile way against Assurbanipal, King of Assyria! With the
swift iron dagger, "downfall of Girra," famine, (and) pestilence of
Erra will I put an end to their lives!' This (word) I heard and I
trusted the word of Sin."5"
The secularized readership of this volume probably finds the topic
of ancient oracles and prophecy intriguing but experientially abstract,
like Einstein's theory of relativity. A contemporary example of the
political ramifications and nationalistic power of oracles in modern
Eastern Europe is instructive: the Franciscan-sponsored Marian oracles
in Medjugorje, Bosnia-Herzegovina.°12 For 400 years, the Franciscans
served as the primary Catholic presence in Ottoman-controlled Bosnia-
Herzegovina; over time, the church order became passionately identified
with the Bosnian Croats to whom they ministered. In 1923, a Vatican-
backed episcopal decision sought to transfer a number of Franciscan
parishes to the diocesan clergy. This transfer of power was ardently
resisted at the time and continues to be resisted to this day, includ-
ing open defiance of the orders of the superiors of the Franciscan
Order and the Pope himself. In 1941, under the combined auspices
of the Germans and Italians, the "Independent State of Croatia"
was formed, which was led by the fascist Ustasa organization. In the
four years of its existence, the Ustasi orchestrated some of the worse
atrocities to occur during World War II. The primary targets were
Bosnian Serbs; Ustasa officials publicly announced the goal of deport-
ing one third of the Orthodox Christian Serbs to Serbia, convert-
ing another third to Catholicism, and exterminating the remainder.
It is extensively documented, and a fact which the Catholic Church
acknowledges in its own historiography, that a number of Franciscan
friars assumed leadership roles in the forced conversions and mass
510
Borger BIWA. C i 71-77, T ii 29-36. On the topos of the vaticiniun ex eventu
prophecy utilized by Assurbanipal, see Tadmor, "Autobiographical Apology." 49-50.
511
Borger BIWA, A iii 118-27.
)l2
Much of the information in this treatment of Medjugorje draws on M. Bax,
Medjugorje: Religion, Politics, and Violence in Rural Bosnia (Anthropological Studies 16;
Amsterdam: VTJ Uitgeverij, 1995); J. A. Herrero, "Medjugorje: Ecclesiastical Conflict,
Theological Controversy. Ethnic Division," Research in the Social Scientific Study of
Religion 10 (1999) 137-70. It is my intention neither to praise nor damn the veridical
claims made for the Medjugorje apparitions, but rather to illustrate the systemic role
of modern ethnic politics and economic motives in the utilization of these oracles.
killings. At the Orthodox Serbian monastery of Zitomislici, located

in a high peaks area near Surmanci, the monks were buried alive
by the Ustasa. Another atrocity involving several hundred women
and children took place on a mountain close to Surmanci, where
the victims were thrown from a cliff to their deaths. In 1981, on
the 40th anniversary of the Surmanci massacre, a Serbian Orthodox-
led mission opened the mass grave in Surmanci, exhumed the bod-
ies, and erected a plaque commemorating the executions in the
Zitomislici monastery. Four days later, in June of 1981, on the oppo-
site side of Mount Podbrdo in Bijakovici where the massacres took
place, the current Marian apparitions began.
The Marian apparitions originally occurred to six children; the
oracles they later enunciated have been described as "brief, dull, and
repetitive" calls to repentance, penance and peace,513 replete with
prayer and fasting injunctions that exceed the demands routinely
expected of members of Catholic monastic orders. On occasion, how-
ever, the oracles have spoken out in defense of individual Franciscans
who have fallen afoul of the hostile Diocese of Mostar. The village
where the apparitions take place is under the administration of the
Franciscan parish of Medjugorje. From the outset, the Marian ora-
cles of Medjugorje were hailed as authentic and promoted by the
Franciscan clergy of the province, the local Croatian Catholics, and
Franciscan international charismatic connections. To this day, Medju-
gorje Franciscans struggle bitterly against the diocesan hierarchy of
Mostar, each attempting to impose their control and interpretation
over the oracles pronounced by the youths in the name of Mary.
The two diocesan bishops of Mostar who have held the office since
1981, Bishops Peric and Zanic, have publicly denounced the appari-
tions as fraudulent delusions fostered by the Franciscan clergy for
their own unscrupulous financial gain and popularity-garnering in
the teeth of explicit Vatican disapproval. Serbian politicians are wont
to relate the phenomenon to Croatian nationalism. "As the visions
at Medjugorje gainer wider recognition, they were 'nationalized' by
Croat politicians. For example, the independence of Croatia was
announced on June 25, 1991—the tenth anniversary of the appari-
tions. The Franciscans at Medjugorje favored an association between
the Virgin and the independent Croat state and were proud of it."3'4
Jl3
Herrero, "Medjugorje," 140.
)l4
M. Sells, The Bridge Betrayed: Religion and Genocide in Bosnia (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1996) 107.
416 CHAPTER FOUR
During the Yugoslavian Civil War of the mid 1990s, the Franciscan
pastor of Medjugorje proclaimed from his pulpit that "Gospa (Mary)
protects the Croatian church! Gospa is calling on her people to pick
up their swords, put on their uniforms, and stop the power of
Satan!"510 "To Croats the apparition is a reaffirmation of faith but
also a focal point for nationalistic solidarity; to the Serbs, Gospa Ustasa
(Saint Mary of the WWII Croatian fascists) recalls a nightmare but
a generation removed."016 The significance of the apparitions' eco-
nomic power for the once sleepy Yugoslavian village of Medjugorje
has transformed it into one of the leading Catholic pilgrimage des-
tinations in the world and a financial bonanza for the minority
Croats. As of 1995, there were 57 restaurants, 24 travel agencies,
and 130 souvenir shops in Medjugorje, and it is estimated that close
to 2 billion dollars have been funneled into the region by its pilgrimage
status. Foreign pilgrimages currently account for over three-quarters
of the income of Croat Herzegovina.517 Our Lady of Medjugorje has
an enormous international following among evangelical Catholics as
well as Protestants, hundreds of thousands of whom have journeyed
to Medjugorje in search of miracles and messages of inspiration.
Mass marketing of the oracles began in the early 1980s. "United
States television celebrity Mother Angelica was one [of the first] to
offer sustained promotion of Medjugorje in her television channel.
Boston billionaire John Hill, a Medjugorje convert, also was to become
a major promoter of the Medjugorje events in the United States by
financing publications and television programs."018
The enduring root of the international fame of the cult of the
moon god of Harran, stretching back into the Bronze Age, remains
enigmatic. By the Iron Age, Sin of Harran was singled out for explicit
mention in royal Neo-Luwian, Aramaean, and Assyrian inscriptions
erected across hundreds of kilometers in Anatolia and North Syria;
clearly, all of these kings aggressively sought to capitalize on the
31
' E. Rubin, "Souvenir Miracles: Going to See the Virgin in Western Herzegovina,"
Harper's Magazine, no. 1737, February, 1995, 67.
316
G. E. Markle and F. B. McCrea, "Medjugorje and the Crisis in Yugoslavia,"
in Politics and Religion in Central and Eastern Europe: Traditions and Transitions, edited by
W. H. Swatos, Jr. (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1994) 206.
''' E. Gormsen and H.-G. Hassel, "Pilgerreisen als Objekt geographischer Forschung.
Das Beispiel Medjugorje in Jugoslawien," in Beitrdge z.ur Religionsgeographie 1995 —
Studies on the Geography of Religion 1995, edited by G. Rinschede and J. Vossen
(Geographia Religionum: Interdisziplinare Schriftenreihe zur Religionsgeographie
10; Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1996) 143-54.
M8
Herrero, "Medjugorje," 140.
power of this local moon god for their own political magnification.
The Neo-Assyrians won this contest, and from the time of Sargon
II at the latest, Harran's pantheon assumed a highly visible role in
the ideological architecture of Assyrian imperialism in the West. It
is suggested that the oracular power of the moon-god cult of Harran
enjoyed an autonomous international reputation that the ruling house
of Assyria could ill-afford to ignore. While it is anachronistic to sug-
gest a parallel between the extreme nationalistic impact of the con-
temporary Medjugorje apparitions on the centuries-old ethnic cleavages
in the Balkans and the disquietude raised in the mind of Nabu-
rehtu-usur by politically adverse Harranean oracles, it is vital that
the modern reader grasp the gravity of the threat posed to Esarhaddon
by oracles from Harran preaching sedition. Similarly, as ABL no.
923 reveals, both Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal exploited "public"
support of the oracle of Sin of Harran in their military push to con-
quer and consolidate Egypt. The subsequent attentions and rewards
lavished by Assurbanipal on the temples of Harran suggest either
that his faith in the oracle's efficacy was not misplaced, that Assyrian
interests in the West were better served by maintaining a higher
patronage profile, or perhaps that the oracular services of the tem-
ples required tighter control—hence, the installation of a brother as
priest in E.hul.hul of Harran. Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, by pub-
licizing their commitment to the moon god of Harran through mon-
umental architecture and royal inscriptions, graphically linked the
fortunes of the Assyrian crown with the prosperity of the voice of
Sin of Harran and his city in a manner calculated to communicate
the significance of their political commitment throughout the empire.
The only evidence associating Assurbanipal's royal heir with Harran,
Assur-etel-ilani, occurs in a Nabonidus building inscription.M9 One
of a series of Neo-Elamite letters composed by an Elamite official
living in Nineveh, whose intended destination was Susa, apparently
mentions Harran. Lines 1 5 seem to describe a metal vessel prepared
by or belonging to the envoy of the king of Harran (GAM.LUGAL
h.hal.ha-ra-na) for the king of Assyria, although the reading "king of
Assyria" is partially restored in WeiBbach's edition. If the GN is
indeed the northern Mesopotamian city, the letter cannot date later
than 612/11, as the record of the text's excavation in Nineveh by
Rassam in 1880 is as secure as any 19th-century provenance can
519
Table 5:24.
418 CHAPTER FOUR
be. On this point see the discussion in Vallat, "A propos de 1'ori-
gin," and the correction by Reade, "The Elamite Tablets."520 Does
the phrase "king of Harran" imply that Harran was no longer part
of the Assyrian provincial system, that some high official in Harran
was styled "king" by the Elamite author, or was this simply a king
of an unknown polity who was currently located in Harran and pay-
ing diplomatic respect to his Assyrian overlord? It is also possible to
read this GN as "Hara" as does Vallat, Les noms geographiques des
sources suso-elamites, 79, and there are attestations of the GN ha-ra-an
in Neo-Elamite sources that are probably unrelated to Mesopotamian
Harran (Hinz and Koch, Elamisches Worterbuch, 1:623), so use of
81—2—4,137 for the study of northern Mesopotamian Harran is fraught
with hermeneutical peril.321 As is well known, Assur-uballit II set up
a government-in-exile at Harran after the Assyrian heartland fell to
a Medo-Babylonian confederacy, only to be routed from the city
with his Egyptian allies and vanquished at Carchemish. Significantly,
the "Fall of Nineveh Chronicle" asserts that "he [the king of Akkad
— Nabopolassar] carried off the vast booty of the city and temple
[of Harran]"; in other words, the victorious armies dealt with the
temple of Sin of Harran as an enemy, i.e., Assyrian, temple.522 Harran
occurs in the Hebrew Scriptures, but cannot be used uncritically as
a source for Neo-Assyrian political or religious history.023
520
F. H. WeiBbach, "Susische Thontafelchen," BASS 4 (1900) 191, no. 13;
W. Hinz, "Zu den elamitischen Briefen auf Ninive," in Fragmenta Historiae Elamicae:
melanges qfferts a M. J. Steve, edited by L. De Meyer, H. Gasche and F. Vallat (Paris:
Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1986) 227-34; W. Hinz and H. Koch,
Elamisches Worterbuch (AMI, Erganzungsband 17; Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1987) 1:597;
F. Vallat, "A propos de 1'origine des tablettes elamites dites 'de Ninive' conservees
du British Museum," NA.B.U. (1988/39) 26-27; J. E. Reade, "The Elamite Tablets
from Nineveh," NA.B.U. (1992/119) 87-88; Rep. geogr. 11, 79.
321
I am grateful to Matthew Stolper of the Oriental Institute of The University
of Chicago for discussing this text with me.
522
Grayson Chronicles, no. 3, 95:64 (BM 21901 [96-4-9,6]). The Chronicle is
clear on this point: the Ummanmanda (in context, the Medes and other allies)
besieged the city and forced its abandonment; Nabopolassar is credited with the
city's capture and the plundering of the temple. Even if the Chronicle has delib-
erately glossed over the temple's sack by the victorious Medes, it is notable that
the Babylonian historiographer saw fit to award Nabopolassar the laurels for its
spoliation; on this matter see S. Zawadzki, The Fall of Assyria and Median-Babylonian
Relations in Light of the Nabopolassar Chronicle (trans. U. Wolko and P. Lavelle; Uniwersytet
im Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu 149; Poznan: Adam Mickiewicz University
Press, 1988) passim.
j23
Pentateuchal materials move the westward-bound patriarchs through Harran
and locate part of the clans there. The city is also speciously catalogued as a mil-
itary causality of Assyria (2 Kgs 19:12-13) and, more plausibly, a locus of trade
Harran: Summary
Royal Assyrian sponsorship of the cult of the moon god in the West
was centered at ancient Harran, but was by no means limited to
that city. Both the interchange of Sin and Sahr in the onomastica
and the manifold points of cultural and administrative overlap between
the moon-god cults at Harran and Neirab strongly suggest that, from
the perspectives of both the Assyrians and the regional population,
these moon-gods were perceived as one and the same. Assyrian
clientship of a moon-god priest in the North Syrian city of Neirab
was a tangible extension of Assyrian authority wearing the familiar
livery of a popular regional cult.524 The Assyrian scribe who com-
posed the land grant for the temple of Sin of Eluma, a city near
Carchemish, crafted its divine epithets and possessive pronouns in
such a fashion as to leave no doubt that its (local) moon god was
as one with the celestial (and Assyrian) moon god worshiped by
Assurbanipal.525 Again, the onomasticon found in the Carchemish
tablet which involved the royal iskdm of Eluma is primarily West
Semitic, with Nasuh, son of the moon god, as the leading theophoric
element.026 Glyptic representations of the lunar crescent standard was
(Ezek 27:23). All citations probably postdate the fall of Assyria, providing little if
any useable historical information regarding Harran per se. Commentators have
linked the names of the patriarchs Serug, Nahor and Terah with toponyms in the
Harran region since the late 19th century, beginning with classical and medieval
sources; see A. Dillmann, Die Genesis (5th ed.; KEH 11; Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1886)
209~14, but readily exchanging these identifications for Assyrian toponyms, e.g.,
F. Delitzsch, Prolegomena eines neuen hebrdisch-aramaischen Worterbuches zum Alien Testament
(Leipzig: J. C. Heinrichs, 1886) 80; E. Schrader and H. Zimmern, Die Keilinschriften
und das Alte Testament, II: Religion und Sprache (3rd ed.; Berlin: Verlag von Reuther &
Reichard, 1903) 477-78; S. R. Driver, The Book of Genesis, with Introduction and Notes
(3rd ed.; Westminster Commentaries 1; London: Methuen & Co., 1904) 139-40;
H. Gunkel, Genesis (trans. M. E. Biddle; 9th ed.; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1977) 157-58; J. Skinner, Genesis (ICC 1; New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1910)
232. Gunkel, Genesis, 157-58, 162-63, 167-68ûnder the influence of Pan-Babylonismus
theories such as P. C. A.Jensen, "Nik(k)al-Sarratu—me? in Harran," %A 11 (1896)
293-301, attempted to correlate patriarchal onomastics and geography with the
moon-god cult of Harran. See in general T. L. Thompson, The Historicity of the
Patriarchal Narratives: The Quest for the Historical Abraham (BZAW 133; Berlin: de Gruyter,
1974) 304-8; J. Van Seters, Prologue to History: The Tahwist as Historian in Genesis
(Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1992) 202~3, 205, 209; Holloway,
"Harran: Cultic Geography," 308-14.
324
See the discussion in Table 12:8.
° 2 > See the discussion in Table 12:36.
)26
Fales dates this tablet to 702 on the basis of the restored eponym; Fales,
Censimenti e catasti, 108 n. 102. It is possible, though not very likely, that the
Assurbanipal land grant and the Carchemish tablet refer to two different cities with
the same name.
420 CHAPTER FOUR
a common motif in glyptic art in Late Iron-Age Syria-Palestine and

Transjordan; the pattern is attested at fourteen sites alone in Palestine.527
Royal supervision of the cult of the moon god at Harran in the
Sargonid period entailed almost item-for-item the same conspicuous
acts of patronage as did the maintenance of the great cult centers
of Babylonia. Neo-Assyrian kings periodically rebuilt portions of the
temple-complex and immortalized the fact with royal inscriptions,328
arranged for the performance of special royal sacrifices,529 erected
statues of themselves and their crown princes in the cellas and sent
kuzippu-garments as proxies for participation in cultic ceremonies,530
manufactured cultic paraphernalia,531 restored (or inaugurated) civic
exemptions,532 donated Egyptian booty,033 monitored the temple ora-
cles for adverse political implications,534 and were kept apprised of
seasonal cultic ceremonies.°3:> Assurbanipal appointed his youngest
brother to the priesthood of Sin of Harran, the only recorded instance
of a Neo-Assyrian prince assuming a purely sacerdotal office outside
the Assyrian heartland.536 Aside from the royal patronage documented
above, the relative popularity of the cults of Harran in Sargonid
Assyria may be gauged by the number and variety of penalty clauses
in legal documents that name these gods, all of which were recov-
ered from Kuyunjik save one. Three name Nikkal (NIN.GAL) and
Sin of Harran, four name Sin of Harran alone, and one names the
divine lords (be-la-nu) of Harran. Veneration of the pantheon at
Harran within Assyria was more than a prudential political habit.
The heavy occurrence of Bel Harran and other forms of Harran as
theophoric and gentilic elements in the Neo-Assyrian onomasticon
527
Weippert, "Siegel mit Mondsichelstandarten aus Palastina," 58; on the histo-
rical geography of lunar crescent glyptics in the ancient Near East, see Spycket,
"Le culte du Dieu-Lune a Tell Keisan," 384-95. For an in-depth survey of glyp-
tic, steleform and rupestral examples of Iron Age lunar crescent examples with full
documentation and provenance, see provisionally Holloway, "Materials for the Study
of Harran, Part 2: Iconography."
52 8
~ Table 5:4 (Shalmaneser III); 5:10 (Sargon II); 5:20 (Esarhaddon); 5:24, 34
(Assurbanipal).
529
Table 6:22 (Assurbanipal).
530
Table 7:8-9 (Esarhaddon).
531
Table 12:27 (Esarhaddon); 9:7, 10-11 (Assurbanipal).
532
Table 10:6 (Sargon II).
•«3 Borger BIWA, "Anhang: Zu den Large Egyptian Tablets," 186 rev. 32-34
(Assurbanipal).
534
Table 12:15-16 (Esarhaddon).
535
Table 12:7 (Sargon II); 12:22 (Esarhaddon).
536
Table 12:32.
also testify to the "non-official" popularity of this deity in Assyria.

Assyrian investment in the Harran cult differed from those of
Babylonia with respect to established traditions of royal patronage
and administrative office, an epiphenomenon of northern Mesopo-
tamia's political tractability. The Harranean hinterland was minus-
cule in comparison with the territorial sprawl of Babylonia. Since
the late 9th century, the Harran region does not appear to have
been rife with tribal groups inimical to Assyrian governance, and,
once the threat of Urartian expansion had been curtailed by Sargon
II, there were no great powers on its borders like Elam on Babylonia's
horizon chronically prepared to make cause with a restive local
regime. To our knowledge, Harran was never conquered in battle
by a Neo-Assyrian king, nor was the temple of the moon god razed
in reprisal for political intransigence. Therefore, neither Esarhaddon
nor any of his Sargonid peers were constrained to rebuild the city
from its ashes (nor was there ever enough water on the arid Harran
plain for flooding). Unlike Babylonia, Harran entered the Assyrian
provincial system in the 9th century and remained firmly under
provincial control, a possible conspiracy late in the reign of Esarhaddon
notwithstanding. There is no certain indication that the Great Kings
personally participated in New Year's festivals at Harran. The Assyrian
kings never styled themselves "king of Harran," a fact suggesting
that there was no traditional ceremonial role of Harranean kingship
comparable to that of Babylonia, which royal participation in the
Nisannu New Year's festival publicly affirmed. There are no records
that a temple administrator with the title of satammu was ever appointed
specifically for Harran; this office is attested only in Assyria and
Babylonia. Since Harran never resisted Neo-Assyrian control, its
divine images did not suffer the indignities of capture and restora-
tion, nor were the Assyrians put to the torture of devising such
baroque pieces of apologetic propaganda for Harran as "The Sin of
Sargon" to gloss over Sennacherib's Babylonian sacrilege. If E.hul.hul
of Harran was actually rebuilt in the time of Shalmaneser III, then
the Harran cult had probably operated under Assyrian control for
a full century before Tiglath-pileser III "took the hand of Bel," and
began in earnest the contrapuntal history of active Neo-Assyrian reli-
gious patronage of the major cult centers of Babylonia.
Royal Assyrian patronage of the cult of the moon god of Harran,
comparable in magnitude to the patronage of selected Babylonian
and Assyrian cults, has been established without a shadow of a doubt.
422 CHAPTER FOUR
The cult of the moon god played a role in Assyrian Realpolitik unique
to the West, similar in certain respects to the regional boons that
Assyrian support for the major Babylonian city-temples were intended
to secure, but notably different in others.
Proliferation of the moon-god cult in the Neo-Assyrian West is
the most distinctively "regional" development in religious praxis to
have left traces in the archaeological matrix of this geographical area.
Assyrian kings chose to exercise proprietary control over the physi-
cal maintenance and routine operation of the ancient cult center at
Harran, and no other western temple. They dedicated royal steles
under the exclusive symbolic aegis of the moon god, a political dec-
laration without parallel in the empire. There were no Assyrian royal
steles bearing only the spade of Marduk or the stylus of Nabu, within
or beyond Babylonia. The regionally influential pro-Assyrian vassal
Barrakib singled out the cult for conspicuous devotional protestation
within his palace reliefs.537 On the basis of this accumulation of mul-
timedia evidence, I conclude that the Assyrians, far from being merely
tolerant of a local cult, actively endorsed its promulgation. The
significance and/or the motives of that cultic promulgation remain
speculative, though perhaps fathomable. It is possible, of course, that
the Assyrians and their western subjects attached no particular polit-
ical or ideological meaning to the moon god cult: for reasons that
escape us, this cult experienced a surge of popularity in the first half
of the 1st millennium, attracting the devotion of Assyrian emperors,
local rulers, and commoners across Western Asia. My reluctance to
accept this line of interpretation rides upon the massive and self-
conscious ideological craftsmanship expended on Neo-Assyrian palace
reliefs and, above all, on royal steles, the "political posters" of the
Assyrian empire.338 The propaganda value of the royal lunar cres-
cent steles, publicly erected as monumental bearers of the state cult,
should be compared with the empire-wide "code" of the stele with
worshipful king and divine emblems. The unique iconography of Sin
alone, not Assur or Marduk or any one of the other members of
the Assyrian state pantheon, marked in enduring stone the vanguard
of the Assyrian Empire in the West. In ABL no. 923, a letter writ-
33/
Two vassals of Tiglath-pileser III, Barrakib of Sam'al and Wassurme of Tabal,
each mention the moon god of Harran in a votive context in inscriptions authored
either by themselves or their servants.
338
Reade, "Ideology and Propaganda in Assyrian Art," 340,
ten by the haruspex Marduk-sumu-usur, the author appears to describe

a royal investiture ceremony that occurred at Harran when Esarhaddon
was passing through the city en route to Egypt. Both Esarhaddon
and Assurbanipal, the author asserts, received Harranean victory ora-
cles promising universal conquest for the Assyrian kings. The geo-
graphical orientation of this global promise was the westward region
stretching from Harran to Egypt, a goal of Assyrian Realpolitik since
Tiglath-pileser III began the provincialization of North Syria. It is
noteworthy that in ABL no. 923, Sin's legitimating authority is col-
located with that of the patron god of the nation, the imperial con-
quest deity, Assur. A letter addressed to Esarhaddon describing the
delivery of an anti-Sargonid oracle by Nusku of Harran may con-
stitute additional evidence that the Harran cult stood in some spe-
cial relationship with the royal succession in late Sargonid Assyria.339
Although Harran was located in northern Mesopotamia, and the cult
of the moon god, as attested by glyptic sources, was widely popular
in Syria-Palestine by the 7th century, I believe it is fallacious to
assume that its spread was merely a politically neutral symptom of
an "Assyro-Aramaean koine" following in the wake of the Assyrian
armies.040 Given the substantial body of evidence from Assyrian,
North Syrian and Anatolian iconographic and textual sources, it is
a defensible assumption that investment in the moon-god cult of
Harran by Assyria was a self-conscious act of imperial statecraft.
Assyrian stewardship of Harran aimed at securing allegiance to the
Assyrian political cause by fostering the acceptance of a widely ven-
erated cult whose pantheon was officially promoted as protecting and
legitimating Assyrian interests in the West, the major regional com-
ponent of the Assyrian "public transcript."
Sargon (re-[?])established the exemptions of the citizens of Harran,
as he and other kings did for major cities in Babylonia. By Sargonid
times at the latest, the population of Harran was sufficiently influential
to warrant the privileged status coveted by the citizens of the ancient
cities in central and southern Mesopotamia. The exchange of cor-
respondence between the clergy of Harran, its secular leaders, and
)39
Lewy assembles a number of royal Neo-Assyrian texts from the Sargonids
which point to the special relationship that existed between the king, kingship, and
the cult of the moon god; J. Lewy, "The Late Assyro-Babylonian Cult of the Moon
and Its Culmination at the Time of Nabonidus," HUCA 19 (1945-46) 453-73.
040
424 CHAPTER FOUR
the royal patron-brokers in Nineveh reinforced the controlling dynam-

ics of the clientelist relationship: obedience rewarded by high office
and royal favoritism, at the cost of intrusive surveillance, censorship,
and punishment for treason. In the absence of a corpus of admin-
istrative documents comparable to those published for Sargonid
Babylonia and overlapping royal foundation inscriptions of a pro-
pagandistic or apologetic nature, it is impossible to determine how
closely Assyrian efforts to control urban politics through public works
projects in Harran matched those of the cities of Babylonia. Since
Harran entered the provincial system during the reign of Samsf-
Adad V at the latest, and annually witnessed the comings and goings
of Assyrian armies and tribute processions near the vital East-West
arteries, there may have been proportionately less need to under-
write costly temple projects in order to sway the support of a pop-
ulation heavily acculturated by Assyrian colonial presence from Middle
Assyrian times. In this respect, the Babylonian "model" of Assyrian
religious patronage may be somewhat misleading, at least from the
standpoint of urban sociology. Of three cult centers dominated by
Assyria—Harran, and the national temples of Musasir, and Babylon—
the fortunes of Harran seem to have coincided most closely with the
metabolism of the patron empire. The cult of Haldi at Musasir
appears to have been manipulated by the Assyrians solely in an
instrumental capacity for achieving Urartian political embarrassment
and control. The elastic detente exhibited between Assyria and
Babylon suggests an abiding respect tinctured with jealousy for the
Babylonian cultus, coupled with the imperative to create a nucleus
of good will among the urban elite. Nevertheless, the cult of the
moon god of Harran, like those of the ancient city temples of
Babylonia, enjoyed an international reputation of remarkable pro-
portions, with inscriptional evidence in Akkadian, Aramaic, and Neo-
Luwian, and "trademark" glyptic finds throughout Western Asia.
Perhaps the land grants to the cult of the moon god at Eluma, near
Carchemish341 and the cross-cultural achievements of a priest of
Neirab, near Aleppo, a royal functionary under the supervision of
the governor of Harran,042 serve notice that lunar cults in general
in this region played a systemic role in the international community,
which the Assyrians in true colonial fashion were prompt to exploit.
541
Table 12:36.
542
Table 12:8.
In the final analysis, by interrogating the past as a witness for the

future, the corridor of Middle Eastern history echoes the political
advantage of Assyrian Harranean sponsorship in encore performances.
Is it not within the realm of possibility that the prestige and the
demonstrated empire-building qualities of the cult of the moon god
of Harran sparked its resurrection in the late Neo-Babylonian Empire,
and its survival across the millennia well into the Islamic era?543
343
On the afterlife of Harran and its cults, see B. Dodge, ed. The Fihrist of al-
Nadim: A Tenth-Century Survey of Muslim Culture (Records of Civilization: Sources and
Studies 83; New York: Columbia University Press, 1970) 755-67; Lloyd and Brice,
"Harran," 89-97; Rice, "Mediaeval Harran," 36-84; G. Fehervari, "Harran," El1
3:227b-30b; T. M. Green, The City of the Moon God: Religious Traditions of Harran
(Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 114; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1992).
APPENDIX ONE
PRELUDE TO THE INTELLECTUAL AND

SOCIAL BACKGROUND OF THE FIRST BRITISH
SCHOOL OF ASSYRIOLOGY
Had the discovery of "Victorian Assyria" been merely a value-neutral

exercise of modern historical-critical scholarship—as if such a ven-
ture were possible for any subject at any period—chances are the
Louvre and the British Museum would not have been locked in a
government-abetted dead heat to procure the most impressive spoils
for their exhibits, and the archaeology itself would not have com-
manded such widespread public enthusiasm;1 the excavators and
1
The first major permanent display of Assyrian antiquities in Europe opened in
May of 1847 at the Louvre; it consisted chiefly of bas-reliefs shipped to France by
the French Consul Paul-Emile Botta from Sargon's palace at Khorsabad, snidely
referred to by the British decipherer Henry Rawlinson as the "French Nineveh."
The British Museum mounted its first display of Assyrian antiquities in August of
1847; H. W. F. Saggs, The Might that was Assyria (New York: St. Martin's Press;
London: Sidgwick and Jackson, 1984) 313; J. E. Reade, "Les relations anglo-francaises
en Assyrie," in De Khorsabad a Paris: la decouverte des Assyriens, edited by E. Fontan
(Louvre, Departement des Antiquites orientales: notes et documents des Musees de
France 26; Paris: Reunion des Musees Nationaux, 1994) 116-35. Internal disrup-
tions of French society at that time, a Catholic nation's relative immunity to aggres-
sive biblical confirmation, and the government's decision to publish Botta's excavation
results in five enormous and costly volumes go far to explain the disparity between
the initial Assyrian "revivals" in popular French and British culture. P.-E. Botta
and E. Flandin, Monument de Ninive decouvert et decrit (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale,
1849-50) F. N. Bohrer, "A New Antiquity: The English Reception of Assyria"
(Ph.D. dissertation, The University of Chicago, 1989) 4-12. "Indeed the only notable
sign of French popular interest in the discoveries is the 'Assyrian' beard of the
1850's, an emulation of a common feature of the Assyrian reliefs and statuary.
Extending straight out from the edge of the chin, tapering and terminating in a
horizontal line, its' most famous wearer was probably the painter Gustave Courbet,"
Bohrer, "A New Antiquity," 6. Since Bismarck's Germany did not become a colo-
nial power until 1883, German nationals played no part in the early Mesopotamian
excavations. Without government-sponsored digs in the Middle East, German schol-
ars were dependent on the publication of Assyro-Babylonian texts by the French
and British; hence, German assyriological contributions only began to appear in the
late 1860s, while the first German-led excavation in Mesopotamia would be Koldewey's
in 1898. This is ironic, considering the fact that ten chairs of archaeology were
established in German universities by 1850, whereas France and Britain had only
one each. The founding of the Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft in 1898 was spurred
428 APPENDIX ONE
decipherers would not have been engaged in covert foreign service

activities ("spying");2 the progress of decipherment would not have
produced such a gladiatorial carnage of clashing egos and charges
by a sense of nationalistic rivalry with France and Great Britain: the Koniglichen
Museen in Berlin must acquire exotic cultural treasures equal to those of the Louvre
and the British Museum. On the founding and early history of the Deutsche Orient-
Gesellschaft, see J. Renger, "Die Geschichte der Altorientalistik und der vorderasia-
tischen Archaologie in Berlin von 1875 bis 1945," in Berlin und die Antike: Architektur,
Kumtgewerbe, Malerei, Skulptur, Theater und Wissenschaft vom 16. Jahrhundert bis heute, edited
by W. Arenhovel and C. Schreiber (Berlin: Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, 1979)
1:158-62. It was European imperialism rather than disinterested scientific curiosity
that provided the necessary financial backing, safety for its citizens abroad and lever-
age on the Sublime Porte for assyriological advancement in the 19th century.
A growing stream of English periodical articles beginning in February of 1846
would keep the British public abreast of young Austen Henry Layard's archaeo-
logical exploits in Mesopotamia, penuriously funded by British Museum Trustees,
dubious of the aesthetic worth of "the Assyrian marbles," Athenaeum, no. 955, February
14, 1846, 180. Although the intrinsic fascination of artifacts from a major civiliza-
tion of the ancient world was never entirely lost sight of, two themes mesmerized
the British public's attention: nationalism and biblical proof. The success of the
French excavations at Khorsabad and the triumphant display of the spoils at the
Louvre constituted an affront to British imperial supremacy. For the honor of King
and Country, it was imperative that sober Englishmen should hoist the British Jack
over ancient Assyria by procuring the finest monuments for the British Museum
and blaze the way in deciphering the inscriptions written in the baffling wedge-
shaped signs. See P. A. Kildahl, "British and American Reactions to Layard's
Discoveries in Assyria, 1845-1860" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Minnesota,
1959) 147-94.
2
European archaeology has worked hand-in-glove with national rivalry since the
early 18th century, as witness royally-sponsored excavations at Pompeii, Herculaneum
and Veleia, and the surveys by Roger de Gaignieres of French "antiquities" under-
written by Louis XIV; see A. Schnapp, The Discovery of the Past (trans. I. Kinnes
and G. Varndell; New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1997) 242-57. The notion that
national sovereignty and dynastic legitimacy could be bolstered by the recording of
ruins became popular in the Renaissance. For example, John Leland, a Britannic
druidophile, was appointed as King's Antiquary by Henry VIII in 1533; D. D.
Fowler, "Uses of the Past: Archaeology in the Service of the State," American Antiq-
uity 52 (1987) 234. Napoleon Bonaparte's invasion of Egypt in 1798 masterfully
combined international and interreligious diplomacy, military aggression and the
vaunting of French nationalism through a survey of Egyptian antiquities, already
imbued with centuries of prestigious mystique in European intellectual history; see
J. Tranie and J. C. Carmigniani, Bonaparte: La campagne d'Egypte (Paris: Pygmalion/
Gerard Watelet, 1988), passim; Schnapp, Discovery of the Past, 295-99; and E. W.
Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1994) 80-88. "As in so many other
fields of human knowledge, the first major steps in the scientific examination of the
remains of ancient Babylonia and Assyria was not taken until the 19th century, when
it was one of the side-products of British commerce and imperialism," H. W. F.
Saggs, Assyriology and the Study of the Old Testament (Cardiff: University of Wales
Press, 1969), 8; and see the judicious remarks in K. Hudson, A Social History of
Archaeology: The British Experience (London: Macmillan, 1981) 70-71. On the "poli-
tics of identity," nationalism and archaeology in the Eastern Mediterranean and
Middle East, see N. A. Silberman, Digging for God and Country: Exploration, Archeology,
and the Secret Struggle for the Holy Land, 1799-1917 (New York: Knopf, 1982); M. T.
BACKGROUND OF THE FIRST BRITISH SCHOOL OF ASSYRIOLOGY 429
of plagiarism;3 and that ultimate monument to imperial heraldry, the

recreation of an Assyrian palace ("the Nineveh Court") in 1854 in
London's Crystal Palace at Sydenham Court,4 would not have come
to pass. To be sure, a country in which a religious census on a ran-
domly-chosen Sunday would reveal over 60% of the population in
Larsen, "Orientalism and the Ancient Near East," in The Humanities between Art and
Science: Intellectual Developments, 1880-1914, edited by M. Harbsmeier and M. T.
Larsen (Culture & History 2; Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag, 1989) 181-202; G.
Bergamini, "'Spoliis Orientis onustus.' Paul-Emile Botta et la decouverte de la civil-
isation assyrienne," in De Iihorsabad a Paris: la decouverte des Assyriens, edited by
E. Fontan (Louvre, Departement des Antiquites orientales: notes et documents des
Musees de France, 26; Paris: Reunion des Musees Nationaux, 1994) 68-85; K. W.
Whitelam, The Invention of Ancient Israel: The Silencing of Ancient Israel (London and
New York: Routledge, 1996); L. Meskell, ed. Archaeology under Fire: Nationalism, Politics
and Heritage in the Eastern Mediterranean and Middle East (London and New York:
Routledge, 1998). For more general discussions of nationalism, ethnicity and archae-
ology, see B. G. Trigger, "Alternative Archaeologies: Nationalist, Colonialist,
Imperialist," Man n.s. 19 (1984) 355-70; idem, A History of Archaeological Thought
(Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989) 110-47; Fowler,
"Uses of the Past," 229-48; N. Thomas, Colonialism's Culture: Anthropology, Travel and
Government (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994); P. L. Kohl and C. P.
Fawcett, "Archaeology in the Service of the State: Theoretical Considerations," in
Nationalism, Politics, and the Practice of Archaeology, edited by P. L. Kohl and C. P.
Fawcett (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995) 3~18; N. A.
Silberman, "Promised Land and Chosen Peoples: the Politics and Poetics of
Archaeological Narrative," in Nationalism, Politics, and the Practice of Archaeology, edited
by P. L. Kohl and C. P. Fawcett (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University
Press, 1995) 249-62; B. G. Trigger, "Romanticism, Nationalism, and Archaeology,"
in Nationalism, Politics, and the Practice of Archaeology, edited by P. L. Kohl and C. P.
Fawcett (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995) 263-79;
S. Jones, The Archaeology of Ethnicity: Constructing Identities in the Past and Present (London
and New York: Routledge, 1997).
3
See the treatments of the Akkadian decipherment wars in P. T. Daniels, "Edward
Hinck's Decipherment of Mesopotamian Cuneiform," in The Edward Hincks Bicentenary
Lectures, edited by K. J. Cathcart (Dublin: University College Press, 1994) 30-57
and Larsen, Conquest of Assyria, 293-305.
4
In 1854, seven years after the arrival of the first Assyrian antiquities from
Layard's excavations, the Sydenham Crystal Palace opened. The Crystal Palace
housed a section called the Fine Art Courts, a series of galleries with three-dimen-
sional walk-through architectural tableaus of ancient Egypt, Greece, Rome, Moorish
Spain, Byzantium, medieval Europe, the Renaissance, and the Italian Baroque.
Squeezed incongruously between Moorish Spain, "Aboo Simbel Tomb & Colossal
Figures" and Byzantium was the Nineveh Court, 120' long by 50' wide by 40' high,
a mongrel structure compounded of polychrome Assyrian-style reliefs and a clerestory
drawn from the Hall of Columns at Persepolis. Up until 1867, when the Nineveh
Court burned, it was possible, for the price of admission, for a Victorian family to
stroll through the throne room of a mock Assyrian palace, located between the
Alhambra and Byzantium, and pretend they were back in ancient Assyria. M. D.
Wyatt, Views of the Crystal Palace and Park, Sydenham (London: Day and Son, 1854)
20-21, pi. 6; S. Phillips, Guide to the Crystal Palace and Park (4th ed.; London: Crystal
Palace Library, 1855) 71-75; Bohrer, "A New Antiquity," 422-43.
430 APPENDIX ONE
church, in which most households owned Bibles,0 and whose grass-

roots constituency identified Britain's moral mission to colonize Asia
and Africa with the spread of Christian civilization,6 will vigorously
promote the exploration of the Bible-kingdom of ancient Assyria.
This enterprise was a means of illustrating the historical narratives
of the Bible while at the same time serving to aid its evangelical
proponents in a rear-guard defense against the perceived irreligion
of Continental higher-criticism and mounting geological challenges
to the Usshurite dating of the world. All of the first generation of
Assyriologists were, without exception, biblically engaged, and sought
to harmonize the emerging contours of the Neo-Assyrian Empire
with the Assyria enshrined in the Old Testament.7 Yet I have found
3
The figure of 60% church attendance derives from the famous Religious Census
taken March 30, 1851. The study was underwritten by Secretary of State Lord
John Russell, and thus had the authority of the British state behind it (those who
failed to respond to the first questionnaire received a second; however, no one was
jailed for refusing to participate). The questionnaire was prepared and analyzed by
Howard Mann. Out of a total population of 18 million, church attendance that
Sunday for the Church of England was 5,292,551, for the main Protestant dis-
senting churches, 4,536,264, and for Roman Catholics, 383,630, the latter figure
widely decried as too low. Mann extrapolated that about 5'A million people, who
were free to do so, did not attended church. See D. Bowen, The Idea of the Victorian
Church: A Study in the Church of England 1833-1889 (Montreal: McGill University
Press, 1968); W. Gibson, Church, State and Society, 1760-1850 (British History in
Perspective; New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994) 168-71; F. Knight, The Nineteenth-
Century Church and English Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995)
36-41; R. Hyam, Britain's Imperial Century, 1815-1914: a Study of Empire and Expansion
(2nd ed.; Cambridge Commonwealth Series; Lanham, MD: Barnes & Noble, 1993) 90.
6
Hyam, Britain's Imperial Century, 91-97. The British government never directly
sponsored Catholic or Protestant missions, and was circumspect in limiting mis-
sionary work to existing Christian groups in Muslim countries. Nevertheless, Protestant
evangelicals and a broad swathe of the British public held a rather uncomplicated
notion of the global triumph of their Christian civilization, progressive, humanitar-
ian, and militarily invincible.
7
Jules Oppert, appointed Professor of Assyrian philology and archaeology at the
College de France in 1869, published numerous articles on biblical regnal chronol-
ogy as well as commentaries on the books of Esther and Judith. On the life of Jules
Oppert (1825-1905), see W. Muss-Arnolt, "The Works of Jules Oppert," BASS 2
(1894) 523-56; Anonymous, "Oppert, Jules (1825-1905)," in War ist's? Unsere êitgenossen
(Berlin: Arani, 1905) 1:620; C. Bezold, "Julius Oppert," %A 19 (1905) 169-73;
C. F. Lehmann-Haupt, "Oppert, Julius," in Biographisches Jahrbuch und deutscher jVekrolog,
edited by A. Bettelheim (Berlin: Georg Reimer, 1905) 10:86-92 (born in Hamburg,
Oppert's route to academic placement in France presupposed his naturalization as
a French citizen). The brilliantly gifted linguist Edward Hincks served as Rector of
Killyleagh, County Down, Ireland, for 55 years; he was the first correctly to iden-
tify 'Jehu son of Omri" in the Black Obelisk inscription, and also made lively con-
tributions to the biblical chronology debate. On the life of the remarkable Dr.
Hincks (1792-1866), see E. F. Davidson, Edward Hincks: A Selection from His Correspondence,
little if any relationship between the earliest interpretations of Assyrian

religious interactions with foreign polities and biblical studies, avowed
or implicit.
with a Memoir (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1933); S. Lane-Poole, "Hincks, Dr.
Edward (1792-1866)," Dm 9:889b-90a; K. J. Cathcart, "Edward Hincks (1792-1866):
A Biographical Essay," in The Edward Hincks Bicentenary Lectures, edited by K. J.
Cathcart (Dublin: University College Press, 1994) 1-29. Henry Creswicke Rawlinson,
a British career soldier and diplomat, published dozens of articles in the Athenaeum
and the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society dealing with "biblical Assyria" in light of
Assyro-Babylonian inscriptions. For instance, H. C. Rawlinson, "Assyrian History,"
Athenaeum, no. 1805, May 31, 1862, 724-25, begins sententiously with "I am glad
to be able to announce to those who are interested in the comparative chronology
of the Jewish and Assyrian kingdoms, the discovery of a Cuneiform document which
promises to be of the greatest possible value in determining the dates of all great
events which occurred in Western Asia between the beginning of the ninth and the
later half of the seventh century B.C." On H. C. Rawlinson (1810-1895), see J. P.
G. Flemming, "Sir Henry Rawlinson und seine Verdienste die Assyriologie," BASS
2 (1894) 1-18; G. Rawlinson, A Memoir of Major-General Sir Henry Creswicke Rawlinson
(London: Longmans, Green, & Co., 1898); S. Lane-Poole, "Rawlinson, Sir Henry
Creswicke (1810-1895)," DNB 16:771a-74a; and Larsen, Conquest of Assyria, 178-79,
211, 213, 215-27, 231, 293-305, 333-37, 356-59. The Rev. Canon George Rawlinson,
Camden Professor of Ancient History at Oxford University, a fervent Christian
apologist, popularized the research of his brother and other Orientalists connected
with the British Museum. Under the entry for George Rawlinson, it is fairly stated
that "[George] Rawlinson was the champion of a learned orthodoxy which opposed
the extremes of the literary higher-critics by an appeal to monuments and the evi-
dence of archaeology," R. Bayne, "Rawlinson, George (1812-1902)," in DNB,
Twentieth Century, January 1901-December 1911, 3:166.
All of these men began their assyriological investigations confident in the literal
historical accuracy of the biblical narratives. The Ussherite dates printed in most
Protestant Bibles were perceived as useful benchmarks, but, since the numbers were
clearly based on fallible human reason, not divine revelation, they were subject to
correction when challenged by pertinent extra-biblical sources, like the Assyrian
eponym canon. Assyro-Babylonian inscriptions of an historical nature for the most
part were dealt with as if their facticity was above reproach, except in those rare
instances when the tenets of "biblical Assyria" were jeopardized. A hermeneutic of
suspicion regarding the historiographic shaping of the Assyrian royal inscriptions
themselves would not, with isolated exceptions, be exercised until the 20th century.
Long before Europeans set spades into the ruin-mounds of Assyria, the trustwor-
thiness of "classical Assyria," especially the wilder legends, improbable numbers,
and chronology of Ctesias, had been weighed and often found wanting. Doubts
about Ctesias' reliability are as old as Plutarch, Mor. Artax. I, 4. J. Marsham, Diatriba
chronologica Johannis Marshami (London: Jacobi Flesher, 1649) 50-59, canvasses the
discrepancies between Herodotus and Ctesias, as does J. F. Schroeer, Imperivm
Babylonis et Nini ex monimentis antiqvis (Francofvrti et Lipsiae: Georg. Marc. Knochivm,
1726) 125-44. With the publication of the first evidence of the monuments useable
for chronological comparison, the chorus against Ctesias' reliability grows more stri-
dent, e.g., M. von Niebuhr, Geschichte Assures und Babel's seit Phul aus der Concordant
des Alien Testaments, des Berossos, des Kanons der Ko'nige und der griechischen Schriftsteller
(Berlin: Verlag Von Wilhelm Hertz, 1857) 289-333; J. Brandis, Rerum assyriarum
tempora emendata (Bonn: Adolphus Marcus, 1853) 10-14, 53-66; "Each succeeding
discovery has tended to authenticate the chronology of Berossus, and to throw
432 APPENDIX ONE
In a revealing semantic gambit, the English press and Parliament

of the early and mid-Victorian era made frequent reference to the
"British Empire" and the "colonies" but reserved the use of the word
"imperialism" for the French Second Empire.8 The ideological right
of the British Empire to its prosperity and possessions abroad was
widely understood as a special dispensation of racially-merited prov-
idence.9 The opening of new markets for British trade was justified
because of superior British productivity: its manufactured goods were
popularly thought to be of better quality and churned out more
cheaply than those of any other nation. While the British toyed with
but ultimately rejected annexation or occupation of the territory of
the Ottoman Empire until 1919, preferring to maintain its inde-
pendence as a check on Russian and French regional aspirations as
part of the "Great Game," the economic concessions won from the
Sublime Porte were of profound consequence for the British domes-
tic economy.10 Foreign Secretary Palmerston in 1849: "If in a polit-
discredit upon the tales of Ctesias and his followers," H. C. Rawlinson, "On the
Chronology and History of the Great Assyrian Empire," 1:344. As one moves for-
ward through the scholarly output of the 19th century, "classical Assyria" is appealed
to less and less as the corpus of Akkadian historical texts acquire a legitimacy of
their own, conditioned by the acceptance of Akkadian decipherment as a scientific
accomplishment. "Ancient Assyria" is bleached of its "classical Assyria" dye, to be
replaced by the startlingly vivid hues of "historical Assyria." In the early days of
decipherment, however, Henry C. Rawlinson confidently harmonized biblical, clas-
sical and historical Assyria into a richly woven tapestry of scriptural confirmation,
constantly evolving as it incorporated the latest revelation from the "monuments."
Baffled by his failure to read correctly the royal Assyrian name of Shalmaneser in
the cuneiform inscriptions, and influenced by 2 Kgs 17:3—6's apparent attribution
of the destruction of Israel to that king, Rawlinson, by the traditional scholarly
expedient of assuming that Sargon was an alias for Shalmaneser, could in 1851
harmonize the royal inscriptions of Sargon—which spoke of the conquest of Samaria
and the deportation of the Israelites—with the exploits of Shalmaneser recounted
in Josephus and the Old Testament; H. C. Rawlinson, "Assyrian Antiquities,"
Athenaeum, no. 1243, August 23, 1851, 902-3. Texts and images alike will verify the
Bible: ". . . when I shall have accurately learnt the locality of the different bas-
reliefs that have been brought from Koyunjik [an acropolis of Nineveh], I do not
doubt but that I shall be able to point out the bands of Jewish maidens who were
delivered to Sennacherib, and perhaps to distinguish the portraiture of the hum-
bled Hezekiah," ibid.
8
P. Brantlinger, Rule of Darkness: British Literature and Imperialism, 1830-1914 (Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 1988) 21.
9
"The Victorians had a tremendous sense of being in some way in harmony
with the progressive forces of the universe. God was on their side." Hyam. Britain's
Imperial Century, 88.
10
On the history of British imperial history in the Middle East and the "Eastern
Question" of the 19th century, see E. L. Woodward, The Age of Reform, 1815-1870
(2nd ed.; The Oxford History of England 13; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962)
252-95; S. Searight, The British in the Middle East (A Social History of the British
ical point of view the independence of Turkey is of great impor-

tance, in a commercial sense it is of no less importance to this coun-
try. It is quite true that with no country is our trade so liberally
permitted and carried on as with Turkey."11 The political stability
of the British society, guaranteed by its Constitution and demon-
strated by the unwillingness of its laboring classes to embrace the
revolutions which were sweeping the European Continent in 1848,
were palpable signs of an Anglo-Saxon mandate to rule the inferior
peoples of the globe. Long before the advent of explicit social
Darwinism, sophisticated theories of racial supremacy vied with gar-
den-variety bigotry to salve the consciences of British colonial admin-
istrators and build momentum in the domestic arena for the acquisition
of new territories which, between 1839 and 1851, comprised Aden,
New Zealand, the Gold Coast, Labuan, Natal, Punjab, Sindh, and
Hong Kong.12 Political Orientalists such as Sir William Jones and
(at Hastings' impeachment) Edmund Burke argued in the 18th cen-
tury that the peoples of Hindustan should be ruled for their own
improvement through the traditional laws of their native polities.13
The moral imperative to improve and regenerate "rotten empires"
Overseas; New York: Atheneum, 1970); D. Gillard, The Struggle for Asia 1828-1914:
A Study in British and Russian Imperialism (London: Methuen & Co., 1977) 43-133;
M. Lynn, "British Policy, Trade, and Informal Empire in the Mid-Nineteenth
Century," in The Nineteenth Century, edited by A. N. Porter (The Oxford History of
the British Empire 3; Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1999) 117-20;
S. V. R. Nasr, "European Colonialism and the Emergence of Modern Muslim
States," in The Oxford History of Islam, edited by J. L. Esposito (Oxford: Oxford
11
Quoted in Hyam, Britain's Imperial Century, 101. On Britain's economic rela-
tions with the Ottoman Empire, 1838-1914, see P. J. Cain and A. G. Hopkins,
British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion, 1688-1914 (London and New York:
Longmans, 1993) 399-411.
12
R. Knox, The Races of Men: A Fragment (Philadelphia: Lea & Blanchard, 1850);
C. Bolt, Victorian Attitudes to Race (Studies in Social History; London: Routledge and
Kegan Paul, 1971); Brantlinger, Rule of Darkness, 21-23, 57-70, 98-107, 159-70,
173-97; D. Pick, Faces of Degeneration: a European Disorder, c. 1848-c. 1918 (Ideas in
Context; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989); R. J. C. Young, Colonial
Desire: Hybridity in Theory, Culture, and Race (London: Routledge, 1995).
13
N. Daniel, Islam Europe and Empire (EUPL 15; Edinburgh: Edinburgh University
Press, 1966) 83, 116-17; J. M. MacKenzie, Orientalism: History, Theory, and the Arts
(Manchester; New York: Manchester University Press, 1995) 3-4; S. N. Mukherjee,
Sir William Jones: a Study in Eighteenth-Century British Attitudes to India (2nd ed.; Hyderabad,
India: Orient Longman, 1987). The "classic" distinction between Orientalist-Anglicist
philosophies of British rule in India, with 18th-century Orientalists like Sir William
Jones advocating rule by native law and customs, and Anglicist Utilitarians like
James Mill arguing for radical British inculturation, is currently under fire; see the
discussion in MacKenzie, Orientalism, 25-28.
434 APPENDIX ONE
survived to inform British self-perception at every station: in politics,

in religion, even in the military.
Victorian England was stalwart in her conviction that her civi-
lization incarnated the perfect fusion of technological progress and
Christianity.14 The solution to an advancing tide of intellectual sec-
ularization was seen in part to consist of the traditional nostrums
used to combat "nominal Christianity": clerical reform, urban mis-
sions, creation of new churches and restoration of decaying edifices,
all of which were prosecuted with astonishing energy throughout the
period.15 The rise of militant evangelicalism out of the 18th-century
Wesleyan tradition was translated into Victorian missionary work
that was increasingly perceived by Protestant members of society as
the all-encompassing rationale for the colonial enterprise. While the
Anglican Church was transforming its identity as the constitutionally
established Church of England for that of a mere denomination
alongside the dissenting church bodies and Roman Catholicism, a
source of profound social anxiety,16 the outward countenance of
British Christendom perceived a helpless world mired in paganism,
barbarism, and false monotheism, and stiffened its resolve. Concrete
foreign policy enacted by hard-headed British statesmen, on the con-
trary, historically tended to rein in missionary activities among non-
Christians and kept statements of Christian motives out of official
diplomatic propaganda. It was the French who were the more likely
to advertise their colonial adventures, as in Algiers, by the catch-
phrase "mission civilisatrice."17
Even the military became Christianized. From 1800 to 1900, the
enlisted men of the British army underwent a radical about-face in
public opinion, from that of a dangerous collection of press-gang
14
"There was revived in the Victorian Age the religious and moral fervour of
the Middle Ages, speaking with the modern accent of material progress." Daniel,
Islam Europe and Empire, 245. The sturdy linkage of Christianity, progress and "civ-
ilization" was a leitmotiv in Victorian texts ranging from Parliamentary addresses
to railway novels and from British travelogues to Punch cartoon captions. For 19th-
century notions of progress, see S. Pollard, The Idea of Progress: History and Society
(The New Thinker's Library 26; London: Watts, 1968).
15
In the period between 1840 and 1876, an unprecedented 7,144 Anglican
churches were restored and an additional 1,727 were built at a cost of £25'/a
million, a sum amassed mostly by private donation. Hyam, Britain's Imperial Century, 90.
16
On the broad issue of systemic imperial anxiety, see the nuanced and amply
documented treatment in N. Leask, British Romantic Writers and the East: Anxieties of
Empire (Cambridge Studies in Romanticism; Cambridge and New York: Cambridge
University Press, 1992).
17
Daniel, Islam Europe and Empire, 330.
sweepings to a force of disciplined knights dedicated to establishing

a new global order.18 In common with other public institutions, the
army itself, by the 1860s, had become more ostentatiously Christian
than it had been since the Restoration.19 The key to the transfor-
mation of public opinion, however, was the glorification of colonial
warfare as the means for Britain to create a beachhead for its God-
given mission of spreading its unique Christian model of civilization
abroad. The frequent depiction of its soldiery as Cromwellian Puritans
became an irreducible metaphor for the moral stature of the impe-
rial police force.20 In lectures delivered in the 1860s, the art critic
John Ruskin expounded his vision of global human stewardship cou-
pled with the militant expansion of empire. "Ruskin was concerned
with the extension of a moral order justified by the ethic of supe-
rior knowledge. What he expressed in class terms for Britain was
translated into racial terms for the empire. His moral vision of war
was bound up with this notion of essentially unequal foes, unequal
in both moral and technical terms."21
Victorian attitudes towards Islam were highly diverse.22 Traditional
Western libels and prejudices persisted throughout the era: Muhammad
the Prophet was vilified as a calculating imposter,23 an epileptic
18
"In the early 1800s, the army remained alienated from British society at large,
due mostly to the soldierly reputation for brutal, godless existence; soldiers, like the
abject urban poor, were simply beyond the pale of decent life," K. E. Hendrickson,
III, Making Saints: Religion and the Public Image of the British Army, 1809—1885 (Madison,
NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press; Cranbury, NJ and London: Associated
University Presses, 1998) 26.
19
O. Anderson, "The Growth of Christian Militarism in mid-Victorian Britain,"
EHR 86 (1971) 64; J. M. MacKenzie, "Introduction: Popular Imperialism and the
Military," in Popular Imperialism and the Military: 1850-1950, edited by J. M. MacKenzie
(Studies in Imperialism; Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992) 4.
20
J. Richards, "Popular Imperialism and the Image of the Army in Juvenile
Literature," in Popular Imperialism and the Military: 1850-1950, edited by J. M.
MacKenzie (Studies in Imperialism; Manchester: Manchester University Press; New
York: St. Martin's Press, 1992) 86.
21
MacKenzie, "Introduction," 5.
22
See, in general, P. C. Almond, Heretic and Hero: Muhammad and the Victorians
(StOR 18; Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1989) and A. Hourani, Islam in European
Thought (New York and Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) 16-43.
23
Almond, Heretic and Hero, 10-15; Anonymous, "Mahommed," EBrit (7th ed.;
1842) 14:25-32, explicitly dependent on the work of Prideaux. Forty years later
J. Wellhausen, "Mohammedanism, Part I: Mohammed and the First Four Caliphs,"
EBrit (9th ed.; 1883) 16:545-65 speaks of self-deception and naivete on the part of
Muhammad, but not imposture. The pivotal 17th century formulation that exer-
cised a marked influence over British scholarship for the next two centuries was
H. Prideaux, The True Nature of Imposture Fully Displayed in the Life of Mahomet (First
American ed.; Fairhaven, VT: Printed by James Lyon, 1798 [1697]). The word
436 APPENDIX ONE
madman,24 an unstable religious "enthusiast,"20 an abandoned volup-

tuary,26 a Christian schismatic and the Antichrist prophesized in the
"imposture" occurs on every other page, and Muhammad himself is usually termed
simply the imposter: "and being a very subtile crafty man, after having maturely
weighed all ways and means whereby to bring this to pass, concluded none so likely
to affect it, as the framing of that imposture which he afterwards vented with so
much mischief to the world," 10. The early Orientalist dictionary B. d'Herbelot,
Bibliotheque orientals, ou Dictionaire universel, contenant generalement tout ce qui regarde la conois-
sance des peuples de I'Orient. Leurs histoires et traditions veritables ou fabuleuses. Leurs religions,
secies et politique. Leurs gouvemement, loix, coutumes, moeurs, guerres, & les revolutions de leurs
empires. Leurs sciences, et leurs arts. . . Les vies et actions remarquables de tous leurs saints,
docteurs, philosophes, historiens, poetes, capitaines, & de tous ceux qui se sont rendus illustres
parmi eux, par leur vertu, ou par leur savoir. Des jugemens critiques, et des extraits de tous leurs
ouvrages (Paris: Compagnie des Libraires, 1697) 598-603 ("Mohammed") castigated
the faux prophete with equal vehemence. Edward Gibbons suavely sidestepped the
issue, since he was utilizing Muhammad and Islam as a positive foil to expose the
folly of Christian confessionalism; E. Gibbon and S. Ockley, History of the Saracen
Empire/by Edward Gibbon. History of the Saracens/by Simon Ockley. (London: John Murray,
1870) 42-45. W. Irving, Life of Mahomet (Everyman's Library; New York: E. P.
Button & Co., 1911) (originally published 1849-50), a generally positive assessment
of Muhammad, rejected an imposture on the part of this visionary enthusiast.
24
This conception probably originated in Byzantine circles and was a common-
place in medieval Christian polemics, East and West. Early modern authors like
Prideaux saw Muhammad's claim to prophetic revelation as a means of conceal-
ing his epileptic condition. Victorian authors, groping for a "scientific" rationale for
his religious experiences, linked his epileptic seizures with concomitant hallucina-
tions, thus reducing his claim to divine inspiration to a psychological aberration.
According to A. Sprenger, Das Leben und die Lehre des Mohammad/nach bisher grossten-
theils unbenut&en Quellen (Berlin: Nicolai'sche Verlagsbuchandlung, 1861) 1:207-68,
Muhammad's affliction was not epilepsy but Hysteria muscularis, a psychopathology
whose symptoms include hallucinations. This meticulously annotated "scientific"
diagnosis, replete with contemporary psychological case studies and comparative
religious examples, was elegantly serviceable since the authorities cited by Sprenger
believed that "hysterics" frequently resorted to imposture, hence, in a masterful
exercise of circular thinking, Muhammad's psychology predisposed him to invent
lies. Muhammad suffered epileptic fits: T. Noldeke, "Mohammedanism, Part III:
The Koran," EBrit (9th ed.; 1883) 16:598, perpetuated this notion in the English-
speaking world. The conclusion that Muhammad's "revelations" were based on psy-
chopathologies continues to find support in 20th-century academic studies, such as
Duncan Black MacDonald and Maxime Rodinson; M. Benaboud, "Orientalism on
the Revelation of the Prophet: the Cases of W. Montgomery Watt, Maxime Rodinson,
and Duncan Black MacDonald," American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 3 (1986)
315-17.
25
Almond, Heretic and Hero, 16-18. "Religious enthusiasm" a generally derisive
17th- and 18th-century label used of dissenting emotive religious cultures such as
the English Quakers and German Pietists, was applied by some to Muhammad,
usually with the overtones of fanaticism and self-deception. While the label of enthu-
siast continued to be applied to Muhammad by the likes of Irving, Life of Mahomet,
the stigma of willful social revolution and deception had fallen away, and indeed,
Irving perceived the Prophet's enthusiasm as a positive mark of his sincerity and
purity of goal (although "he was, to a great degree, the creature of impulse and
excitement, and very much at the mercy of circumstances," 237).
26
Prideaux spends ten ecstatic pages charting Muhammad's lustful course of life,
biblical Book of Daniel.27 Whatever positive elements of science, tech-

nology, and social organization had been mastered in Muslim soci-
eties were acquired through contacts with Christians and Jews, since
Islam was patently incapable of the self-regeneration that the "sick
man of Europe" so desperately required.28 Islam enshrined a tyran-
nous system of government based on brute military force and blind
religious conformity.29 The East in general and Islam in particular
was a stagnant civilization frozen in primitive tradition, the antithe-
sis of the progressive, freedom-loving Christian West.30 "Fatalism is
Nature of Imposture, 92-102. Washington Irving's harshest critique of Muhammad was

his voluptuary weakness; Life of Mahomet, 231. Most Victorian writers who were ill-
disposed towards Islam spent time decrying Muslim sensuality and polygamy. The
sensuality of Muhammad, enshrined in Islam and embraced by the Ottoman Turks,
is the chief reason for their shocking racial degeneration over the last 200 years;
T. C. Trowbridge, "Mohammedanism and the Ottoman Turks," British Quarterly
Review [American edition] 75 (1882) 145-47.
27
While Muhammad would continue to be identified with the Antichrist into the
20th century, C. Forster, Mahometanism Unveiled: An Inquiry in \Vhich That Arch-Heresy,
its Diffusion and Continuance, are Examined on a New Principle, Tending to Confirm the
Evidences, and the Propagation of the Christian Faith (London: J. Duncan and J. Cochran,
1829) was probably the most sustained effort by an English author to equate the
Prophet with the little horn of Daniel (the Papacy is the big horn). By the mid-
Victorian period this exercise in Christian apocalyptic exegesis was panned on sev-
eral fronts. Sir William Muir, Lieutenant Governor in India and Christian apologist,
wrote a widely respected biography of Muhammad in which Islamic civilization is
tirelessly pilloried as anti-Christian; W. Muir, The Life of Mahomet and History of Islam
to the Em of the Hegira: with Introductory Chapters on the Original Sources for the Biography
of Mahomet and on the pre-Islamite History of Arabia (London: Smith, Elder, 1858-1861);
C. Bennett, Victorian Images of Islam (CSIC Studies on Islam and Christianity; London:
Grey Seal, 1992) 118-26; in the same vein, S. W. Koelle, Mohammed and Mohammedanism
Critically Considered (London: Rivingtons, 1889).
28
Almond, Heretic and Hero, 81-88. The glories of Moorish Spain were entirely
due to Christian and Jewish example; R. D. Osborn, Islam and the Arabs (London:
Longmans, Green, and Co., 1876) 94.
29
Oriental despotism will be treated in the next paragraph. The whirlwind
progress of the early Islamic empire is due to the fanatical beliefs of its adherents
and the prospect of acquiring booty; Wellhausen, "Mohammed and the First Four
Caliphs," 558.
30
I. Taylor, Fanaticism (London: Holdsworth and Ball, 1834) 164-65, allows that
Islam has negatively impacted Turkish and Persian intolerance, though the real cul-
prit is the essential unchanging despotism of the East, which is "nothing more than
a homogenous part of the oriental economy. This intolerance is Asiatic, rather than
Mohammedan." [Taylor's emphasis]. Radical opposition between the West (rule of
law, monogamous, Christian, "progress") and the East (despotic, polygamous, Islamic,
"stationary and arbitrary"): E. A. Freeman, The History and Conquests of the Saracens.
Six Lectures Delivered before the Edinburgh Philosophical Institution (3rd ed. with a new pref-
ace; London: Macmillan and Co., 1876 [1856]) 1-4; "Islam is in its essence sta-
tionary, and was framed thus to remain" whereas Christianity is "a religion of
vitality, of progress, of advancement" W. G. Palgrave, Narrative of a Year's Journey
through Central and Eastern Arabia (1862-63) (2nd ed.; London and Cambridge:
438 APPENDIX ONE
thus the central tenet of Islam . . . It suffices to explain the degraded

condition of Muhammedan countries . . . History repeats itself in
Muhammedan countries with a truly doleful exactness. The great
bulk of the people are passive; wars and revolutions rage around
them; they accept them as the decrees of a fate it is useless to strive
against."31 In naive solidarity with many 19th-century Englishmen,
Stratford Canning, later Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, imperious
Ambassador to Constantinople, a diplomat active in Turkey for a
period spanning fifty years, understood Islamic law as the main
inhibitor of Ottoman progress, and believed that "[t]he Turkish
Empire is evidently hastening to its dissolution, and an approach to
the civilization of Christendom affords the only chance of keeping
it together for any length of time."32
The political trope of the Orient as the perpetual nursery of despo-
tism is as ancient as Aristotle's Poetics and the Greek caricature of
Persian kingship in Aeschylus' The Persians.^ The 8ecnt6tr|<; of Aristotle
was a king whose rule over his subjects, though legitimate, was indis-
tinguishable from that of a master over his slaves. The modern
identification of the Ottoman Empire with oriental despotism (seigneur,
dominatus] began with Jean Bodin in the 16th century.34 Montesquieu
Macmillan, 1865) 1:372. The sickness of the Muslim is due to his blind devotion
to the Prophet and his religion; Trowbridge, "Mohammedanism and the Ottoman
Turks," 144. Several 18th- and 19th-century British authors aver that the prohibi-
tion on alcohol is one of the surest checks on Islamic progress and civility (a
moment's reflection on the drinking habits of England in this period will address
the source of this observation); A. Dow, The History of Hindostan, from the Death of
Akbar, to the Complete Settlement of the Empire under Aurungzebe; to which are prefixed, I. A
Dissertation on the Origin and Nature of Despotism in Hindostan. II. An Enquiry into the State
of Bengal, with a Plan for Restoring that Kingdom to its Former Prosperity and Splendor (New
Delhi: Today & Tomorrow's Printers & Publishers, 1973) (originally published in
1770-71) xvi; Palgrave, Narrative, 1:433-35. One of the longest, most erudite-sound-
ing and relentlessly vitriolic comparisons between the Ottomans (representing bar-
barism) and Western (not Eastern!) Christianity and Europe (representing civilization)
was penned by John Cardinal Newman on the eve of the Crimean War; J. H.
Newman, Lectures on the History of the Turks in its Relation to Christianity (Dublin; London:
John Duffy; Charles Dolman, 1854): "The Turks are simply in the way. They are
in the way of the progress of the nineteenth century—Mahometans, despots, slave
merchants, polygamists . . ." 273.
31
R. D. Osborn, Islam and the Arabs (London: Longmans. Green, and Co., 1876)
26-27.
32
Quoted in Woodward, Age of Reform, 253.
33
On the "Orientalism" of Homer, see the perceptive essay by I. J. Winter,
"Homer's Phoenicians: History, Ethnography, or Literary Trope? [A Perspective on
Early Orientalism]," in The Ages of Homer: a Tribute to Emily Townsend Vermeule, edited
byj. B. Carter and S. P. Morris (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1995) 247-71.
34
M. Richter, "Despotism," in Dictionary of the History of Ideas: Studies of Selected
elaborated and imparted immense intellectual prestige to this stereo-

type in his De I'esprit des lois,35 utilizing his superficial information on
the Ottoman Empire and Persia as parade examples of despotic, as
opposed to republican or monarchic, governments.36 The psycho-
logical glue that holds together the web of a despotic regime is fear:
ira principis mors est. Although the remarkable Enlightenment Orientalist
Abraham-Hyacinthe Anquetil-Duperron (1731-1805) would profoundly
challenge the validity of this reading,37 the conception of Muslim
Pivota( Ideas, edited by P. P. Wiener (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1973) 2:4.
35
E. Laboulaye, ed. (Euvres completes de Montesquieu, vol. 3: De I'esprit des lois (Chefs-
d'CEuvres de la Litterature francaise 42; Paris: Gamier Freres, 1876). A. Grosrichard,
The Sultan's Court: European Fantasies of the East [originally published in 1979 as Structure
du serail: la jiction du despotisme Asiatique dans I Occident classique] (trans. L. Heron;
Wo es war; London and New York: Verso, 1998) is a ramified analysis of Montes-
quieu's political philosophy by means of a psychoanalytic (Lacanian) hermeneutic.
36
In the political philosophy of Baron de la Brede et de Montesquieu, govern-
ments are classified into three taxonomies: republican, monarchic, and despotic.
Despotic governments, which are prevalent in the Orient, particularly in Turkey
and Persia, rule by fear rather than honor or virtue. The despot himself, the more
powerful he becomes and the more his condition reinforces the perception that he
is everything and his subjects are nothing, becomes naturally lazy, ignorant and
voluptuous ("naturellement paresseux, ignorant, voluptueux"), and the kingdom is
entrusted to a vizier. Since passive obedience is desired of the subjects, not civic
initiative, education for the masses is of small account to the state. Religion, on the
other hand, is quite useful, since the fear and dread it inculcates is readily extended
to obedience to the ruler; Islam is particularly valuable in this regard. Severity of
punishment for the sake of example rather than clemency is the rule of law. A
despotic government is continually in danger of dissolution, because it is corrupt
by nature ("parce qu'il est corrompu par sa nature"). Large empires necessarily sup-
pose a despotic prince whose wishes are speedily communicated and executed. Such
states frequently preserve themselves by surrounding their borders with provinces
or vassal states. Preservation of the ruling houses of conquered kingdoms is advan-
tageous to the despot, for they will owe their lives and allegiance to his good plea-
sure. The arbitrary power of the despot is maintained by a standing army whose
allegiance is not to the state but to the ruler himself. For an excellent digest of the
problem, see M. Curtis, "The Oriental Despotic Universe of Montesquieu," Princeton
Papers in Mar Eastern Studies 3 (1994) 1-38.
3/
A. H. Anquetil-Duperron, Legislation orientale, ouvrage dans lequel, en montrant quels
sont en Turquie, en Perse et dans I'Indoustan, les principes fondamentaux du gouvernement, on
prouve (Amsterdam: Marc-Michel Rey, 1778). This astounding work of critical
Enlightenment humanism begins by noting that Montesquieu's "research" on ori-
ental despotism was based on inaccurate reports which he used with reckless dis-
regard for context. Anquetil-Duperron then proceeds systematically to undermine
the major points of De I'esprit des lois by demonstrating that Turkey, Persia and India
had governments that respected private property, supported the arts and sciences,
agriculture and commerce, ruled by codes of law (like European monarchies) and
regulated the succession to the Crown. "Le Code des Musulmans, Turcs, Persans,
Mogols est VAlkoran" (109). The construct of "oriental despotism" is largely a figment
of the European imagination, unscrupulously exploited by, among others, the British
to legitimate their colonization of India (171—79). Anquetil-Duperron did not defend
all the practices of the Ottomans, Persians or Mughals, but, in the manner of
440 APPENDIX ONE
principalities as tottering, self-destructive despotisms ripe for assimilation

to progressive western modes of government and commerce would
become a stock justification of 19th-century European discontent with
the Ottoman Empire.38 The Whig Thomas Macaulay captured the
sentiments of many with his epigrams on imperial rule: "It is a work
[creation of a legal code] which especially belongs to a government
[the East India Company] like that of India, to an enlightened and
paternal despotism."39 Enlightened British despotism was morally
preferable to native rule. A Manichaean dualism would divide the
world of most Victorians, with "despotic" "barbaric" "unprogressive"
and "Islamic" on the left, and "free" "civilized" "progressive" and
"Christian" to the right.40 British Romantic poetry,41 Victorian liter-
Voltaire, argued cogently that the abuses of these governments contradicted the
internal authority by which they ruled, thus demonstrating that the same concep-
tion of state law obtained in Asia and Europe. Unhappily, this work exercised no
influence on Victorian minds (or German Idealism), waiting to be rediscovered in
the twentieth century; R. Schwab, Vie d'Anquetil-Duperron, suivie des Usages civils et
religieux des Parses par Anquetil-Duperron (Paris: E. Leroux, 1934). During Warren
Hastings' impeachment, Edmund Burke hammered away at his belief that Mughal
Islam maintained the strictest public law in the world, with clear constitutional
limits on sovereign power. The Utilitarian James Mill preferred Islamic despotism
to Hindu rule, and, anyway, the manly Muslims were most like "our own half-
civilized ancestors," quoted in Daniel, Islam Europe and Empire, 268.
38
Dow, History of Hindostan', A. Crichton, The History of Arabia, Ancient and Modern:
Containing a Description of the Country—an Account of its Inhabitants, Antiquities, Political
Condition, and Early Commerce—the Life and Religion of Mohammed—the Conquests, Arts, and
Literature of the Saracens—the Caliphs of Damascus, Bagdad, Africa, and Spain—the Civil
Government and Religious Ceremonies of the Modern Arabs—Origin and Suppression of the
Wahabes—the Institutions, Character, Manners, and Customs of the Bedouins; and a Comprehensive
View of its Natural History (2nd ed.; Edinburgh: Oliver & Boyd, 1833) 1:335; 2:63;
Freeman, History and Conquests, xii—xiv, 55-56; Newman, Lectures on the History of the
Turks, passim. On this topic see the excellent discussion in Daniel, Islam Europe and
Empire, 338-60.
39
T. B. M. Macaulay and H. M. M. Trevelyan, Miscellaneous Works of Lord Macaulay
(New York: Harper & Brothers, 1880) 10:188 ("Government of India" a speech
delivered in the House of Commons July 10, 1833).
w
Daniel, Islam Europe and Empire, 269-73.
41
Among the most influential poems were Walter Savage Landor's Gebir, Southey's
Thalaba, Thomas Moore's Lalla Rookh, Byron's "Turkish Tales," and Shelley's The
Revolt of Islam. The richly annotated Vathek by William Beckford, translated into
English in 1786, marked the transition from the formulaic 18th-century oriental
tale, with its eastern raise en scene serving as stage prop for conventional European
plots, and the early Romantic verse romance, substantially influencing all of these
works. The images of the East exploited by these authors and their openness to
the Islamic Orient as a source of political and moral inspiration was prepared by
a number of 18th-century travelogues, such as James Bruce, Travels to Discover the
Source of the Nile (1790-91), Constantin Volney, Les Ruines (1791), Karsten Niebuhr,
Travels through Arabia (1774-78), and the works of Orientalists such as George Sale,
who prepared the most popular English translation and commentary on the Qur'an
ature,42 early ethnological descriptions,43 theological44 and missiological43

disquisitions and the visual arts46 were redolent with images of Islam
as a despotic regime, even though poetic license or empirical obser-
vation might agitate for a transvaluation of the stereotype. "From
prior to the 20th century, and Sir William Jones, translator of numerous Sanskrit,
Arabic and Persian works. See Searight, British in the Middle East, 177-80; R. Schwab,
Oriental Renaissance: Europe's Rediscovery of India and the East, 1680-1880 (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1984) 337-49; Leask, British Romantic Writers; M.
Sharafuddin, Islam and Romantic Orientalism: Literary Encounters with the Orient (London
and New York: I. B. Tauris, 1994).
42
The study of imperialism and Orientalism as ingredients of Victorian litera-
ture is an academic growth industry. The genres involved range from early impe-
rialist adventure fiction (for instance, the sea-going yarns of Captain Frederick
Marryat, transparent precursors of such 20th-century boyhood favorites as the
Horatio Hornblower series by C. S. Forester); colonialist satire, such as W. M.
Thackeray, "The Tremendous Adventures of Major Gahagan," in Memoirs of Charles
J. Yellowplush, the History of Samuel Titmarsh and the Great Hoggarty Diamond, Cox's Diary,
etc. (The Works of William Makepeace Thackeray 3; New York and London: Harper
& Brothers, 1898) 119-85; romantic, heavily politicized imperial adventure fiction
such as Sir W. Scott, The Talisman: a Tale of the Crusaders, and Chronicles of the Canongate
(His Waverley Novels; London and New York: Routledge, 1876), and B. Disraeli,
Tancred: or, The New Crusade (2nd ed.; London: H. Colburn, 1847); a deluge of Middle
Eastern British travelogues, with some of the protagonists disguised in oriental drag,
including E. Warburton, The Crescent and the Cross; or, Romance and Realities of Eastern
Travel (London: H. Colburn, 1845), R. Curzon, A Visit to Monasteries in the Levant.
With Various Woodcuts (3rd ed.; London: John Murray, 1850), A. H. Layard, Discoveries
in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon; with Travels in Armenia, Kurdistan and the Desert: Being
the Result of a Second Expedition undertaken for the Trustees of the British Museum (London:
John Murray, 1853), R. F. Burton, Personal Narrative of a Pilgrimage to Al-Madinah and
Meccah (New York: Dover, 1964), Palgrave, Narrative of a Tear's Journey, C. M. Doughty,
Travels in Arabia Deserta (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1888). On the last
three, see the psychologically perceptive study by K. Tidrick, Heart-Beguiling Araby
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981). On the genre of the imperial trav-
elogue as studied from a post-colonialist vantage, see M. L. Pratt, Imperial Eyes:
Travel Writing and Transculturation (New York: Routledge, 1992). A panoply of openly
racist and triumphalist essays and novels were published celebrating the British rites
of revenge following the so-called Sepoy Mutiny of 1857, Brantlinger, Heart of
Darkness, chapter 7, "The Well at Cawnpore: Literary Representations of the Indian
Mutiny of 1857," 199-224. Finally, imperial Gothic and occult in the British adven-
ture novel set in the Near East gained a tremendous readership, as represented by
H. Rider Haggard and Sir Arthur Conan Doyle.
43
As distasteful as Burton's naked racism and ethnocentrism is to the modern
anthropological guild, his erudite travelogues mark him as one of the most acutely
gifted Victorian students of culture defined as a system of semiotic codes and "rules."
He was fully conscious of the fact that his anthropological researches represented
a form of espionage, and that the information would or could be valuable for fur-
thering British imperial interests. See D. Bivona, Desire and Contradiction: Imperial
Visions and Domestic Debates in Victorian Literature (Cultural Politics; Manchester and
New York: Manchester University Press, 1990) 38-41; Tidrick, Heart-Beguiling Araby,
57—83; Brantlinger, Rule of Darkness, 158-71. On the issues of Victorian racism and
anthropology, see R. Dennell, "Nationalism and Identity in Britain and Europe,"
in Nationalism and Archaeology: Scottish Archaeological Forum, edited by J. A. Atkinson,
442 APPENDIX ONE
Marlowe's Tamburlaine the Great through Dryden's Aurung-êbe to

Beckford's Vathek, portrayals of the Orient and of India in particular
as a realm of fabulous riches and cruel potentates helped establish
I. Banks and J. O'Sullivan (Glasgow: Cruithne Press, 1996) 26—27; Trigger, History of
Archaeological Thought, 111-18; Trigger, "Romanticism, Nationalism, and Archaeology,"
263-79.
44
The prince of the church Newman, Lectures on the History of the Turks in its
Relation to Christianity, is mostly political and racist diatribe, though oriental (Ottoman)
despotism and Islamic stagnation are his favorite themes. The British colonial admin-
istrator Muir, Life of Mahomet and History of Islam, wrote a sustained polemic against
Islam as an anti-Christian and (oxymoronically) anti-civilization civilization. He is
puzzled that Christianity has not yet destroyed Islam. See Daniel, Islam Europe and
Empire, 32-33.
45
British texts written in an abolitionist vein against the horrors or Arab slavers
in Africa (with the benevolent intervention of British missionaries and colonial ad-
ministrators), include D. Livingstone, Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa;
Including a Sketch of Sixteen Tears' Residence in the Interior of Africa, and a Journey from the
Cape of Good Hope to Loanda on the West Coast, thence across the Continent, down the River
Zambesi, to the Eastern Ocean (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1858), and H. M.
Stanley, My Kalulu, Prince, King, and Slave: a Story of Central Africa (New York: Charles
Scribner's Sons, 1887), an adventure novel aimed at boys. See H. A. C. Cairns,
Prelude to Imperialism: British Reactions to Central African Society, 1840-1890 (London:
Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1965); Daniel, Islam Europe and Empire, 245-347; Brantlinger,
Rule of Darkness, 173-97; A. A. Powell, Muslims and Missionaries in Pre-Mutiny India
(London Studies on South Asia 7; Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, 1993). Bennett,
Victorian Images of Islam, written by a member of the Baptist Missionary Society, pro-
vides a wealth of Victorian and specifically missionary reactions to such Orientalist
historiography as Charles Forster, Alahometanism Unveiled, and Sir William Muir, The
Mohammedan Controversy, but Bennett's assessments of the primary texts are strongly
apologetic in their selectivity; the reader is admonished to proceed with caution.
46
M. Verrier, The Orientalists (New York: Rizzoli, 1979) (limited to 19th-century
paintings of Middle Eastern subjects); L. Thornton, The Orientalists: Painter-Travellers,
1828-1908 (Paris: ACR Edition, 1983); S. Koppelkamm, Der imagindre Orient: Exotische
Bauten des achtzehnten und neunzehnten Jahrhunderts in Europa (Berlin: Ernst & Sohn, 1987)
(interior and exterior architectural designs, mostly Islamic in inspiration, but some
"Egyptomania" and Far Eastern examples); E. Giinther, Die Fascination des Fremden:
der malerische Orientalismus in Deutschland (Kunstgeschichte 29; Miinster: Lit, 1990)
(deals topically with "Despotismus" 114-16); MacKenzie, Orientalism (studies the
influence of the Near, Middle and Far East on the pictorial and plastic arts, archi-
tecture, design, music and theater, late 18th through the 20th centuries); C. Peltre,
Les Orientalistes (Paris: Hazan, 1997) (paintings, watercolors and engravings);
L. Thornton, Du Maroc aux Indes: voyages en Orient aux XVIII' et XIXe siecles (Paris: ACR
Edition, 1998); J. S. Curl, Egyptomania: the Egyptian Revival, a Recurring Theme in the
History of Taste (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1994);
and for the far more muted "Assyromania" see Bohrer, "A New Antiquity," 6,
338-443; E. Fontan, "Le decor assyrien de la salle Sarzec au Louvre," in De
Khorsabad a Paris: la decouverte des Assyriens, edited by E. Fontan and N. Chevalier
(Louvre, Departement des Antiquites orientales: notes et documents des Musees de
France 26; Paris: Reunion des musees nationaux, 1994) 242-47; F. N. Bohrer, "Les
antiquites assyriennes au XIXe siecle: emulation et inspiration," in De Khorsabad a
Paris: la decouverte des Assyriens, edited by E. Fontan (Louvre, Departement des Antiquites
orientales: notes et documents des Musees de France, 26; Paris: Reunion des Musees
the nineteenth-century stereotype offered in such Romantic works as

Southey's Curse of Kehama (1810) and Moore's Lalla Rookh (1817)."47
In recent Islamic historiography it has become fashionable to mark
shifting attitudes towards Islam in Victorian England by Thomas
Carlyle's inclusion in 1840 of Muhammad within his pantheon of
Romantic cultural heroes.48 In fact, sympathetic and influential assess-
ments of Islam occur in the writings of 18th-century authors (and
earlier),49 including the ironic historian of the West, Edward Gibbon.50
The themes of the untamed nobility of the Arab Bedouin and their
instinctive genius for a religious experience that the Deists could
approve of were adapted by several British Romantic poets who
imaginatively subverted the age-old conception of oriental despotism
into exotically liveried protests against European cultural imperial-
ism. A subsidiary theme, the corrosive effects of city life versus the
moral transformation of the individual available in communion with
the uncivilized landscape, also found scope in the literary Bedouin.3'
The nostalgic Romantic vision of a society in which culture, politi-
cal life and religious experience coexist in organic unity was pro-
jected into an idealized Islamic past. Even Richard Burton, though in
full command of his own unquestioned racial superiority, was prepared
Nationaux, 1994) 248-59; J. Rudoe, "Henry Layard et les decoratifs, du style 'Ninive'
en Angleterre," in De Khorsabad a Paris: la decouverte des Assyriens, edited by E. Fontan
and N. Chevalier (Louvre, Departement des Antiquites orientales: notes et docu-
ments des Musees de France 26; Paris: Reunion des Musees Nationaux, 1994)
260-73.
4/
Brantlinger, Rule of Darkness, 85.
48
T. Carlyle, On Heroes, Hero-Worship and the Heroic in History (London: Chapman
and Hall, 1840) 54; W. M. Watt, "Carlyle on Muhammad," HibJ 53 (1954-55)
247-54; B. E. Bold, Carlyle, Goethe and Muhammad (Messina: Edizioni Dott. Antonio
Sfameni, 1984); G. Nash, "Thomas Carlyle and Islam," World Order 19 (1984-85)
9-22; Almond, Heretic and Hero, 3.
49
Searight, British in the Middle East, 66-71; Tidrick, Heart-Beguiling Araby, 8-18.
•>0 To my knowledge, Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, with its chapters
50-52 devoted to Muhammad and the Islamic Empire, never went out of print in
the 19th century. However, those chapters were republished together with Simon
Ockley's History of the Saracens (1708) in the 1870s, suggesting that the publishers scented
a sale by repackaging classic and, by the lights of the times, sympathetic accounts
of Islam for a Victorian audience; E. Gibbon and S. Ockley, History of the Saracen
Empire/by Edward Gibbon. History of the Saracens/by Simon Ockley. (London: John Murray,
1870), E. Gibbon and S. Ockley, The Saracens: Their History and the Rise and Fall of
their Empire/by Edward Gibbon and Simon Ockley. (London: F. Warne, 1873?).
31
See the excellent introduction in Sharafuddin, Islam and Romantic Orientalism,
xiii-xxxv. Tidrick, Heart-Beguiling Araby, identifies a set piece that had to figure in
the Victorian travelogue in order to make it saleable, to wit, Bedouin character-
ized as "independent, faithful and hospitable" 22. Treacherous behavior was ratio-
nalized as an evil side effect of urban exposure.
444 APPENDIX ONE
to underscore praiseworthy elements of Islamic spirituality.32 As the

century wore on and the reality of effective European hegemony
over the Middle East entered the public discourse, earlier patterns of
anti-Muslim prejudice gave ground to more balanced treatments of
Islamic law, cultural achievements and spirituality. Recent surveys
of the Orientalist art movement of the 19th and early 20th cen-
turies, for instance, have defended the existence of sympathetic and
respectful western portrayals of Muslims at prayer.33 Exceptionally,
positive or at least conciliatory assessments of Islam by Victorian
Protestant British missionaries do occur.54 The erudite pre-Victorian
Christian apologist Charles Forster wrote an extended comparison
of the civilizing influence of Christianity and "Mahometanism" over
the barbarian peoples they converted, cast in terms of imperial tech-
nology and international trade: the spread of cash-crop agriculture,
exportable manufactory like textiles, silk, paper, steel, principles of
sound taxation, effective naval power, and the exploration and acqui-
sition of new markets.55 The eccentric Victorian Turcophile David
Urquhart defended the rule of law in Islam, vigorously arguing that
the political factions of Europe, measuring Turkey by their own stan-
dards, each discovered their particular bete noire in their misconstru-
als of the Ottoman government.36
°2 R. F. Burton, A Plain and Literal Translation of the Arabian Nights Entertainments.

Now Entitled The Book of the Thousand Nights and a Night; with Introduction, Explanatory
Notes on the Manners and Customs of Moslem Men and a Terminal Essay upon the History
of The Nights (S.I.: Printed by The Burton Club for private subscribers only, 1885)
10:63-65; Daniel, Islam Europe and Empire, 32.
53
In the words of the Orientalist painter Jean-Leon Gerome, "The thing that
strikes you most when you visit mosques is their exclusively religious, almost poetic,
atmosphere. These are not our pretty-pretty Parisian cathedrals, nor our phoney-
Greek temples, which are just theatres where the performance is the Mass. Seeing
quiet, serious Arabs prostrate themselves without affectation before the wall of the
mihrdb, I could not help thinking of my good old Madeleine, where the one-o'clock
service is just like the opening night of a show . . . In Cairo, it's fanaticism if you
like, but at least it's real religious faith, and it expresses itself without any of that
elegant, frivolous piety that characterises the Roman Catholic mosque back home,"
quoted in M. Werner, "The Question of Faith: Orientalism, Christianity and Islam,"
in The Orientalists, Delacroix to Matisse: European Painters in North Africa and the Near East,
edited by M. A. Stevens (London: Royal Academy of Arts in association with
Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1984) 38. See the provocatively revisionist survey of
Orientalism in art in MacKenzie, Orientalism, 43-70.
54
R. B. Smith, Mohammed and Mohammedanism (London: Smith, Elder, 1874),
J. Davenport, Apology for Mohammed and the Koran (London: privately printed, 1869).
55
Forster, Mahometanism Unveiled, 2:200-45.
56
Searight, British in the Middle East, 90; Daniel, Islam Europe and Empire, 342-43,
358-59.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abu Taleb, M. M., "Investigations in the History of North Syria 1115-717 B.C."
(Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1973).
Abel, L., "Inschrift Samsi-Ramman's (825-812 v. Chr.)," in Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek:
Sammlung von assyrischen und babylonischen Texten in Umschrift und Ubersetzung, edited
by E. Schrader (Berlin: H. Reuther, 1889) 175-93.
Adler, W., "Abraham and the Burning of the Temple of Idols: Jubilee's Traditions
in Christian Chronography," JQR 77 (1986-87) 95-117.
, Time Immemorial: Archaic History and Its Sources in Christian Chronography
from Julius Africanus to George Syncellus (DOS 26; Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton
Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1989).
Aharoni, M., "Arad: the Israelite Citadels," NEAEHL l:82a-87b.
, "An Iron Age Cylinder Seal," IEJ 46 (1996) 52-54.
Aharoni, Y., Arad Inscriptions (trans. J. Ben-Or; Judean Desert Studies; Jerusalem:
Israel Exploration Society, 1981).
Al Asil, N., "Editorial Notes and Archaeological Events: the Assyrian Palace at Nebi
Unis," Sumer 10 (1954) 110-11.
Albenda, P., The Palace of Sargon King of Assyria: Monumental Wall Reliefs at Dur-Sharrukin,
from Original Drawings Made at the Time of their Original Discovery in 1843-1844 by
Botta and Flandin (trans. A. Caubet; "Synthese" no. 22; Paris: Editions Recherche
sur les Civilisations, 1986).
, "Stone Sculpture Fragments," JANES 21 (1992) 1-12.
Albertz, R., A History of Israelite Religion in the Old Testament Period, Vol. I: From the
Beginnings to the End of the Monarchy (trans. J. Bowden; OTL; Louisville, KY:
Westminster/John Knox Press, 1994).
Albrektson, B., History and the Gods (ConBOT 1; Lund: CWK Gleerup, 1967).
Allen, T., A Classical Revival in Islamic Architecture (Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert
Verlag, 1986).
Allinger-Csollich, W., "Birs Nimrud II 'TieftempeP—'Hochtempel': Vergleichende
Studien Borsippa-Babylon," BaghM 29 (1998) 97-330.
Almond, P. C., Heretic and Hero: Muhammad and the Victorians (StOR 18; Wiesbaden:
Otto Harrassowitz, 1989).
Amiet, P., "Alliance des hommes, alliance des dieux dans 1'iconographie orientale,"
in Collectanea Orientale: histoire, arts de I'espace et Industrie de la terre; etudes offertes en
hommage a Agnes Spycket, edited by H. Gasche and B. Hrouda (Civilisations de
Proche-Orient, Serie I: archeologie et environnement 3; Neuchatel and Paris:
Recherches et Publications, 1991) 1-6.
Anderson, O., "The Growth of Christian Militarism in mid-Victorian Britain," EHR
86 (1971) 46-72.
Andrae, W., Farbige Keramik aus Assur und ihre Vorstufen in altassyrischen VVandmalereien:
nach Aquarellen von Mitgliedern der Assur-expedition und nach photographischen Aufnahmen
von Originalen im Auftrage der Deutschen Orient-gesellschaft (Berlin: Scarabaeus, 1923).
, Die jiingeren Ischtar-Tempel in Assur (WVDOG 58; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1935).
, Die Stelenreihen in Assur (WVDOG 24; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1913).
Andrae, W. and B. Hrouda, Das wiedererstandene Assur (2nd revised ed.; Beck'sche
Sonderausgaben; Miinchen: Beck, 1977).
Anonymous, "Asiatic—Feb. 16—H.R.H. Prince Albert in the Chair," Athenaeum, no.
1166, March 2, 1850, 234-36.
, "Canon George Rawlinson," Athenaeum, no. 3911, October 11, 1902, 486.
446 BIBLIOGRAPHY
—, "Heresy," EBrit (9th ed.; 1880) 11:732-38.

—, "Mahommed," EBrit (7th ed.; 1842) 14:25-32.
—, "Oppert, Jules (1825-1905)," in Wer ist's? Unsere êitgenossen (Berlin: Arani,
1905) 1:620.
-, "Wissenschaftliche Berichte: die Antiken-Museen in Istanbul," A/0 10 (1935-1936)
92-94.
Anquetil-Duperron, A. H., Legislation orientale, ouvrage dans lequel, en montrant quels sont
en Turquie, en Perse et dans I'lndoustan, les principes fondamentaux du gouvernement, on
prouve (Amsterdam: Marc-Michel Rey, 1778).
Appleby, J. O., L. A. Hunt and M. C. Jacob, Telling the Truth about History (New
York: Norton, 1994).
Archi, A., "Harran in the III Millenniun B.C.," UF 20 (1988) 1-8.
, P. Piacentini and F. Pomponio, / nomi di luogo dei testi di Ebla (ARET I—IV,
VII~X e altri documenti editi e inediti) (Archivi Reali di Ebla, Studi 2; Rome: Universita
degli Studi di Roma "La Sapienza", 1993).
Armstrong, J. A., "The Archaeology of Nippur from the Decline of the Kassite
Kingdom until the Rise of the Neo-Babylonian Empire" (Ph.D. dissertation, The
University of Chicago, 1989).
, "West of Eden: Tell al-Deylam and the Babylonian City of Dilbat," BA 55/4
(1992) 219-26.
Arnaud, D., Recherches au pays d'Astata-Emar VI/4: textes de la bibliotheque: Transcriptions
et traductions (Mission archeologique de Meskene-Emar. Editions Recherches sur
les Civilisations 28; Paris: Editions Recherches sur les Civilisations, 1987).
Arnold, H. J. P., William Henry Fox Talbot: Pioneer of Photography and Man of Science
(London: Hutchinson Benham, 1977).
Astour, M. C., "Semites and Hurrians in Northern Transtigris," in Studies of the
Civilization and Culture of Nuzi and the Hurrians, Vol. 2, edited by D. I. Owen and
M. A. Morrison (General Studies and Excavations at Nuzi 9/1; Winona Lake:
Eisenbrauns, 1987) 3-68.
, "Tel-Assar," IDB Supplementary Volume, 868.
Auerbach, E., "Emphasis and Eloquence in the Reliefs of Tiglath-Pileser III," Iraq
51 (1989) 79-84.
Avigad, N. and B. Sass, Corpus of West Semitic Stamp Seals (Publications of the Israel
Academy of Sciences and Humanities, Section of Humanities; Jerusalem: Israel
Academy of Arts and Sciences/Israel Exploration Society/The Institute of
Archaeology, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1997).
Aynard, J.-M., Le prisme du Louvre AO 19.939 (Paris: Librairie ancienne Honore
Champion, 1957).
Bachmann, W., Felsreliefs in Assyrien. Bawian, Maltai, Gundiik (WVDOG 52; Leipzig:
J. C. Hinrichs, 1927).
Badger, G. P., The Nestarians and Their Rituals: with the Narrative of a Mission to Mesopotamia
and Coordistan in 1842-1844, and of a Late Visit to These Countries in 1850 (London:
Joseph Masters, 1852).
Bahrani, Z., "Assault and Abduction: the Fate of the Royal Image in the Ancient
Near East," ArtH 18 (1995) 363-82.
, "Conjuring Mesopotamia: Imaginative Geography and a World Past," in
Archaeology under Fire: Nationalism, Politics and Heritage in the Eastern Mediterranean and
Middle East, edited by L. Meskell (London and New York: Routledge, 1998) 159-74.
Bar, J., Der assyrische Tribut und seine Darstellung: eine Untersuchung zur imperialen Ideologic
im neuassyrischen Reich (AOAT 243; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-
Barkey, K., Bandits and Bureaucrats: the Ottoman Route to State Centralization (The Wilder
House Series in Politics, History, and Culture; Ithaca and London: Cornell
BIBLIOGRAPHY 447
Barnett, R. D., "Hittite Hieroglyphic Texts at Aleppo," Iraq 10 (1948) 122-39.

, "Urartu," CAH2 3/1, 314-71.
Barnett, R. D. and M. Falkner, The Sculptures of Assur-nasir-apli II, Tiglath-pileser HI,
Esarhaddon, from the Central and South- West Palaces at Nimrud (Assyrian Sculpture in
the British Museum 3; London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1962).
Barnett, R. D. and W. Forman, Assyrian Palace Reliefs and their Influence on the Sculptures
of Babylonia and Persia (London: Batchworth Press, 1960).
Barre, M. E., The God-List in the Treaty between Hannibal and Philip V of Macedonia: A
Study in Light of the Ancient Near Eastern Treaty Tradition (Johns Hopkins Near Eastern
Studies; Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983).
Barrelet, M.-T., "La 'figure du roi' dans 1'iconographie et dans les textes depuis Ur-
Nanse jusqu'a la fin de la Ire dynastic de Babylone," in Le palais et la royaute (archeo-
logie et civilisation): XIX' Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Paris 29 juin~2 juillet
1971, edited by P. Garelli (Paris: Librairie orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1974)27-138.
Barrick, W. B., "On the Meaning of nlnBrrrr? and n103rr'F13 and the Composition
of the Kings History," JBL 115 (1996)' 621-42.
Bauer, T., Das Inschriftenwerk Assurbanipals (AB 1-2; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1933).
Bax, M., Medjugorje: Religion, Politics, and Violence in Rural Bosnia (Anthropological
Studies 16; Amsterdam: VU Uitgeverij, 1995).
Bayne, R., "Rawlinson, George (1812-1902)," DJ\fB, Twentieth Century, January
1901-December 1911, Supplement 3:165-67.
Beaulieu, P.-A., "The Impact of Month-Lengths on the Neo-Babylonian Cultic
Calendar," %A 83 (1993) 66-87.
, "Neo-Babylonian Larsa: a Preliminary Study," Or 60 (1991) 58-81.
, The Reign of Nabonidus King of Babylon 556-539 B.C. (YNER 10; New Haven:
Yale University Press, 1989).
Becking, B., "Assyrian Evidence for Iconic Polytheism in Ancient Israel?," in The
Image and the Book: Iconic Cults, Aniconism, and the Rise of Book Religion in Israel and
the Ancient Near East, edited by K. van der Toorn (Contributions to Biblical Exegesis
and Theology 21; Louvain: Peeters, 1997) 157-71.
Beckman, G. M., Hittite Diplomatic Texts (2nd ed.; Writings from the Ancient World
7; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1999).
Begg, C., "Ahaz, King of Judah According to Josephus," SJOT 10 (1996) 28-52.
Beitzel, B. J., "From Harran to Imar Along the Old Babylonian Itinerary: the
Evidence from the Archives Roy ales de Man," in Biblical and Near Eastern Studies:
Essays in Honor of William Sanford LaSor, edited by G. A. Tuttle (Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 1978) 209-19.
, "The Old Assyrian Caravan Road in the Mari Royal Archives," in Mari in
Retrospect: Fifty Years of Mari and Mari Studies, edited by G. D. Young (Winona
Bell, G. L., Palace and Mosque at Ukhaidir; a Study in Early Mohammadan Architecture
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1914).
Bell, W., D. Tucker and T. J. Wilkinson, "The Tell al-Hawa Project: Archaeological
Investigations in the North Jazira 1986-87," Iraq 51 (1989) 1-66.
Bell, W. and T. J. Wilkinson, "British Work in the North Jazira Project: Preliminary
Report on the Second Season," Sumer 38 (1995-96) 20-29.
Belli, O., Anzaf Kaleleri ve Urartu Tanrilari (Istanbul: Arkeoloji ve Sanat Yaymlari,
1998).
Benaboud, M., "Orientalism on the Revelation of the Prophet: the Cases of
W. Montgomery Watt, Maxime Rodinson, and Duncan Black MacDonald," American
Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 3 (1986) 309-26.
Benedict, W. C., "Two Urartian Inscriptions from Azerbaijan," JCS 19 (1965) 35-40.
Bennett, C., Victorian Images of Islam (CSIC Studies on Islam and Christianity; London:
Grey Seal, 1992).
448 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bennett, C.-M., "Excavations at Buseirah, Southern Jordan 1972: Preliminary

Report," Levant 6 (1974) 1-24.
, "Excavations at Buseirah, Southern Jordan, 1973," Levant 1 (1975) 1-19.
, "Excavations at Buseirah, Southern Jordan, 1974: Fourth Preliminary Report,"
Levant 9 (1977) 1-10.
"Neo-Assyrian Influence in Transjordan," in Studies in the History and Archaeology
of Jordan, edited by A. Hadidi (Amman, Jordan: Department of Antiquities; New
York: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1982) 1:181-87.
Beran, T., "Leben und Tod der Bilder," in Ad bene etjideliter seminandum: Festgabe fiir
Karlheinz Deller zum 21. Februar 1987, edited by G. Mauer and U. Magen (AOAT
1988) 55-60.
Berchem, M. van and J. Strzygowski, Amida: Materiaux pour I'epigraphie et I'histoire
musulmanes du Diyar-bekr, Beitrage z.ur Kunstgeschichte des Mittelalters von Nordmesopotamien,
Hellas und dem Abendlande, mil einem Beitrage: "The Churches and Monasteries of the Tur
Abdm", von Gertrude L. Bell (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1910).
Bergamini, G., '"Spoliis Orientis onustus.' Paul-Emile Botta et la decouverte de la
civilisation assyrienne," in De Khorsabad a Paris: la decouverte des Assyriens, edited by
E. Fontan (Louvre, Departement des Antiquites orientales: notes et documents
des Musees de France, 26; Paris: Reunion des Musees Nationaux, 1994) 68-85.
Berger, P.-R., "Der Kyros-Zylinder mit dem Zusatzfragment BIN II Nr. 32 und
die akkadischen Personennamen im Danielbuch," %A 64 (1975) 192-234.
, Die neubabylonischen Konigsinschriften: Konigsinschriften des ausgehenden babylonischen
Retches (626-539 a. Chr.) (AOAT 4/1; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker;
Neukirchener-Vluyn: Neukirchen Verlag, 1973).
Berlejung, A., Die Theologie der Bilder: Herstellung und Einweihung von Kultbildern in
Mesopotamim und die alttestamentliche Bilderpolemik (OBO 162; Fribourg: Universitatsverlag;
Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1998).
, "Washing the Mouth: the Consecration of Divine Images in Mesopotamia,"
in Iconic Cults, Aniconism, and the Rise of Book Religion in Israel and the Ancient Near
East, edited by K. van der Toorn (Contributions to Biblical Exegesis & Theology
21; Louvain: Peeters, 1997) 45-72.
Beyer, K. and A. Livingstone, "Die neuesten aramaischen Inschriften aus Taima,"
ZDMG 137 (1987) 285-96.
Bezold, C., Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouyunjik Collection of the British
Museum, Vol. IV (London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1896).
, "Julius Oppert," £A 19 (1905) 169-73.
Billerbeck, A. and F. Delitzsch, Die Palasttore Salmanassars II von Balawat; Erklarung
ihrer Bilder und Inschriften (Beitrage zur Assyriologie und semitischen Sprachwissenschaft
6/1; Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs; Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1908).
Birch, S., ed. Records of the Past: Being English Translations of the Assyrian and Egyptian
Monuments (London: Samuel Bagster, 1872-1876).
Birch, S., T. G. Pinches and W. de Gray Birch, The Bronze Ornaments of the Palace
Gates of Balawat (Shalmaneser II, B.C. 859-825) (London: [Society of Biblical
Archaeology], 1880).
Bisi, A. M., "Un bassorilievo di Aleppo e 1'iconografia del dio Sin," OrAnt 2 (1963)
215-21.
Bivona, D., Desire and Contradiction: Imperial Visions and Domestic Debates in Victorian Literature
(Cultural Politics; Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1990).
Black, J. A. and A. Green, Gods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia: an Illustrated
Dictionary (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1992).
Blazek, N., "The Semitic Divine Name *'attar(-at-} and its Possible Afroasiatic
Cognates," in Studies in Near Eastern Languages and Literatures: Memorial Volume of Karel
Petrdcek, edited by P. Zemanek (Prague: Academy of Sciences of the Czech
Republic, Oriental Institute, 1996) 133-41.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 449
Bleibtreu, E., "Standarten auf neuassyrischen Reliefs und Bronzetreibarbeiten,"

BaghM 23 (1992) 347-56, pis. 350-66.
Block, D. I., The Gods of the Nations: Studies in Ancient Near Eastern National Theology
(METS 2; Jackson, MS: Evangelical Theological Society, 1988).
Boase, G. C., "Talbot, William Henry Fox (1800-1877)," DNB 19:339b-41a.
Bodi, D., The Book of E&kiel and the Poem of Erra (OBO 104; Fribourg: Universitatsverlag;
Boehmer, R. M., "Musasir," RLA 8:444b~50a.
, "Uruk-Warka," OEANE 5:294a-98b.
, "Zur Lage von Musasir," BaghM 6 (1973) 31-40.
Bohrer, F. N., "Les antiquites assyriennes au XIXe siecle: emulation et inspiration,"
in De Khorsabad a Paris: la decouverte des Assyriens, edited by E. Fontan (Louvre,
Departement des Antiquites orientales: notes et documents des Musees de France,
26; Paris: Reunion des Musees Nationaux, 1994) 248-59.
, "A New Antiquity: The English Reception of Assyria" (Ph.D. dissertation,
The University of Chicago, 1989).
Bolt, C., Victorian Attitudes to Race (Studies in Social History; London: Routledge and
Kegan Paul, 1971).
Booth, A. J., The Discovery and Decipherment of the Trilingual Cuneiform Inscriptions (London:
Longmans, Green, and Co., 1902).
Bordreuil, P., Catalogue des sceaux ouest-semitiques inscrits de la Bibliotheque
Nationale, du Musee du Louvre et du Musee biblique de Bible et Terre Sainte
(Paris: Bibliotheque Nationale, 1986).
, "Le repertoire iconographique des sceaux arameens inscrits et son evolution,"
in Studies in the Iconography of Northwest Semitic Inscribed Seals, edited by B. Sass and
C. Uehlinger (OBO 125; Fribourg: Universitatsverlag; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck
& Ruprecht, 1993) 74-100.
Borger, R., "Assyriologische und altarabistische Miszellen," Or 26 (1957) 1-11.
, "Der Aufstieg des neubabylonischen Reiches," JCS 19 (1965) 67-71.
, Babylonisch-assyrische Lesestuck (2nd ed.; AnOr 54; Rome: Pontificium Institutum
Biblicum, 1979).
, Beitrage zum Inschiftenwerk Assurbanipals: Die Prismenklassen A, B, C — K, D, E, F,
G, H, J und T sowie andere Inschriften (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1996).
, "Ein Duplikat zu KAH II, Nr. 143," AJO 17 (1952) 369.
, Handbuch der Keilschriftliteratur, Bd. 1: Repertorium der sumerischen und akkadischen
Texte (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1967).
, Die Inschriften Asarhaddons, Konigs von Assyrien (AfOB 9; Osnabriick: Biblio-Verlag,
1967 [1956]).
, "Die Inschriften Asarhaddons (AfO Beiheft 9)," AJO 18 (1957-58) 113-18.
, "Tonmannchen und Puppen," BiOr 30 (1973) 176-83.
Borker-Klahn, J., Altvorderasiatische Bildstelen und vergleichbare Felsreliefs (BaghF 4; Mainz
am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern, 1982).
, "Verkannte neuassyrische Bronze-Statuetten," BaghM 6 (1973) 41-64.
Bossert, H. T., "Neues von Zincirli und Maras," Or 27 (1958) 398-403.
Botta, P.-E. and E. Flandin, Monument de Ninive decouvert et decrit (Paris: Imprimerie
Nationale, 1849-50).
Bounni, A. and P. Matthiae, "Tell Fray: ville frontiere entre hittites et assyriens au
XIIF siecle av. J-C," Archeologia [Dijon] 140 (1980) 30-39.
Bowen, D., The Idea of the Victorian Church: A Study in the Church of England 1833-1889
(Montreal: McGill University Press, 1968).
Bowley, J. E., "The Compositions of Abraham," in Tracing the Threads: Studies in the
Vitality of Jewish Pseudepigrapha, edited by J. C. Reeves (Early Judaism and Its
Literature 6; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1994) 215-38.
Brandes, M. A., "Destruction et mutilation de statues en Mesopotamie," Akkadica
16 (1980) 28-41.
450 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Brandis, J., Rerum assyriarum tempera emendata (Bonn: Adolphus Marcus, 1853).
Brantlinger, P., Rule of Darkness: British Literature and Imperialism, 1830-1914 (Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 1988).
Braun-Holzinger, E. A., Figurliche Bronzen aus Mesopotamien (Prahistorische Bronzefunde
1/4; Munich: C. H. Beck, 1984).
Brewer, G. D. and P. deLeon, The Foundations of Policy Analysis (The Dorsey Series
in Political Science; Homewood, IL: Dorsey Press, 1983).
Brinkman,J. A., "Additional Texts from the Reigns of Shalmaneser III and Shamshi-
Adad V," JNES 32 (1973) 40-46.
, "The Akltu Inscription of Bel-ibni and Nabu-zera-usabsi," WO 5/1 (1969) 39-50.
, "Assur-etel-ilani," in The Prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, Vol. 1, Part 1:
A, edited by K. Radner (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1998)
183-84.
, "Babylonia in the Shadow of Assyria (747-626 B.C.)," CAH2 3/2, 1-70.
-, "Babylonia under the Assyrian Empire, 745-627 B.C.," in Power and Propaganda:
"The Babylonian Chronicle Revisited," in Lingering Over Words: Studies in Ancient
Near Eastern Literature in Honor of William L. Moran, edited by I. T. Abusch,
J. Huehnergard and P. Steinkeller (HSS 37; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1990) 73-104.
, "From Destruction to Resurrection: the Antecedents of Babylonia's Birth as
a World Power in the Seventh Century," Sumer 41 (1985) 110-12.
, "Merodach-Baladan II," in Studies Presented to A. Leo Oppenheim, June 7, 1964,
edited by R. D. Biggs and J. A. Brinkman (Chicago: Oriental Institute of the
University of Chicago, 1964) 6-53.
, "Political Covenants, Treaties, and Loyalty Oaths in Babylonia and Between
Assyria and Babylonia," in / trattati nel mondo antico. Forma, ideologia, funzione, edited
by L. Canfora, M. Liverani and C. Zaccagnini (Saggi di storia antica 2; Rome:
"L'Erma" di Bretschneider, 1990) 81-111.
, A Political History of Post-Kassite Babylonia, 1158-722 B.C. (AnOr 43; Rome:
Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1968).
, Prelude to Empire: Babylonian Society and Politics, 747-626 B.C. (OPBF 7; Philadelphia:
Babylonian Fund of the University Museum, 1984).
, "Sennacherib's Babylonian Problem: an Interpretation," JCS 25 (1973) 89-95.
, "Through A Glass Darkly: Esarhaddon's Retrospects on the Downfall of
Babylon," JAOS 103 (1983) 35-42.
, "Ur, 721-605 B.C.," Or 34 (1965) 241-58.
"Ur: 'The Kassite Period and the Period of the Assyrian Kings'," Or 38
(1969) 310-48.
Brinkman, J. A. and S. Dalley, "A Royal Kudurru from the Reign of Assur-nadin-
sumi," £A 78 (1988) 76-98.
Brinkman, J. A. and D. A. Kennedy, "Documentary Evidence for the Economic
Base of Early Neo-Babylonian Society: A Survey of Dated Babylonian Economic
Texts," JCS 35 (1983) 1-90.
, "Supplement to the Survey of Dated Neo-Babylonian Economic Texts, 721-626
B.C. (JCS 35 [1983] 1-90)," JCS 38 (1986) 99-106.
Brunengo, G., L'impero di Babilonia e di JVinive dalle originifmo alia conquista di Giro descritto
secondo i monumenti cuneiformi comparati colla Bibbia (Prato: Tipografia Giachetti, 1885).
Bucellati, G. and M. Kelly-Bucellati, "Terqa," OEANE 5:188a-90b.
Budde, K. F., The Religion of Israel to the Exile (New York and London: G. P. Putnam,
1899).
Budge, E. A. W., The Rise and Progress of Assyriology (London: Martin Hopkinson, 1925).
Buhl, M.-L., "Hamath," ABD 3:33-36.
Burdajewicz, M., The Aegean Sea Peoples and Religious Architecture in the Eastern Mediterranean
at the Close of the Late Bronze Age (BAR International Series 558; Oxford: B.A.R., 1990).
BIBLIOGRAPHY 451
Buren, E. D. V., "Homage to a Deified King," £A 50 (1952) 92-120.

Burke, P., History and Social Theory (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993).
Burney, C., "The God Haldi and the Urartian State," in Aspects of Art and Iconography:
Anatolia and Its Neighbors. Studies in Honor of Mmet Ozgiif, edited by M. J. Mellink,
E. Porada and T. Ozgiic (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi, 1993) 107-10.
Burton, R. F., Personal Narrative of a Pilgrimage to Al-Madinah and Meccah (New York:
Dover, 1964).
, A Plain and Literal Translation of the Arabian Nights Entertainments. Now Entitled The
Book of the Thousand Nights and a Night; with Introduction, Explanatory Notes on the
Manners and Customs of Moslem Men and a Terminal Essay upon the History of The Nights
(S.I.: Printed by The Burton Club for private subscribers only, 1885).
Busink, T. A., Der Tempel von Jerusalem von Salomo bis Herodes. Bd. 1: Der Tempel Salomos
(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1970).
Butterfield, H., "Historiography," in Dictionary of the History of Ideas: Studies of Selected Pivotal
Ideas, edited by P. P. Wiener (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1973) 2:464-98.
Cain, P. J. and A. G. Hopkins, British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion, 1688-1914
(London and New York: Longmans, 1993).
Cairns, H. A. C., Prelude to Imperialism: British Reactions to Central African Society,
1840-1890 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1965).
Callinicos, A., Theories and Narratives: Reflections on the Philosophy of History (Durham,
NC: Duke University Press, 1995).
Callwell, C. E., Small Wars. Their Principles and Practice (3rd ed.; London: Printed for
H. M. Stationery Office by Harrison and Sons, 1906).
Calmeyer, P., Datierbare Bronzen aus Luristan und Kirmanshah (Untersuchungen zur
Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archaologie 5; Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1969).
, "Luristan Bronzen," RLA 7:174b-79a.
, "Some Remarks on Iconography," in Urartu: a Metalworking Center in the First
Millennium B.C.E., edited by R. Merhav (Israel Museum Catalogue 324; Jerusalem:
Israel Museum, 1991) 312-19.
, "Zu den Eisen-Lanzenspitzen und der 'Lanze des Haldi'," in Bastam I:
Ausgrabungen in den urartaischen Anlagen 1972-1975, edited by W. Kleiss (TF 4;
Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1979) 183-93.
, "Zur Genese altiranischer Motive II: Der leere Wagen," AMI 1 (1974) 49-77.
Cambel, H., "Archaologischer Bericht aus Anatolien: Kurze Reisenotizen," Or 20
(1951) 250-51.
Cancik-Kirschbaum, E. C., Die mittelassyrischen Briefe aus Tall Seh Hamad (Berichte
der Ausgrabung Tall Seh Hamad/Dur-Katlimmu 4/1; Berlin: Dietrich Reimer
Verlag, 1996).
Caplice, R. I., "The Akkadian Text Genre Namburbi" (Ph.D. dissertation, The
Carena, O., History of the Near Eastern Historiography and Its Problems: 1852-1985. Part
1: 1852-1945 (AOAT 218/1; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-
Carlyle, T., On Heroes, Hero-Worship and the Heroic in History (London: Chapman and
Hall, 1840).
Carr, E. H., What is History? (The George Macaulay Trevelyan Lectures, 1961;
London: Macmillan; New York: St. Martin's Press, 1961).
Carter, E., "The Neo-Elamite Period circa 900-600 B.C.," in The Royal City of Susa:
Ancient Near Eastern Treasures in the Louvre, edited by P. O. Harper, J. Aruz and
F. Tallon (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992) 197.
Carter, E. and M. W. Stolper, Elam: Surveys of Political History and Archaeology (UCP-
NES 25; Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984).
Caskel, W., "Die alten semitischen Gottheiten in Arabien," in Le Antiche Divinita
Semitiche, edited by S. Moscati (Studi Semitici 1; Rome: Centro di studi semitici,
istituto di studi orientali, Universita di Roma, 1958) 95-117.
452 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Catagnoti, A., "Le royaume de Tuba et ses cultes," in Florilegium marianum: Recueil
d'etudes en I'honneur de Michel Fleury, edited by J.-M. Durand (Memoires de N.A.B.U.
1; Paris: SEPOA, 1992) 23~28.
Cathcart, K. J., "Edward Hincks (1792-1866): A Biographical Essay," in The Edward
Hincks Bicentenary Lectures, edited by K. J. Cathcart (Dublin: University College
Press, 1994) 1-29.
Cavigneaux, A. and B. K. Ismail, "Die Statthalter von Suhu und Mari im 8. Jh.
v.Chr. anhand neuer Texte aus den irakischen Grabungen im Staugebiet des
Qadissiya-Damms," BaghM 21 (1990) 321-455, pis. 35-38.
Charlier, P., "Splendeur et misere des courtisans, aspects du quotidien des devins
a la cour des Sargonides," in Le sciences des cieux: sages, mages, astrologues, edited by
R. Gyselen (Res Orientales 12; Bures-sur-Yvette, France: Groupe pour 1'Etude
de la Civilisation du Moyen-Orient; Louvain: Peeters, 1999) 53—74.
Charpin, D., "Une alliance centre 1'Elam et le rituel de lipit napistim," in Contribution
a I'histoire de I'lran: melanges offerts a Jean Perrot, edited by F. Vallat (Paris: Editions
Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1990) 109-18.
, "L'Andurarum a Mari," MA.R.I. 6 (1990) 253-70.
, "Les decrets royaux a 1'epoque paleo-babylonienne, a propos d'un ouvrage
recent," AfO 34 (1987) 36-44.
, "L'epee offerte au dieu Nergal de Hubsalum," N.A.B.U. (1987/76) 41.
, "Nouveaux documents du bureau de 1'huile a 1'epoque assyrienne," MA.R.l.
3 (1984) 83-126.
, "Le temple de Kahat d'apres un document inedit de Mari," MA.R.L 1 (1982)
137-47.
, "Un traite entre Zimri-Lim de Mari et Ibal-pi-El II d'Esnunna," in Marchands,
diplomates et empereurs: etudes la civilisation mesopotamienne offerts a Paul Garelli, edited
by D. Charpin and F. Joannes (Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations,
1991) 139-66.
Charpin, D. and J.-M. Durand, "Fils de Sim'al: les origines tribales de rois de
Mari," RA 80 (1986) 141-83.
Chossat, E. de, Repertoire Assyrien (traduction et lecture) (Lyon: Alf. Louis Perrin et
Marinet, 1879).
Cifarelli, M., "Enmity, Alienation and Assyrianization: the Role of Cultural Difference
in the Visual and Verbal Expression of Assyrian Ideology in the Reign of Assurnasir-
pal II (883-859 B.C.)" (Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1995).
Gig, M., H. Kizilyay (Bozkurt) and F. R. Krause, Eski Babil zamamna ait Nippur
Hukuki Vesikalan/Altbabylonische Rechtsurkunden aus Nippur (Istanbul: Milli Egitim
Basimevi, 1952).
Civil, M., "Note sur les inscriptions d'Asarhaddon a Nippur," RA 68 (1974) 94.
Clapham, C., "Clientelism and the State," in Private Patronage and Public Power: Political
Clientelism in the Modern State, edited by C. Clapham (New York: St. Martin's Press,
1982) 1-35.
Clay, A. T., Miscellaneous Inscriptions in the Tale Babylonian Collection (YOS 1; New Haven
and London: Yale University Press, 1915).
Clayden, T., "The Date of the Foundation Deposit in the Temple of Ningal at
Ur," Iraq 57 (1995) 61-70.
Cogan, M., "Ashurbanipal Inscriptions Once Again," JCS 32 (1980) 147-50.
, "Ashurbanipal Prism F: Additions to Catalogue," JCS 35 (1983) 146.
, "Ashurbanipal Prism F: Notes on Scribal Techniques and Editorial Procedures,"
JCS 29 (1977) 97-107.
, Imperialism and Religion: Assyria, Judah and Israel in the Eighth and Seventh CenturiesB.C.E.
(SBLMS 19; Missoula, MT: Society of Biblical Literature and Scholars Press, 1974).
, "Judah Under Assyrian Hegemony: A Re-Examination of Imperialism and
Religion" JBL 112 (1993) 403-14.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 453
—, "A Lamashtu Plaque from the Judaean Shephelah," IEJ 45 (1995) 155-61.
—, "Omens and Ideology in the Babylonian Inscription of Esarhaddon," in History,
Historiography and Interpretation: Studies in Biblical and Cuneiform Literatures, edited by
H. Tadmor and M. Weinfeld (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1983) 76-87.
"A Plaidoyer on Behalf of the Royal Scribes," in Ah, Assyria. . . Studies in
Assyrian History and Ancient Near Eastern Historiography Presented to Hayim Tadmor, edited
by M. Cogan and I. Ephcal (ScrHie 33; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1991) 121~28.
"Sennacherib: the Capture and Destruction of Babylon (2.119E)," in The
Context of Scripture, Vol. 2: Monumental Inscriptions from the Biblical World, edited by
W. W. Hallo and K. L. Younger, Jr. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2000) 305.
Cogan, M. and H. Tadmor, "Ashurbanipal Texts in the Collection of the Oriental
Institute, University of Chicago," JCS 40 (1988) 84-96.
// Kings: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AncB 11; Doubleday
& Company,
Cohen, A. and E. Taylor, American Pharaoh: Mayor Richard J. Daley: His Battle for
Chicago and Nation (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 2000).
Cohen, M. E., The Canonical Lamentations of Ancient Mesopotamia (Potomac, MD: CDL
Press, 1988).
, The Cultic Calendars of the Ancient Near East (Bethesda, MD: CDL Press, 1993).
Cole, S. W., "The Crimes and Sacrileges of Nabu-suma-iskun," %A 84 (1994) 220-52.
, Nippur IV: the Early Neo-Babylonian Governor's Archive from Nippur (OIP 114;
Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1996).
, Nippur in Late Assyrian Times c. 755-612 B.C. (SAAS 4; Helsinki: The Neo-
Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1996).
Cole, S. W. and P. Machinist, Letters from Priests to the Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal
(SAA 13; Helsinki: Helsinki University Press, 1998).
Collingwood, R. G., The Idea of History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1946).
Collon, D., First Impressions: Cylinder Seals in the Ancient Near East (Chicago: The
University of Chicago Press, 1987).
, "Mondgott. B. In der Bildkunst," RLA 8:371b-77b.
, "The Near Eastern Moon God," in Natural Phenomena: Their Meaning, Depiction
and Description in the Ancient Near East, edited by D. J. W. Meijer (Koninklijke Neder-
landse Akademie van Wetenschappen Verhandelingen, Afd. Letterkunde, NS 152;
Amsterdam: Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1992) 19-37.
Cooper, J. S., "Assyrian Prophecies, the Assyrian Tree, and the Mesopotamian
Origins of Jewish Monotheism, Greek Philosophy, Christian Theology, Gnosticism,
and Much More [a review of Simo Parpola, Assyrian Prophecies, SAA 9]," JAOS
120 (2000) 430-44.
, The Curse of Agade (Johns Hopkins Near Eastern Studies; Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1983).
Cornelius, L, "The Many Faces of God: Divine Images and Symbols in Ancient Near
Eastern Religions," in The Image and the Book: Iconic Cults, Aniconism, and the Rise of
Book Religion in Israel and the Ancient Near East, edited by K. van der Toorn
(Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology 21; Louvain: Peeters, 1997) 21-43.
Cornil, P., "Liste des noms geographiques des textes hittites: KBo XXIII-XXX,
XXXIII, KUB XLV-LVII," Heth 10 (1990) 7-108.
Craig, J. A., Assyrian and Babylonian Religious Texts: Being Prayers, Oracles, Hymns &c.
Copied from the Original Tablets Preserved in the British Museum (AB 13; Leipzig:
Zentralantiquariat der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik, 1974).
Crawford, H. E. W. and R. Killick, "The Temple: an Overview," in The Dilmun
Temple at Saar: Bahrain and its Archaeological Inheritance, edited by H. E. W. Crawford,
R. G. Killick, and J. Moon (Saar Excavation Reports/London-Bahrain Archae-
ological Expedition 1; London and New York: Kegan Paul International, dis-
tributed by Columbia University Press, 1997) 89-92.
454 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Crawford, H. E. W. and R. Matthews, "Seals and Sealings: Fragments of Art and

Administration," in The Dilmun Temple at Saar: Bahrain and its Archaeological Inheritance,
edited by H. E. W. Crawford, R. G. Killick, and J. Moon (Saar Excavation
Reports/London-Bahrain Archaeological Expedition 1; London and New York:
Kegan Paul International, 1997) 47-58.
Cressy, D., "Different Kinds of Speaking: Symbolic Violence and Secular Iconoclasm
in Early Modern England," in Protestant Identities: Religion, Society, and Self-Fashioning
in Post-Reformation England, edited by M. C. McClendon, J. P. Ward and
M. MacDonald (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999) 19-42.
Creswell, K. A. C., Early Muslim Architecture: Umayyads A.D. 622-750 (2nd ed.; Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1969).
Creuzer, G. F., Symbolik und Mythologie der alien Volker besonders der Griechen [single vol-
ume edition] (Leipzig and Darmstadt: Carl Wilhelm Leske, 1822).
Crichton, A., The History of Arabia, Ancient and Modern: Containing a Description of the
Country—an Account of its Inhabitants, Antiquities, Political Condition, and Early Commerce—
the Life and Religion of Mohammed—the Conquests, Arts, and Literature of the Saracens—
the Caliphs of Damascus, Bagdad, Africa, and Spain—the Civil Government and Religious
Ceremonies of the Modern Arabs—Origin and Suppression of the Wahabes—the Institutions,
Character, Manners, and Customs of the Bedouins; and a Comprehensive View of its Natural
History (2nd ed.; Edinburgh: Oliver & Boyd, 1833).
Cross, F. M., Jr., and D. N. Freedman, "Josiah's Revolt against Assyria," JNES 12
(1953) 56-58.
Curl, J. S., Egyptomania: the Egyptian Revival, a Recurring Theme in the History of Taste
(Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1994).
Curtis, M., "The Oriental Despotic Universe of Montesquieu," Princeton Papers in
Near Eastern Studies 3 (1994) 1-38.
Curzon, R., A Visit to Monasteries in the Levant. With Various Woodcuts (3rd ed.; London:
John Murray, 1850).
Dalley, S., "The God Salmu and the Winged Disk," Iraq 48 (1986) 85-101.
, "Neo-Assyrian Textual Evidence for Bronzeworking Centres," in Bronze-working
Centres of Western Asia, c. 1000-539 B.C., edited by J. Curtis (London and New
York: Kegan Paul International in association with the British Museum, 1988)
97-110.
, "Nineveh, Babylon and the Hanging Gardens: Cuneiform and Classical Sources
Reconciled," Iraq 56 (1994) 45-58.
Dalley, S. and J. N. Postgate, The Tablets from Fort Shalmaneser (CTN 3; Oxford:
British School of Archaeology in Iraq, 1984).
Daniel, N., Islam Europe and Empire (EUPL 15; Edinburgh: Edinburgh University
Press, 1966).
Daniels, P. T., "Edward Hinck's Decipherment of Mesopotamian Cuneiform," in
The Edward Hincks Bicentenary Lectures, edited by K. J. Cathcart (Dublin: University
College Press, 1994) 30-57.
Davenport, J., Apology for Mohammed and the Koran (London: privately printed, 1869).
Davidson, E. F., Edward Hincks: A Selection from His Correspondence, with a Memoir
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1933).
De Odorico, M., The Use of Numbers and Quantifications in the Assyrian Royal Inscriptions
(SAAS 3; Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1995).
Deimel, A., Pantheon babylonicum. Nomina deorum e textibus cuneiformibus excerpta et ordine
alphabetic (SPIB; Rome: Pontificii Instituti Biblici, 1914).
Delitzsch, F., Babel and Bibel: Two Lectures on the Significance of Assyria logical Research for
Religion (trans. T. J. McCormack and W. H. Carruth; Chicago: The Open Court
Publishing Company, 1903).
, Prolegomena eines neuen hebrdisch-aramaischen Worterbuches zum Alten Testament (Leipzig:
J. C. Heinrichs, 1886).
BIBLIOGRAPHY 455
Deller, K., "The Assyrian Eunuchs and Their Predecessors," in Priests and Officials
in the Ancient Near East: Papers of the Second Colloquium on the Ancient Near East—the
City and its Life—held at the Aliddle Eastern Culture Center in Japan (Mitaka, Tokyo),
March 22~24, 1996, edited by K. Watanabe (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1999) 303-11.
, "Ausgewahlte neuassyrische Briefe betreffend Urartu zur Zeit Sargons II,"
in Tra lo âgros e I'Urmia: ricerche storiche ed archeologiche nell'Azerbaigian iraniano, edited
by P. E. Pecorella and M. Salvini (Incunabula Graeca 78; Rome: Edizioni
dell'Ateneo, 1984) 97-122.
, "Die Briefe des Adad-sumu-usur," in lisdn mithurti: Festschrift Wolfram Freiherr
von Soden z.um 19.VL1968 gewidmet von Schiilem und Mitarbeitem, edited by W. Rollig
Verlag, 1969) 45-64.
"Gotterstreitwagen und Gotterstandarten: Gotter auf dem Feldzug und ihr
Kult im Feldlage. Einleitung," BaghM 23 (1992) 291-
"Neuassyrisches aus Sultantepe," Or 34 (1965) 457-77.
Deller, K. and V. Donbaz, "Sanheribs Zababa-Tempel in Assur," BaghM 18 (1987)
221-28.
Deller, K., F. M. Fales and L. Jakob-Rost, "Neo-Assyrian Texts from Assur: Private
Archives in the Vorderasiatisches Museum of Berlin," SAAB 9 (1995) 1-137.
Demsky, A., "The Name of the Goddess of Ekron: A New Reading," JANES 25
(1998) 1-5.
Dennell, R., "Nationalism and Identity in Britain and Europe," in Nationalism and
Archaeology: Scottish Archaeological Forum, edited by J. A. Atkinson, I. Banks and
J. O'Sullivan (Glasgow: Cruithne Press, 1996) 22-34.
Desideri, P. and A. M. Jasink, Cilicia dall'eta di Kizzuwatna alia conquista macedone
(Universita degli Studi di Torino, Fondo di Studi Parini-Chirio 1; Turin: Casa
Editrice Le Lettere, 1990).
Dever, W. G., "The Silence of the Text: An Archaeological Commentary on 2
Kings 23," in Scripture and Other Artifacts: Essays in Honor of Philip J. King, edited
by D. M. Coogan, J. C. Exum and L. E. Stager (Louisville, KY: Westminster/John
Knox Press, 1994) 143-68.
Diakonoff, I. M., "A Babylonian Political Pamphlet from about 700 B.C.," in Studies
in Honor of Benno Landsberger on His Seventy-jifth Birthday, April 21, 1965, edited by
H. G. Giiterbock and T. Jacobsen (AS 16; Chicago: The University of Chicago
Press, 1965) 343-49.
, '"HQ "~P: The Cities of the Medes," in Ah, Assyria. . . Studies in Assyrian History
and Ancient Near Eastern Historiography Presented to Hayim Tadmor, edited by M. Cogan
and I. Eph'al (ScrHie 33; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1991) 13-20.
Dietrich, M., Die Aramder Sudbabyloniens in der Sargonidenzeit (700-648) (AOAT 7;
Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1970).
, Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum, Part 54: Neo-Babylonian
Letters from the Kuyunjik Collection (London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1979).
, "Neue Quellen zur Geschichte Babyloniens (I)," WO 4 (1967-68) 61-103.
, "Neue Quellen zur Geschichte Babyloniens (II)," WO 4 (1967-68) 183-251.
Dietrich, M., O. Loretz and J. Sanmartin, The Cuneiform Alphabetic Texts from Ugarit,
Ras Ibn Hani and Other Places (KTU: Second Enlarged Edition) (2nd ed.; Abhandlungen
zur Literatur Alt-Syrien-Palastinas und Mesopotamiens 8; Miinster: Ugarit-Verlag,
1995).
Dillmann, A., Die Genesis (5th ed.; KEH 11; Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1886).
Dion, P. E., "Les Arameens du Moyen-Euphrate au VHP siecle a la lumiere des
inscriptions des maitres de Suhu et Mari," in Congress Volume: Paris 1992, edited
byj. A. Emerton (SVT 61; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1995) 53-73.
Disraeli, B., Tancred: or, The New Crusade (2nd ed.; London: H. Colburn, 1847).
Dockhorn, K., Der Deutsche Historismus in England; ein Beitrag zur englischen Geistesgeschichte
456 BIBLIOGRAPHY
des 19. Jahrhunderts (Hesperia. Erganzungsreihe, Schriften zur englischen Philologie

14; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht; Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1950).
Dodge, B., ed. The Fihrist ofal-Nadim: A Tenth-Century Survey of Muslim Culture (Records of
Civilization: Sources and Studies 83; New York: Columbia University Press, 1970).
Dohmann-Pfalzner, H. and P. Pfalzner, "Untersuchungen zur Urbanisierung Nord-
mesopotamiens im 3. Jt. v. Chr.: Wohnquartierplannung und stadtische Zentrums-
gestaltung in Tall Chuera," Damascener Mitteilungen 9 (1996) 1-13.
Dold, B. E., Carlyle, Goethe and Muhammad (Messina: Edizioni Dott. Antonio Sfameni,
1984).
Donbaz, V., Ninurta-Tukulti-Assur zamamna ait orta Asur idari belgeleri (TTKY 6/19;
Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi, 1976).
, "Notes on an Assyrian 'Shadow' King," JCS 32 (1980) 211-28.
, "Some Remarkable Contracts of 1-B Period Kiiltepe Tablets," in Anatolia and
the Ancient Near East: Studies in Honor of Tahsin Ozgtif, edited by M. J. Mellink,
K. Emre, B. Hrouda and N. Ozgiic (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi,
1989) 75-98.
"Some Remarkable Contracts of 1-B Period Kiiltepe Tablets II," in Aspects
of Art and Iconography: Anatolia and Its Neighbors. Studies in Honor of Nimet Ozgiif, edited
by M. J. Mellink, E. Porada and T. Ozgiic (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi,
1993) 131-54.
"Two Neo-Assyrian Stelae in the Antakya and Kahramanmaras, Museums,"
ARRIM 8 (1990) 5-24.
Donner, H. and W. Rollig, Kanaanaische und aramdische Inschriften (Wiesbaden: Otto
Harrassowitz, 1969-73).
, "Hama," OEANE 2:466b-68b.
, "Halaf, Tell," OEANE 2:460a-62b.
Dossin, G., "AN.KA.DI, le dieu supreme de Der," in Kramer Anniversary Volume:
Cuneiform Studies in Honor of Samuel Noah Kramer, edited by B. L. Eichler, J. W.
Heimerdinger and A. W. Sjoberg (AOAT 25; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker;
, "Benjaminites dans les textes de Mari," in Melanges Syriens qfferts a Monsieur
Rene Dussaud, edited by "ses amis et ses eleves" (BAH 30; Paris: Librairie orienta-
liste Paul Geuthner, 1939) 2:981-96.
, "Trois inscriptions cuneiforms de Byblos," MUSJ 45 (1969) 250-55.
Dothan, M., "Ashdod," NEAEHL l:93a-102b.
, Ashdod //-///: the Second and Third Seasons of Excavations 1963, 1965, Soundings in
1967 (cAtiqot 9-10; Jerusalem: Department of Antiquities and Israel Museum, 1971).
Dothan, M. and D. N. Freedman, Ashdod I: the First Season of Excavations, 1962 ('Atiqot
7; Jerusalem: Department of Antiquities and Israel Museum, 1967).
Doughty, C. M., Travels in Arabia Deserta (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1888).
Dow, A., The History of Hindostan, from the Death of Akbar, to the Complete Settlement of
the Empire under Aurungzebe; to which are prefixed, I. A Dissertation on the Origin and
Nature of Despotism in Hindostan. II. An Enquiry into the State of Bengal, with a Plan for
Restoring that Kingdom to its Former Prosperity and Splendor (New Delhi: Today &
Tomorrow's Printers & Publishers, 1973).
Drews, R., "The Babylonian Chronicles and Berossus," Iraq 37 (1975) 39-55.
Driel, G. van, The Cult of Assur (Assen: Van Gorcum & Co., 1969).
Driver, S. R., The Book of Genesis, with Introduction and Notes (3rd ed.; Westminster
Commentaries 1; London: Methuen & Co., 1904).
Dubor, G. de, Assyrie et Chaldee (Montauban: Impr. et lithographic Forestie, 1878).
Dupuis, C. F., Abrege de I'origine de torn les cultes (Paris: Bossange Freres, Libraires, 1820).
Durand, J.-M., "Documents pour 1'histoire du royaume de Haute-Mesopotamie IF,"
MA.R.I. 6 (1990) 271-301.
, "Le mythologeme du combat entre le Dieu de 1'orage et le Mer en Mesopo-
tamie," MA.R.I. 1 (1993) 41-61.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 457
, "Precurseurs Syriens aux protocoles neo-Assyriens—considerations sur la vie

politique aux Bords-de-PEuphrate," in Marchands, diplomates et empereurs: etudes la
civilisation mesopotamienne offerts a Paul Garelli, edited by D. Charpin and F. Joannes
(Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1991) 13-71.
Dyson, R. H., Jr., "The Iron Age Architecture at Hasanlu: an Essay," Exped 31/2~3
(1989) 107-27.
Ebeling, E., "Assur. 3.) Hauptgott Assyriens," RLA l:196b~98b.
, Keilschrifttexte aus Assur religib'sen Inhalts. Bd. 2 (WVDOG 34; Leipzig: J. C.
Hinrichs, 1923).
, "Kultische Text aus Assur," Or 21 (1952) 129-48.
, Literarische Keilschrifttexte aus Assur (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1953).
-, "Eine Weihinschrift Assuretililanis fur Marduk," in Miscellanea Orientalia, edited
by A. Deimel (AnOr 12; Rome: Pontificio Istituto Biblico, 1935) 71-73.
Edelkoort, A. H., "Monotheisme in Assyrie?," ATT (1921) 36-45.
Edwards, I. E. S., "News and Correspondence," Sumer 11 (1955) 129.
Edzard, D. O., "Kis. A. Philologisch," RLA 5:607b-13a.
, "Eine Inschrift Assuretellilanis aus Nippur," AfO 19 (1959-60) 143.
, "Der Vertrag von Ebla mit A-bar-QA," in Literature and Literary Language at
Ebla, edited by P. Fronzaroli (QuSem 18; Florence: Dipartimento di Linguistica,
Universita di Firenze, 1992) 187-217.
Ehrlich, C. S., The Philistines in Transition: A History from ca. 1000-730 B.C.E. (SHCANE
10; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1996).
Eisenstadt, S. N. and R. Lemarchand, eds. Political Climtelism, Patronage, and Development
(Sage Studies in Contemporary Political Sociology 3; Beverly Hills: Sage Publications,
1981).
Eisenstadt, S. N. and L. Roniger, Patrons, Clients, and Friends: Interpersonal Relations and
the Structure of Trust in Society (Themes in the Social Sciences; Cambridge and New
York: Cambridge University Press, 1984).
Elayi, J., "Les cites pheniciennes et 1'empire assyrien a 1'epoque d'Assurbanipal,"
RA 11 (1983) 45-58.
Elias, N., The Court Society (trans. E. Jephcott; Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1983).
Elton, G. R., The Practice of History (London: Methuen, 1967).
, Return to Essentials: Some Reflections on the Present State of Historical Study (Cambridge
and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991).
Engnell, I., Studies in Divine Kingship in the Ancient Near East (Uppsala: Almqvist &
Wiksell, 1943).
Eph'al, I., The Ancient Arabs (Leiden: E. J. Brill; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, The
Hebrew University, 1982).
Eynikel, E., The Reform of King Josiah and the Composition of the Deuteronomistic History
(OTS 33; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1996).
Eyre, C. J., "The Semna Stelae: Quotation, Genre, and Function of Literature,"
in Studies in Egyptology Presented to Miriam Lichtheim, edited by S. Israelit-Groll
(Jerusalem: Magnes Press, The Hebrew University, 1990) 1:134-65.
Fadhil, A., Studien zur Topographie und Prosopographie der Provinzstadte des Konigreichs Arraphe
(BaghF 6; Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern, 1983).
Fahd, T., Le pantheon de I'Arabie centrale a la veille de I'Hegire (BAH 88; Paris: Librairie
orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1968).
Fales, F. M., Censimenti e catasti di epoca neo-assira (Centre per le antichita e la sto-
ria dell'arte del Vicino Oriente: Studi economic! e technologici 2; Rome: [Centro
per le antichita e la storia dell'arte del Vicino Oriente], 1973).
, Cento lettere neo-assire: traslitterazione e traduzione, commento e note, I: nn. 1-45
(Quaderni del Seminario di Iranistica, Uralo-Altaistica e Caucasologia dell'Universita
degli Studi di Venezia 17; Venice: n.p., 1983).
, "The Enemy in Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: 'The Moral Judgment'," in
Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn: Politische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehungen im Alien
458 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 1982) 425-35.
, "Harran: fonti e problematica per 1'eta preamorrea," in Studi su Harran, edited
by F. M. Fales (Quaderni del Serninario di Iranistica, Uralo-Altaistica e Caucasologia
dell'Universita di Venezia 6; Venice: La Tipografica, 1979) 13—41.
, "Narrative and Ideological Variations in the Account of Sargon's Eighth
Campaign," in Ah, Assyria. . . Studies in Assyrian History and Ancient Near Eastern
Historiography Presented to Hayim Tadmor, edited by M. Cogan and I. Ephcal (ScrHie
33; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1991) 129-47.
, "New Assyrian Letters from the Kuyunjik Collection," AfO 27 (1980) 136-53.
, "People and Professions in Neo-Assyrian Assur," in Assyrien im Wandel der
êiten: XXXIX' Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Heidelberg 6.-10. Juli 1992, edited
by H. Waetzoldt and H. Hauptmann (HSAO 6; Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orient-
verlag, 1997) 33-40.
ed. Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: New Horizons in Literary, Ideological, and Historical
Analysis (OrAntC 17; Rome: Istituto per 1'Oriente, 1981).
Fales, F. M. and G. B. Lanfranchi, "The Impact of Oracular Material on the
Political Utterances and Political Action in the Royal Inscriptions of the Sargonid
Dynasty," in Oracles et Propheties dans I'Antiquite: Actes du Collogue de Strasbourg 15-17
juin 1995, edited by J.-G. Heintz (Travaux du Centre de Recherche sur le Proche-
Orient et la Grece Antiques 15; Paris: De Boccard, 1997) 99-114.
Fales, F. M. and J. N. Postgate, Imperial Administrative Records, Part I: Palace and Temple
Administration (SAA 7; Helsinki: Helsinki University Press, 1992).
, Imperial Administrative Records, Part II: Provincial and Military Administration (SAA
11; Helsinki: Helsinki University Press, 1995).
Falkenstein, A., Literarische Keilschrifttexte aus Uruk (Berlin: Vorderasiatische Abteilung
der Staatlichen Museen, 1931).
Falkner, M., "Studien zur Geographic des alten Mesopotamien," AfO 18 (1957-58)
1-37.
Farber, W., "A. Kultische Rituale, I. Texte zum Akitu-Fest (Neujahrsrituale)," in
Rituale und Beschwb'rungen. Part /., edited by O. Kaiser (TUAT 2/2; Giitersloh:
Gerd Mohn, 1987) 212-23.
, "Damonen ohne Stammbaum: Zu einigen mesopotamischen Amuletten aus
dem Kunsthandel," in Essays in Ancient Civilization Presented to Helene J. Kantor, edited
by A. Leonard and B. B. Williams (SAOC 47; Chicago: Oriental Institute of The
University of Chicago, 1989) 93-112.
, "Lamastu," RLA 6:439a-46a.
"Ritual fur das Legen eines Tempelgrundsteins," in Rituale und Beschworungen.
Part 1., edited by O. Kaiser (TUAT 2/2; Gutersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1987) 241-44.
Fehervari, G., "Harran," El2 3:227b-30b.
Feldman, L. H.,'"Josephus' Portrait ofjosiah," LS 18 (1993) 110-30.
, "Josephus's Portrait of Hezekiah," JBL 111 (1992) 597-610.
Fine, H. A., "Studies in Middle-Assyrian Chronology and Religion. Part II," HUCA
25 (1954) 107-68.
Finkelstein, L., "Cuneiform Texts from Tell Billa," JCS 1 (1953) 111-76.
Fishwick, D., "The Development of Provincial Ruler Worship in the Western Roman
Empire," ANRW 2, 16, 2 (1978) 1201-53.
, The Imperial Cult in the Latin West: Studies in the Ruler Cult of the Western Provinces
of the Roman Empire. Vol. 1, no. 1 (EPRO 108; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1987).
Flemming, J. P. G., "Sir Henry Rawlinson und seine Verdienste die Assyriologie,"
BASS 2 (1894) 1-18.
Follet, R., "Une nouvelle inscription de Merodach-Baladan II," Bib 35 (1954) 413-28.
Fontan, E., "Le decor assyrien de la salle Sarzec au Louvre," in De Khorsabad a
BIBLIOGRAPHY 459
Paris: la decouverte des Assyrians, edited by E. Fontan and N. Chevalier (Louvre,

Departement des Antiquites orientales: notes et documents des Musees de France
26; Paris: Reunion des musees nationaux, 1994) 242-47.
Forrer, E., Die Provinêinteilung des assyrischen Reiches (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1921).
Forster, C., Mahometanism Unveiled: An Inquiry in Which That Arch-Heresy, its Diffusion
and Continuance, are Examined on a New Principle, Tending to Confirm the Evidences, and
the Propagation of the Christian Faith (London: J. Duncan and J. Cochran, 1829).
Foster, B., "A New Look at the Sumerian Temple State," JESHO 24 (1981) 225-41.
Foucault, M., The Archaeology of Knowledge & the Discourse on Language (trans. A. M. S.
Smith; HBT; New York: Harper & Row, 1972).
, Discipline and Punishment: the Birth of the Prison (New York: Pantheon Books, 1977).
Fowler, D. D., "Uses of the Past: Archaeology in the Service of the State," American
Antiquity 52 (1987) 229-48.
Frahm, E., Einleitung in die SanheribTnschnftm (AfOB 26; Vienna: Instituts fur Orientalistik
der Universitat Wien, 1997).
Frame, G., "Babylonia 689-627 B.C.: A Political History" (Ph.D. dissertation, The
, Babylonia 689~627 B.C.: A Political History (UNHAII 69; Leiden: Nederlands
Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, 1992).
, "A Bilingual Inscription of Nebuchadnezzar I," in Corolla Torontonensis: Studies
in Honour of Ronald Morton Smith, edited by E. Robbins and S. Sandahl (Toronto:
TSAR, 1994) 59-72.
, "The Correspondence of Nabu-usabsi," in Cuneiform Archives and Libraries: Papers
Read at the 30' Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Leiden, 4-8 July 1983, edited by
K. R. Veenhof (UNHAII 52; Istanbul: Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch
Instituut te Istanbul, 1986) 260-72.
, "The 'First Families' of Borsippa During the Early Neo-Babylonian Period,"
JCS 36 (1984) 67-80.
, "The God Assur in Babylonia," in Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary
Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, September 7—11, 1995, edited
by S. Parpola and R. M. Whiting (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus
Project, 1997) 55-64.
, "The Inscription of Sargon II at Tang-i Var," Or 68 (1999) 31-57.
, "Nabonidus and the History of the Eulmas Temple at Akkad," Mesopotamia
28 (1993) 21-50.
, "Nabonidus, Nabu-sarra-usur, and the Eanna Temple," %A 81 (1991) 37-86.
, Rulers of Babylonia: From the Second Dynasty of Isin to the End of Assyrian Domination
(1157-612 B.C.) (RIMB 2; Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1995).
Frame, G. and A. K. Grayson, "An Inscription of Ashurbanipal Mentioning the
kidmnu of Sippar," SAAB 8 (1994) 3-12.
Franken, H. J., "Archaeological Evidence Relating to the Interpretation of the Text,"
in Aramaic Texts from Deir 'Alia, edited by J. Hoftijzer and G. van der Kooij
(DMOA 19; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1976) 3-16.
, Excavations at Tell Deir cAlla: the Late Bronze Age Sanctuary (Louvain: Peeters, 1992).
Frankena, R., Tdkultu: De sacrale Maaltijd in het assyrische Rituell (Commentationes
Orientales 2; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1954).
Frankfort, H., Kingship and the Gods, a Study of Ancient Near Eastern Religion as the
Integration of Society & Nature (Oriental Institute Essay; Chicago: The University of
Frankfort, H., S. Lloyd and T. Jacobsen, The Gimil-Sin Temple and the Palace of the
Rulers at Tell Asmar (OIP 43; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1940).
Frayne, D., Old Babylonian Period (2003-1595 B.C.) (RIME 4; Toronto: University of
Toronto Press, 1990).
, Ur III Period (RIME 3/2; Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997).
460 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Freedberg, D., The Power of Images: Studies in the History and Theory of Response (Chicago:
The University of Chicago Press, 1989).
Freedman, R. D., "The Cuneiform Tablets in St. Louis" (Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia
University, 1975).
Freeman, E. A., The History and Conquests of the Saracens. Six Lectures Delivered before the
Edinburgh Philosophical Institution (3rd ed. with a new preface; London: Macmillan
and Co., 1876).
Freydank, H., "Mittelassyrische Opferlisten aus Assur," in Assyrien im Wandel der
êiten: XXXIX' Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Heidelberg 6. 10. Juli 1992, edited
by H. Waetzoldt and H. Hauptmann (HSAO 6; Heidelberg: Heidelberger
Orientverlag, 1997) 47-52.
, Mittelassyrische Rechtsurkunden und Verwaltungstexte (VAS 19; Berlin: Akademie-
Verlag, 1976).
Friedrich, J., G. R. Meyer, A. Ungnad and E. F. Weidner, Die Inschriften vom Tell
Halaf: Keilschrifttexte und aramdische Urkunden aus einer assyrischen Provinzhauptstadt (AfOB
6; Osnabruck: Biblio-Verlag, 1967).
Friesen, S. J., Twice Neokoros: Ephesus, Asia, and the Cult of the Flavian Imperial Family (Reli-
gions in the Graeco-Roman World 116; Leiden and New York: E. J. Brill, 1993).
Fritz, V., "Kinneret: Vorbericht liber die Ausgrabungen auf dem Tell el-'Oreme
am See Genezaret in den Jahren 1982-1985," ^DPV 102 (1986) 1-39.
Frymer-Kensky, T., "The Tribulations of Marduk: the So-Called 'Marduk Ordeal
Text'," JAOS 103 (1983) 131-41.
Fuchs, A., Die Annalen des Jahres 711 v. Chr. (SAAS 8; Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian
Text Corpus Project, 1998).
Fuchs, A., Die Inschriften Sargons II. aus Khorsabad (Gottingen: Cuvillier Verlag, 1994).
Fueter, E., Geschichte der neueren Historiographie (2nd ed.; HMANGA; Munchen:
R. Oldenbourg, 1911).
Fugmann, E., Hama: Fouilles et recherches de la Fondation Carlsberg, 1931—1938, Vol. 2,
Part 1: Hama: L'architecture des periodes prehellenistiques (Nationalmuseets Skrifter 4;
Copenhagen: Nationalmuseet, 1958).
Furlani, G., La religione babilonese e assira, vol. 1: le divinitd (StorRel 6/9; Bologna:
N. Zanichelli, 1928).
Gadd, C. J., The Assyrian Sculptures (London: Printed by Order of the Trustees of
the British Museum, 1934).
, Ideas of Divine Rule in the Ancient East (SchL 1945; London: Oxford University
Press, 1948).
, "Inscribed Barrel Cylinder of Marduk-apla-iddina II," Iraq 15 (1953) 123-34.
, "Inscribed Prisms of Sargon II from Nimrud," Iraq 16 (1954) 173-201.
, "Note on the Stele of Asagi Yarimca," AnSt 1 (1951) 108-10.
, The Stones of Assyria; the Surviving Remains of Assyrian Sculpture, their Recovery, and
their Original Positions (London: Chatto and Windus, 1936).
Gadd, C. J. and A. W. A. Leeper, Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets, &c., in the
British Museum, Part 35 (London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1920).
Galinsky, K., Augustan Culture: an Interpretive Introduction (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1996).
Gallery, M. L., "The Office of the satammu in the Old Babylonian Period," AfO 27
(1980) 1-36.
Galling, K., Der Altar in den Kulturen des alien Orients; eine archaologische Studie (Berlin:
K. Curtius, 1925).
Gaiter, H. D., "Der Tempel des Gottes Zababa in Assur," ARRIM 2 (1984) 1-2.
, "Die Zerstorung Babylons durch Sanherib," in Memoriae Jussi Aw dedicata,
edited by H. Halen (StOr 55/5; Helsinki: Societas Orientalis Fennica, 1984) 161-73.
Gaiter, H. D., L. D. Levine andj. E. Reade, "The Colossi of Sennacherib's Palace
and their Inscriptions," ARRIM 4 (1986) 27-32.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 461
Garelli, P., "The Achievement of Tiglath-pileser III: Novelty or Continuity?," in

Ah, Assyria . . . Studies in Assyrian History and Ancient Mar Eastern Historiography Presented
to Hayim Tadmor, edited by M. Cogan and I. Eph'al (ScrHie 33; Jerusalem: Magnes
Press, 1991) 46-51.
, "L'Etat et la legitimite royale sous 1'empire assyrien," in Power and Propaganda:
, "La propaganda royale assyrienne," Akkadica 27 (1982) 16-29.
"Les temples et le pouvoir royal en Assyrie du XIVe au VHP siecle," in Le
Temple et le Culte. XX* Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Leiden, 3-7 juillet 1972,
edited by F. R. Kraus, et al. (UNHAII 37; Istanbul: Nederlands Historisch-
Archeologisch Instituut, 1975) 116-24.
Garstang, J., "Archibald Henry Sayce," AAA 20 (1933) 195-96.
Gelb, I. J., Hittite Hieroglyphic Monuments (OIP 45; Chicago: The University of Chicago
Press, 1939).
, "Prisoners of War in Early Mesopotamia," JNES 32 (1973) 70-98.
Gelb, I. J. and B. Kleinast, Die altakkadischen Konigsinschriften des dritten Jahrtausends v.
Chr (FAOS 7; Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1990).
Gellner, E. and J. Waterbury, eds. Patrons and Clients in Mediterranean Societies (London:
Gerald Duckworth and Co., 1977).
Genge, H., Nordsyrisch-siidanatolische Reliefs (Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes
Selskab Historisk-filosofiske Meddelelser 49; Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1979).
George, A. R., Babylonian Topographical Texts (OLA 40; Louvain: Departement
Orientalistiek and Peelers, 1992).
, "The Bricks of E-Sagil," Iraq 57 (1995) 173-97.
, "Exit the 'House which Binds Death': the Names of Sennacherib's Akltu
Temple and Its Cella," KA.B.U. (1993/43) 34-35.
-, House Most High: The Temples of Ancient Mesopotamia (Mesopotamian Civilizations
5; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1993).
—, "Inscriptions from Tell al-Hawa 1987-88," Iraq 52 (1990) 41-46.
—, "A Neo-Assyrian Literary Text," SAAB 1 (1987) 31-41.
—, "Studies in Guide Topography and Ideology," BiOr 53 (1996) 363-95.
"The Topography of Babylon Reconsidered," Sumer 44 (1985-1986) 7-24.
Gerardi, P. D., "The Arab Campaigns of Assurbanipal: Scribal Reconstruction of
the Past," SAAB 6/2 (1992) 67-103.
, "Assurbanipal's Elamite Campaigns: A Literary and Political Study" (Ph.D.
dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1987).
, "Declaring War in Mesopotamia," AfO 33 (1986) 30-38.
, "Epigraphs and Assyrian Palace Reliefs: The Development of the Epigraphic
Text," JCS 40 (1988) 1-35.
"Prism Fragments from Sippar: New Esarhaddon Inscriptions," Iraq 55 (1993)
119-33.
Gerber, M., "Die Inschrift H(arran) l.A/B und die neubabylonische Chronologic,"
%A 88 (1998) 72-93.
Gibbon, E. and S. Ockley, History of the Saracen Empire/by Edward Gibbon. History of
the Saracens/by Simon Ockley. (London: John Murray, 1870).
, The Saracens: Their History and the Rise and Fall of their Empire/by Edward Gibbon
and Simon Ockley. (London: F. Warne, 1873?).
Gibson, J. C. L., Textbook of Syrian Semitic Inscriptions. Vol. 2: Aramaic Inscriptions (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1975).
Gibson, M., "Hursagkalamma," RLA 4:520a-21b.
, "Kis. B. Archaologisch," RLA 5:613b-20a.
Gibson, W., Church, State and Society, 1760-1850 (British History in Perspective; New
York: St. Martin's Press, 1994).
462 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Gillard, D., The Struggle for Asia 1828-1914: A Study in British and Russian Imperialism
(London: Methuen & Co., 1977).
Gitin, S., "Incense Altars from Ekron, Israel and Judah: Context and Typology,"
Erls 20 (1989) 52*-67*.
, "The Neo-Assyrian Empire and its Western Periphery: the Levant, with a
Focus on Philistine Ekron," in Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Symposium
of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, September 7-11, 1995, edited by
S. Parpola and R. M. Whiting (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project,
1997) 77-103.
, "Philistia in Transition: the Tenth Century B.C.E. and Beyond," in Mediterranean
Peoples in Transition: Thirteenth to Early Tenth Centuries B.C.E., edited by A. Mazar,
E. Stern and S. Gitin (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1998) 162-83.
-, "Tel Miqne-Ekron in the 7th Century B.C.E.: the Impact of Economic Innova-
tion and Foreign Influences on a Neo-Assyrian Vassal City-State," in Recent Excava-
tions in Israel: A View to the West; Reports on Kabri, Nami, Miqne-Ekron, Dor, and Ashkelon,
edited by S. Gitin (Archaeological Institute of America Colloquia and Conference
Papers 1; Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company, 1995) 61-79.
Gitin, S. and M. Cogan, "A New Type of Dedicatory Inscription from Ekron,"
IEJ 49 (1999) 193-202.
Gitin, S. and T. Dothan, "Philistine Silver and Jewelry Discovered at Ekron," BA
55/3 (1992) 152.
Gitin, S., T. Dothan and J. Naveh, "A Royal Dedicatory Inscription from Ekron,"
IEJ 47 (1997) 1-16.
Godbey, A. H., "The Kepu," AJSL 22 (1905) 81-88.
Goetze, A., "Esarhaddon's Inscription from the Inanna Temple in Nippur," JCS
17 (1963) 119-31.
, "An Old Babylonian Itinerary," JCS 1 (1953) 51-72.
, "Remarks on the Old Babylonian Itinerary," JCS 18 (1964) 114-19.
Gooch, G. P., History and Historians in the Nineteenth Century (2nd ed.; London and
New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1913).
Goodsell, C. T., The Social Meaning of Civic Space: Studying Political Authority through
Architecture (Studies in Government and Public Policy; Lawrence, KS: University
of Kansas Press, 1988).
Goodspeed, G. S., A History of the Babylonians and Assyrians (HSBS 6; New York:
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1927).
Gordon, R., "The Veil of Power: Emperors, Sacrificers and Benefactors," in Pagan
Priests: Religion and Power in the Ancient World, edited by M. Beard and J. North
(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990) 201-34.
Gorg, M., "Egypt, Brook of," ABD 2:321.
Gormsen, E. and H.-G. Hassel, "Pilgerreisen als Objekt geographischer Forschung.
Das Beispiel Medjugorje in Jugoslawien," in Beitrdge z.w Religionsgeographie 1995 =
Studies on the Geography of Religion 1995, edited by G. Rinschede and J. Vossen
(Geographia Religionum: Interdisziplinare Schriftenreihe zur Religionsgeographie
10; Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1996) 143-54.
Graetz, H. H.. History of the Jews, from the Earliest Times to the Present Day (trans.
B. Lowy et al; revised ed.; London: David Nutt, 1891).
Gramsci, A. and J. A. Buttigieg (editor), Prison Notebooks (European Perspectives;
New York: Columbia University Press, 1992).
Grayson, A. K., "Akkadian Treaties of the Seventh Century B.C.," JCS 39 (1987)
127-60.
, "Assyria 668-635 B.C.: the Reign of Ashurbanipal," CAM1 3/2, 142-61.
, "Assyria: Ashur-dan II to Ashur-nirari V (934-745 B.C.)," CAH1 3/1, 238-81.
, "Assyria: Sennacherib and Esarhaddon (704-669 B.C.)," CAH1 3/2, 103-41.
, "Assyria: Tiglath-Pileser III to Sargon II (744-705 B.C.)," CAH* 3/2, 71-102.
, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicks (TCS 5; Locust Valley, N.Y.: J. J. Augustin, 1975).
BIBLIOGRAPHY 463
, "Assyrian Civilization," CAH1 3/2, 194-228.

, Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium B.C. (1114-859 B.C.) (RIMA 2;
Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991).
, Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium B.C. II (858-745 B.C.) (RIMA 3;
Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996).
, "Histories and Historians of the Ancient Near East: Assyria and Babylonia,"
Or 49 (1980) 140-94.
, "Problematical Battles in Mesopotamian History," in Studies in Honor of Benno
, "The Struggle for Power in Assyria: Challenge to Absolute Monarchy in the
Ninth and Eighth Centuries B.C.," in Priests and Officials in the Ancient Near East:
Papers of the Second Colloquium on the Ancient Near East—the City and its Life—Held at
the Middle Eastern Culture Center in Japan (Mitaka, Tokyo), March 22-24, 1996, edited
by K. Watanabe (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1999) 253-70.
, "Studies in Neo-Assyrian History II: The Eighth Century B.C.," in Corolla
Torontonensis: Studies in Honour of Ronald Morton Smith, edited by E. Robbins and
S. Sandahl (Toronto: TSAR, 1994) 73-84.
Grayson, A. K., G. Frame and D. Frayne, Assyrian Rulers of the Third and Second
Millennia BC (to 1115 BC) (RIMA 1; Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987).
Grayson, A. K. and W. G. Lambert, "Akkadian Prophecies," JCS 18 (1964) 7-30.
Green, T. M., The City of the Moon God: Religious Traditions of Harran (Religions in
the Graeco-Roman World 114; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1992).
Gressmann, H., E. Ebeling, H. Ranke and N. Rhodokanakis, Altorientalische Texte
und Bilder zum Alten Testament (revised ed.; Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1926).
Groneberg, B. R. M., "La culture materielle a Mari: Der nubalum und seine
Objekte," M.A.R.I. 6 (1990) 161-80.
, Syntax, Morphologic und Stil der jungbabylonischen "Hymnischen" Literatur (FAOS 14;
Stuttgart and Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1987).
Grosrichard, A., The Sultan's Court: European Fantasies of the East [originally published
in 1979 as Structure du serail: la fiction du despotisme Asiatique dans VOccident classique\
(trans. L. Heron; Wo es war; London and New York: Verso, 1998).
Giine§-Ayata, A., "Clientelism: Premodern, Modern, Postmodern," in Democracy,
Clientelism, and CM Society, edited by L. Roniger and A. Gunes.-Ayata (Boulder,
CO and London: Lynne Rienner, 1994) 19-28.
Gunkel, H., Genesis (9th ed.; trans. M. Biddle; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1977).
, Israel und Babylonien. Der Einflufl Babyloniens auf die israelitische Religion (Gottingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1903).
Gunn, B., "Sayce, Archibald Henry (1845-1933)," DMB, 1931-1940, 786a-88b.
Giinther, E., Die Fascination des Fremden: der malerische Orientalismus in Deutschland
(Kunstgeschichte 29; Munster: Lit, 1990).
Gurney, O. R., Some Aspects of Hittite Religion (SchL 1976; Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1977).
, "The Sultantepe Tablets (continued], V. The Tale of the Poor Man of Nippur,"
AnSt 6 (1956) 145-62.
Gurney, O. R. and J. J. Finkelstein, The Sultantepe Tablets I (Occasional Publications
of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara 3; London: British Institute of
Archaeology at Ankara, 1957).
Gurney, O. R. and P. Hulin, The Sultantepe Tablets II (Occasional Publications of
the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara 7; London: British Institute of
Archaeology at Ankara, 1964).
Giiterbock, H. G., "The Deeds of Suppiluliuma as Told by His Son, Mursili II,"
JCS 10 (1956) 41-68, 75-98, 107-30.
Giiterbock, H. G., "A Votive Sword with Old Assyrian Inscription," in Studies in
464 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Honor of Benno Landsberger on his Seventy-Fifth Birthday, April 21, 1965, edited by
H. G. Giiterbock and T. Jacobsen (AS 16; Chicago: The University of Chicago
Press, 1965) 197-98, pis. 113-15.
Haas, V., "Die Damonisierung des Fremden und des Feindes im Alten Orient,"
RoczOr 41 (1980) 37-44.
, Geschichte der hethitischen Religion (Handbuch der Orientalistik. Erste Abteilung,
Der Nahe und Mittlere Osten/Handbook of Oriental Studies. The Near and
Middle East 15; Leiden and New York: E. J. Brill, 1994).
Hackett, J. A., "Some Observations on the Balaam Tradition at Deir 'Alia," BA
49 (1986) 216-22.
, The Balaam Text from Deir 'Alia (Harvard Semitic Monographs 31; Chico, CA:
Scholars Press, 1984).
Hadley, J. M., "Kuntillet 'Ajrud: Religious Centre or Desert Way Station?," PEQ
125 (1993) 116-24.
Hagg, T., The Novel in Antiquity (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California
Press, 1983).
Haider, P. W., "Griechen im Vorderen Orient und in Agypten bis ca. 590 v. Chr.,"
in Wege zur Genese griechischer Identitdt: die Bedeutung der friiharchaischen £eit, edited by
C. Ulf (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1996) 59-115.
Haines, R. C., Excavations in the Plain of Antioch II: The Structural Remains of the Later
Phases: Chatal Hiiyiik, Tell al-Judaidah, and Tell Ta'ymat (OIP 95; Chicago: The
Hall, M. G., "A Study of the Sumerian Moon-God Nanna/Suen" (Ph.D. disserta-
tion, University of Pennsylvania, 1985).
Haller, A., Die Grdber und Griifte von Assur (WVDOG 65; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1954).
Haller, A. and W. Andrae, Die Heiligtumer des Gottes Assur und der Sin-Samas-Tempel in
Assur (WVDOG 67; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1955).
Hallo, W. W., "The Road to Emar," JCS 18 (1964) 57-88.
, "A Sumerian Amphictyony," JCS 14 (1960) 88-114.
, "Texts, Statues and the Cult of the Divine King," in Congress Volume, Jerusalem
1986, edited byj. A. Emerton (SVT 40; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1988) 54-66.
Hallo, W. W. and K. L. Younger, Jr., eds. The Context of Scripture, Vol. 2: Monumental
Inscriptions from the Biblical World (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2000).
Handy, L. K., "A Realignment in Heaven: An Investigation into the Ideology of
the Josianic Reform" (Ph.D. dissertation, The University of Chicago, 1987).
, "Historical Probability and the Narrative of Josiah's Reform in 2 Kings," in
The Pitcher is Broken: Memorial Essays for Gosta W. Ahlstrom, edited by S. W. Holloway
and L. K. Handy (JSOTSup 190; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1995) 252-75.
Hanfmann, G. M. A., "The Iron Age Pottery of Tarsus," in Excavations at Go'zlu
Kule, Tarsus, Vol. 3: the Iron Age, edited by H. Goldman, G. M. A. Hanfmann and
E. Porada (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963) 18-346.
Hannoon, N., "Studies in the Historical Geography of Northern Iraq During the
Middle and Neo-Assyrian Periods" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Toronto, 1986).
Harkness, M. E., Assyrian Life and History (By-Paths of Bible Knowledge 2; London:
The Religious Tract Society, 1883).
Harmatta, J., "Literary Patterns of the Babylonian Edict of Cyrus," Acta Antiqua 19
(1971) 217-31.
Harper, R. F., Assyrian and Babylonian Letters Belonging to the Kouyunjik Collections of the
British Museum (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1892-1914).
Harrak, A., Assyria and Hanigalbat: A Historical Reconstruction of Bilateral Relations from
the Middle of the Fourteenth to the End of the Twelfth Centuries B.C. (Texte und Studien
zur Orientalistik 4; Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 1987).
Harris, R., "The Journey of the Divine Weapon," in Studies in Honor of Benno
BIBLIOGRAPHY 465
Hawkins, J. D., "Hamath," RLA 4:67a-70a.

, "Hilakku," RLA 4:402a-3b.
, "Karkamis," RLA 5:426a-46b.
, "Kubaba A. Philologisch," RLA 6:257a-61a.
, "Kubaba at Karkamis and Elsewhere," AnSt 31 (1981) 147-76.
, "Review of Untersuchungen zur spdthethitischen Kunst, by Winfried Orthmann,"
ZA 63 (1974) 307-11.
, "The Negatives in Hieroglyphic Luwian," AnSt 25 (1975) 119-56.
, "The Neo-Hittite States in Syria and Anatolia," CAM1 3/1, 372-441.
, "The Political Geography of North Syria and South-East Anatolia in the
Neo-Assyrian Period," in Neo-Assyrian Geography, edited by M. Liverani (Quaderni
di Geografia Storica 5; Rome: Universita di Roma "La Sapienza", 1995) 87-101.
, Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions, Vol. 1: Inscriptions of the Iron Age, Part
1: Text: Introduction, Karatepe, Karkamis, Tell Ahmar, Maras, Malatya, Commagene
(Untersuchungen zur indogermanischen Sprach- und Kulturwissenschaft/Studies
in Indo-European Languages and Cultures 8/1; Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2000).
Heidel. A., "A New Hexagonal Prism of Esarhaddon (676 B.C.)," Sumer 12 (1956)
9-35.
, "The Octagonal Sennacherib Prism in the Iraq Museum," Sumer 9 (1953)
117-88.
Heinrich, E., Die Palaste im Alien Mesopotamien (Deutsches Archaologisches Institut:
Denkmaler antiker Architektur 15; Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1984).
, Die Tempel und Heiligtumer im Alien Mesopotamien: Typologie, Morphologic und Geschichte
(Deutsches Archaologisches Institut: Denkmaler antiker Architektur 14; Berlin:
Walter de Gruyter, 1982).
Heintz, J.-G., "Alliance humaine—alliance divine: documents d'epoque babyloni-
enne ancienne & Bible hebra'ique—une esquisse," BN 86 (1997) 66-76.
Heinz, M., "Bahrain als Handelsdrehscheibe im 3. und 2. Jt. v. Chr.," in Beitrdge z.ur
Kulturgeschichte Vorderasims: Festschrift fur Rainer Michael Boehmer, edited by U. Finkbeiner,
R. Dittmann and H. Hauptmann (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1995) 237-55.
Helm, P. R., '"Greeks' in the Neo-Assyrian Levant and 'Assyria' in Early Greek
Writers" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1980).
Hendrickson, K. E., Ill, Making Saints: Religion and the Public Image of the British Army,
1809-1885 (Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press; Cranbury, NJ
and London: Associated University Presses, 1998).
Herbelot, B. d', Bibliotheque orientale, ou Dictionaire universel, contenant generalement tout ce
qui regarde la conoissance des peuples de I'Orient. Leurs histoires et traditions veritables ou
fabuleuses. Leurs religions, sectes et politique. Leurs gouvemement, loix, coutumes, moeurs, guer-
res, & les revolutions de leurs empires. Leurs sciences, et leurs arts. . . Les vies et actions
remarquables de tous leurs saints, docteurs, philosophes, historiens, poetes, capitaines, & de tous
ceux qui se sont rendus illustres parmi eux, par leur vertu, ou par leur savoir. Des jugemens
critiques, et des extraits de tous leurs ouvrages (Paris: Compagnie des Libraires, 1697).
Herbordt, S., Neuassyrische Glyptic des 8—7. Jh. v. Chr: unter besonderer Berucksichtigung der
Siegelungen auf Tafeln und Tonverschliissen (SAAS 1; Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text
Corpus Project, 1992).
Herdner, A., "Nouveaux textes alphabetiques de Ras Shamra—XXIVe Campagne,
1961," in Ugantica VII, edited by C. F.-A. Schaeffer (MRS 18; BAH 99; Paris:
Mission Archeologique de Ras Shamra and Librairie orientaliste Paul Geuthner;
Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1978) 1-74.
Herrero, J. A., "Medjugorje: Ecclesiastical Conflict, Theological Controversy, Ethnic
Division," Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion 10 (1999) 137-70.
Herzog, Z., The City Gate in Israel and Its Neighboring Countries (Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv
University Institute of Archaeology, 1976) [Hebrew].
Hess, J. J., Geschichte der Israeliten vor den êiten Jesu (Zurich: Orell, Gessner, Fiiesslin
und Compagnie, 1776—88).
466 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Hincks, E., "On the Inscriptions at Van," JRAS 9 (1848) 387-449.

, "On the Khorsabad Inscriptions," The Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy
22, no. 2 (1855) 3-72.
On the Assyrian Mythology (Dublin: M. H. Gill, 1855).
Hingley, R., "The Shared Moral Purposes of Two Empires and the Origin of
Romano-British Archaeology," in Nationalism and Archaeology: Scottish Archaeological
Forum, edited by J. A. Atkinson, I. Banks and J. O'Sullivan (Glasgow: Cruithne
Press, 1996) 135-42.
Hinz, W. and H. Koch, Elamisches Wb'rterbuch (AMI, Erganzungsband 17; Berlin:
Dietrich Reimer, 1987).
Hinz, W., "Insusinak," RLA 5:117a-19a.
, "Zu den elamitischen Briefen auf Ninive," in Fragmenta Historiae Elamicae:
melanges offerts a M. J. Steve, edited by L. De Meyer, H. Gasche and F. Vallat
(Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1986) 227-34.
Hirsch, H., Untersuchungen zur altassyrischen Religion (2nd ed.; AfOB 13-14; Osnabriick:
Biblio Verlag, 1972 {1961}).
Hochschild, A., King Leopold's Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror, and Heroism in Colonial
Africa (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1999).
Hock, R. F., "The Rhetoric of Romance," in Handbook of Classical Rhetoric in the
Hellenistic Period, 330 B.C.-A.D. 400, edited by S. E. Porter (Leiden: E. J. Brill,
1998) 445-65.
Hofner, M., "Die Stammesgruppen Nord- und Zentralarabiens in vorislamischer
Zeit," in Wdrterbuch der Mythologie, Bd. 1, Cotter und Mythen im Vorderen Orient, edited
by H. W. Haussig (Stuttgart: Ernst Klett Verlag, 1965) 407-81.
Hoftijzer, J., "Interpretation and Grammar," in Aramaic Texts from Deir 'Alia, edited
by J. Hoftijzer, et al. (DMOA 19; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1976) 173-323.
Hoftijzer, J. and G. van der Kooij, eds. The Balaam Text from Deir 'Alia Re-evaluated:
Proceedings of the International Symposium Held at Leiden, 21-24 August 1989 (Leiden:
E. J. Brill, 1991).
Holladay, J. J., Jr., "Four-Room House," OEANE 2:337a-42a.
Holloway, S. W., "The Case for Assyrian Religious Influence in Israel and Judah:
Inference and Evidence" (Ph.D. dissertation, The University of Chicago, 1992).
, "The GI&Kakki Assur and Neo-Assyrian Loyalty Oaths," in Historiography in the
Cuneiform World, Part 1: Proceedings of the XLV Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale,
edited by P. Steinkeller, P. Machinist, J. Huehnergard, P.-A. Beaulieu, I. T.
Abusch and C. Noyes (Bethesda, MD: CDL Press, 2001) 239-65.
, "Harran: Cultic Geography in the Neo-Assyrian Empire and Its Implications
for Sennacherib's 'Letter to Hezekiah' in 2 Kings," in The Pitcher is Broken: Memorial
Essays for Gosta W. Ahlstrom, edited by S. W. Holloway and L. K. Handy (JSOTSup
190; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1995) 276-314.
, "KTU 1.162 and the Offering of a Shield," UF 30 (1998) 353-61.
, "The Quest for Sargon, Pul, and Tiglath-Pileser in the 19th Century," in
Syro-Mesopotamia and the Bible, edited by M. W. Chavalas and K. L. Younger, Jr.
(JSOTSup; Sheffield: JSOT Press, [in press].
"The Shape of Utnapishtim's Ark: A Rejoinder," %AW 110 (1998) 617-26.
Homes-Fredericq, D., "Coquillages et glyptique arameenne," in Insight Through Images:
Studies in Honor of Edith Porada, edited by M. Kelly-Buccellati, P. Matthiae and
M. van Loon (Bibliotheca Mesopotamica 21; Malibu, CA: Undena Publications,
1986) 111-18.
, "La glyptique des archives inedites d'un centre provincial de 1'empire assyrien
aux Musees Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire, Bruxelles," in Cuneiform Archives and Libraries:
Papers Read at the 30' Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Leiden, 4~8 July 1983,
edited by K. R. Veenhof (UNHAII 57; Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het
Nabije Oosten, 1986) 247-59.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 467
Hommel, F., "Assyria," in A Dictionary of the Bible, edited by J. Hastings (New York:
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1901) 1:176-90.
Hooker, P. K., "The Location of the Brook of Egypt," in History and Interpretation:
Essays in Honour of John H, Hayes, edited by M. P. Graham, W. P. Brown and
J. K. Kuan (JSOTSup 173; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1993) 203-14.
Hoskisson, P., "The Nisum 'Oath' in Mari," in Mari in Retrospect: Fifty Years of Mart
andMari Studies, edited by G. D. Young (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1992) 203-10.
Hourani, A., Islam in European Thought (New York and Cambridge: Cambridge
Hrouda, B., Tell Halaf, IV: Die Kleinfunde aus historischer %dt (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter,
1962).
Hrozriy, B., Les Inscriptions hittites hieroglyphiques: essai de dechiffrement suivi d'une gram-
maire hittite hieroglyphique en paradigm.es et d'une liste d'hieroglyphes (Monografie Archivu
Orientalniho; Prague: Oriental™ ustav, 1933-1937).
Hudson, K., A Social History of Archaeology: The British Experience (London: Macmillan,
1981).
Hunger, H., Astrological Reports to Assyrian Kings (SAA 8; Helsinki: Helsinki University
Press, 1992).
, "Kalender," RLA 5:297b~303a.
Hunger, H. and D. Pingree, MUL.APIN: An Astronomical Compendium in Cuneiform
(AfOB 24; Horn, Austria: Verlag Ferdinand Berger & Sohne, 1989).
Hunger, H. and E. Reiner, "A Scheme for Intercalary Months from Babylonia,"
W£KM 67 (1975) 21-28.
Hurowitz, V., "A Hymn Celebrating Assurnasirpal IFs Campaigns to the West
(1.139) (LKA 64)," in The Context of Scripture, Vol. 1: Canonical Compositions from the
Biblical World, edited by W. W. Hallo (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1997) 470-71.
Hurowitz, V. and J. G. Westenholz, "LKA 63: A Heroic Poem in Celebration of
Tiglath-pileser I's Musru-Qumanu Campaign," JCS 42 (1990) 1-49.
Hussain, A., R. Olson andj. Qureshi, eds. Orientalism, Islam, and Islamists (Brattleboro,
VT: Amana Books, 1984).
Hvidberg-Hansen, F. O., "Ba'al-malage dans le traite entre Asarhaddon et le roi
de Tyr," AcOr 35 (1973) 57-81.
, La Deesse TNT: Une etude sur la religion canaaneo-punique, vol. 1, Texte (Copenhagen:
G. E. C. Gad, 1979).
Hyam, R., Britain's Imperial Century, 1815-1914: a Study of Empire and Expansion (2nd
ed.; Cambridge Commonwealth Series; Lanham, MD: Barnes & Noble, 1993).
Iggers, G. G., The German Conception of History; the National Tradition of Historical Thought
from Herder to the Present (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1968).
Ikeda, I., "Looking from Til Barsip on the Euphrates: Assyria and the West in
Ninth and Eighth Centuries B.C.," in Priests and Officials in the Ancient Near East:
Papers of the Second Colloquium on the Ancient Near East—the City and its Life—Held at
the Middle Eastern Culture Center in Japan (Mitaka, Tokyo), March 22-24, 1996, edited
by K. Watanabe (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1999) 271-302.
Inalcik, H., "Comments on 'Sultanism': Max Weber's Typification of the Ottoman
Polity," Princeton Papers in Near Eastern Studies 1 (1992) 49-72.
Irvine, S. A., Isaiah, Ahaz, and the Syro-Ephraimitic Crisis (SBLLDS 123; Atlanta: Scholars
Press, 1990).
Irving, W., Life of Mahomet (Everyman's Library; New York: E. P. Button & Co., 1911).
Ishaq, D., "The Excavations at the Southern Part of the Procession Street and
Nabu sa hare Temple," Sumer 41 (1985) 30-33, *48-*54.
Ishida, T., "The Succession Narrative and Esarhaddon's Apology: A Comparison,"
in Ah, Assyria. . . Studies in Assyrian History and Ancient Near Eastern Historiography
Presented to Hayim Tadmor, edited by M. Cogan and I. Eph'al (ScrHie 33; Jerusalem:
Magnes Press, 1991) 166-73.
468 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ismail, B. K., M. D. Roaf andj. A. Black, '"Ana in the Cuneiform Sources," Sumer
39 (1983) 191-94.
Jacobsen, T., "Mesopotamia: the Cosmos as a State. The Function of the State.
The Good Life," in The Intellectual Adventure of Ancient Man; an Essay on Speculative
Thought in the Ancient Near East, edited by H. Frankfort, H. A. Frankfort, J. A.
Wilson, T. Jacobsen and W. A. Irwin (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,
1946) 125-219.
, "Primitive Democracy in Ancient Mesopotamia," JNES 2 (1943) 159-72.
Jacobsen, T. and S. Lloyd, Sennacherib's Aqueduct at Jerwan (OIP 24; Chicago: The
Jacoby, F., Die Fragments der griechischen Historiker (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1958).
James, T. G. H., "Egypt: the Twenty-Fifth and the Twenty-Sixth Dynasties," CAH1
3/2, 677-747.
Jankowska, N. B., "Some Problems of the Economy of the Assyrian Empire," in
Ancient Mesopotamia: Socio-Economic History, edited by I. M. Diakonoff (Moscow:
"Nauka" Publishing House, 1969) 253-76.
Jas, R., Neo-Assyrian Judicial Procedures (SAAS 5; Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text
Corpus Project, 1996).
Jastrow, M., Aspects of Religious Belief and Practice in Babylonia and Assyria (American
Lectures on the History of Religions 9th series, 1910; New York and London:
G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1911).
, "The God Asur," JAOS 24 (1903) 288-311.
, Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens (Giessen: A. Topelmann, 1905).
, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (Handbooks on the History of Religions
2; Boston: Ginn & Company, 1898).
Jensen, P. C. A., "Nik(k)al-§arratu-rnfo in Harran," %A 11 (1896) 293-301.
, Das Gilgamesch-Epos in der Weltliteratur, Bd. 1: Die Urspriinge der alttestamentlichen
Patriarchen-, Propheten- und Befreier-Sage und der neutestamentlichen Jesus-Sage (Strassburg:
KarlJ. Triibner, 1906).
, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier (Strassburg: KarlJ. Trubner, 1890).
, Moses, Jesus, Paulus; Drei Varianten des babylonischen gottmenschen Gilgamesch; Eine
Anklage voider die Theologen, ein Appell auch an die Laien (2nd ed.; Frankfurt am Main:
Neuer Frankfurter Verlag, 1909).
Joannes, F., "Le traite de vassalite d'Atamrum d'Andarig envers Zimri-Lim de
Mari," in Marchands, diplomates et empereurs: etudes la civilisation mesopotamienne qfferts a
Paul Garelli, edited by D. Charpin and F. Joannes (Paris: Editions Recherche sur
les Civilisations, 1991) 167-77.
Johanning, K., Der Bibel-Babel-Streit: Eine forschungsgeschichtliche Studie (EHST 343;
Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1988).
Johns, C. H. W., Ancient Assyria (The Cambridge Manuals of Science and Literature;
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1912).
, Assyrian Deeds and Documents Recording the Transfer of Property (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1898-1923).
Johnson, T. and C. Dandeker, "Patronage: Relation and System," in Patronage in
Ancient Society, edited by A. Wallace-Hadrill (London and New York: Routledge,
1989) 219-42.
Jones, S., The Archaeology of Ethnicity: Constructing Identities in the Past and Present (London
Jumaily, A. I. al-, "Investigations and Restoration of the Ziggurat of 'Aqar Quf
(10th-13th Seasons)," Sumer 27 (1971) 63-98 [Arabic].
Kalluveettil, P., Declaration and Covenant: A Comprehensive Review of Covenant Formulae
from the Old Testament and the Ancient Near East (AnBib 88; Rome: Pontifical Biblical
Institute Press, 1982).
BIBLIOGRAPHY 469
Kaminsky, H., "The Problematics of 'Heresy' and 'The Reformation'," in Haresie

und vorzeitige Reformation im Spdtmittelalter, edited by F. Smahel and E. Miiller-
Luckner (Schriften des Historischen Kollegs: Kolloquien 39; MiAnchen:
R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 1998) 1-22.
Kataja, L. and R. M. Whiting, Grants, Decrees and Gifts of the Mo-Assyrian Period (SAA
12; Helsinki: Helsinki University Press, 1995).
Keel, O., Studien zu den Stempelsiegeln aus Palastina/Israel, IV (OBO 135; Fribourg:
Universitatsverlag Freiburg; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1994).
Kellner, H.-J., "Personal Adornments," in Urartu: a Metalworking Center in the First
Millennium B.C.E., edited by R. Merhav (Israel Museum Catalogue 324; Jerusalem:
Israel Museum, 1991) 164-70.
Kessler, K., "Kar-Adad," RLA 5:401b-2a.
, "Das Schicksal von Irridu unter Adad-narari I," RA 74 (1980) 61-66.
, "Subria, Urartu and Assur: Topographical Questions around the Tigris
Sources," in Neo-Assyrian Geography, edited by M. Liverani (Quaderni di Geografia
Storica 5; Rome: Universita di Roma "La Sapienza", 1995) 55~67.
Khalifeh, I. A., "Sarepta," OEANE 4:488a-91a.
, Sarepta II: The Late Bronze and Iron Age Periods of Area II, X: The University Museum
of the University of Pennsylvania Excavations at Sarafand, Lebanon (Publications de
1'Universite Libanaise; Beirut: Departement des Publications de 1'Universite Liban-
aise, 1988).
Khazaradne, N. A., "Tabal: Remarks on the Ethnocultural Description of Eastern
Asia Minor Ethnopolitical Entities of the 9th-7th Centuries B.C.," in Wirtschaft
und Gesellschaft im Alien Vorderasien, edited by J. Harmatta and G. Komoroczy
(Budapest: Akademia Kiado, 1976) 429-32.
Kildahl, P. A., "British and American Reactions to Layard's Discoveries in Assyria,
1845-1860" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1959).
King, L. W., Babylonian Boundary-Stones and Memorial-Tablets in the British Museum
(London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1912).
, Babylonian Religion and Mythology (Books on Egypt and Chaldaea 4; London:
Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner & Co., 1903).
, Bronze Reliefs from the Gates of Shalmaneser King of Assyria B.C. 860—825 (London:
Longmans & Co., 1915).
, Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum, Part 26 (London:
Trustees of the British Museum, 1968).
King, L. W. and E. A. W. Budge, The Annals of the Kings of Assyria (London: British
Museum, 1902).
Kinnier Wilson, J. V., "The Kurba'il Statue of Shalmaneser III," Iraq 24 (1962) 90-115.
, The Mmrud Wine Lists (CTN 1; Oxford: British School of Archaeology in Iraq,
1972).
Kister, M., "Observations on Aspects of Exegesis Tradition, and Theology in Midrash,
Pseudepigrapha, and Other Jewish \Vritings," in Tracing the Threads: Studies in the
Vitality of Jewish Pseudepigrapha, edited by J. C. Reeves (Early Judaism and Its
Literature 6; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1994) 1-34.
Kittel, R., Geschichte der Hebraer (Handbiicher der Alten Geschichte 1/3; Gotha:
Friedrich Andreas Perthes, 1892).
, The Religion of the People of Israel (trans. R. C. Micklem; New York: Macmillan,
1925).
Klauber, E. G., Politisch-religiose Texte aus der Sargonidenzeit (Leipzig: Eduard Pfeiffer, 1913).
Klein, J., The Royal Hymns of Shulgi King of Ur: Man's Quest for Immortal Fame (TAPhS
71/7; Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1981).
Kleinast, B., "Inscription of Naram-Sin: Deification of the King (2.90)," COS 2:244.
Klengel, H., "Beute, Tribut und Abgaben: Aspekte assyrischer Syrienpolitik," in
470 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Assyrien im Wandel der êiten: XXXIX' Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Heidelberg

Heidelberger Orientverlag, 1997) 71-76.
, "Die historische Rolle der Stadt Aleppo im vorantiken Syrien," in Die orien-
talische Stadt: Kontinuitdt, Wandel, Bruch: 1. Internationales Colloquium der Deutschen Orient-
Gesellschaft, 9.-10. Mai 1996 in Halle/Saale/im Auftrag des Vorstands der Deutschen
Orient-Gesellschaft, edited by G. Wilhelm (Colloquien der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft
, "Neue Lamastu-Amulette aus dem Vorderasiatischen Museum zu Berlin und
dem British Museum," MIO 1 (1960) 334-55.
—, "Weitere Amulette gegen Lamastu," MIO 8 (1963) 24-29.
"Der Wettergott von Halab," JCS 19 (1965) 87-93.
Kletter, R., "Pots and Polities: Material Remains of Late Iron Agejudah in Relation
to its Political Borders," BASOR 314 (1999) 19-54.
Knauf, E. A., Ismael: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte Paldstinas und Nordarabiens im 1.
Jahrtausend v. Chr. (2nd ed.; Abhandlungen des Deutschen Palastinavereins; Wiesbaden:
Otto Harrassowitz, 1989).
Knight, F., The Nineteenth-Century Church and English Society (Cambridge: Cambridge
Knox, R., The Races of Men: A Fragment (Philadelphia: Lea & Blanchard, 1850).
Koch, K., "Gefiige und Herkunft des Berichts liber die Kultreformen des Konigs
Josia: Zugleich ein Beitrag zur Bestimmung hebraischer 'Tempera'," in Alttestamentlkher
Glaube und biblische Theologie: Festschrift fur Horst Dietrich Preuss zum 65. Geburtstag,
edited by J. Hausmann and H.-J. Zobel (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1992) 80-92.
Koelle, S. W., Mohammed and Mohammedanism Critically Considered (London: Rivingtons,
1889).
Kohl, P. L. and C. P. Fawcett, "Archaeology in the Service of the State: Theoretical
Considerations," in Nationalism, Politics, and the Practice of Archaeology, edited by P. L.
Kohl and C. P. Fawcett (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press,
1995) 3-18.
Kohler, J. and A. Ungnad, Assyrische Rechtsurkunden: in Umschrift und Ubersetzung nebst
einem Index der Personen-Namen und Rechtserlauterungen (Leipzig: E. Pfeiffer, 1913).
Kohlmeyer, K., "Drei Stelen mit Sin-Symbol aus Nordsyrien," in Von Uruk nach Tuttul:
Eine Festschrift filr Eva Strommenger, Studien und Aufsatze von Kollegen und Freunden, edited
by B. Hrouda, S. Kroll and P. Z. Spanos (Vienna: Proffl Verlag, 1992) 91-100.
Koldewey, R., Die Pflastersteine von Aiburschabu in Babylon (WVDOG 2; Leipzig: J. C.
Hinrichs, 1901).
, "Die Pflastersteine von Aibur-schabu in Babylon," MDOG 6 (1900) 3-11.
, Das wieder erstehende Babylon (5th ed.; edited by B. Hrouda; Munich: C. H.
Beck, 1990).
Konig, F. W., Handbuch der chaldischen Inschriften (AfOB 8; Osnabruck: Biblio-Verlag,
1967 [1955]).
Kooij, G. van der, "Deir 'Alia, Tell," NEAEHL l:338a-42b.
Kooij, G. van der and M. M. Ibrahim, Picking Up the Threads. . . A Continuing Review
of Excavations at Deir Alia, Jordan (trans, [no name supplied]; revised ed.; Leiden:
University of Leiden Archaeological Centre, 1989).
Koppelkamm, S., Der imaginare Orient: exotische Bauten des achtzehnten und neun&hnten
Jahrhunderts in Europa (Berlin: Ernst & Sohn, 1987).
Kraeling, C. H. and R. M. Adams, eds. City Invincible, A Symposium on Urbanization
and Cultural Development in the Ancient Near East, Chicago, 1958 (Chicago: The University
of Chicago Press, 1960).
Kraus, F. R., "Das altbabylonische Konigtum," in Le palais et la royaute (archeologie
et civilisation): XIX' Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Paris 29 juin~2 juillet 1971,
edited by P. Garelli (Paris: Librairie orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1974) 235-61.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 471
, "Nippur und Isin nach altbabylonischen Rechtsurkunden," JCS 3 (1951)

v-xiv, 1-228.
Krebernik, M., "Mar-blti," RLA 7:355b-57a.
Krecher, J., "Gottersymbole B. nach sumerischen und akkadischen Texten," RLA
3:495a-98b.
Kiihne, H., "The Assyrians on the Middle Euphrates and the Habur," in Neo-
Assyrian Geography, edited by M. Liverani (Quaderni di Geografia Storica 5; Rome:
Universita di Roma "La Sapienza", 1995) 69-86.
, "Report on the Excavation at Tall Seh Hamad/Dur-katlimmu 1988," AAAS
37/38 (1987-88) 142-57.
Kuhrt, A., "Ancient Mesopotamia in Classical Greek and Hellenistic Thought,"
CANE 1:55-65.
, The Ancient Near East c. 3000-330 B.C. (Routledge History of the Ancient World;
London; New York: Routledge, 1995).
, "Assyrian and Babylonian Traditions in Classical Authors: A Critical Synthesis,"
in Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn: Politische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehungen im Alien
Vorderasien vom 4. bis 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. XXV Rencontre Assyrialogique Internationale,
, "Lygdamis (Greek At>y5oc|ii<;)," RLA 7:186b-89a.
, "Usurpation, Conquest and Ceremonial: From Babylon to Persia," in Rituals
of Royalty: Power and Ceremonial in Traditional Societies, edited by D. Cannadine and
S. R. F. Price (Past and Present Publications; Cambridge and New York: Cambridge
Kummel, H. M., Familie, Beruf und Ami im spdtbabylonischen Uruk: prosopographische
Untersuchungen zu Berufsgruppen des 6. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. in Uruk (ADOG 20; Berlin:
Gebr. Mann, 1979).
Kutscher, R., "An Offering to the Statue of Sulgi," Tel Aviv 1 (1974) 55^59.
Kwasman, T., Neo-Assyrian Legal Documents in the Kouyunjik Collection of the British Museum
(StPSM 14; Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1988).
Kwasman, T. and S. Parpola, Legal Transactions of the Royal Court of Nineveh, Part I:
Tiglath-Pileser III through Esarhaddon (SAA 6; Helsinki: Helsinki University Press, 1991).
Labat, R., "Hemerologien," RLA 4:317a-23b.
Laboulaye, E.. ed. (Euvres completes de Montesquieu, vol. 3: De I'esprit des lois (Chefs-
d'CEuvres de la Litterature francaise 42; Paris: Gamier Freres, 1876).
Laessee, J., "An Aspect of Assyrian Archaeology," in In Memoriam Eckhard Unger.
Beitrdge zu Geschichte, Kultur und Religion des Alien Orients, edited by M. Lurker (Baden-
Baden: Verlag Valentin Koerner, 1971) 189-95.
, "A Prayer to Ea, Shamash, and Marduk, from Hama," Iraq 18 (1956) 60-67.
Lafont, B., "Deux notes sur les regnes de Su-Sin et Ibbi-Sin," RA 77 (1983) 69-71.
, "Le roi de Mari et les prophetes du dieu Adad," RA 78 (1984) 7-18.
Lambert, W. G., "Booty from Egypt?," JJS 33 (1982) 61-70.
, Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouynjik Collection of the British Museum,
3rd Supplement (London: British Museum, 1992).
, "Esarhaddon's Attempt to Return Marduk to Babylon," in Ad bene et jideliter
serninandum: Festgabe fiir Karlheinz Deller zum 21. Februar 1987, edited by G. Mauer
and U. Magen (AOAT 220; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-
Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1988) 157-74.
, "The Fall of the Cassite Dynasty to the Elamites: An Historical Epic," in
Cinquante-deux reflexions sur le Proche- Orient ancien, ojjertes en hommage a Leon De Meyer,
edited by H. Gasche, et al. (MHE 2; Louvain: Peelers, 1994) 67-72.
, "The God Assur," Iraq 45 (1983) 82-86.
, "Istaran," RLA 5:21 la-b.
, "Kingship in Ancient Mesopotamia," in King and Messiah in Israel and the Ancient
472 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Near East: Proceedings of the Oxford Old Testament Seminar, edited by J. Day (JSOTSup
270; Sheffield, England: Sheffield Academic Press, 1998) 54-70.
"Literary Style in First Millennium Mesopotamia," JAOS 88 (1968) 123-32.
, "The Pantheon of Mari," MA.R.1. 4 (1985) 525-39.
, "The Reading of the God Name dKA.DI," %A 59 (1969) 100-3.
, "The Treaty of Ebla," in Ebla 1975-1985: died anni di studi linguistici e filologici,
edited by L. Cagni (IOU, Series Minor 27; Naples: Istituto Universitario Orientale,
1987) 353-64.
Lambert, W. G. and A. R. Millard, Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouyunjik
Collection of the British Museum, Second Supplement (London: Trustees of the British
Museum, 1968).
Lamon, R. S. and G. M. Shipton, Megiddo I: Seasons of 1925-34, Strata I-V (OIP
42; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1939).
Lamprichs, R.. Die Westexpansion des neuassyrischen Reiches: eine Strukturanalyse (AOAT 239;
Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1995).
Landow, G. P., "Victorianized Romans: Images of Rome in Victorian Painting,"
Browning Institute Studies 12 (1984) 29-51.
Landsberger, B., Brief des Bischofs von Esagila an Konig Asarhaddon (Mededelingen der
Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afd. Letterkunde Nieuwe
Reeks 28/6; Amsterdam: N. V. Noord-Hollandsche Uitgevers Maatschappij, 1965).
Lane-Poole, S., "Hincks, Dr. Edward (1792-1866)," DNB 9:889b-90a.
, "Rawlinson, Sir Henry Creswicke (1810-1895)," DNB 16:771a-74a.
Lanfranchi, G. B., "Assyrian Geography and Neo-Assyrian Letters Again: the Location
of Hubuskia Again," in Neo-Assyrian Geography, edited by M. Liverani (Quaderni
, / Cimmeri: emergenza delle elites militari iraniche ml Vicino Oriente (VIII VII sec. a.C.)
(History of the Ancient Near East/Studies 2 bis; Padova: Sargon srl, 1990).
, "Consensus to Empire: Some Aspects of Sargon IPs Foreign Policy," in Assyrien
im Wandel der êiten: XXXIX' Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Heidelberg 6.—10.
Juli 1992, edited by H. Waetzoldt and H. Hauptmann (HSAO 6; Heidelberg:
, "The Ideological and Political Impact of the Assyrian Imperial Expansion on
the Greek World in the 8th and 7th centuries BC," in The Heirs of Assyria: Proceed-
ings of the Opening Symposium of the Assyrian and Babylonian Intellectual Heritage Project Held
in Tvarminne, Finland, October 8-11, 1998, edited by S. Aro and R. M. Whiting (Me-
lammu Symposia 1; Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 2000) 7-34.
Lanfranchi, G. B. and S. Parpola, The Correspondence of Sargon II. Part 2: Letters from
the Northern and Northeastern Provinces (SAA 5; Helsinki: Helsinki University Press, 1990).
Langdon, S. H., "Archibald Henry Sayce as Assyriologist," JRAS (1933) 499-503.
, "Archibald Henry Saycef," AJO 8 (1932-33) 341-42.
, The H. Weld-Blundell Collection in the Ashmolean Museum, Vol. 1: Sumerian
and Semitic Religious and Historical Texts (Oxford Editions of Cuneiform
Inscriptions 1; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1923).
Langdon, S., Die neubabylonischen Kb'nigsinschriften (trans. R. Zehnpfund; VAB 4; Leipzig:
Langenegger, F., K. Muller and R. Naumann, Tell Halaf. Ed. 2: Die Bauwerke (Berlin:
Walter de Gruyter, 1950).
Laroche, E., "Le dieu anatolien Sarrumma," Syria 40 (1963) 277-302.
, "Documents en langue hourrite provenant de Ras Shamra," in Ugaritica V,
edited by C. F.-A. Schaeffer, J. Nougayrol, C. Virolleaud and E. Laroche (MRS
16; BAH 80; Paris: Mission Archeologique de Ras Shamra and Librairie orien-
taliste Paul Geuthner; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1968) 448-544.
Les hieroglyphes Hittites. Vol. 1: L'ecriture (Paris: Editions du Centre National de
la Recherche Scientifique, 1960).
BIBLIOGRAPHY 473
, "Human Borrowings from the Babylonian System," in Mythologies, edited by

Y. Bonnefoy and W. Doniger (trans. J. Leavitt; Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press, 1991) l:225b-27b.
Larsen, M. T., "The 'Babel/Bible' Controversy and Its Aftermath," CANE 1:95-106
, The Conquest of Assyria: Excavations in an Antique Land 1840-1860 (London and
New York: Routledge, 1996).
, "Orientalism and the Ancient Near East," in The Humanities between Art and
Science: Intellectual Developments, 1880-1914, edited by M. Harbsmeier and M. T.
Larsen (Culture & History 2; Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag, 1989) 181-202.
-, ed. Power and Propaganda: A Symposium on Ancient Empires (Mes[C] 7; Copenhagen:
Akademisk Forlag, 1979).
Laurence, R., "Ritual, Landscape, and the Destruction of Place in the Roman
Imagination," in Approaches to the Study of Ritual: Italy and the Ancient Mediterranean,
edited by J. B. Wilkins (Specialist Studies of the Mediterranean 2; London:
Accordia Research Centre, 1996) 111-21.
Lawrence, T. E., Oriental Assembly, edited by A. W. Lawrence (New York: E. P.
Button, 1940).
Layard, A. H., Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon; with Travels in Armenia,
Kurdistan and the Desert: Being the Result of a Second Expedition undertaken for the Trustees
of the British Museum (London: John Murray, 1853).
, The Monuments of Nineveh. From Drawings Made on the Spot (1; London: John
Murray, 1849).
The Monuments of Nineveh. From Drawings Made on the Spot (2; London: John
Murray, 1853).
, "Nineveh," EBrit (8th ed.; 1858) 16:272-77.
, Nineveh and Its Remains (London: John Murray, 1849).
Layard, A. H., H. C. Rawlinson, S. Birch and E. Hawkins, Inscriptions in the
Cuneiform Character, from Assyrian Monuments, Discovered by A. H. Layard,
D.C.L. (London: Harrison and Son, 1851).
Leake, M., "Some Remarks on the Island Cerigo, Anciently Cythera," Transactions
of the Royal Society of Literature 2nd series, 4 (1853) 255-58.
Leask, N., British Romantic Writers and the East: Anxieties of Empire (Cambridge Studies
in Romanticism; Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992).
Leclant, J., "Taharqa," LA 6:156-84.
Ledrain, E., Histoire d'Israel (Paris: Alphonse Lemerre, 1882).
Leemans, W. F., "Kidinnu, un symbole de droit divin babylonien," in Symbolae ad jus
et historiam antiquitatis pertimentes Julio Christiana van Oven dedicatae, edited by B. A.
van Groningen, M. David and E. M. Meijers (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1946) 36-61.
Lehmann, R. G., Friedrich Delit&ch und der Babel-Bibel-Streit (OBO 133; Fribourg:
Universitatsverlag; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1994).
Lehmann-Haupt, C. F., "Oppert, Julius," in Biographisches Jahrbuch und deutscher Nekrolog,
edited by A. Bettelheim (Berlin: Georg Reimer, 1905) 10:86-92.
Leichty, E., A Bibliography of the Cuneiform Tablets of the Kouyunjik Collection in the British
Museum (London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1964).
Lemaire, A., "Cinq nouveaux sceaux ouest-semitiques," SEL 1 (1990) 97-109.
, "Tarshish-Ta?mz: probleme de topographic historique biblique et assyrienne,"
in Studies in Historical Geography and Biblical Historiography Presented to êcharia Kallai,
edited by G. Galil and M. Weinfeld (SVT 81; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2000) 44-62.
Lemche, N. P., "Andurdrum and Misarum: Comments on the Problem of Social Edicts
and their Application in the Ancient Near East," JNES 38 (1979) 11-22.
Lenormant, F., Manuel d'histoire ancienne de I'Orient jusqu'aux guerres mediques, vol. 1:
Israelites-Egyptiens-Assyriens (Paris: A. Levy Fils, 1868).
Lenormant, F. and E. Babelon, Histoire ancienne de I'Orient jusqu'aux guerres mediques
(9th ed.; Paris: A. Levy, 1881).
474 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Lenzen, H., "The Ningiszida Temple Built by Marduk-apla-iddina II at Uruk

(Warka)," Iraq 19 (1957) 146-50.
Levine, B. A., "The Deir 'Alia Plaster Inscription (2.27): the Book of Balaam Son
of Beor," in COS 2:140-45.
Levine, L. D., Geographical Studies in the Neo-Assyrian âgros (Toronto and London:
Royal Ontario Museum and the British Institute of Persian Studies, 1974).
, "Habhu," RLA 4:12b-13b.
, "Kirruri, Kirriuri," RLA 5:606a-7a.
, "Preliminary Remarks on the Historical Inscriptions of Sennacherib," in History,
, "Sennacherib's Southern Front: 704-689 B.C.," JCS 34 (1982) 28~58.
Two Neo-Assyrian Stelasjrom Iran (Royal Ontario Museum of Art and Archaeology
Occasional Paper 23; Ontario: Royal Ontario Museum, 1972).
Levy, T. E., "Transhumance, Subsistence, and Social Evolution in the Northern
Negev Desert," in Pastoralism in the Levant: Archaeological Materials in Anthropological
Perspectives, edited by O. Bar-Yosef and A. Khazanov (Monographs in World
Archaeology 10; Madison, WI: Prehistory Press, 1992) 65-82.
Lewis, B., Islam in History: Ideas, People, and Events in the Middle East (Revised ed.;
Chicago: Open Court, 1993).
Lewy, J., "The Late Assyro-Babylonian Cult of the Moon and Its Culmination at
the Time of Nabonidus," HUCA 19 (1945-46) 453-86.
, "Eine neue Stele mit 'hethitischer' Bilderschrift," AfO 3 (1926) 7-8.
, Tablettes cappadociennes, troisieme serie (TCL 20; Paris: Libraire orientaliste Paul
Geuthner, 1936).
Lidzbarski, M., Handbuch der nordsemitischen Epigraphik nebst ausgewahlten Inschriften
(Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1962 [1898]).
Limet, H., "Les temples des rois sumeriens divinises," in Le temple et le culte: compte
rendu de la vingtieme Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale: organisee a Leiden du 3 au 7
juillet 1972 sous les auspices du Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, edited by
Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten (UNHAII 37; Istambul: Nederlands
Historisch-Archeologisch Instituut te Istambul, 1975) 80-94.
Lincoln, B., Death, War, and Sacrifice: Studies in Ideology and Practice (Chicago and
London: The University of Chicago Press, 1991).
Ling-Israel, P., "The Sennacherib Prism in the Israel Museum—Jerusalem," in Bar-
Ilan Studies in Assyriology Dedicated to Pinhas Artzi, edited by J. Klein and A. Skaist
(Ramat Gan: Bar-Han University Press, 1990) 213-48.
Lipiriski, E., "Le langue des tablettes arameennes de Bruxelles," in Studies in Near
Eastern Languages and Literatures: Memorial Volume of Karel Petrdcek, edited by P. Zemanek
(Prague: Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, Oriental Institute, 1996)
323-42.
, "The Personal Names Handi, Harranay and Kurillay in Neo-Assyrian Sources,"
in Assyrien im Wandel der êiten: XXXIX' Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Heidelberg
, Studies in Aramaic Inscriptions and Onomastics, II (OLA 57; Louvain: Peeters/
Departement Orientalistiek, 1994).
Littleton, C. S., "From Swords in the Earth to the Sword in the Stone: a Possible
Reflection of an Alano-Sarmatian Rite of Passage in the Arthurian Tradition," in
Homage to Georges Dumezil (edited by E. C. Polome; Journal of Indo-European Studies
Monograph 3; Washington, D.C.: Journal of Indo-European Studies, 1982) 53-67.
Liverani, M., "Ancient Near Eastern Cities and Modern Ideologies," in Die orien-
talische Stadt: Kontinuitat, Wandel, Bruch: 1. Internationales Colloquium der Deutschen Orient-
Gesellschaft, 9.-10. Mai 1996 in Halle/Saale im Auftrag des Vorstands der Deutschen
BIBLIOGRAPHY 475
Orient-Gesellschqft, edited by G. Wilhelm (CoOoquien der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft

, "Critique of Variants and the Titulary of Sennacherib," in Assyrian Royal
Inscriptions: New Horizons in Literary, Ideological, and Historical Analysis. Papers of a
Symposium held in Cetona (Siena), June 26-28, 1980, edited by F. M. Fales (OrAntC
17; Rome: Istituto per 1'Oriente, 1981) 225-57.
, "The Growth of the Assyrian Empire in the Habur/Middle Euphrates Area:
A New Paradigm," SAAB 2 (1988) 81-88.
, "The Ideology of the Assyrian Empire," in Power and Propaganda: A Symposium
on Ancient Empires, edited by M. T. Larsen (Mes[C] 7; Copenhagen: Akademisk
Forlag, 1979) 297-317.
, Studies on the Annals of Ashumasirpal II, 2: Topographical Analysis (Quaderni di
Geografica Storica 4; Rome: Universita di Roma "La Sapienza", 1992).
, "Terminologia e ideologia del patto nelle iscrizioni reali assire," in / trattati
nel mondo antico. Forma, ideologia, funîone, edited by L. Canfora, M. Liverani and
C. Zaccagnini (Saggi di storia antica 2; Rome: "L'Erma" di Bretschneider, 1990)
113-47.
Livesey, S. J. and R. H. Rouse, "Nimrod the Astronomer," Tr 37 (1981) 203-66.
Livingstone, A., "The Case of the Hemerologies: Official Cult, Learned Formulation
and Popular Practice," in Official Cult and Popular Religion in the Ancient Near East:
Papers of the First Colloquium on the Ancient Near East—the City and its Life, held at the
Middle Eastern Culture Center in Japan (Mitaka, Tokyo), March 20-22, 1992, edited
by E. Matsushima (Heidelberg: Universitatsverlag C. Winter, 1993) 97-113.
, Court Poetry and Literary Miscellanea (SAA 3; Helsinki: Helsinki University Press,
1989).
Mystical and Mythological Explanatory Works of Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars
(Oxford: Clarendon Press,
"New Dimensions in the Study of Assyrian Religion," in Assyria 1995: Proceedings
of the 1 Oth Anniversary Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, September
Text Corpus Project, 1997) 165-77.
Livingstone, D., Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa; Including a Sketch of
Sixteen Tears' Residence in the Interior of Africa, and a Journey from the Cape of Good Hope
to Loanda on the West Coast, thence across the Continent, down the River âmbesi, to the
Eastern Ocean (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1858).
Lloyd, S., "Seeking the Temple of Sin, Moon-God of Harran," ILN, no. 132,
February 21, 1953, 288-89.
, "Sultantepe Part II," AnSt 4 (1954) 101-10.
Lloyd, S. and W. Brice, "Harran," AnSt 1 (1951) 77-111.
Lorton, D., "The Supposed Expedition of Ptolemy II to Persia," JEA 57 (1971) 160-64.
, "The Theology of Cult Statues in Ancient Egypt," in Born in Heaven, Made
on Earth: The Making of the Cult Image in the Ancient Near East, edited by M. B. Dick
(Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1999) 123-210.
Loud, G. and C. B. Altman, Khorsabad II (OIP 40; Chicago: The University of
Luckenbill, D. D., Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia (Chicago: The University
of Chicago Press, 1926-27).
, The Annals of Sennacherib (OIP 2; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1924).
Luschan, F. von, et al., Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli: Ausgrabungsbericht und Architektur, IV
(Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Mitteilungen aus den orientalischen Sammlungen
14; Berlin: W. Spemann and Georg Reimer, 1911).
Luschan, F. von and W. Andrae, Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, V: Die Kleinfunde von
Sendschirli (Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Mitteilungen aus den orientalischen Samm-
lungen 15; Berlin: de Gruyter, 1943).
476 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Lutz, H. F., Selected Cuneiform Texts: The Warka Cylinder of Ashurbanipal (UCPSP 9/8;
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1931) 385-90.
Lynn, M., "British Policy, Trade, and Informal Empire in the Mid-Nineteenth
Century," in The Nineteenth Century, edited by A. N. Porter (The Oxford History of
the British Empire 3; Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1999) 101-21.
Macaulay, T. B. M. and H. M. M. Trevelyan, Miscellaneous Works of Lord Macaulay
(New York: Harper & Brothers, 1880).
MacGinnis, J., "Bas continue," NA.B.U. (1997/135) 124-25.
, "Letters from the Neo-Babylonian Ebabbara," Mesopotamia 28 (1996) 99-159.
, "Qipu's Receive," NA.B.U. (1993/93) 77-78.
, "The Satammu of Sippar," WO 26 (1995) 21-26.
Machinist, P., "Assyrians and Hittites in the Late Bronze Age," in Mesopotamien und
seine Nachbam: Politische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehungen im Alien Vorderasien vom 4. bis
1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. XXV Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Berlin, 3. bis 7. Juli
1978, edited by H.-J. Nissen and J. Renger (BBVO 1; Berlin: Dietrich Reimer
Verlag, 1982) 263-67.
, "The Assyrians and Their Babylonian Problem: Some Reflections," Wissen-
schaftskolleg zu Berlin, Jahrbuch (1984-85) 353-64.
Machule, D., "Munbaqa, Tall. B. Archaologisch," RLA 8:418a-19b.
, "Tall Munbaqa: Die spatbronzezeitliche Stadtanlage und die Hauser," in
Resurrecting the Past: a Joint Tribute to Adnan Bounni, edited by P. Matthiae, M. van
Loon and H. Weiss (UNHAII 67; Leiden; Istanbul: Nederlands Instituut voor
het Nabije Oosten; Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut, 1990) 199-214.
MacKenzie, J. M., "Introduction: Popular Imperialism and the Military," in Popular
Imperialism and the Military: 1850-1950, edited by J. M. MacKenzie (Studies in
Imperialism; Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992) 1-24.
, Orientalism: History, Theory, and the Arts (Manchester; New York: Manchester
Magen, U., Assyrische Konigsdarstellungen—Aspekte der Herrschaft (BaghF 9; Mainz am
Rhein: Philipp von Zabern, 1986).
Mahmoud, A., "Eine neue 'Lamassu'-Figur aus Tell Agaga/Sadikanni," in Von Uruk
nach Tuttul: Eine Festschrift fur Eva Strommenger, Studien und Aufsdtze von Kollegen und
Freunden, edited by B. Hrouda, S. Kroll and P. Z. Spanos (Vienna: Profil Verlag,
1992) 101-2.
, "Tell Hajaja-Shadikanni," in L'Eufrate e it tempo: le cwilia del media Eufrate e della
Gezira siriana, edited by O. Rouault and M. G. Masetti-Rouault (Milan: Electa, 1993)
217-18.
Mahmoud, A. and H. Kuhne, "Tall cAgaga/Sadikanni 1984-1990," AfO 40-41
(1993-1994) 215-21.
Maigret, A. de, La citadella aramaica di Hama: Attivita, funzioni e comportamento (OfAntC
15; Rome: Istituto per 1'Oriente, 1979).
Malaise, M., "Bes et les croyances solaires," in Studies in Egyptology Presented to Miriam
Lichtheim, edited by S. Israelit-Groll (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, The Hebrew
University, 1990) 2:680-729.
Mallowan, M. E. L., ILN, no. 5914, August 23, 1952, 294-96.
, Nimrud and Its Remains (New York: Dodd, Mead & Company, 1966).
Malloy, J., "Contemporary Authoritarian Regimes," in Encyclopedia of Government and
Politics, edited by M. Hawkesworth and M. Kogan (London and New York:
Routledge, 1992) 1:229-46.
Manitius, W., "Das stehende Heer der Assyrerkonige und seine Organisation," %A
24 (1910) 97-149, 185-224.
Marcus, M. I., "Art and Ideology in Ancient Western Asia," CANE 4:2487-2505.
Margueron, J.-C., "Architecture et urbanisme," in A I'occasion d'une exposition: Meskene-
Emar: Dix ans de travaux, 1972-1982, edited by D. Beyer (Mission Archeologique
de Meskene-Emar; Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1982) 23-39.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 47 7
, "Emar: un exemple d'implantation hittite en terre syrienne," in Le Moyen

Euphrate: zone de contacts et d'echanges: Actes du Collogue de Strasbourg 10-12 mars 1977,
edited by J.-C. Margueron (Universite des Sciences Humaines de Strasbourg:
Travaux du Centre de Recherche sur le Proche-Orient et la Grece Antiques 5;
Strasbourg: Universite des Sciences Humaines de Strasbourg, 1980) 285—312.
, Recherches sur les palais mesopotamiens de I'dge du bronze: Texte (BAH 107; Paris:
Librairie orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1982).
"Temples: Mesopotamian Temples," OEANE 5:165a-69b.
Markle, G. E. and F. B. McCrea, "Medjugorje and the Crisis in Yugoslavia," in
Politics and Religion in Central and Eastern Europe: Traditions and Transitions, edited by
W. H. Swatos, Jr. (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1994) 197-207.
Marsham, J., Diatriba chronologica Johannis Marshami (London: Jacobi Flesher, 1649).
Marwick, A., The Nature of History (3rd ed.; Chicago: Lyceum Books, 1989).
Masetti-Rouault, M. G., "Adad ou Samas? Notes sur le culte local aux sources du
Khabour, Xe-IXe siecles avant J.-C.," San 47 (1997) 9-45.
Maspero, G. and A. H. Sayce (editor), The Struggle of the Nations: Egypt, Syria and
Assyria (trans. M. L. McClure; New York: D. Appleton & Company, 1897).
Matous, L., "Der Assur-Tempel nach altassyrischen Urkunden aus Kultepe," in
Travels in the World of the Old Testament: Studies Presented to Professor M. A. Beek on
the Occasion of his 65th Birthday, edited by M. S. H. G. Heerma van Voss, P. H. J.
Howink ten Gate and N. A. van Uchelen (SSN 16; Assen: Van Gorcum & Co.,
1974) 181-88.
Matsushima, E., "Les rituels du mariage divin dans les documents accadiens," AcSum
10 (1988) 95-128.
Matthiae, P., "Ittiti ed Assiri a Tell Fray: lo scavo di una citta medio-siriano
sull'Eufrate," SMEA 22 (1980) 35-51.
Mattila, R., "Balancing the Accounts of the Royal New Year's Reception: Seven
Administrative Documents from Nineveh," SAAB 4 (1990) 7-22.
, The King's Magnates: A Study of the Highest Officials of the Neo-Assyrian Empire (SAAS
11; Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 2000).
Mayer, W., "Die Finanzierung einer Kampagne (TCL 3,346-410)," UF 11 (1979)
571-95.
, "Sargons Feldzug gegen Urartu—714 v. Chr. Text und Ubersetzung," MDOG
115 (1983) 65-131.
, "Das sugarria'urn-Emblem des Assur," UF 9 (1977) 364-65.
Mayer-Opificius, R., "Die gefliigelte Sonne. Himmels- und Regendarstellungen im
alten Vorderasien," UF 16 (1984) 189-236.
, "Das Relief des Samas-res-usur aus Babylon," in Vom Alten Orient zum Alten
Testament: Festschrift fur Wolfram Freiherrn von Soden zum 85. Geburtstag am 19. Juni
1993, edited by M. Dietrich and O. Loretz (AOAT 240; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon
& Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1995) 333-48.
Mazar, A., "Temples of the Middle and Late Bronze Ages and the Iron Age," in
The Architecture of Ancient Israel from the Prehistoric to the Persian Periods in Memory of
Immanuel (Munya) Dunayevsky, edited by A. Kempinski and R. Reich (Jerusalem:
Israel Exploration Society, 1992) 161-87.
McCarthy, D. J., Treaty and Covenant. A Study in the Ancient Oriental Documents and in
the Old Testament (2nd ed.; AnBib 21a; Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute Press, 1978).
McClellan, T. L., "Quantitative Studies in the Iron Age Pottery of Palestine" (Ph.D.
dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1975).
McCown, D. E., R. C. Haines and D. P. Hansen, Nippur I: Temple of Enlil, Scribal
Quarter, and Soundings (OIP 78; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1967).
McEwan, C. W., "The Syrian Expedition of the Oriental Institute of the University
of Chicago," AJA 41 (1937) 8-16.
, et al, Soundings at Tell Fakhariyah (OIP 79; Chicago: The University of Chicago
Press, 1958).
478 BIBLIOGRAPHY
McEwan, G. J. P., "Agade after the Gutian Destruction: the Afterlife of a

Mesopotamian City," in 28. Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale in Wien 6.-10. Juli
1981, edited by H. Hirsch and H. Hunger (AfOB 19; Horn, Austria: Verlag
Ferdinand Berger & Sohne, 1982) 8-15.
McKay, J. W., Religion in Judah under the Assyrians 732~609 B.C. (SET 26; London:
SCM Press, 1973).
Menant, J., Annales des Rois d'Assyrie, traduites et raises en ordre sur le texte assyrien (Paris:
Maisonneuve et Cie, 1874).
Menzel, B., Assyrische Tempel (StPSM 10; Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1981).
Meriggi, P., Manuale di eteo geroglifico. Vol. 2, Part 1 (Incunabula Graeca 14;
Rome: Edizioni dell'Ateneo, 1967-75).
, Manuale di eteo geroglifico. Vol. 2, Part 2 (Incunabula Graeca 15; Rome:
Edizioni dell'Ateneo, 1967-75).
Meshel, Z., "The Architecture of the Israelite Fortresses in the Negev," in The
Architecture of Ancient Israel from the Prehistoric to the Persian Periods in Memory of Immanuel
(Munya) Dunayevsky, edited by A. Kempinski and R. Reich (Jerusalem: Israel
Exploration Society, 1992) 294-301.
Meskell, L., ed. Archaeology under Fire: Nationalism, Politics and Heritage in the Eastern
Mediterranean and Middle East (London and New York: Routledge, 1998).
Messerschmidt, L. and A. Ungnad, Vorderasiatische Schriftdenhndler der kb'niglichen Museen
zu Berlin, 1 (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1907).
Mettinger, T. N. D., "Israelite Aniconism: Developments and Origins," in The Image
and the Book: Iconic Cults, Aniconism, and the Rise of Book Religion in Israel and the Ancient
Near East, edited by K. van der Toorn (Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and
Theology 21; Louvain: Peeters, 1997) 173-204.
, No Graven Image? Israelite Aniconism in its Ancient Near Eastern Context (ConBOT
42; Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1995).
Metzler, D., "Bildersturme und Bilderfeindlichkeit in der Antike," in Bildersturm: Die
êrstorung des Kunstuuerks, edited by M. Warnke (Kunstwissenschaftliche Untersuchungen
des Ulmer Vereins fur Kunstwissenschaft 1; Munich: Carl Hanser, 1973) 14-29.
Meyer, E., Geschichte des Altertums, Bd. 1: Einleitung. Elemente der Anthropologie (2nd ed.;
Stuttgart & Berlin: J. G. Gotta, 1907).
Michalowski, P., "Memory and Deed: the Historiography of the Political Expansion
of the Akkad State," in Akkad the First World Empire: Structure, Ideology, Traditions,
edited by M. Liverani (History of the Ancient Near East/Studies 5; Padova:
Sargon srl, 1993) 69-90.
, "Presence at the Creation," in Lingering Over Words: Studies in Ancient Near Eastern
Literature in Honor of William L. Moron, edited by I. T. Abusch, J. Huehnergard
and P. Steinkeller (HSS 37; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1990) 381-96.
Michel, C. and P. Garelli, "Heurts avec une principaute anatolienne," W^KAl 86
(1996) 277-90.
Michel, E., "Die Assur-Texte Salmanassars III. (858-824)," WO 1/1 (1947) 5~20.
, "Die Assur-Texte Salmanassars III. (858-824), 5. Text," WO 1/2 (1947) 57-71.
, "Die Assur-Texte Salmanassars III. (858-824), 8. Fortsetzung," WO 2/3 (1956)
221-33.
, "Die Assur-Texte Salmanassars III. (858-824), 11. Fortsetzung," WO 4 (1967)
29-37.
, "Ein neuentdeckter Annalen-Text Salmanassars III. (858-824), 31. Text," WO
1/6 (1952) 454-75.
Mierzewski, M. and R. Sobolewski, "Polish Excavations at Nimrud/Kalhu 1974-6,"
Sumer 36 (1980) 151-62.
Millard, A. R., "Another Babylonian Chronicle Text," Iraq 26 (1964) 14-35.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 479
—, The Eponyms of the Assyrian Empire, 910-612 B.C. (SAAS 2; Helsinki: Helsinki
—, "Fragments of Historical Texts from Nineveh: Ashurbanipal," Iraq 30 (1968)
98-111.
—, "The Homeland of Zakkur," Sem 39 (1990) 47-52.
—, "The Inscription of Zakkur, King of Hamath (2.35)," COS 2:155.
—, "Large Numbers in the Assyrian Royal Inscriptions," in Ah, Assyria . . . Studies
in Assyrian History and Ancient Near Eastern Historiography Presented to Hayim Tadmor,
edited by M. Cogan and I. Eph'al (ScrHie 33; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1991)
213-22.
-, "VRVSahuppa" AfO 24 (1973) 72.
Miroschedji, P. de, "La localisation de Madaktu et 1'organisation politique de 1'Elam
a 1'epoque neo-elamite," in Fragmenta Historiae Elamicae: Melanges offerts a M. J. Steve,
edited by L. D. Meyer, H. Gasche and F. Vallat (Paris: Editions Recherche sur
les Civilisations, 1986) 209-25.
Monte, G. F. del and J. Tischler, Die Orts- und Gewassemamen der hethitischen Texte
(BTAVO B7; Rep. geogr. 6; Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1978).
Moore, G. F., History of Religions (revised ed.; New York: Charles Scribner's Sons,
1947).
Moorey, P. R. S., "A Bronze 'Pazuzu' Statuette from Egypt," Iraq 27 (1965) 33-41.
Moortgat-Correns, U., "Ein Kultbild Ninurtas aus neuassyrischer Zeit," AfO 35
(1988) 117-33.
Moran, W. L., "Assurbanipal's Message to the Babylonians (ABL 301), with a
Excursus on Figurative biltu" in Ah, Assyria . . . Studies in Assyrian History and Ancient
Near Eastern Historiography Presented to Hayim Tadmor, edited by M. Cogan and I.
Eph'al (ScrHie 33; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1991) 320-31.
Morandi, D., "Stele e statue reali assire: localizzazione, diffusione e implicazioni
ideologiche," Mesopotamia 23 (1988) 105-55.
Morandi Bonacossi, D., '"Landscapes of Power': the Political Organisation of Space
in the Lower Habur Valley in the Neo-Assyrian Period," SAAB 10/2 (1996) 15-49.
Mosshammer, A. A., The Chronicle of Eusebius and Greek Chronographic Tradition (Cranbury,
NJ and London: Associated University Presses, 1979).
Movers, F. K., Die Phonizier (Bonn: Eduard Weber, 1841-56).
Muir, W., The Life of Mahomet and History of Islam to the Era of the Hegira: with Introductory
Chapters on the Original Sources for the Biography of Mahomet and on the pre-Islamite History
of Arabia (London: Smith, Elder, 1858-1861).
Mukherjee, S. N., Sir William Jones: a Study in Eighteenth-Century British Attitudes to India
(2nd ed.; Hyderabad, India: Orient Longman, 1987).
Mullen, E. T., Jr., "Crime and Punishment: The Sins of the King and the Despoliation
of the Treasuries," CBQ,54 (1992) 231-48.
Miiller, F. M., Chips from a German Workshop, Bd. 1: Essays on the Science of Religion
(New York: Charles Scribner, 1869).
Miiller, K., "Der Stadttempel," in Tell Halaf, Bd. 2: Die Bauwerke, edited by Felix
Langenegger and Rudolf Naumann (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co., 1950)
349-57.
Miiller, K. F., Das assyrische Ritual Teil I: Texte zum assyrischen Kb'nigsritual (MVAG
41/3; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1937).
Munslow, A., Deconstructing History (London and New York: Routledge, 1997).
Miinter, F., Religion der Babylonier (Kopenhagen: Johann Heinrich Schubothe, 1827).
Murad, H. Q., "Origins of Shfism According to Western Islamicists," Hamdard
Islamicus 5 (1982) 43-59.
Miirdter, F. and F. Delitzsch, Kurzgefasste Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens nach den
Keilschriftdenkmalern: mit besonderer Berucksichtigung des Alien Testaments (Stuttgart:
D. Bundert, 1882).
480 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Muscarella, O. W., "Fibulae Represented on Sculpture," JNES 26 (1967) 82-86.

, ed. Ladders to Heaven: Art Treasures from Lands of the Bible (Toronto: McClelland
and Stewart, 1981).
Muscarella, O. W. and E. Williams-Forte, "Surkh Dum at the Metropolitan Museum
of Art: a Mini-Report," JFA 8 (1981) 327-59.
Muss-Arnolt, W., A Concise Dictionary of the Assyrian Language (Berlin: Reuther &
Reichard, 1905).
, "The Works of Jules Oppert," BASS 2 (1894) 523-56.
Na'aman, N., "Ahaz's and Hezekiah's Policy Toward Assyria in the Days of Sargon
II and Sennacherib's Early Years," gori 59 (1994) 5-30 [Hebrew].
, "Chronology and History in the Late Assyrian Empire (631-619 B.C.)," %A
81 (1991) 243-67.
, "The Deuteronomist and Voluntary Servitude to Foreign Powers," JSOT 65
(1995) 37-53.
, "Hezekiah and the Kings of Assyria," Tel Aviv 21 (1994) 235-54.
, "The Kingdom ofjudah under Josiah," Tel Aviv 18 (1991) 3-71.
, "Province System and Settlement Pattern in Southern Syria and Palestine in
the Neo-Assyrian Period," in Neo-Assyrian Geography, edited by M. Liverani (Quaderni
, "Siruatti the Me'unite in a Second Inscription of Tiglath-pileser III," N.A.B. U.
(1998/6) 7.
Nash, G., "Thomas Carlyle and Islam," World Order 19 (1984-85) 9-22.
Nashef, K., Die Orts- und Gewassemamen der altassyrischen %eit (BTAVO B7; Rep. geogr.
4; Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1991).
, Die Orts- und Gewassemamen der mittelbabylonischen und mittelassyrischen £eit (BTAVO
B7; Rep. geogr. 5; Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1982).
-, Rekonstruktion der Reiserouten zur êit der altassyrischen Handelsniederlassungen (BTAVO
B83; Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1987).
-, "Der Taban-Fluss," BaghM 13 (1982) 117-41.
Nasr, S. V. R., "European Colonialism and the Emergence of Modern Muslim
States," in The Oxford History of Islam, edited by J. L. Esposito (Oxford: Oxford
Nassouhi, E., "Prisme d'Assurbanipal date de sa trentieme annee, provenant du
temple de Gula a Babylone," AJK 2 (1924-25) 97-106.
Nelson, B. J., "Public Policy and Administration: an Overview," in A New Handbook
of Political Science, edited by R. E. Goodin and H.-D. Klingemann (Oxford: Oxford
Newman, J. H., Lectures on the History of the Turks in its Relation to Christianity (Dublin;
London: John Duffy; Charles Dolman, 1854).
Nickelsburg, G. WT. E., "Abraham the Convert: A Jewish Tradition and Its Use by
the Apostle Paul," in Biblical Figures Outside the Bible, edited by M. E. Stone and
T. A. Bergren (Harrisburg, PA: Trinity Press International, 1998) 151-75.
Niebuhr, M. von, Geschichte Assur's und Babel's seit Phul aus der Concordant des Alten
Testaments, des Berossos, des Kanons der Konige und der griechischen Schriftsteller (Berlin:
Verlag Von Wilhelm Hertz, 1857).
Niehr, H., "Die Reform des Joschija. Methodische, historische und religions-
geschichtliche Aspeckte," in Jeremia und die "deuteronomistische Bewegung", edited by
W. Gross (BBB, 98; Weinheim: Beltz Athenaum Verlag, 1995) 33-55.
Nies, J. B. and C. E. Keiser, Historical, Religious and Economic Texts and Antiquities (BIN
2; New Haven: Yale University Press, 1920).
Nissinen, M., References to Prophecy in Neo-Assyrian Sources (SAAS 7; Helsinki: The Neo-
Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1998).
Noldeke, T., "Mohammedanism, Part III: The Koran," EBrit (9th ed.; 1883)
16:597-606.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 481
Norris, E., Assyrian Dictionary: Intended to Further the Study of the Cuneiform Inscriptions of
Assyria and Babylonia, Vol. II (London: Williams and Norgate, 1870).
Nougayrol, J., "La Lamastu a Byblos," RA 65 (1971) 173-74.
, "La Lamastu a Ugarit," in Ugaritica VI, edited by C. F. A. Schaeffer (BAH
81; MRS 17; Paris: Librairie orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1969) 393-408.
-, Le Palais Royal d'Ugarit, IV (BAH 74; MRS 9; Paris: Imprimerie Nationale
and Librairie Klincksieck, 1956).
Oates, J., "The Fall of Assyria (635-609 B.C.)," CAH'2 3/2, 162-93.
Oded, B., "Ahaz's Appeal to Tiglath-Pileser III in the Context of the Assyrian
Policy of Expansion," in Studies in the Archaeology and History of Ancient Israel in Honour
of Moshe Dothan, edited by M. Heltzer, A. Segal and D. Kaufman (Haifa: Haifa
, '"The Command of the God' as a Reason for Going to War in the Assyrian
Royal Inscriptions," in Ah, Assyria. . . Studies in Assyrian History and Ancient Near
Eastern Historiography Presented to Hayim Tadmor, edited by M. Cogan and I. Eph'al
(ScrHie 33; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1991) 223-30.
, Mass Deportations and Deportees in the Neo-Assyrian Empire (Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig
Reichert Verlag, 1979).
, "The Phoenician Cities and the Assyrian Empire in the Time of Tiglath-
pileser III," fDPV 90 (1974) 38-49.
-, War, Peace and Empire: Justifications for War in Assyrian Royal Inscriptions (Wiesbaden:
Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1992).
Oestreicher, T., Das Deuteronomische Grundgesetz (BFChTh 27/4; Giitersloh: T. Bertels-
mann, 1923).
Olivier, J. P. J., "Restitution as Economic Redress: The Fine Print of the Old
Babylonian mesarum-Edict of Ammisaduqa," ÂBR 3 (1997) 12~25.
Olmstead, A. T. E., "Assyrian Government of Dependencies," American Political Science
Review 12 (1918) 65-77.
, "Assyrian Historiography: A Source Study" (University of Missouri Studies,
Social Science Series 3/1; Columbia, MO: University of Missouri, 1916) 1-66.
, "The Calculated Frightfulness of Ashur Nasir Apal," JAOS 38 (1918) 217-63.
, History of Assyria (New York and London: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1923).
, History of Palestine and Syria (New York and London: Charles Scribner's Sons,
1931).
, "The New Arab Kingdom and the Fate of the Muslim World," University of
Illinois Bulletin, no. 17, December 23, 1918, 3-12.
, "Oriental Imperialism," AHR 23 (1918) 755-62.
, "Tiglath-pileser I and His Wars," JAOS 17 (1917) 169-85.
, Western Asia in the Days of Sargon of Assyria, 722-705 B.C. (New York: Henry
Holt and Company, 1908).
Olmstead, A. T. E., B. B. Charles and J. E. Wrench, Travels and Studies in the Nearer
East, Vol. 1: Hittite Inscriptions (Cornell Expedition to Asia Minor and Assyro-
Babylonian Orient; Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1911).
Onasch, H.-U., Die assyrischen Erobemngen Agyptens (AAT 27; Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz,
1994).
Oppenheim, A. L., "Analysis of an Assyrian Ritual (KAR 139)," HR 5 (1965) 250-65.
, "The City of Assur in 714 B.C.," JNES 19 (1960) 133-47.
, Letters from Mesopotamia: Official Business, and Private Letters on Clay Tablets from
Two Millennia (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1967).
Oppenheim, M. F. von, "Imamkulu, ein neues subaraisches Denkmal aus der
Hettiterzeit in Kleinasien," AfO 11 (1936-37) 341-50.
, Der Tell Halaf, eine neue Kultur im altesten Mesopotamien (Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1931).
Oppert, J. and J. Menant, Grande Inscription du Palais de Khorsabad (Paris: Imprimerie
Imperiale, 1863).
482 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Oren, E. D., "Sera', Tel," NEAEHL 4:1329a-35b.

, "Ziklag—A Biblical City on the Edge of the Negev," BA 45 (1982) 155-66.
Oman, T., "The Transition from Figured to Non-Figured Representations in First
Millennium Mesopotamian Glyptic," in Seals and Sealings in the Ancient Near East:
Proceedings of the Symposium Held on September 2, 1993, edited by J. G. Westenholz
(Bible Lands Museum Publications 1; Jerusalem: Bible Lands Museum Jerusalem,
1995) 39-56.
Orthmann, W., "L'architecture religieuse de Tell Chuera," Akkadica 69 (1990) 1-18.
, "Mumbaqat 1974: Vorlaufiger Bericht iiber die von der Deutschen Orient-
Gesellschaft mit Mitteln der Stiftung Volkswagenwerk unternommenen Ausgra-
bungen," MDOG 108 (1976) 25-44.
Untersuchungen zur spdthethitischen Kunst (Saarbriicker Beitrage zur Altertumskunde
8; Bonn: Rudolf Habelt, 1971).
Orthmann, W. and H. Kiihne, "Mumbaqat 1973: Vorlaufiger Bericht uber die von
der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft mit Mitteln der Stiftung Volkswagenwerk unter-
nommenen Ausgrabungen," MDOG 106 (1974) 53-97.
Osborn, R. D., Islam and the Arabs (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1876).
Otto, E., "Anuket," LA 1:333-34.
, "Programme der sozialen Gerechtigkeit: die neuassyrische (a/z-y«rarwTnstitution
sozialen Ausgleichs und das deuteronomische ErlaBjahr in Dtn 15," ÂBR 3
(1997) 26-63.
Otzen, B., "The Aramaic Inscriptions," in Hama: Fouilles et recherches de la Fondation
Carlsberg, 1931-1938, Vol. 2, Part 2: Hama: Les objets de la periode dite syro-hittite (Age
du Per), edited by P. J. Riis and M.-L. Buhl (Nationalmuseets Skrifter 12;
Copenhagen: Nationalmuseet, 1990) 265-318.
Palgrave, W. G., Narrative of a Year's Journey through Central and Eastern Arabia (1862-63)
(2nd ed.; London and Cambridge: Macmillan, 1865).
Pallis, S. A. F. D., The Antiquity of Iraq: A Handbook of Assyriology (Copenhagen:
Munksgaard, 1965).
, Early Exploration in Mesopotamia; with a List of the Assyro-Babylonian Cuneiform Texts
Published before 1851 (Det kongelige Danske videnskabernes selskab. Historisk-
filologiske meddelelser 33/6; Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1954).
Pardee, D., Handbook of Ancient Hebrew Letters (SBLSBS 15; Chico, CA: Scholars Press,
1982).
Parker, B., "Excavations at Nimrud, 1949-1954. Seals and Seal Impressions," Iraq
17 (1955) 93-125.
, "The Nimrud Tablets, 1952—Business Documents," Iraq 16 (1954) 29-58.
, "Seals and Seal Impressions from the Nimrud Excavations, 1955-1958," Iraq
24 (1962) 26-40.
Parpola, S., "The Assyrian Cabinet," in Vom Alien Orient zum Alien Testament: Fest-
schrift fur Wolfram Freiherm von Soden zum 85. Geburtstag am 19. Juni 1993, edited by
M. Dietrich and O. Loretz (AOAT 240; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker;
, Assyrian Prophecies (SAA 9; Helsinki: Helsinki University Press, 1997).
, "Assyrian Royal Inscriptions and Neo-Assyrian Letters," in Assyrian Royal
Inscriptions: New Horizons in Literary, Ideological, and Historical Analysis, edited by
F. M. Fales (OrAntC 17; Rome: Istituto per 1'Oriente, 1981) 117-42.
, Correspondence of Sargon II. Part 1: Letters from Assyria and the West (SAA 1; Helsinki:
Helsinki University Press, 1987).
Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum, Part 53: Neo-Assyrian
Letters from the Kuyunjik Collection (London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1979).
, "The Forlorn Scholar," in Language, Literature, and History: Philological and Historical
Studies Presented to Erica Reiner, edited by F. Rochberg-Halton (AOS 67; New Haven:
American Oriental Society, 1987) 257-78.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 483
, "A Letter from Marduk-apla-usur of Anah to Rudamu/Urtamis, King of

Hamath," in Hama: Fouilles et recherches de la Fondation Carlsberg, 1931-1938, Vol. 2,
Part 2: Hama: Les objets de la periode dite syro-hittite (Age du Per), edited by P. J. Riis
and M.-L. Buhl (Nationalmuseets Skrifter 12; Copenhagen: Nationalmuseet, 1990)
257-65.
—, "A Letter from Samas-sumu-ukTn to Esarhaddon," Iraq 34 (1972) 21-34.
—, Letters from Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars (SAA 10; Helsinki: Helsinki University
Press, 1993).
—, Letters from Assyrian Scholars to the Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal. Part 1: Texts
(AOAT 5/1; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener
Verlag, 1970).
—, Letters from Assyrian Scholars to the Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal. Part 2:
Commentaries and Appendices (AOAT 5/2; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker;
Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1983).
"The Murderer of Sennacherib," in Death in Mesopotamia. XXVI' Rencontre
Assyriologique Internationale, edited by B. Alster (Mes[C] 8; Copenhagen: Akademisk
Forlag, 1980) 171-82.
, Mo-Assyrian Toponyms (AOAT 6; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-
, "Neo-Assyrian Treaties from the Royal Archives of Nineveh," JCS 39 (1987)
161-89.
, "Si'gabbar of Nerab Resurrected," OLP 16 (1985) 273-75.
Parpola, S. and K. Watanabe, Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths (SAA 2; Helsinki:
Parrot, A., Assur (L'Univers des formes 2; Paris: Gallimard, 1961).
Paterson, A., Assyrian Sculptures: Palace of Sinacherib (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1915).
Pearce, L. and K. Radner, "Assur-resuwa," in The Prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian
Empire, Vol. 1, Part 1: A, edited by K. Radner (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text
Corpus Project, 1998) 212-13.
Pecirkova, J., "The Administrative Methods of Assyrian Imperialism," ArOr 55 (1987)
162-75.
, "Assyria Under Sennacherib," ArOr 61 (1993) 1-10.
, "Social and Economic Aspects of Mesopotamian History in the Work of Soviet
Historians (Mesopotamia in the First Millennium B.C.)," ArOr 47 (1979) 111-22.
Pecorella, P. E., "Le campagne di scavo tra il 1980 e il 1993 a Tell Barri/Kahat
(Siria)," in Tell Barri/Kahat 2: rela&one sulk campagne 1980-1993 a Tell Barri/Kahat,
ml bacino del Habur (Siria), edited by P. E. Pecorella (Documenta Asiana 5; Rome:
CNR: Istituto per gli Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici, 1998) 15-27.
Pedersen, O., Archives and Libraries in the City of Assur: A Survey of the Material from the
German Excavations, Part I (Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, Studia Semitica Upsaliensia
6; Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1985).
Peltre, C., Les Orientalistes (Paris: Hazan, 1997).
Perrot, G. and C. Chipiez, A History of Art in Chaldaea & Assyria (trans. W. Armstrong;
London: Chapman and Hall; New York: A. C. Armstrong and Son, 1884).
Perry, B. E., The Ancient Romances. A Literary-Historical Account of Their Origins (Berkeley
and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1967).
Perry, E. G., Hymnen und Gebete an Sin (LSSt 2/4; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1907).
Peters, J. P., Nippur, or, Explorations and Adventures on the Euphrates: the Narration of the
University of Pennsylvania Expedition to Babylonia in the Years 1888-1890 (New York
and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1897).
Petrie, W. M. F., Gerar (British School of Archaeology in Egypt Publications; London:
British School of Egyptian Archaeology, 1928).
Petrie, W. M. F. and J. C. Ellis, Anthedon (Sinai) (British School of Archaeology in
Egypt Publications; London: British School of Egyptian Archaeology, 1937).
484 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Phillips, C. R., Ill, "Nullum Crimen sine Lege: Socioreligious Sanctions on Magic," in
Magika Hiera: Ancient Greek Magic and Religion, edited by C. A. Faraone and D. Obbink
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991) 260-76.
Phillips, S., Guide to the Crystal Palace and Park (4th ed.; London: Crystal Palace
Library, 1855).
Pick, D., Faces of Degeneration: a European Disorder, c. 1848-c. 1918 (Ideas in Context;
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989).
Piepkorn, A. C., Historical Prism Inscriptions of Ashurbanipal, I: Editions E, El-5, D, and
K (AS 5; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1933).
Pinches, T. G., "The Bronze Gates Discovered by Mr. Rassam at Balawat," TSBA
1 (1882) 83-118.
, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (RelAM; London: Archibald Constable &
Co., 1906).
Pitard, W. T., "The Archaeology of Emar," in Emar: the History, Religion, and Culture
of a Syrian Town in the Late Bronze Age, edited by M. W. Chavalas (Bethesda, MD:
CDL Press, 1996) 13-23.
Place, V. and F. Thomas, Mniue et I'Assyrie (Paris: Imprimerie Imperiale, 1867).
Podella, T., Som-Fasten: Kollektive Trauer urn den verborgenen Gott im Alien Testament
Verlag, 1989).
Pollard, S., The Idea of Progress: History and Society (The New Thinker's Library 26;
London: Watts, 1968).
Pongratz-Leisten, B., "Anzu-Vogel fur das E.HUL.HUL in Harran," in Beitrage zur
Kulturgeschichte Vorderasiens: Festschrift Jur Rainer Michael Boehmer, edited by U. Finkbeiner,
R. Dittmann and H. Hauptmann (Mainz: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 1995) 549-57.
, Herrschqftswissen in Mesopotamien: Formen der Kommunikation zwischen Gott und Kb'nig
im 2. und 1. Jahrtausend v.Chr. (SAAS 10; Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus
Project, 1999).
, Ina sulmi irub: Die kulttopographische und ideologische Programmatik der akitu-Prozession
in Babyknien und Assyrien im I. Jahrtausend v. Chr. (BaghF 16; Mainz am Rhein:
Philipp von Zabern, 1994).
, "The Interplay of Military Strategy and Cultic Practice in Assyrian Politics,"
in Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text
Corpus Project, Helsinki, September 7-11, 1995, edited by S. Parpola and R. M.
Whiting (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1997) 245~52.
, "Mesopotamische Standarten in literarischen Zeugnissen," BaghM 23 (1992)
299-40.
, "Das 'negative Siindenbekenntnis' des Konigs anlaBlich babylonischen
Neujahrfestes und die kidinnutu von Babylon," in Schuld, Gewissen und Person: Studien
zur Geschichte des inneren Menschen, edited by J. Assmann, T. Sundermeier and
H. Wrogemann (Studien zum Verstehen fremder Religionen 9; Giitersloh: Giiters-
loher Verlagshaus, 1997) 83-101.
, "Neujahr(s fest). B. akkadischen Quellen," RLA 9:294a~98a.
, "Territorialer Fiihrungsanspruch und religiose Praxis in Assyrien: zur Stadtgott-
Theologie in assyrischen Residenz- und Provinzstadten," in Religiose Kommunikation—
Formen und Praxis vor der Neuzeit, edited by G. Binder and K. Ehlich (Statten und
Formen der Kommunikation im Altertum, 6; Bochumer Altertumswissenschaftlichen
Colloquium, 26; Trier: Wissenschaftlicher Verlag Trier, 1997) 9-34.
, "Toponyme als Ausdruck assyrischen Herrschaftsanspruchs," in Ana sadi Labndni
lu allik: Beitrage zu altorientalischen und mittelmeerischen Kulturen. Festschrift fur Wolfgang
Rollig, edited by B. Pongratz-Leisten, H. Kuhne and P. Xella (AOAT 247;
Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag,
1997) 325-43.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 485
Porada, E. and B. Buchanan, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals in North American
Collections: The Collection of the Pierpont Morgan Library (BollS 14; Washington, D.C.:
Bollingen Foundation, 1948).
Porter, B. N., "Gods' Statues as a Tool of Assyrian Political Policy: Esarhaddon's
Return of Marduk to Babylon," in Religious Transformations and Socio-Political Change:
Eastern Europe and Latin America, edited by L. H. Martin (New York and Berlin:
Mouton de Gruyter, 1993) 9-24.
, Images, Power, and Politics: Figurative Aspects of Esarhaddon's Babylonian Policy (MAPS
208; Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1993).
, "Language, Audience and Impact in Imperial Assyria," in Language and Culture
in the Near East, edited by S. Izre'el and R. Drory (Israel Oriental Studies 15;
Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1995) 51-72.
, "What the Assyrians Thought the Babylonians Thought about the Relative
Status of Nabu and Marduk in the Late Assyrian Period," in Assyria 1995: Proceedings
of the 10th Anniversary Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, September
Text Corpus Project, 1997) 253-60.
Porter, D., "Orientalism and Its Problems," in The Politics of Theory: Proceedings of the
Essex Conference on the Sociology of Literature, July 1982, edited by F. Barker (Colchester:
University of Essex, 1983) 179-93.
Postgate, J. N., "Ancient Assyria—a Multi-Racial State," ARAM 1/1 (1989) 1-10.
, "Assyria: the Home Provinces," in Neo-Assyrian Geography, edited by M. Liverani
(Quaderni di Geografia Storica 5; Rome: Universita di Roma "La Sapienza",
1995) 1-17.
, "The Economic Structure of the Assyrian Empire," in Power and Propaganda:
, The Governor's Palace Archive (CTN 2; Oxford: British School of Archaeology
in Iraq, 1973).
, "The Inscription of Tiglath-pileser III at Mila Mergi," Sumer 29 (1973) 47-59.
, "Isana," RLA 5:173a.
, "Kahat," RLA 5:287a-b.
, "Katmuhu," RLA 5:487a-88a.
, "Kurba'il," RLA 6:367b-68a.
, "The Land of Assur and the Yoke of Assur," WoAr 23/3 (1992) 247-63.
, "Laqe," RLA 6:492b-94b.
, Neo-Assyrian Royal Land Grants and Decrees (StPSM 1; Rome: Pontifical Biblical
Institute, 1969).
, "Review of Assyrische Tempel, by Brigitte Menzel," JSS 28 (1983) 155-59.
, "Review of Mittelassyrische Rechtsurkunden und Verwaltungstexte, by Helmut Freydank,"
BiOr 37 (1980) 67-70.
, "Review of Die Orts- und Gewdssernamen der mittelbabylonischen und mittelassyrischen
Zeit, by Khaled Nashef," AfO 32 (1985) 65-101.
, "The Role of the Temple in the Mesopotamian Secular Community," in
Man, Settlement and Urbanism: Proceedings of a Meeting of the Research Seminar in Archaeology
and Related Subjects Held at the Institute of Archaeology, London University, edited by
P. J. Ucko, R. Tringham and G. W. Dimbleby (London: Duckworth, 1972) 811-25.
, "Royal Ideology and State Administration in Sumer and Akkad," CANE
1:395-411.
, Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian Empire (StPSM 3; Rome: Biblical Institute
Press, 1974).
Postgate, J. N. and M. A. Powell, eds. "Domestic Animals of Mesopotamia, Parts
1-2" Bulletin on Sumerian Agriculture 7-8 (1993, 1995).
486 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Potts, D. T., "Trans-Arabian Routes of the pre-Islamic Period," in The Arabs and
Arabia on the Eve of Islam, edited by F. E. Peters (The Formation of the Classical
Islamic World 3; Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999) 45-81.
Powell, A. A., Muslims and Missionaries in Pre-Mutiny India (LSSA 7; Richmond, Surrey:
Curzon Press, 1993).
Prag, K., "The 1959 Deep Sounding at Harran in Turkey," Levant 2 (1970) 63-94.
Pratt, M. L., Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (New York: Routledge, 1992).
Preusser, C., Nordmesopotamische Baudenkmdler altchristlicher und islamischer £eit (WVDOG
17; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1911).
Price, S. R. F., "From Noble Funerals to Divine Cult: the Consecration of Roman
Emperors," in Rituals of Royalty: Power and Ceremonial in Traditional Societies, edited
by D. Cannadine and S. R. F. Price (Past and Present Publications; Cambridge
and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987) 56-105.
Prideaux, H., The True Nature of Imposture Fully Displayed in the Life of Mahomet (First
American ed.; Fairhaven, VT: Printed by James Lyon, 1798).
Pritchard, J. B., ed. Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1950).
, ed. Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament (3rd ed. with supple-
ment; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969).
, Sarepta IV: The Objects from Area II, X: The University Museum of the University of
Pennsylvania Excavations at Sarafand, Lebanon (Publications de PUniversite Libanaise
2; Beirut: Departement des Publications de PUniversite Libanaise, 1988).
, Sarepta: A Preliminary Report on the Iron Age Excavations of the University Museum of
the University of Pennsylvania, 1970-72 (Philadelphia: University Museum, University
of Pennsylvania, 1975).
Quet, M.-H., "Romans grecs, mosai'ques romaines," in Le monde du roman grec: Actes
du colloque international tenu a I'Ecole normale superieure (Paris 17-19 decembre 1987),
edited by M.-F. Baslez, P. Hoffmann and M. Trede (Paris: Presses de I'Ecole
normale superieure, 1992) 125-60.
Radner, K., "Der Gott Salmanu ('Sulmanu') und seine Bezeihung zur Stadt Dur-
Katlimmu," WO 29 (1998) 33-51.
, "II. The Political History of Assurbanipal's Reign," in The Prosopography of the
Neo-Assyrian Empire, Vol. 1, Part 1: A, edited by K. Radner (Helsinki: The Neo-
Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1998) 163-71.
Rainey, A. F., "Hezekiah's Reform and the Altars at Beer-sheba and Arad," in
Scripture and Other Artifacts: Essays on the Bible and Archaeology in Honor of Philip J.
King, edited by M. D. Coogan, J. C. Exum and L. E. Stager (Louisville, KY:
Westminster/John Knox Press, 1994) 333-54.
, "Toponymic Problems (cont): the Brook of Egypt," Tel Aviv 9 (1982) 131-32.
Rashid, F., "A Royal Text from Tell Haddad," Sumer 37 (1981) 72-80 [Arabic].
Rawlinson, G., "Assyria," in Dr. William Smith's Dictionary of the Bible; Comprising its
Antiquities, Biography, Geography, and National History, edited by H. B. Hackett and
A. Ezra (New York: Kurd and Houghton, 1871) 1:185-91.
, "Early Oriental History [review of F. Lenormant, Manuel d'histoire ancienne de
I'Orient jusqu'aux guenes mediques]," The Contemporary Review 14, April-July (1870) 80-100.
, The Historical Evidences of the Truth of the Scripture Records Stated Anew, with Special
Reference to the Doubts and Discoveries of Modem Times. In Eight Lectures Delivered in the
Oxford University Pulpit, in the Year 1859, on the Bampton Foundation (Boston: Gould
and Lincoln, 1868).
, The History of Herodotus (New York: D. Appleton & Company, 1859).
, A Manual of Ancient History, from the Earliest Times to the Fall of the Western Empire.
Comprising the History of Chaldtea, Assyria, Media, Babylonia, Lydia, Phoenicia, Syria, Judaa,
Egypt, Carthage, Persia, Greece, Macedonia, Parthia, and Rome (New York: Harper &
Brothers, 1869).
BIBLIOGRAPHY 487
-, A Memoir of Major-General Sir Henry Creswicke Rawlinson (London: Longmans,

Green, & Co.,
, The Origin of Nations (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1881).
, The Religions of the Ancient World, including Egypt, Phoenicia, Assyria and Babylonia,
Etruria, Persia, Greece, India, Rome (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1883).
Rawlinson, H. Q, "Assyrian Antiquities," Athenaeum, no. 1243, August 23, 1851, 902-3.
, "Assyrian History," Athenaeum, no. 1805, May 31, 1862, 724-25.
, "Babylonian Discoveries," Athenaeum, no. 1377, March 18, 1854, 341-43.
, "Babylonian Discovery: Queen Semiramis," Athenaeum, no. 1381, April 15,
1854, 465-66.
, "Bible History and the Rawlinson Canon," Athenaeum, no. 1812, July 19, 1862,
82-83.
, "Biblical Geography," Athenaeum, no. 1799, April 19, 1862, 529-31.
, A Commentary on the Cuneiform Inscriptions of Babylonia and Assyria; Including Readings
of the Inscription of the Nimrud Obelisk, and a Brief Notice of the Ancient Kings of Nineveh
and Babylon (London: John W. Parker, 1850).
, The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, Copied by E. Norris, Vol. 1 (London:
R. E. Bowler, 1861).
, "On the Chronology and History of the Great Assyrian Empire," in The
History of Herodotus, edited by G. Rawlinson (New York: D. Appleton & Company,
1861) 1:360-401.
, "On the Inscriptions of Assyria and Babylonia," JRAS 12 (1850) 401-83.
, "On the Religion of the Assyrians and the Babylonians," in The History of
Herodotus, edited by G. Rawlinson (New York: D. Appleton & Company, 1859)
1:475-522.
, Outlines of Assyrian History from the Inscriptions of Nineveh. The Twenty-Ninth Annual
Report of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain (London: John W. Parker and Son,
1852).
Rawlinson, H. C. and G. Smith, A Selection from the Miscellaneous Inscriptions of Assyria
(London: R. E. Bowler, 1870).
Rawlinson, H. C., W. H. F. Talbot, E. Hincks and J. Oppert, Inscription of Tiglath
Pileser I., King of Assyria, B.C. 1150 (London: John W. Parker and Son, 1857).
Reade, J. E., "Assyrian Campaigns, 840-811 B.C., and the Babylonian Frontier,"
£A 68 (1978) 251-60.
, "Assyrian Eponyms, Kings and Pretenders, 648-605 B.C.," Or 67 (1998) 255-65.
, "The Elamite Tablets from Nineveh," N.A.B.U. (1992/119) 87-88.
, "Ideology and Propaganda in Assyrian Art," in Power and Propaganda: A Symposium
on Ancient Empires, edited by M. T. Larsen (Mes[C] 7; Copenhagen: Akademisk
Forlag, 1979) 329-43.
, "Iran in the Neo-Assyrian Period," in Neo-Assyrian Geography, edited by M. Liverani
(Quaderni di Geografia Storica 5; Rome: Universita di Roma "La Sapienza",
1995) 31-42.
, "The Palace of Tiglath-Pileser III," Iraq 30 (1968) 69-73.
, "Les relations anglo-francaises en Assyrie," in De Khorsabad a Paris: la decou-
verte des Assyriens, edited by E. Fontan (Louvre, Departement des Antiquites ori-
entales: notes et documents des Musees de France 26; Paris: Reunion des Musees
Nationaux, 1994) 116-35.
, "Sargon's Campaigns of 720, 716, and 715 B.C.: Evidence from the Sculptures,"
JNES 35 (1976) 95-104.
, "Shikaft-i Gulgul: Its Date and Symbolism," IrAnt 12 (1977) 33-44.
, "Sources for Sennacherib: the Prisms," JCS 27 (1975) 189-96.
, "Studies in Assyrian Geography: Sennacherib and the Waters of Nineveh,"
RA 72 (1978) 47-72.
Reich, R., "Abu Salima, Tell (Sheikh Zuweid)," NEAEHL l:15a-b.
488 BIBLIOGRAPHY
, "The Identification of the 'Sealed karu of Egypt'," IEJ 34 (1984) 32-38.

, "The Persian Building at Ayyelet ha-Shahar: the Assyrian Palace at Hazor?,"
IEJ 25 (1975) 233-37.
Reimschneider, M., "Urartaische Bauten in den Konigschriften," Or 34 (1965) 312-35.
, "Die urartaischen Gottheiten," Or 32 (1963) 148-69.
Reiner, E., "Another Volume of Sultantepe Tablets," JNES 26 (1967) 177-200.
, "The Babylonian Fiirstenspiegel in Practice," in Societies and Languages of the
Ancient Near East: Studies in Honour of I. M. Diakonoff, edited by M. A. Dandamayev,
et al. (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1982) 320-26.
Reiter, K., "kikkillu/kilkillu, 'Raum zur Aufbewahrung des Eidleistungssymbols (SU.NIR
= surinnum) des Samas'," NA.B.U. (1989/107) 79-80.
Renan, E., History of the People of Israel (trans. J. H. Allen and E. W. Latimer; Boston:
Roberts Brothers, 1888).
Renger, J., "Die Geschichte der Altorientalistik und der vorderasiatischen Archaologie
in Berlin von 1875 bis 1945," in Berlin und die Antike: Architektur, Kunstgewerbe, Malerei,
Skulptur, Theater und Wissenschaft vom 16. Jahrhundert bis heute, edited by W. Arenhovel
and C. Schreiber (Berlin: Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, 1979) 151-92.
, "Kultbild. A. Philologisch," RLA 6:307a-14b.
Renz, J., Die althebrdischen Inschriften, Teil 1: Text und Kommentar (Handbuch der althe-
braischen Epigraphik; Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1995).
Repieciolo, M., "Una nuova interpretatione dell'iscrizione cuneiforme di Citera a
150 anni dal suo ritrovamento," NA.B.U. (1999/18) 19-20.
Reuther, O., Die Innenstadt von Babylon (Merkes) (WVDOG 47; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs,
1926).
Reviv, H., "Kidinnu: Observations on Privileges of Mesopotamian Cities," JESHO 31
(1988) 286-98.
Rice, D. S., "From Sin to Saladin: Excavations in Harran's Great Mosque, with
New Light on the Babylonian King Nabonidus and His 104-Year-Old Mother,"
ILN, vol. 231, September 21, 1957, 466-69.
, "Medieval Harran: Studies on its Topography and Monuments, I," AnSt 2
(1952) 36-83.
-, "Unique Dog Sculptures of Mediaeval Islam: Recent Discoveries in the Ancient
Mesopotamian City of Harran and Light on the Little-Known Numairid Dynasty,"
ILN, vol. 131, September 20, 1952, 466-67.
Rich, J., "Patronage and Interstate Relations in the Roman Republic," in Patronage
in Ancient Society, edited by A. Wallace-Hadrill (London and New York: Routledge,
1989) 117-35.
Richards, J., "Popular Imperialism and the Image of the Army in Juvenile Literature,"
in Popular Imperialism and the Military: 1850-1950, edited by J. M. MacKenzie
(Studies in Imperialism; Manchester: Manchester University Press; New York: St.
Martin's Press, 1992) 80-108.
Richards, T., The Imperial Archive: Knowledge and the Fantasy of Empire (London; New
York: Verso, 1993).
Richter, M., "Despotism," in Dictionary of the History of Ideas: Studies of Selected Pivotal
Ideas, edited by P. P. Wiener (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1973) 2:1-18.
Riis, P. J., "Les donnees topographiques, historiques et stratigraphiques," in Hama:
Fouilles et recherches de la Fondation Carlsberg, 1931-1938, Vol. 2, Part 2: Hama: Les
objets de la periode dite syro-hittite (Age du Per), edited by P. J. Riis and M.-L. Buhl
(Nationalmuseets Skrifter 12; Copenhagen: Nationalmuseet, 1990) 9-26.
Roaf, M., "The Diffusion of the salles a quatre saillants," Iraq 35 (1973) 83-91.
Robertson, J. F., "The Social and Economic Organization of Ancient Mesopotamian
Temples," CANE 1:443-54.
Robio de La Trehonnais, F. M. L. J., Histoire ancienne des peuples de I'Orient jusqu'au
debut des guenes mediques, mise au niveau des plus recentes decouvertes, a I'usage des etab-
lissements d'instruction secondaire (Paris: Charles Douniol, 1862).
BIBLIOGRAPHY 489
Rochberg-Halton, F., Aspects of Babylonian Celestial Divination: The Lunar Eclipse Tablets
of Enuma Ann Enlil (AfOB 22; Horn, Austria: Ferdinand Berger & Sohne, 1988).
, "Calendars, Ancient Near East," ABD 1:811.
Rollig, W., "Aspects of the Historical Geography of Northeastern Syria from Middle
Assyrian to Neo-Assyrian Times," in Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary
Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, September 7-11, 1995, edited
by S. Parpola and R. M. Whiting (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus
Project, 1997) 281-93.
, "Gesellschaft. A. Mesopotamien," RLA 3:233b-36b.
, "Gilzanu," RLA 3:375a-b.
, "Hirimmu," RLA 4:418b.
, "Kumme," RLA 6:336a~37a.
, "Me-Turran, Me-Turnat," RLA 8:150b.
, "Murattas," RLA 8:429a.
Rost, P., Die Keilschrifttexte Tiglat-Pilesers III. nach den Papierabklatschen und Originalen des
Britischen Museums (Leipzig: Eduard Pfeiffer, 1893).
Rubin, E., "Souvenir Miracles: Going to See the Virgin in Western Herzegovina,"
Harper's Magazine, no. 1737, February, 1995, 63-70.
Rudoe, J., "Henry Layard et les decoratifs, du style 'Ninive' en Angleterre," in De
Khorsabad a Paris: la decouverte des Assyriens, edited by E. Fontan and N. Chevalier
(Louvre, Departement des Antiquites orientales: notes et documents des Musees
de France 26; Paris: Reunion des Musees Nationaux, 1994) 260-73.
Russell, H. F., "Archaeological Evidence for the Assyrians in South-East Turkey in
the First Millennium B.C.," in Anadolu demir caglan/Anatolian Iron Ages, edited by
A. Cilingiroglu (Izmir: Ege Universitesi Edebiyat Fakiiltesi Yaymi, 1987) 56~64.
, "The Historical Geography of the Euphrates and Habur according to the
Middle- and Neo-Assyrian Sources," Iraq 47 (1985) 57-74.
Russell, J. M., "Bulls for the Palace and Order in the Empire: the Sculptural
Program of Sennacherib's Court VI at Nineveh," ArtB 69 (1987) 520-39.
, "Neuassyrische Kunstperiode. III. Reliefs.," RLA 9:244a-65a.
, Sennacherib's Palace Without Rival at Nineveh (Chicago: The University of Chicago
Press, 1991).
Russmann, E. R., The Representation of the King in the XXVth Dynasty (Monographies
Reine Elisabeth 3; Brussells: Fondation-Egyptologique Reine Elisabeth; Brooklyn:
Brooklyn Museum, 1974).
Ryan, C., The Longest Day: June 6, 1944 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1959).
Ryder, M. L., Sheep & Man (London: Duckworth, 1983).
Sabatier, P. A. and H. C. Jenkins-Smith, Policy Change and Learning: an Advocacy
Coalition Approach (ThLPP; Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993).
Sachau, E., "Baal-Harran in einer altaramaischen Inschrift auf einem Relief des
Koniglichen Museums zu Berlin," SPA W (1895) 119-22.
, Reise in Syrien und Mesopotamien (Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1883).
Sack, R. H., "Royal and Temple Officials in Eanna and Uruk in the Chaldean
Period," in Vom Alien Orient z.um Alien Testament: Festschrift fur Wolfram Freiherrn von
Soden zum 85. Geburtstag am 19. Juni 1993, edited by M. Dietrich and O. Loretz
(AOAT 240; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1995) 425-32.
, "Some Remarks on Sin-iddina and Zerija, qipu and satammu of Eanna in
Erech," £A 66 (1976) 280-91.
Sader, H., "Tell el Burak: an Unidentified City of Phoenician Sidon," in Ana sadi
Labndni lu allik: Beitrdge z.u altorientalischen und mittelmeerischen Kulturen. Festschrift fur
Wolfgang Rollig, edited by B. Pongratz-Leisten, H. Kiihne and P. Xella (AOAT
1997) 363-75.
Saggs, H. W. F., Assyriology and the Study of the Old Testament, An Inaugural Lecture
Delivered at University College, Cardiff, 1968 (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1969).
490 BIBLIOGRAPHY
, "Historical Texts and Fragments of Sargon II of Assyria. I. The 'Assur

Charter'," Iraq 37 (1975) 11-20.
—, "The Land of Kirruri," Iraq 42 (1980) 79-83.
—, The Might that was Assyria (New York: St. Martin's Press; London: Sidgwick
and Jackson, 1984).
—, ed. Nineveh and Its Remains: Austen Henry Layard (London: Routledge & Kegan
Paul, 1970).
—, "The Nimrud Letters, 1952—Part I," Iraq 17 (1955) 21-56.
—, "The Nimrud Letters, 1952—Part II: Relations with the West," Iraq 17 (1955)
126-54.
"Two Administrative Officials at Erech in the 6th Century B.C.," Sumer 15
(1959) 29-38.
Said, E. W., Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1994).
Said, S., "The City in the Greek Novel," in The Search for the Ancient Novel, edited
by J. Tatum (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994) 216-36.
Sailer, R. P., "Patronage and Friendship in Early Imperial Rome: Drawing the
Distinction," in Patronage in Ancient Society, edited by A. Wallace-Hadrill (London
and New York: Routledge, 1989) 49-62.
Sailer, S. J., "Iron Age Tombs at Nebo, Jordan," LASBF 16 (1965-66) 165-298.
Salonen, E., Die Wqffen der alien Mesopotamier: Eine lexikalische und kulturgeschichtliche
Untersuchung (StOr 22; Helsinki: Societas Orientalis Fennica, 1965).
Salvini, M., "Assyrie-Urartu: guerres sans conquetes," in Guerre et conquete dans le
Proche-Orient ancien: Actes de la table ronde du 14 novembre 1998 organisee par I'URA
1062, 'Etudes Semitiques', edited by L. Nehme (Antiquites Semitiques 4; Paris: Jean
Maisonneuve, Librairie d'Amerique et d'Orient, 1999) 51-61.
, "I dati storici," in Tell Barri/ Kahat 1: Relazione preliminare sulle campagne 1980 e
1981 a Tell Barri/Kahat ml bacino del Habur, edited by P. E. Pecorella, M. Salvini
and R. Biscione (Rome: Consiglio nazionale delle ricerche Istituto per gli studi
micenei ed egeo-anatolici, 1982) 13-28.
, "La formation de 1'etat urarteen," Heth 8 (1987) 393-411.
, "Les inscriptions commemoratives Urarteennes " in La commemoration: collogue
du centenaire de la section des Sciences Religieuses de I'Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes,
edited by P. Gignoux (Bibliotheque de I'Ecole des Hautes Etudes, Section des
Sciences Religieuses 91; Louvain and Paris: Peeters, 1990) 21-34.
"Some Historic-Geographical Problems Concerning Assyria and Urartu," in
Rome: Universita di Roma "La Sapienza", 1995) 43-53.
, "I testi: 'Azerbaigiani di Ispuini e Menua e il loro sfondo storico'," in Tra lo
e I'Urmia: ricerche storiche ed archeologiche nell'Azerbaigian iraniano, edited by P. E.
Pecorella and M. Salvini (Incunabula Graeca 78; Rome: Edizioni delPAteneo,
1984) 13-21.
Samuel, A. E., "The Ptolemies and Ideology of Kingship," in Hellenistic History and
Culture, edited by P. Green (Hellenistic Culture and Society 9; Berkeley and Los
Angeles: University of California Press, 1993) 168-92.
Sass, B., The Genesis of the Alphabet and Its Development in the Second Millennium B.C.
(AAT 13; Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1988).
, "Inscribed Babylonian Arrowheads of the Turn of the Second Millennium
and Their Phoenician Counterparts," UF 21 (1989) 349-56.
Sauren, H., "Die Kleidung der Cotter," VisRel 2 (1983) 95-104.
, "Die Konigstheologie in der Kunst des 3. Jahrtausends," OLP 13 (1982) 45-53.
Sauron, G., "Legende noire et mythe de 1'age d'or: les poles complementaires de
la mystification augusteenne," in Le mythe grec dans I'ltalie antique: Fonction et image;
actes du colloque international organise par I'Ecole francaise de Rome, I'lstituto italiano per
gli studi Jilosojici (Naples) et I'UMR 126 du CNRS (Archeologies d'Orient et d'Occident),
BIBLIOGRAPHY 491
Rome, 14-16 novembre 1996, edited by F.-H. Massa-Pairault (Collection de 1'ecole

francaise de Rome 253; Rome: Ecole fraruâise de Rome, 1999) 593—625.
Sayce, A. H., Babylonians and Assyrians: Life and Customs (SemS; New York: Charles
Scribner's Sons, 1900).
, "Inscription of Tiglath-Pileser I," in Records of the Past: Being English Translations
of the Ancient Monuments of Egypt and Western Asia, edited by A. H. Sayce (2nd ed.;
London: Samuel Bagster & Sons, 1888) 86-121.
Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as Illustrated by the Religion of the Ancient
Babylonians. The Hibbert Lectures, 1887 (3rd ed.; London: Williams and Norgate, 1891).
Schafer-Lichtenberger, C., "The Goddess from Ekron and the Religious-Cultural
Background of the Philistines," IEJ 50 (2000) 82-91.
, "PTGJH—Gottin und Herrin von Ekron," BJt 91 (1998) 64-76.
Scheil, J. V., Une saison de fouilles a Sippar (Memoires publics par les membres de
1'Institut franâis d'archeologie orientale du Caire 1/1; Cairo: Imprimerie de
1'Institut francais d'archeologie orientale, 1902).
Schloen, J. D., "The Patrimonial Household in the Kingdom of Ugarit: A Weberian
Analysis" (Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1995).
Schmidt, V., Assyrians og Aegyptens gamle historie; eller, Historisk-geographiske undersogelser
om det gamle testamentes lande ogfolk (Vol. 1; Copenhagen: Weldikes Forlag, 1872).
Schnapp, A., The Discovery of the Past (trans. I. Kinnes and G. Varndell; New York:
Harry N. Abrams, 1997).
Schrader, E., Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament (2nd ed.; Giessen: J. Ricker, 1883).
, "Die C'DOH rO^Q und ihr aramaisch-assyrisches Aequivalent," SPAW2.1 (1886)
477-91.
Schrader, E. and H. Zimmern, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, II: Religion
und Sprache (3rd ed.; Berlin: Verlag von Reuther & Reichard, 1903).
Schrarnm, W., "Die Annalen des assyrischen Konigs Tukulti-Ninurta II. (890—884
v. Chr.)," BiOr 27 (1970) 147-60.
Schreiner, J., 'Jeremia und die joschijanische Reform. Probleme—Fragen—Antworten,"
in Jeremia und die "deuteronomistische Bewegung", edited by W. Gross (BBB 98;
Weinheim: Beltz Athenaum Verlag, 1995) 11-31..
Schroeder, O., Keilschrifttexte aus Assur: Historischen Inhalts. Bd. 2 (WVDOG 37; Leipzig:
, Keilschrifttexte aus Assur: Verschiedenen Inhalts (WVDOG 35; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs,
1920).
, Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmdler der koniglichen Museen zu Berlin, 16: Altbabylonische
Brief mil êichen- und Namenlisten (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1917).
Schroeer, J. F., Imperivm Babylonis et Nini ex monimentis antiqvis (Francofvrti et Lipsiae:
Georg. Marc. Knochivm, 1726).
Schwab, R., Oriental Renaissance: Europe's Rediscovery of India and the East, 1680-1880
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1984).
, Vie d'Anquetil-Duperron, suivie des Usages civils et religieux des Parses par Anquetil-
Duperron (Paris: E. Leroux, 1934).
Schwertner, S. M., Internationales Abkiirzungsverzeichnis fur Theologie und Grenzgebiete (2nd
ed.; Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1992).
Scott, J. C., Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven and
London: Yale University Press, 1990).
Scott, W., The Talisman: a Tale of the Crusaders, and Chronicles of the Canongate (His
Waverley Novels; London and New York: Routledge, 1876).
Scurlock, J., "Ghosts in the Ancient Near East: Weak or Powerful?," HUCA 68
(1997) 77-96.
, "Neo-Assyrian Battle Tactics," in Crossing Boundaries and Linking Horizons: Studies
in Honor of Michael C. Astour on his 80th Birthday, edited by G. D. Young, M. W.
Chavalas and R. E. Averbeck (Bethesda, MD: CDL Press, 1997) 491-517.
492 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Searight, S., The British in the Middle East (A Social History of the British Overseas;
New York: Atheneum, 1970).
Seibert, I., Woman in Ancient Near East (trans. M. Herzfeld; Leipzig: Edition Leipzig,
1974).
Seidl, T., 'Jeremias Tempelrede: Polemik gegen die joschijanische Reform? Die
Paralleltraditionen Jer 7 und 26 auf ihre Effizienz fur das Deuteronomismusproblem
in Jeremia befragt," in Jeremia und die "deuteronomistische Bewegung", edited by W. Gross
(BBB 98; Weinheim: Beltz Athenaum Verlag, 1995) 57-89.
Seidl, U., Die babylonischen Kudurru-Reliefs: Symbole mesopotamischer Gottheiten (OBO 87;
Fribourg: Universitatsverlag; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1989).
, "Gottersymbole und -attribute, I. Mesopotamien," RLA 3:484a-90a.
, "Kleine Stele aus Til Barsip," NA.B.U. (1993/85) 72.
, "Kultbild. B. Archaologisch," RLA 6:314b-19a.
, "Zur zweiten Feldzugstandarte Assurnasirpals II," NA.B.U. (1993/77) 61.
Seidmann, J., Die Inschriften Adadnirdris II. (MAOG 9/3; Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz,
1935).
Sells, M., The Bridge Betrayed: Religion and Genocide in Bosnia (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1996).
Seux, M.-J., Epithetes royales akkadiennes et sumeriennes (Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1967).
, Hymnes et prieres aux dieux de Babylonie et d'Assyrie (LAPO 8; Paris: Editions du
Cerf, 1976).
-, "Konigtum. B. II. und I. Jahrtausend," RLA 6:140b-73a.
Sewell, E. M., Ancient History of Egypt, Assyria, and Babylonia (2nd ed.; London:
Longmans, Green, and Co., 1870).
Shafer, A. T., "The Carving of an Empire: Neo-Assyrian Monuments on the
Periphery" (Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1998).
Sharafuddin, M., Islam and Romantic Orientalism: Literary Encounters with the Orient (London
and New York: I. B. Tauris, 1994).
Shukla, R. L., Britain, India and the Turkish Empire, 1853-1882 (New Delhi: People's
Publishing House, 1973).
Siewert-Mayer, B., H. Kopp and W. Rollig, eds. Tubinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients:
Register z.u den Karten = General Index (Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1994).
Siker, J. S., Disinheriting the Jews: Abraham in Early Christian Controversy (Louisville, KY:
Silberman, N. A., Digging for God and Country: Exploration, Archeology, and the Secret
Struggle for the Holy Land, 1799~1917 (New York: Knopf, 1982).
, "Promised Land and Chosen Peoples: the Politics and Poetics of Archaeological
Narrative," in Nationalism, Politics, and the Practice of Archaeology, edited by P. L. Kohl
and C. P. Fawcett (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995)
249-62.
Simpson, W. K., "News and Correspondence," Sumer 11 (1955) 131-32.
, "The Pharaoh Taharqa," Sumer 10 (1954) 193-94.
Sinclair, T. A., Eastern Turkey: An Architectural and Archaeological Survey, Vol. 4 (London:
Pindar Press, 1990).
Sindhi, K. M. al-, The Dilmun Seals in the Bahrain National Museum (Manama, 1994)
[Arabic].
Singer, L, '"The Thousand Gods of Hatti': The Limits of an Expanding Pantheon,"
in Concepts of the Other in Near Eastern Religions, edited by I. Alon, I. Gruenwald
and I. Singer (Israel Oriental Studies 14; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1994) 81-102.
Sjoberg, A. W., "Zu einigen Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen im Sumerischen," in
Heidelberger Studien zum Alien Orient: Adam Falkenstein zum 17 September 1966, edited
by D. O. Edzard (HSAO 1; Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1967) 201-31.
Skinner, J., Genesis (ICC 1; New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1910).
BIBLIOGRAPHY 493
Smelik, K. A. D., "The New Altar of King Ahaz (2 Kings 16): Deuteronomistic
Re-interpretation of a Cult Reform," in Deuteronomy and Deuteronomic Literature:
Festschrift C. H. W. Brekelmans, edited by M. Vervenne and J. Lust (BEThL 133;
Louvain: Leuven University Press/Peeters, 1997) 263-78.
, "The Representation of King Ahaz in 2 Kings 16 and 2 Chronicles 28," in
Intertextuality in Ugarit and Israel, edited by J. C. de Moor (OTS 40; Leiden: E. J.
Brill, 1998) 143-85.
Smith, G., Ancient History from the Monuments: Assyria: from the Earliest Times to the Fall
of Nineveh (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1875).
, Assyrian Discoveries: An Account of Explorations and Discoveries on the Site of Nineveh,
During 1873 and 1874 (New York: Scribner, Armstrong & Co., 1875).
History of Sennacherib Translated from the Cuneiform Inscriptions (edited by A. H.
Sayce; London: Williams and Norgate [ATLA Monograph Preservation Program,
fiche # 1986-1740], 1878).
Smith, M., Palestinian Parties and Politics That Shaped the Old Testament (New York and
London: Columbia University Press, 1971).
Smith, M. S., The Early History of God: Yahweh and the Other Deities in Ancient Israel
(San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1990).
Smith, R. B., Mohammed and Mohammedanism (London: Smith, Elder, 1874).
Smith, S., "The Age of Ashurbanipal," CAH1 3, 89-112.
Sollberger, E. and J.-R. Kupper, Inscriptions royales sumeriennes el akkadiennes (LAPO
3; Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1971).
Spaey, J., "Emblems in Rituals in the Old Babylonian Period," in Ritual and Sacrifice
in the Ancient Near East, edited byj. Quaegebeur (OLA 55; Louvain: Peeters, 1993)
411-20.
Spalinger, A. J., "An Egyptian Motif in an Assyrian Text," BASOR 223 (1976) 64-67.
Spieckermann, H., Juda unter Assur in der Sargonidenzeit (FRLANT 129; Gottingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1982).
Sprenger, A., Das Leben und die Lehre des Mohammad/nach bisher grbsstentheils unbenutzten
Quellen (Berlin: Nicolai'sche Verlagsbuchandlung, 1861).
Spycket, A., La Statuaire du Proche-Orient Ancien (Handbuch der Orientalistik, no. 7,
Der Alte Vordere Orient, no. l/2b, fascicle 2; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1981).
Stade, B., Geschichte des Volkes Israel (Berlin: G. Grote, 1887).
, "Das vermeintliche aramaisch-assyrische Aequivalent der D*Qit?n PD'PQ Jer.
7.44," £AW6 (1886) 289-339.
, "Die vermeintliche 'Konigin des Himmels'," %AW 6 (1886) 123-32.
Stanley, H. M., My Kalulu, Prince, King, and Slave: a Story of Central Africa (New York:
Starr, I., Queries to the Sun God: Divination and Politics in Sargonid Assyria (SAA 4; Helsinki:
Starr, I. and F. N. H. Al-Rawi, "Tablets from the Sippar Library VIII. Omens for
the Gail-Bladder," Iraq 59 (1999) 173-85.
Steible, H., Die Altsumerischen Bau- und Weihinschriften (FAOS 5; Wiesbaden: F. Steiner,
1982).
Steiner, R. C., "The Aramaic Text in Demotic Script," COS 1:309-27.
, "Papyrus Amherst 63: a New Source for the Language, Literature, Religion,
and History of the Aramaeans," in Studia Aramaica: New Sources and New Approaches,
edited by M. J. Geller, J. C. Greenfield and M. P. Weitzman (JSSSup 4; New
York: Oxford University Press, 1995) 199-207.
Steiner, R. C. and C. F. Nims, "Ashurbanipal and Shamash-shum-ukin: a Tale of
Two Brothers from the Aramaic Text in Demotic Script," RB 92 (1985) 60-81.
Steinkeller, P., "The Administrative and Economic Organization of the Ur III State:
The Core and the Periphery," in The Organization of Power: Aspects of Bureaucracy
494 BIBLIOGRAPHY
in the Ancient Near East, edited by M. Gibson and R. D. Biggs (revised ed.; SAOC
46; Chicago: Oriental Institute of The University of Chicago, 1991) 15-33.
Stol, M., "Lugal-Marada," RLA 7:148a-49a.
Stolper, M. W., "Olmstead, Albert Ten Eyck (23 Mar. 1880-11 Apr. 1945)," ANB
16:695a-96a.
Stone, D. A., Policy Paradox: the Art of Political Decision Making (New York: W. W.
Norton, 1997).
Strazzulla, M.-J., "II mito greco in eta augustea: le lastre Campana e il caso di
Teseo," in Le mythe grec dans I'ltalie antique: Fonction et image; actes du colloque inter-
national organise par I'Ecole franfaise de Rome, I'lstituto italiano per gli studi jilosofici (Naples)
et I'UMR 126 du CNRS (Archeologies d'Orient et d'Occident), Rome, 14-16 novembre
1996, edited by F.-H. Massa-Pairault (Collection de 1'ecole francaise de Rome
253; Rome: Ecole frangaise de Rome, 1999) 555-91.
Streck, M. P., "Naram-Sin von Esnunna," RLA 9:177b-78b.
Streck, M., Assurbanipal und die letzen assyrischen Konige bis z.um Untergange Nineveh's. Bd.
2: Texte (VAB 7; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1916).
Strommenger, E., Die neuassyrische Rundskulptur (ADOG 15; Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1970).
Stucken, E., Astralmythen (Leipzig: Edward Pfeiffer, 1896-1907).
Sulayman, T., Die Entstehung und Entwicklung der Gdtterwqffen im alien Mesopotamien und
ihre Bedeutung (Beirut: Henri Abdelnour; Bonn: Rudolf Habelt, 1968).
Sweet, R. F. G., "The Sage in Akkadian Literature: a Philological Study," in The
Sage in Israel and the Ancient Near East, edited by J. G. Gammie and L. G. Perdue
(Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1990) 45-65.
, "The Sage in Mesopotamian Palaces and Royal Courts," in The Sage in Israel
and the Ancient Near East, edited by J. G. Gammie and L. G. Perdue (Winona
Ta§yiirek, O. A., "Some New Assyrian Rock-Reliefs in Turkey," AnSt 25 (1975) 169-80.
Tadmor, H., "The Aramaization of Assyria: Aspects of Western Impact," in
Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn: Politische und kulturelle Wechselbe&ehungen im Alien
, "Autobiographical Apology in the Royal Assyrian Literature," in History,
"The Campaigns of Sargon II of Assur: A Chronological-Historical Study,"
JCS 12 (1958) 22-40, 77-100.
, "The Historical Inscriptions of Adad-nirari III," Iraq 35 (1973) 141-50.
, "History and Ideology in the Assyrian Royal Inscriptions," in Assyrian Royal
Inscriptions: New Horizons in Literary, Ideological, and Historical Analysis. Papers of a
Symposium held in Cetona (Siena), June 26-28, 1980, edited by F. M. Fales (OrAntC
17; Rome: Istituto per 1'Oriente, 1981) 13-33.
, The Inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III, King of Assyria: Critical Edition, with Introductions,
Translations, and Commentary (Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities,
1994).
, "Propaganda, Literature, Historiography: Cracking the Code of the Assyrian
Royal Inscriptions," in Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Symposium of
the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, September 7-11, 1995, edited by S. Parpola
and R. M. Whiting (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1997)
325-38.
, "Treaty and Oath in the Ancient Near East: a Historian's Approach," in
Humanizing America's Iconic Book: Society of Biblical Literature Centennial Addresses 1980,
edited by G. M. Tucker and D. A. Knight (SBLBSNA 6; Chico, CA: Scholars
Press, 1982) 127-52.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 495
Tadmor, H., B. Landsberger and S. Parpola, "The Sin of Sargon and Sennacherib's
Last Will," SAAB 3/1 (1989) 3-51.
Talbot, W. H. F., Assyrian Texts Translated, no. /(London: Harrison and Sons, 1856).
, "Note on the Religious Belief of the Assyrians, Part I," TSBA 1 (1872) 106-15.
, "On the Assyrian Inscriptions," JSL 2 (1856) 414-25.
, "On the Assyrian Inscriptions, no. II," JSL 3 (1856) 188-94.
, "On the Assyrian Inscriptions, no. Ill," JSL 3 (1856) 422~26.
, "On the Assyrian Inscriptions, no. IV," JSL 3 (1856) 164-70.
, "On the Religious Belief of the Assyrians, Part II," TSBA 2 (1873) 29-49.
, "On the Religious Belief of the Assyrians, Part III," TSBA 2 (1873) 50-79.
, "On the Religious Belief of the Assyrians, Part IV," TSBA 2 (1873) 346-52.
Tallqvist, K. L., Assyrian Personal Names (ASSF 43/1; Helsinki: Societas Orientis
Fennica, 1914).
, Der assyrische Gott (StOr 4/3; Helsinki: Societas Orientalis Fennica, 1932).
Taylor, I., Fanaticism (London: Holdsworth and Ball, 1834).
Taylor, J. G., Tahweh and the Sun: Biblical and Archaeological Evidence for Sun Worship in
Ancient Israel (JSOTSup 111; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1993).
Thackeray, W. M., "The Tremendous Adventures of Major Gahagan," in Memoirs
of Charles J. Tellowplush, the History of Samuel Titmarsh and the Great Hoggarty Diamond,
Cox's Diary, etc., (The Works of William Makepeace Thackeray 3; New York and
London: Harper & Brothers, 1898) 119-85.
Thenius, O., Die Bucher der Konige (KEH 11-12; Leipzig: Weidmann, 1849).
Thissen, L. C., "An Early Bronze III Pottery Region Between the Middle Euphrates
and Habur: New Evidence from Tell Hammam et-Turkman," in To the Euphrates
and Beyond: Archaeological Studies in Honour of Mounts N. van Loon, edited by O. M.
C. Haex, H. H. Curvers and P. M. M. G. Akkermans (Rotterdam: A.A. Balkema,
1989) 195-211.
Thomas, H., "An Inscription from Kythera," JHS 58 (1938) 256.
Thomas, N., Colonialism's Culture: Anthropology, Travel and Government (Princeton: Princeton
Thompson, R. C., The Prisms of Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal: Found at Nineveh, 1927-8
(London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1931).
, The Reports of the Magicians and Astrologers of Nineveh and Babylon in the British
Museum (London: Luzac and Co., 1900).
, "A Selection from the Cuneiform Historical Texts from Nineveh," Iraq 1
(1940) 85-131.
Thompson, R. C. and M. E. L. Mallowan, "The British Museum Excavations at
Nineveh, 1931-32," AAA 20 (1933) 71-186.
Thompson, T. L., The Historicity of the Patriarchal Narratives: The Quest for the Historical
Abraham (BZAW 133; Berlin: de Gruyter, 1974).
Thornton, L., Du Maroc aux Indes: voyages en Orient aux XVIIF et XIXe siecles (Paris:
ACR Edition, 1998).
, The Orientalists: Painter-Travellers, 1828-1908 (Paris: ACR Edition, 1983).
Thureau-Dangin, F., Une Relation de la Huitieme Campagne de Sargon (714 av.
J.-C.) (TCL 3; Paris: Librairie orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1973 [1912]).
, Rituels Accadiens (Paris: Presses Universitaires des France, 1921).
, "La stele d'Asharne," RA 30 (1933) 53-56.
Thureau-Dangin, F. and M. Dunand, Til-Barsib: Album (BAH 23; Paris: Librairie
orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1936).
Tidrick, K., Heart-Beguiling Araby (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981).
Tiele, C. P., Elements of the Science of Religion (Edinburgh and London: William
Blackwood and Sons, 1897).
Toloni, G., '"Per non entrare nel templo' (2 Re 23, llab) Storia dell'interpretazione
di un sintagma," EstBib 55 (1997) 143-69.
496 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Toorn, K. van der and P. W. van der Horst, "Nimrod Before and After the Bible,"
HTR 83 (1990) 1-29.
Tranie, J. andj. C. Carmigniani, Bonaparte: La campagne d'Egypte (Paris: Pygmalion/
Gerard Watelet, 1988).
Trigger, B. G., "Alternative Archaeologies: Nationalist, Colonialist, Imperialist," Man
n.s. 19 (1984) 355-70.
, A History of Archaeological Thought (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge
, "Romanticism, Nationalism, and Archaeology," in Nationalism, Politics, and the
Practice of Archaeology, edited by P. L. Kohl and C. P. Fawcett (Cambridge and
New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995) 263-79.
Trowbridge, T. C., "Mohammedanism and the Ottoman Turks," British Quarterly
Review [American edition] 75 (1882) 139-50.
Tsukimoto, A., "From Lullu to Ebla: an Old Babylonian Document Concerning a
Shipment of Horses," in Ana sadi Labndni lu allik: Beitrdge zu altorientalischen und mit-
telmeerischen Kulturen. Festschrift fur Wolfgang Rollig, edited by B. Pongratz-Leisten,
H. Kiihne and P. Xella (AOAT 247; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker; Neukir-
chen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1997) 407-12.
Turner, G., "The State Apartments of Late Assyrian Palaces," Iraq 32 (1970) 177-213.
Uehlinger, C., "Anthropomorphic Cult Statuary in Iron Age Palestine and the
Search for Yahweh's Cult Images," in The Image and the Book: Iconic Cults, Aniconism,
and the Rise of Book Religion in Israel and the Ancient Near East, edited by K. van der
Toorn (Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology 21; Louvain: Peeters,
1997) 97-155.
, "Figurative Policy, Propaganda und Prophetic," in Congress Volume: Cambridge
1995, edited by J. A. Emerton (SVT 66; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1997) 297-349.
, "Gab es eine joschijanische Kultreform? Playdoyer fur ein begriindetes
Minimum," in Jeremia und die "deuteronomistische Bewegung", edited by W. Gross (BBB
98; Weinheim: Beltz Athenaum Verlag, 1995) 57-89.
, ". . . und wo sind die Gotter von Samarien? Die Wegfiihrung syrisch-pala-
stinischer Kultstatuen auf einem Relief Sargons II in Horsabad/Dur-Sarrukin," in
"Und Mose schrieb dieses Lied auf": Studien zum Alien Testament und zum alien Orient:
Festschrift far Oswald Loretz zur Vollendung seines 70. Lebensjahres mit Beitrdgen von Freunden,
Schulem und Kollegen, edited by M. Dietrich and I. Kottsieper (AOAT 250; Miinster:
Ugarit-Verlag, 1998) 739-76.
Unger, E., Babylon: die heilige Stadt (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1931).
, "Dilbat," RLA 2:218a-25b.
, Die Stele des Bel-Harran-Beli-Ussur, ein Denkmal der êit Salmanassars IV (PKOM
3; Constantinople: Ahmed Ihsan & Co., 1917).
, "Die Symbole des Gottes Assur," Belleten 29 (1965) 423-83.
, "Tilmun," RLV 13:312-13.
, "Die Wiederherstellung des Bronzetores von Balawat," MDAIA 45 (1920) 1-105.
, ûrn Bronzetor von Balawat (Leipzig: Metzger & Wittig, 1912).
Ungnad, A., "Eponymen," RLA 2:412a-57b.
Ussishkin, D., "Building IV in Hamath and the Temples of Solomon and Tell
Tayanat," IEJ 16 (1966) 104-10.
, "The Date of the Judaean Shrine at Arad," IEJ 38 (1988) 142-57.
, "On the Architectural Origin of the Urartian Standard Temples," in Anatolian
Iron Ages: Proceedings of the Second Anatolian Iron Ages Colloquium held at Izmir, 4~8
May 1987, edited by D. French and A. Cilingoroglu (British Institute of Archaeology
at Ankara Monographs: Oxbow Monographs 13; Oxford: Oxbow, 1991) 117-30.
Vaglieri, L. V, "Dumat al-Djandal," EP 6:624b-26b.
Vallat, F., "A propos de 1'origine des tablettes elamites dites 'de Ninive' conservees
du British Museum," NA.B.U. (1988/39) 26-27.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 497
, Les noms geographiques des sources suso-elamites (BTAVO B7; Rep. geogr. 11;
Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1993).
van de Mieroop, M., The Ancient Mesopotamian City (Oxford and New York: Clarendon
Press, 1997).
van der Spek, R. J., "Assyriology and History: A Comparative Study of War and
Empire in Assyria, Athens, and Rome," in The Tablet and the Scroll: Near Eastern
Studies in Honor of William W. Hallo, edited by M. E. Cohen, D. C. Snell and
D. B. Weisberg (Bethesda, MD: CDL Press, 1993) 262-70.
, "The Struggle of King Sargon II of Assyria Against the Chaldaean Merodach-
Baladan (710-707 B.C.)," JEOL 25 (1977-1978) 56-66.
van Lerberghe, K., "L'arrachement de 1'embleme surinnum" in £ikir Sumim: Assyriological
Studies Presented to F. R. Kraus on the Occasion of His Seventieth Birthday, edited by
G. van Driel, T. J. H. Krispijn, M. Stol and K. R. Veenhof (Nederlands Instituut
voor het Nabije Oosten, Studia Francisci Scholten Memoriae Dicata 5; Leiden:
E. J. Brill, 1982) 245-57.
, Old Babylonian Legal and Administrative Texts from Philadelphia (OLA 21; Louvain:
Peeters, 1986).
Van Seters, J., Prologue to History: The Yahwist as Historian in Genesis (Louisville, KY:
Van Soldt, W. H., Solar Omens of Enuma Anu Enlil: Tablets 23 (24)-29 (30) (UNHAII
73; Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, 1995).
Vera Chamaza, G. W., "Der VIII. Feldzug Sargons II: eine Untersuchung zu Politik
und historischer Geographic des spaten 8. Jhs v. Chr. (II)," AMI 28 (1997) 235-67.
, "Sargon IPs Ascent to the Throne: the Political Situation," SAAB 6/1 (1992)
21-33.
Verrier, M., The Orientalists (New York: Rizzoli, 1979).
Vikentier, V., "Quelques considerations a propos des statues de Taharqa trouvees
dans les ruines du palais d'Esarhaddon," Sumer 11 (1955) 111-16.
Vilders, M. M. E., "The Stratigraphy and the Pottery of Phase M at Deir cAlla,"
Levant 24 (1992) 187-200.
Villard, P., "Akkullanu, astrologue, pretre et juge," MA.B.U. (1998/52) 53-55.
, "Documents pour 1'historie du royaume de Haut-Mesopotamie III," M.A.R.I.
6 (1990) 559-84.
Vleeming, S. P. and J. W. Wesselius, Studies in Papyrus Amherst 63: Essays on the
Aramaic Texts in Aramaic/Demotic Papyrus Amherst 63, Vol. 1 (Amsterdam: Juda Palache
Instituut, 1985).
Von Soden, W., Akkadisches Handworterbuch (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1959-81).
, Einfiihrung in die Altorientalistik, Orientalistische Einfiihrungen in Gegenstand, Ergebnisse,
und Perspektiuen der Einzelgebiete (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1985).
, "Gibt es ein Zeugnis dafur, dafi die Babylonier an die Wiederauferstehung
Marduks geglaubt haben?," %A 51 (1955) 130-66.
, "Das Nordsyrische A7X/KISKI und der Turtan Samsf-ilu," SEL 2 (1985)
133-41.
, "Reflektierte und konstruierte Mythen in Babylonien und Assyrien," in Memoriae
Jussi Aro dedicata, edited by H. Halen (StOr 55/3; Helsinki: Societas Orientalis
Fennica, 1984) 147-57.
, "Religiose Unsicherheit, Sakularisierungstendenzen und Aberglaube zur Zeit
der Sargoniden," in Studia Biblica et Orientalia, Vol. 3: Oriens Antiquus, edited by
L. Cagni and M.-P. Muller (AnBib 12; Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1959)
356-67.
, "Weisheitstexte, I. Der babylonische Fiirstenspiegel," in Weisheitstexte, Mythen
und Epen, edited by O. Kaiser (TUAT 3/1; Giitersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1990) 170-73.
Wachsmuth, C., Einleitung in das Studium der alten Geschichte (Leipzig: Verlag S. Hirzel,
1895).
498 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Waetzoldt, H., "Zur Bewaffnung des Heeres von Ebla," OrAnt 29 (1990) 1-38.
Walker, C. B. F. and M. B. Dick, "The Induction of the Cult Image in Ancient
Mesopotamia: the Mesopotamian mis pi Ritual," in Bom in Heaven, Made on Earth:
the Making of the Cult Image in the Ancient Near East, edited by M. B. Dick (Winona
Wallace-Hadrill, A., "Introduction," in Patronage in Ancient Society, edited by A. Wallace-
Hadrill (London and New York: Routledge, 1989) 1-13.
Walsh, G. P., Pioneering Days: People and Innovations in Australia's Rural Past (St. Leonard,
NSW: Allen & Unwin, 1993).
Wapnish, P., "Is sent ana Id mdni an Accurate Description or a Royal Boast?," in
Retrieving the Past: Essays on Archaeological Research and Methodology in Honor of Gus
W. Van Beek, edited by J. D. Seger (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1996) 285-96.
Warburton, E., The Crescent and the Cross; or, Romance and Realities of Eastern Travel
(London: H. Colburn, 1845).
Ward, W. H., The Cylinder Seals of Western Asia (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution
of Washington, 1910).
Wartke, R.-B., Urartu, das Reich am Ararat (Kulturgeschichte der Antiken Welt 59;
Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern, 1993).
Watson, W. and N. Wyatt, "De nouveau sur les armes ceremonielles," N.A.B.U.
(1997/29) 27-28.
Watt, W. M., "Carlyle on Muhammad," HibJ 53 (1954-55) 247-54.
Weber, M., Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology (Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft.
Grundrifi der verstehenden Soziologie) (trans. E. Fischoff, H. Gerth, A. M. Henderson,
F. Kolegar, G. W. Mills, T. Parsons, M. Rheinstein, G. Roth, E. Shils, C. Wittich;
Vol. 3; New York: Bedminster Press, 1968).
Weidner, E. F., "Die Annalen des Konigs Assurdan II. von Assyrien," AfO 3 (1926)
151-61.
, "Die Feldziige und Bauten Tiglatpilesers I," AfO 18 (1957-58) 141-43.
, "Die Feldzuge Samsi-Adads V. gegen Babylonien," AfO 9 (1933-34) 89-104.
, "The Inscription from Kythera," JHS 59 (1939) 137-38.
, "Die Kampfe Adadnararis I. gegen Hanigalbat," AfO 5 (1928-1929) 89-100.
, Politische Dokumente aus Kleinasien: Die Staatsvertrage in akkadischer Sprache am den
Archiv von Boghazkoi (Boghazkoi-Studien 8; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1923).
, "Zylinder Inschrift Assurbanipals von der Stadtmauer von Borsippa," AfO 13
(1939-1941) 217-18.
Weiher, E. von, Spdtbabylonische Texte aus Uruk, Teil III (Ausgrabungen der Deutschen
Forschungsgemeinschaft in Uruk-Warka 12; Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1988).
Weinfeld, M., "The Common Heritage of Covenantal Traditions in the Ancient
World," in I trattati nel mondo antico. Forma, ideologia, funîone, edited by L. Canfora,
M. Liverani and C. Zaccagnini (Saggi di storia antica 2; Rome: "L'Erma" di
Bretschneider, 1990) 175-91.
, "The Loyalty Oath in the Ancient Near East," UF 8 (1976) 379-414.
Weippert, H., Paldstina in vorhellenistischer %dt (Handbuch der Archaologie. Vorderasien
2/1; Miinchen: C. H. Beck, 1988).
Weippert, H. and M. Weippert, "Die 'Bileam'-Inschrift vom Tell Der cAlla," Z.DPV
98 (1982) 77-103.
Weippert, M., "Assyrische Prophetien der Zeit Asarhaddons und Assurbanipals," in
Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: New Horizons in Literary, Ideological, and Historical Analysis.
Papers of a Symposium held in Cetona (Siena), June 26-28, 1980, edited by F. M. Fales
(OrAntC 17; Rome: Istituto per 1'Oriente, 1981) 71-111.
, "Edom: Studien und Materialien zur Geschichte der Edomiter auf Grund
schriftlicher und archaologischer Quellen" (Habilitationsschrift, Eberhard-Karls-
Universitat zu Tubingen, 1971).
, "Elemente phonikischer und kilikischer Religion in der Inschriften vom
Karatepe," in XVII. Deutscher Orientalistentag vom 21. bis 27. Juli 1968 in Wurzburg,
BIBLIOGRAPHY 499
edited by W. Voigt (ZDMG, Supplementa 1; Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag,

1969) 191-217.
, "Die Kampfe des assyrischen Konigs Assurbanipal gegen die Araber:
Redaktionskritische Untersuchung des Berichts in Prisma A," WO 7 (1973) 39—85.
, "Menachem von Israel und seine Zeitgenossen in einer Steleninschrift des
assyrischen Konigs Tiglathpileser III. aus deni Iran," %DPV 89 (1973) 26—53.
"The Relations of the States East of the Jordan with the Mesopotamian
Powers during the First Millennium B.C.," in Studies in the History and Archaeology
of Jordan, edited by A. Hadidi (New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul; Amman,
Jordan: Department of Antiquities, 1982-87) 3:97-105.
WeiBbach, F. H., "Susische Thontafelchen," BASS 4 (1900) 168-202.
Weissert, E., "Assur-bani-apli," in The Prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, Vol. 1,
Part 1: A, edited by K. Radner (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project,
1998) 159-63.
, "Creating a Political Climate: Literary Allusions to Enuma Elis in Sennacherib's
Account of the Battle of Halule," in Assyrien im Wandel der êiten: XXXIX' Rencontre
Assyriologique Internationale, Heidelberg 6-10. Juli 1992, edited by H. Waetzoldt and
H. Hauptmann (HSAO 6; Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag, 1997) 191-202.
"Royal Hunt and Royal Triumph in a Prism Fragment of Ashurbanipal
(82-5-22,2)," in Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Symposium of the Neo-
Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, September 7-11, 1995, edited by S. Parpola and
R. M. Whiting (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1997) 339-58.
Weissert, E. and H.-U. Onasch, "The Prologue to Ashurbanipal's Prism E," Or 61
(1992) 58-77.
Wellhausen, J., "Israel," EBrit (9th ed.; 1881) 13:396-432.
, "Mohammedanism, Part I: Mohammed and the First Four Caliphs," EBrit
(9th ed.; 1883) 16:545-65.
, Prolegomena zur Geschichte Israels (2nd ed.; Berlin: G. Reimer, 1883).
Wentworth, E. N., America's Sheep Trails: History, Personalities (Ames, IA: Iowa State
College Press, 1948).
Werner, M., "The Question of Faith: Orientalism, Christianity and Islam," in The
Orientalists, Delacroix to Matisse: European Painters in North Africa and the Near East,
edited by M. A. Stevens (London: Royal Academy of Arts in association with
Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1984) 32-39.
, Kleine Einfiihrung in Hieroglyphen-Luwische (OBO 106; Fribourg: Universitatsverlag;
Westmacott, Richard, Jr., "The Nimroud Marbles," Athenaeum, no. 1032, August 7,
1847, 843-44.
, "Nimroud Sculpture," Athenaeum, no. 1033, August 14, 1847, 867.
White, H. V., The Content of the Form: Narrative Discourse and Historical Representation
(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990).
, "Foucault Decoded: Notes from Underground," HTh (1973) 23-54.
, Metahistory: the Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1975).
, "Structuralism and Popular Culture," Journal of Popular Culture 1 (1974) 759-75.
Whitelam, K. W., The Invention of Ancient Israel: The Silencing of Ancient Israel (London
Wiggins, S. A., "What's in a Name? Yarih at Ugarit," UF 30 (1998) 761-79.
Wilcke, C., "Zum Konigtum in der Ur III-Zeit," in Le palais et la royaute (archeolo-
gie et civilisation): XIX' Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Paris 29 juin-2 juillet 1971,
edited by P. Garelli (Paris: Librairie orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1974) 177-232.
Wilhelm, G., The Hurrians (trans. J. Barnes; Warminster, England: Aris & Phillips, 1989).
Wilkinson, T. J., "Late-Assyrian Settlement Geography in Upper Mesopotamia," in
Rome: Universita di Roma "La Sapienza", 1995) 139-59.
500 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Wilson, J. A., "Albert Ten Eyck Olmstead, 1880-1945," JNES 5 (1946) 1-6.
Winckler, H., Die babylonische Geisteskultur in ihren Beziehungen zur Kulturentwicklung der
Menschheit, Wissenschaft und Bildung (Leipzig: Quelle & Meyer, 1907).
, Himmels- und Weltenbild der Babylonier als Grundlage der Weltanschauung und Mythologie
alter Volker (AO 3; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1901).
The History of Babylonia and Assyria (trans. J. A. Craig; revised ed.; New York:
Die Keilschrifttexte Sargons II (Leipzig: Eduard Pfeiffer, 1889).
Winnicki, J. K., "Carrying Off and Bringing Home the Statues of the Gods: On
an Aspect of the Religious Policy of the Ptolemies," JJP 24 (1994) 149-90.
Winter, I. J., "Art in Empire: the Royal Image and the Visual Dimensions of
Assyrian Ideology," in Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Symposium of
the Mo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, September 7-11, 1995, edited by S. Parpola
and R. M. Whiting (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1997)
359 81.
, "Homer's Phoenicians: History, Ethnography, or Literary Trope? [A Perspective
on Early Orientalism]," in The Ages of Homer: a Tribute to Emily Townsend Vermeule,
edited byj. B. Carter and S. P. Morris (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1995)
247-71.
, '"Idols of the King': Royal Images as Recipients of Ritual Action in Ancient
Mesopotamia," Journal of Ritual Studies 6 (1992) 13-42.
, "North Syria in the Early First Millennium B.C., with Special Reference to
Ivory Carving" (Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1973).
-, "Royal Rhetoric and the Development of Historical Narrative in Neo-Assyrian
Reliefs," Studies in Visual Communication 7/2 (1981) 2-38.
Wiseman, D. J., "A Fragmentary Inscription of Tiglath-pileser III from Nimrud,"
Iraq 18 (1956) 117-29, pis. 122-23.
, "Fragments of Historical Texts from Nimrud," Iraq 26 (1964) 118-24.
Wiseman, D. J. and J. A. Black, Literary Texts from the Temple of Nabu (CTN 4;
Oxford: British School of Archaeology in Iraq, 1996).
Woodward, E. L, The Age of Reform, 1815-1870 (2nd ed.; OHE 13; Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1962).
Woolley, C. L., Carchemish: Report on the Excavations at Djerablis on Behalf of the British
Museum, Part II: The Town Defenses (Oxford: Trustees of the British Museum, 1921).
, The îggurat and Its Surroundings (Ur Excavations 5; Philadelphia and London:
University Museum and British Museum, 1939).
Wright, G. R. H., Ancient Building in South Syria and Palestine (Handbuch der Orientalistik,
no. 7, Der Alte Vordere Orient, no. l/2b, fascicle 3; Leiden and Cologne: E. J.
Brill, 1985).
, "Building Materials and Techniques: Bronze and Iron Ages," OEANE l:363a-
67b.
Wyatt, M. D., Views of the Crystal Palace and Park, Sydenham (London: Day and Son,
1854).
Yadin, Y., et al., Hazor I: an Account of the First Season of Excavations, 1955 (Jerusalem:
Magnes Press, Hebrew University, 1958).
Yardimci, N., "1989 Yili Harran Kazilan," Ka& Sonuclan Toplantisi 12/2 (1990) 363-78.
, "1990 Yili Harran Kazi ve Restorasyon Cah§malan," Ka& Sonuflan Toplantisi
13/2 (1991) 423-42.
, "Excavations, Surveys and Restoration Works at Harran," in Between the Rivers
and Over the Mountains: Archeologica Anatolica et Mesopotamia Alba Palmieri dedicata,
edited by M. Frangipane, H. Hauptmann, P. Liverani and M. Mellink (Rome:
"La Sapienza", 1993) 437-49.
, "Harran, 1983," AnSt 34 (1984) 217-18.
, "Harran, 1984," AnSt 35 (1985) 192.
, "Harran, 1985," AnSt 36 (1986) 194-95.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 501
, "Harran—1983," Ka& Somiflan Toplantisi 6/1 (1984) 79-91.

Young, R. J. C., Colonial Desire: Hybridity in Theory, Culture, and Race (London: Routledge,
1995).
Younger, Jr., K. L., "The Deportations of the Israelites," JBL 117 (1998) 201-27.
, "The Ekron Inscription of Akhayus (2.42)," COS 2:164.
, "The Great 'Summary' Inscription (2.118E)," COS 2:296-97.
, "Nimrud Prisms D & E (2.118D)," COS 2:295-96.
, "Sargon II (2.118) The Annals (2.1 ISA)," COS 2:294.
, "Shalmaneser III (2.113) Kurkh Monolith (2.113A)," COS 2:261-64.
, "The Tang-i Var Inscription (2.118J)," COS 2:299-300.
Zaccagnini, C., "An Urartean Royal Inscription in the Report of Sargon's Eighth
Campaign," in Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: New Horizons in Literary, Ideological, and
Historical Studies, edited by F. M. Fales (OrAntC 17; Rome: Istituto per 1'Oriente,
1981) 259-95.
Zadok, R., "The Ethno-Linguistic Character of the Jezireh and Adjacent Regions
in the 9th-7th Centuries (Assyria Proper vs. Periphery)," in Neo-Assyrian Geography,
edited by M. Liverani (Quaderni di Geografia Storica 5; Rome: Universita di
Roma "La Sapienza", 1995) 217-82.
, "The Ethnolinguistic Composition of Assyria Proper in the 9th-7th Centuries
BC," in Assyrien im Wandel der êiten: XXXIX' Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale,
Heidelberg 6~10. Juli 1992, edited by H. Waetzoldt and H. Hauptmann (HSAO
6; Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag, 1997) 209-16.
, "Geographical and Onomastic Notes," JANES 8 (1976) 123-24.
, Geographical Names According to New- and Late-Baby Ionian Texts (BTAVO B7, Rep.
geogr. 8; Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1985).
, On West Semites in Babylonia during the Chaldean and Achaemenian Periods: an Onomastic
Study (revised ed.; Jerusalem: H. J. & Z. Wanaarta and Tel-Aviv University, 1978).
, "Syro-Mesopotamian Notes," in Ana sadi Labndni lu allik: Beitrdge z.u altorien-
talischen und mittelmeerischen Kulturen. Festschrift fiir Wolfgang Rollig, edited by B. Pongratz-
Leisten, H. Kuhne and P. Xella (AOAT 247; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker;
, "Zur Geographic Babyloniens wahrend des sargonidischen, chaldaischen, acha-
menidischen und hellenistischen Zeitalters," WO 16 (1985) 19-79.
Zawadzki, S., "A Contribution to the Chronology of the Last Days of the Assyrian
Empire," %A. 85 (1995) 67-73.
, The Fall of Assyria and Median-Babylonian Relations in Light of the Nabopolassar
Chronicle (trans. U. Wolko and P. Lavelle; Uniwersytet im Adama Mickiewicza w
Poznaniu 149; Poznan: Adam Mickiewicz University Press, 1988).
, "Neo-Assyrian Temple Sacrifices: I. reseti," RocÔr 41 (1980) 151-55.
"Oriental and Greek Tradition About the Death of Sennacherib," SAAB 4
(1990) 69-72.
Zettler, R. L., The Ur III Temple of Inanna at Nippur: the Operation and Organization of
Urban Religious Institutions in Mesopotamia in the Late Third Millennium B.C. (BBVO
11; Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 1992).
Zimansky, P. E., Ecology and Empire: the Structure of the Urartian State (SAOC 41;
Chicago: The Oriental Institute of The University of Chicago, 1985).
, "Xenophon and the Urartian Legacy," in Dans les pas des DIX-Mille: peuples
et pays du Proche-Orient vus par un Grec; Actes de la Table Ronde Internationale, organisee
a I'initiative du GRACO, Toulouse 3-4 fevrier 1995, edited by P. Briant (Pallas: Revue
d'etudes antiques 43; Toulouse: Presses universitaire du Mirail, 1995) 255-68.
Ziolkowski, A., "Urbs direpta, or How the Romans Sacked Cities," in War and Society
in the Roman World, edited by J. Rich and G. Shipley (Leicester-Nottingham Studies
in Ancient Society 5; London and New York: Routledge, 1993) 69-91.
Zwickel, W.. "Dagons abgeschlagener Kopf (1 Sam V 3-4)," FT 44 (1994) 239-49.
, "Die Kultreform des Ahas (2 Kon 16,10-18)," SJOT 1 (1993) 250-62.
INDEX OF AUTHORS
Abel, L., 127, 129 Becking, B., 134, 144

Abu Taleb, M. M., 112 Beckman, G. M., 339
Adams, R. M., 52 Begg, C., 3
Adler, W., 2, 7 Beitzel, B. J., 392
Aeschylus, 438 Bell, G. L., 390
Aharoni, M., 206 Bell, W., 240
Aharoni, Y., 206 Belli, O., 172
Al Asil, N., 142 Benaboud, M., 436
Albenda, P., 119, 154, 258 Bendlin, A., 98
Albertz, R., 4 Benedict, W. C., 135
Albrektson, B., 39 Bennett, C., 437, 442
Allen, T., 390 Bennett, C. M., 209
Allinger-Csollich, W., 245 Beran, T., 120
Almond, P. C., 24, 435, 436, 437, 443 Berchem, M. van, 390
Al-Rawi, F. N. H., 89 Bergamini, G., 429
Altman, C. B., 200 Berger, P.-R., 109, 110, 387
Amiet, P., 175 Berlejung, A., 76, 189, 236, 284, 349
Anderson, O., 435 Beyer, K., 186
Andrae, W., 171, 210, 213, 214, 395 Bezold, C., 110, 430
Anquetil-Duperron, A. H., 439 Billerbeck, A., 187
Appleby, J. O., 95 Birch, S., 28, 29, 187
Archi, A., 391 Birch, W. de Gray, 187
Aristotle, 438 Bisi, A. M., 258
Armstrong, J. A., 250, 254, 258, 259 Bivona, D., 441
Arnaud, D., 247 Black, J. A., 67, 130, 171, 270, 277
Arnold, H. J. P., 27, 28, 30 Blazek, N., 280
Astour, M. C., 105, 263 Bleibtreu, E., 67, 161, 171, 332
Auerbach, E., 132 Block, D. I., 146
Avigad, N., 405 Boase, G. C., 27
Aynard, J.-M., 110 Bodi, D., 147
Bodin, J., 438
Babelon, E., 43 Boehmer, R. M., 87, 119, 120
Bachmann, W., 170 Bohl, F. M. T., 354
Badger, G. P., 390 Bohrer, F. N., 18, 37, 427, 429, 442
Bahrani. Z., 40, 73, 120 Bolt, C., 433
Bar, J., 400 Booth, A. J., 10
Barkey, K., 223 Bordreuil, P., 404
Barnett, R. D., 132, 154, 187, 332, 396 Borger, R., XXI, 109, 111, 115, 141,
Barre, M. E., 280, 342 177, 184, 185, 204, 232, 234, 235,
Barrelet, M.-T., 180 239, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248,
Barrick, W. B., 5 249, 253, 254, 259, 266, 267, 268,
Bauer, T., 142, 247-48, 253, 254, 270, 271, 272, 277, 278, 279, 280,
282, 290, 317 281, 282, 283, 285, 287, 288, 289,
Bax, M., 414 290, 294, 296, 298, 310, 311, 312,
Bayne, R., 34-35, 431 314, 316, 317, 323, 326, 330, 363,
Beaulieu, P.-A., 109, 291, 304, 320 373, 380, 384, 413, 414, 420
Beckford, W., 440, 442 Borker-Klahn, J., XXIV, 68-69, 137,
504 INDEX OF AUTHORS
152, 183, 187, 188, 248, 257, 258, Carr, E. H., 95

332, 402, 403, 407 Carter, E., I l l , 232
Bossert, H. T., 213 Caskel, W., 280
Boswell, J., XXII Catagnoti, A., 168
Botta, P.-E., 51, 119, 154, 157, 164, 427 Cathcart, K. J., 431
Bounni, A., 394 Cavigneaux, A., 130
Bowen, D., 24, 430 Charles, B. B., 397
Bowley, J. E., 2 Charlier, P., 85
Brandes, M. A., 119, 120 Charpin, D., 171, 173, 174, 238, 239,
Brandis, J., 28, 431 297, 392
Brantlinger, P., 40, 432, 433, 441, Chipiez, C., 183
442, 443 Chossat, E. de, 21, 160
Braun-Holzinger, E. A., 214, 215 gig, M., 173
Brewer, G. D., 58 Cifarelli, M, 74, 229
Brice, W., 389, 407, 425 Civil, M., 244, 298
Brinkman, J. A., 65, 76, 93-94, 106, Clapham, C., 223
109, 111, 115, 121, 122, 125, 128, Clay, A. T., 87, 240, 250
130, 132, 133, 136, 137, 140, 148, Clayden, T., 253
149, 150, 153, 174, 175, 212, 231, Cobden, R., 40
238, 249, 252, 254, 263, 264, 265, Cogan, M., 3, 53-59, 61, 62, 63, 64,
270, 277, 278, 280, 293, 294, 299, 66, 73, 90, 91, 107, 109, 110, 146,
308, 311, 312, 314, 320, 321, 344, 159, 160, 164, 169, 170, 171, 198,
345, 347, 348, 349, 350, 351, 354, 211, 213, 249, 283, 360, 423
358, 359, 361, 362, 364, 366, 372, Cohen, A., 387
373, 374, 375, 379, 382, 386, 412 Cohen, M. E., 115, 261, 305
Bruce, J., 440 Cole, S. W., 66, 140-41, 173, 176,
Brunengo, G., 43 178, 190, 214, 241, 257, 298, 308,
Bucellati, G., 238 323, 328, 335, 345, 346, 347, 349,
Buchanan, B., 214, 398 361, 363, 367, 376
Budde, K. F., 44 Collingwood, R. G., 96
Budge, E. A. W., 10, 41 Collon, D., 289, 398
Buhl, M.-L., 113 Comte, A., 35
Burdajewicz, M., 205 Conrad, J., 49
Buren, E. D. V., 170, 180 Cooper, J. S., 42, 115, 146
Burke, E., 433, 440 Cornelius, I., 349
Burke, P., 96 Cornil, P., 392
Burney, C., 172 Craig, J. A., 183
Burton, R. F., 15, 441, 443, 444 Crawford, H. E. W., 398
Busink, T. A., 203 Cressy, D., 194
Butterfield, H., 50 Creswell, K. A. C., 390
Byron, G. G., 28, 440 Creuzer, G. F., 47
Crichton, A., 24, 34, 440
Cain, P. J., 433 Cross, F. M., 5
Cairns, H. A. C., 442 Curl, J. S., 442
Callinicos, A.. 96 Curtis, M., 439
Callwell, C. E., 81 Curzon, R., 441
Calmeyer, P., 162, 171-72
gambel, H., 403 Dalley, S., 66, 84, 141, 170, 171,
Campbell, J., 46 186-87, 382
Cancik-Kirschbaum, E. C., 394 Dandeker, C., 222
Caplice, R. I., 114 Daniel, N., 24, 433, 434, 440, 442, 444
Carena, O., XVI, 49 Daniels, P. T., 429
Carlyle, T., 27, 443 Darwin, C., 27
Carmigniani, J. C., 428 Davenport, J., 444
INDEX OF AUTHORS 505
Davidson, E. F., 430 Engnell, I., 180

De Odorico, M., 91, 92, 102, 314 Eph'al, I., 134, 141, 142, 144, 156,
Degnan, R. T., 218 280, 281, 283, 287
Deimel, A., 51 Eynikel, E., 5
DeLeon, P., 58 Eyre, C. J., 70
Delitzsch, F., 43, 47, 161, 187, 419
Deller, K., 67, 140, 141, 161, 166, 170, Fadhil, A., 393
172, 226, 285, 317, 332, 370, 410 Fahd, T., 280
Demsky, A., 207 Fales, F. M., 74, 83, 91, 108, 135,
Dennell, R., 441 140, 165, 302, 391, 394, 404, 405,
Desideri, P., 7, 159 406, 410, 411, 419
Dever, W. G., 4 Falkner, M., 132, 392
Diakonoff, I. M., 159, 298 Farber, W., 115, 212, 213, 261, 300
Dick, M. B., 189, 236, 284 Fawcett, C. P., 429
Dietrich, M., 256, 294, 311, 313, 321, Fehervari, G., 425
352, 412 Feldman, L. H., 4
Dillmann, A., 419 Fine, H. A., 51-52
Dion, P. E., 131 Finkelstein, L., 114, 326
Disraeli, B., 441 Finley, M. L, 222
Dockhorn, K., 50 Fishwick, D., 179, 181, 182
Dodge, B., 425 Flandin, E., 51, 119, 154, 157, 164,
Dohmann-Pfalzner, H., 203 171, 427
Dold, B. E., 443 Flemming, J. P. G., 431
Donbaz, V., 105, 167, 285, 370, 402 Follet, R., 88
Dornemann, R. H., 113, 202 Fontan, E., 442
Dossin, G., 130, 212, 391 Forester, C. S., 441
Dothan, M., 205, 206 Forman, W., 187
Dothan, T., 71, 207, 208, 209, 214 Forrer, E., 112, 125, 126, 138, 141,
Doughty, C. M., 441 153, 154, 157
Dow, A., 438, 440 Forster, C., 24, 437, 442, 444
Doyle, A. C., 441 Foster, B., 223, 299
Drews, R., 361 Foucault, M., 13, 96
Driel, G. van, 53, 101, 104 Fowler, D. D., 428, 429
Driver, G. R., 215 Frahm, E., 2, 84, 170, 184, 204, 242,
Driver, S. R., 419 310, 354, 356, 357
Dryden, J., 442 Frame, G., 65-66, 76, 109, 116, 130,
Dubor, G. de, 43 140, 146, 148, 150, 157, 228, 231,
Dunand, M., 258, 395, 396 232, 238, 244, 247, 249, 250, 251,
Dupuis, C. F., 46 252, 254, 257, 268, 271, 278, 285,
Durand, J.-M., 169, 175, 202, 392 290, 294, 295, 316, 320, 321, 323,
Dyson, Jr., R. H., 208 324, 325, 327, 328, 331, 335, 359,
361, 370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 375,
Ebeling, E., 39, 51, 169, 187, 291 379, 386
Edelkoort, A. H., 42 Franken, H. J., 205
Edwards, I. E. S., 142 Frankena, R., 170
Edzard, D. O., 88, 89, 175, 254, 263 Frankfort, H., 180
Ehrlich, C. S., 192 Frayne, D., 390
Eisenstadt, S. N., 223 Freedberg, D., 194
Elat, M., 366 Freedman, D. N., 5, 205, 206
Elayi, J., 144 Freedman, R. N., 110
Elias, N., 86 Freeman, E. A., 24, 34, 437, 440
Ellin, N., 259 Freydank, H., 67, 105
Ellis, J. C., 201 Friedrich, J., 114, 186, 303
Elton, G. R., 95 Friesen, S. J., 181
Fritz, V., 210 Grosrichard, A., 439

Frymer-Kensky, T., 148 Grotefend, G. F., 28
Fuchs, A., 157, 162, 166, 264, 265, Gune§-Ayata, A., 223
270, 278, 294, 308 Gunkel, G., 47, 419
Fueter, E., 50 Gunn, B., 41
Fugmann, E., 113 Giinther, E., 442
Furlani, G., 42, 51 Gurney, O. R., 114, 300, 393
Giiterbock, H. G., 162, 171, 393
Gadd, C. J., 87, 88, 134, 136, 180,
183, 188, 265, 278, 294, 407 Haas, V., 93, 262, 339, 340
Galinsky, K., 182 Hackett, J. A., 205
Gallery, M. L., 323 Hadley, J. M., 206
Galling, K., 187 Hagg, T., 8
Gaiter, H. D., 109, 138, 317, 355, 356 Haggard, H. R., 441
Garelli, P., XV, 40, 75, 90, 167, 201, Haider, P. W., 7
241, 355 Haines, R. C., 203, 210, 259
Garstang, J., 41 Hall, M. G., 390
Gelb, I. J., 180, 308, 396, 397 Haller, A., 210, 399
Gellner, E., 223 Hallo, W. W., 104, 146-47, 180, 392
Genge, H., 400 Handy, L. K., XXIII, 4, 307
George, A. R., 141, 147, 237, 238, 239, Hanfmann, G. M. A., 7
242, 245, 246, 248, 253, 254, 274, Hannoon, N., 119, 123, 124, 125,
290, 291, 357, 362, 363, 364, 371 154, 266
Gerardi, P. D., 99, 111, 116, 143, Hansen, D. P., 259
144, 247, 249, 254, 283, 314 Harkness, M. E., 38
Gerber, M., I l l Harmatta, J., 387
Gerome, J.-L., 444 Harper, R. F., XXII, 249
Gibbon, E., 436, 443 Harrak, A., 392, 393, 394, 400
Gibson, J. C. L., 115, 226 Hansen, D. P., 259
Gibson, M., 263 Harris, R., 168
Gibson, W., 24, 430 Hassel, H.-G., 416
Gillard, D., 433 Hawkins, J. D., XXIV, 112, 113, 115,
Gitin, S., XXIII, 71, 207, 208, 209, 127, 138, 159, 192, 202, 308, 395,
211, 214 396, 397, 398
Godbey, A. H., 326 Heidel, A., 84, 112, 141, 163, 279,
Goetze, A., 258, 287, 392 280, 289
Gooch, G. P., 50 Heinrich, E., 200, 209, 210, 383
Goodsell, C. T., 233, 259 Heintz, J.-G., 83, 175
Goodspeed, G. S., 78 Heinz, M., 398
Gordon, R., 72, 184, 234 Helm, P. R., 7
Gorg, M., 156 Hendrickson, III, K. E., 435
Gormsen, E., 416 Herbelot, B. d', 436
Graetz, H. H., 43-44 Herbordt, S., 399
Gramsci, A., 13 Herdner, A., 393
Grayson, A. K., 59-60, 69, 76-77, 81, Herrero, J. A., 414, 415, 416
92, 93, 126, 130, 154, 159, 174, 188, Herzog, Z., 206, 209
191, 195, 202, 219, 223, 262, 263, Hess, J. J., 9
270, 273, 277, 278, 279, 280, 282, Hincks, E., 17, 18, 20-23, 25, 28, 29,
283, 295, 296, 311, 312, 314, 316, 30, 33, 160, 430
344, 350, 357, 372, 375, 378, 418 Hingley, R., 39
Green, A., 67, 171 Hinz, W., 143, 418
Green, T. M., 425 Hirsch, H., 167, 168
Gressmann, H., 187 Hochschild, A., 49
Groneberg, B. R. M., 151, 291 Hock, R. F., 8
Homer, M, 280 Kalluveettil, P., 175

Hoftijzer, J., 205 Kaminsky, H., 23
Holladay, Jr., J. J., 208 Keel, O., 398, 403, 409
Holloway, S. W., XXIV, 3, 4, 6, 10, Reiser, C. E., 308, 310
18, 67, 70, 71, 107-8, 160, 167, Kellner, H. J., 214
259, 318, 391, 405, 419, 420 Kelly-Bucellati, M., 238
Homes-Fredericq, D., 405 Kennedy, D., 106, 111, 320
Hommel, F., 45 Kessler, K., 104, 123, 124, 125, 141,
Hooker, P. K., 156 155, 240, 394, 401
Hopkins, A. G., 433 Khalifeh, I. A., 204, 205
Horst, W. van der, 9 Khazaradne, N. A., 397
Hoskisson, P., 174 Kildahl, P. A., 428
Hourani, A., 435 Killick, R., 398
Hrouda, B., 210, 404 King, L. W., 38, 187
Hrozny, B., 396 Kinnier Wilson, J. V., 276
Hudson, K., 428 Kister, M., 2
Hulin, P., 114 Kittel, R., 45
Hunger, H., 305 Kizilyay, H., 173
Hunt, L. A., 95 Klauber, E. G., 299
Hurowitz, V., 124, 126, 151 Klein, J., 390
Hussain, A., 13 Kleinast, B., 180
Huxley, T. H., 27 Klengel, H., 212, 213, 262, 400
Hvidberg-Hansen, F. O., 307, 342 Kletter, R., 5
Hyam, R., 40, 430, 432, 433, 434 Knauf, E. A., 186
Knight, F., 24, 430
Ibrahim, M., 205 Knox, R., 433
Iggers, G. G., 50 Koch, H., 418
Ikeda, I., 127 Koch, K., 4
Inalcik, H., 220 Koelle, S. W., 437
Irvine, S. A., 192 Kohl, P. L., 429
Irving, W., 436, 437 Kohlmeyer, K., 258, 402, 403
Ishaq, D., 243, 245 Koldewey, R., 242, 427
Ishida, T., 91 Konig, F. W., 172
Ismail, B. K., 130 Kooij, G. van der, 205
Kopp, H., XXI
Jacob, M. C., 95 Koppelkamm, S., 442
Jacobsen, T., 49, 84, 180, 355 Kraeling, C. H., 52
Jacoby, F., 7 Kramer, S. N., 119, 146
Jakob-Rost, L., 410 Kraus, F. R., 180
James, T. G. H., 143 Krebernik, M., 129, 279
Jankowska, N. B., 400 Krecher, J., 167
Jas, R., 176 Kiihne, H., 204, 212, 215
Jasink, A. M., 7, 159 Kuhrt, A., 1, 178, 261, 273, 290, 300
Jastrow, M., 38, 51, 66 Kummel, H. M., 320
Jenkins-Smith, H. C., 59 Kupper, J.-R., 146
Jensen, P. C. A., 46-47, 419 Kutscher, R., 180
Joannes, F., 340 Kwasman, T., 140, 141, 310, 358
Johanning, K., 46
Johns, C. H. W., 45, 313, 406 Labat, R., 246
Johnson, T., 222 Laboulaye, E., 439
Jones, C. E., XXIII Laess0e, J., 114, 261
Jones, S., 429 Lafont, B., 180, 262
Jones, W., 433, 441 Lambert, W. G., 65, 79, 106, 110,
Jumaily, A. I. al-, 253 111, 114-15, 116, 130, 170, 175,
178, 195, 237, 249, 279, 283, 298, Livingstone, D., 442
299, 363, 370, 395 Lloyd, S., 84, 180, 214, 389, 407, 425
Lamon, R. S., 210, 214, 383 Lorton, D., 197
Lamprichs, R., 50, 100 Lotz, W., 33
Landor, W. S., 440 Loud, G., 200
Landow, G. P., 39 Luckenbill, D. D., XXII, 156, 159, 204
Landsberger, B., 52, 148, 184, 196, Luschan, F. von, 213, 214, 400
314, 316, 323, 326, 369 Lutz, H. F., 250
Lane-Poole, S., 17, 431 Lynn, M., 433
Lanfranchi, G. B., 7, 83, 86, 100, 141,
165, 227, 301, 341 Macaulay, T. B. M., 440
Langdon, S. H., 41, 109, 110, 195, MacDonald, D. B., 436
239, 247, 248, 254, 358 MacGinnis, J., 247, 320, 321, 324, 331
Langenegger, F., 404 Machinist, P., 76, 140-41, 178, 190,
Laroche, E., 393, 396, 397 285, 370
Larsen, M. T., 10, 16, 46, 47, 72, Machule, D., 204
429, 431 MacKenzie, J. M., 14, 433, 435, 442,
Laurence, R., 118 444
Lawrence, T. E., 390 Magen, U., 71-72, 73, 183, 184, 189,
Layard, A. H., 11, 16, 17, 24, 30, 278
127, 132, 136, 137, 145, 153, 154, Mahmoud, A., 215
171, 188, 215, 428, 441 Maigret, A., 113
Leake, M., 391 Malaise, M., 215
Leask, N., 28, 434, 441 Mallowan, M. E. L., 87-88, 253
Leclant, J., 143 Malloy, J., 220
Ledrain, E., 44 Manitius, W., 45
Leemans, W. F., 296, 300 Marcus, M. I., 194
Lehmann, R. G., 47 Margueron, J.-C., 200, 203, 204, 210
Lehmann-Haupt, C. F., 430 Markle, G. E., 416
Leichty, E., 110 Marlowe, C., 442
Leland, J., 428 Marryat, F., 441
Lemaire, A., 8, 202, 308, 404 Marsham, J., 431
Lemarchand, R., 223 Marwick, A., 95
Lemche, N. P., 297 Masetti-Rouault, M. G., 340
Lenormant, F., 43 Maspero, G., 36, 42
Lenzen, H., 88 Matous, L., 167
Levine, B. A., 205 Matsushima, E., 316
Levine, L. D., 90, 109, 124, 125, 138, Matthews, R., 398
140, 154, 157, 158, 159, 164, 240, Matthiae, P., 204, 394
268, 277, 353, 354 Mattila, R., 103, 309, 410
Levy, T. E., 102 Mayer, W., 109, 120, 135, 149, 168, 185
Lewis, B., 24 Mayer-Opificius, R., 66, 131, 170
Lewy, J., 396, 423 Mazar, A., 208
Lidzbarski, M., 399 McArthur, V., XXIII
Limet, H., 179 McCarthy, D. J., 175
Lincoln, B., 173 McClellan, T. L., 201
Ling-Israel, P., 106 McCown, D. E., 259
Lipinski, E., 389, 394, 404, 406 McCrea, F. B., 418
Littleton, C. S., 173 McEwan, C. W, 203, 209, 325
Liverani, M., 40, 72-73, 75, 81, 84, McKay, J. W., 53-54, 62, 198
90, 174, 340, 395 Menant, J., 33, 160
Livesey, S. J., 9 Menzel, B., 65, 71, 76, 104, 168, 170,
Livingstone, A., 76, 144, 147, 148, 185, 186, 187, 189, 262, 269, 303,
186, 246 307, 317, 328, 332, 336, 341, 399, 410
Meriggi, P., 395, 396, 397 Nims, C. F., 2

Meshel, Z., 209 Nissinen, M., 78-79, 311, 323, 325,
Meskell, L., 429 336-37, 408, 410, 411, 412, 413
Mettinger, T. N. D., 349 Noldeke, T., 436
Metzler, D., 194 Norris, E., 21, 24, 33, 160
Meyer, E., 50, 303 Nougayrol, J., 212, 393
Meyer, G. R., 114
Michalowski, P., 65, 91, 285 Gates, J., 379
Michel, C., 167 Ockley, S., 436, 443
Michel, E., 127, 128, 152, 202, 262, 293 Oded, B., 3, 74, 76, 91, 132, 145,
Mierzewski, M., 132 149, 174, 307
Mill, J. S., 433, 440 Oestreicher, T., 5, 49, 59
Millard, A. R., 91, 110, 111, 115, Olivier, J. P. J., 301
116, 240, 249, 253, 270, 283, 314, Olmstead, A. T. E., 47-48, 49, 55,
316, 330, 331, 344 57, 63, 78, 92, 123, 124, 153, 154,
Miroschedji, P. de, 111 178, 190, 193, 397
Montesquieu, 439 Olson, R., 13
Moore, G. F., 28, 47 Onasch, H.-U., 239, 247, 267, 272,
Moore, T., 440-43 282, 408, 413
Moorey, P. R. S., 214, 215 Oppenheim, A. L., 75, 116, 135, 149,
Moortgat-Correns, U., 332 240, 295, 307
Moran, W. L., 295 Oppenheim, M. F. von, 404
Morandi Bonacossi, D., 69, 70, 73, 96 Oppert, J., 20, 28, 29, 33, 160, 430
Mosshammer, A. A., 7 Oren, E. D., 404
Movers, F. K., 5, 9 Oman, T., 349
Mowinckel, S., 46 Orthmann, W., 203, 204, 400
Muir, W., 24, 437, 442 Osborn, R. D., 437, 438
Mukherjee, S. N., 433 Otto, E., 142, 297
Mullen, Jr., E. T., 3 Otzen, B., 113
Muller, F. M., 43
Muller, K., 201, 202, 404 Palgrave, W. G., 437, 438, 441
Muller, K. F., XV, 227 Pallis, S. A. F. D., 10
Munslow, A., 97 Pardee, D., 206
Miinter, F., 25 Parker, B., 186, 409
Murad, H. Q., 24 Parpola, S., XXII, 4, 79, 85, 86, 103,
Miirdter, F., 43, 57, 161 113-14, 133, 138, 140, 141, 148, 154,
Muscarella, O. W., 162, 214 165, 174, 196, 204, 225, 249, 263,
Muss-Arnolt, W., 160, 430 278, 279, 280, 304, 309, 311, 312,
Mutawelli, N. al-, 245, 361 331, 362, 369, 407, 408, 410, 411
Parrot, A., 187
Na'aman, N., 3, 4, 6, 111, 156, 159, 254 Paterson, A., 99, 136, 137
Nash, G., 443 Pearce, L., 341
Nashef, K., 124, 129, 167 Pecirkova, J., 76, 100, 223, 326
Nasr, S. V. R., 433 Pecorella, P. E., 239
Nassouhi, E., 248, 250, 253 Pedersen, O., 105
Naumann, R., 404 Peltre, C., 442
Naveh, J., 71, 207, 208, 209 Perrot, G., 183
Nelson, B. J., 59 Perry, E. G., 8, 183
Newman, J. H., 438, 440, 442 Peters, J. P., 259
Nickelsburg, G. W. E., 2 Petrie, W. M. F., 201, 210, 409
Niebuhr, K., 440 Pfalzner, P., 203
Niebuhr, M. von, 431 Phillips, III, C. R., 147
Niehr, H., 4 Phillips, S., 429
Nies, J. B., 308, 310 Pick, D., 433
Piepkorn, A. C., 283 Reiter, K., 168

Pinches, T. G., 38, 51, 187 Renan, E., 43-44
Pingree, D., 85 Renger, J., 284, 428
Pitard, W. T., 204 Renz, J., 206
Place, V., 119, 399 Repieciolo, M., 391
Podella, T., 146, 304 Reuther, O., 110
Pollard, S., 434 Reviv, H., 297, 299, 301
Pongratz-Leisten, B., 71-72, 85, 161, Rhodokanakis, N., 187
163, 169, 170, 171, 261, 273, 274, Rice, D. S., 389, 425
291, 301, 332, 408, 413 Rich,J., 222
Porada, E., 214, 398 Richards, J., 435
Porter, B. N., 64, 75-76, 77-78, 110, Richards, T., 80-81, 82
217, 236, 237, 243, 245, 247, 249, Richter, M., 438
255, 259, 266, 270, 285, 312, 314, Riis, P. J., 113
349, 360, 364, 368, 370, 382, 383, Roaf, M. D., 130, 200
385, 386 Robertson, J. F., 260
Porter, D., 14 Robio de La Trehonnais, F. M. L. J.,
Postgate, J. N., 40, 67, 68, 100, 101, 42-43
103, 104, 105, 107, 108, 123, 124, Rochberg-Halton, F., 1, 85, 305
125, 126, 140, 141, 153, 154, 171, Rodinson, M., 436
178, 226, 229, 239, 240, 259, 265, Rollig, W., XXI, 106, 123, 128, 152,
297, 298, 302, 313, 317, 318, 327, 223, 340, 394
341, 395, 401, 410 Roniger, L., 223
Potts, D. T., 141 Rost, P., 133, 277
Powell, A. A., 442 Rouse, R. H., 9
Powell, M. A., 103 Rubin, E., 416
Prag, K., 388 Rudoe, J., 443
Pratt, M. L., 380, 441 Ruskin, J., 435
Preusser, C., 390 Russell, H. F., 7, 124
Price, S. R. F., 179 Russell, J. M., 74-75, 131, 132, 137,
Prideaux, H., 435, 436 138, 140, 229, 332
Pritchard, J. B., 37, 204, 205 Russmann, E. R., 142
Ryan, C., 83
Quet, M.-H., 8 Ryder, M. L., 101-2
Qureshi, J., 14
Sabatier, P. A., 59
Radder, P., XXIII Sachau, E., 390, 399
Radner, K., 339, 341, 373 Sack, R. H., 320
Rainey, A. F., 156, 206 Sader, H., 144, 204
Ranke, H., 187 Saggs, H. W. F., 10, 52, 125, 293,
Ranke, L. von, 95 297, 306, 320, 330, 427, 428
Rashid, F, 254 Said, E., 13-14, 428
Rassam, H., 183, 251, 417 Said, S., 7
Rawlinson, G., XVI, 14-15, 19, 26, Sale, G., 440
34-41, 42, 51, 431 Sailer, S. J., 220, 221, 405
Rawlinson, H. C., XVI, 10-11, 12-26, Salonen, E., 167, 169
29, 30, 33, 34, 36, 40, 42, 51, 145, Salvini, M., 120, 136, 154, 339, 340
160, 427, 431, 432 Samuel, A. E., 234
Reade, J. E., 8, 66, 68, 72, 73, 74, San Nicolo, M., 320
109, 111, 128, 132, 138, 157-58, Sass, B., 162, 405
164, 170, 183, 355, 418, 422, 427 Sauren, H., 180
Reich, R., 201, 210 Sauron, G., 357
Reimschneider, M., 172 Sayce, A. H., XVI, 13, 33, 41-42, 51
Reiner, E., 114, 295, 305 Schafer-Lichtenberger, C., 207
Scheil, J. V., 250 Steiner, R. C., 2

Schloen, J. D., 223 Steinkeller, P., 104
Schmidt, V., 43 Stol, M., 282
Schnapp, A., 428 Stolper, M. W., 49, 122, 232, 418
Schrader, E., 44, 45, 419 Stone, D. A., 59
Schramm, W., 126 Strazzulla, M.-J., 356
Schreiner, J., 5 Streck, M., 248, 249, 250, 272, 282,
Schroeer, J. F., 431 290, 316
Schwab, R., 35, 440, 441 Streck, M. P., 391
Schwertner, S. M., XXI Strommenger, E., 185
Scott, J. C., 227, 236 Strzygowski, J., 390
Scott, W., 441 Stucken, E., 46
Scurlock, J., 93, 96 Sulayman, T., 167
Searight, S., 432, 441, 443, 444 Sweet, R. F. G., 84, 260
Seibert, I., 214
Seidl, T., 5, 66, 170, 171, 182, 258, 284 Tadmor, H., 59, 68, 75, 88, 90, 92,
Seidmann, J., 125, 126 110, 133, 134, 135, 148, 157, 175,
Sells, M., 415 193, 196, 202, 249, 263, 264, 270,
Seux, M.-J., 83, 85, 179, 181, 182, 277, 278, 286, 345, 369, 375, 396,
183, 195, 290 413, 414
Sewell, E. M., 43 Talbot, W. H. F., XVI, 20-23, 27-34,
Shafer, A. T., 64, 66, 73, 152, 153, 188 36, 40, 42, 160
Sharafuddin, M., 14, 28, 441, 443 Tallqvist, K. L., 51, 186
Shelley, P. B., 440 Ta§yiirek, O. A., 402
Shipton, G. M., 210, 214, 383 Taylor, E., 387
Shukla, R. L., 26-27 Taylor, L, 24, 437
Siewert-Mayer, B., XXI Taylor, J. G., 4
Siker, J. S., 2 Tennyson, A., 27
Silberman, N. A., 428, 429 Thackeray, W. M., 441
Simpson, W. K., 142 Thenius, O., 5
Sinclair, T. A., 389 Thissen, L. C., 389
Sindhi, K. M. al-, 398 Thomas, F., 399
Singer, L, 393 Thomas, H., 391
Sjoberg, A. W., 169 Thomas, N., 14, 429
Skinner, J., 419 Thompson, R. C., 182, 195, 242, 248,
Smelik, K. A. D., 3, 108 253, 272, 294, 316, 409
Smith, G., 29, 42, 138, 156, 160 Thompson, T. L., 419
Smith, M., 48 Thornton, L., 442
Smith, M. S., 42 Thureau-Dangin, F., 106, 109, 257,
Smith, R. B., 444 258, 280, 300, 395, 396
Smith, S., 48 Tidrick, K., 39, 441, 443
Sobolewski, R., 132 Tiele, C. P., 43
Sollberger, E., 146 Toloni, G., 5
Southey, R., 28, 440, 443 Toorn, K. van der, 9, 132, 270
Spaey, J., 168 Tranie, J., 428
Spalinger, A. J., 408 Trevelyan, H. M. M., 440
Spieckermann, H., 5, 59, 60-64, 66, Trigger, B. G., 429, 442
170, 256 Trowbridge, T. C., 437, 438
Sprenger, A., 436 Tsukimoto, A., 168
Spycket, A., 185, 420 Tucker, D., 240
Stade, B., 44, 45 Turner, G., 200
Stanley, H. M., 442
Starr, L, 89 Uehlinger, C., 5, 132, 134, 137, 403,
Steible, H., 119 408, 409
Unger, E., 56, 66, 160-61, 170, 187, Weifibach, F. H., 417-18
188, 282, 296, 391 Weissert, E., 93, 275, 282, 372
Ungnad, A., 114, 186, 270, 303 Wellhausen, J., 5, 44, 435, 437
Urquhart, D., 444 Wentworth, E. N., 102
Ussishkin, D., 113, 206, 208 Werner, M., 444
Wesselius, J. W., 2
Vaglieri, L. V., 141 Westenholz, J. G., 124, 126
Vallat, F., 418 Westmacott, Jr., R., 18
Van der Mieroop, M., 260 White, H. V., 96
Van der Spek, R. J., 6, 38, 136 Whitelam, K. W., 429
Van Lerberghe, K., 168, 169 Wiggins, S. A., 393
Van Seters, J., 419 Wilcke, C., 180
Van Soldt, W. H., 85 Wilhelm, G., 339
Vera Chamaza, G. W., 109, 233, 297 Wilkinson, T. J.; 240
Verrier, M., 442 Williams-Forte, E., 162
Vikentier, V., 142, 185 Wilson, J. A., 49
Vilders, M. M. E., 205 Winckler, H., 45-47, 135, 156, 157,
Villard, P., 176, 392 158, 159, 240
Vleeming, S. P., 2 Winnicki, J. K., 146
Volney, C., 440 Winter, I. J., 73, 74, 155, 180, 184,
Von Soden, W., 52, 53, 76, 148, 202, 185, 191, 203, 229, 400, 438
298 Winters, Chris, XXIII
Voltaire, 440 Wiseman, D. J., 134
Woodward, E. L., 432, 438
Wachsmuth, C., 357 Woolley, C. L., 212, 214, 252
Waetzoldt, H., 167 Wrench, J. E., 397
Walker, C. B. F., 189, 236, 284 Wright, G. R. H., 206, 208, 209, 211
Wallace-Hadrill, A., 223 Wyatt, N., 167, 429
Walsh, G. P., 102
Wapnish, P., 102 Yadin, Y., 210, 383
Warburton, E., 441 Yardimci, N., 389
Ward, W. H., 398 Young, R. J. C., 433
Wartke, R.-B., 172 Younger, Jr., K. L., XXIII, 127, 134,
Watanabe, K., 166, 175 136, 159, 208, 262, 294
Waterbury, J., 223
Watson, W., 167 Zaccagnini, C., 135
Watt, W. M., 443 Zadok, R., I l l , 133, 136, 141-42,
Weber, M., 219-20 159, 239, 263, 309, 328, 394, 404,
Weidner, E. F., 114, 124, 125, 129, 130, 406, 407
250, 279, 303, 330, 391, 392, 394 Zawadzki, S., 2, 101, 111, 418
Weiher, E. von, 169 Zettler, R. L., 244, 250
Weinfeld, M., 175 Zimansky, P. E., 109, 135
Weippert, H., 205, 206, 209 Zimmern, H., 419
Weippert, M., 61, 78-79, 133, 142, 143, Ziolkowski, A., 117, 121
155, 204, 205, 280, 307, 395, 396, 420 Zwickel, W., 3, 120
INDEX OF DIVINE NAMES
Abirillu, 280 Atarquruma, 280

Adad, 69, 84, 123, 124, 125, 131, 'Atarsamain, 195, 280, 282-83
157, 158-59, 171, 173, 212, 285, 'Atiratu, 307
332, 340; of Halab/Aleppo, 89, 169,
262, 339, 342, 343, 402; of Ekallate, Bacal, 4, 9, 42, 211, 221
149, 354; of Issete/tu, 141; of Bacal Harran, 398, 404
Guzana, 303, 330, 341; of Kilizi, Ba'al-samem, 115, 342
274; of Kumme, 89, 262, 339, 340, Ba'al-malage, 342
341; of Kurba'il, 141, 275-76, 341; Ba'al-sapon, 342
of Tell al-Hawa, 239, 240, 339, 341 Ba'alat, 115
Addu, 261; of Arrapha, 261, 338; of Babu, 310, 317, 318, 328
Isana, 239; of Kahat, 238 Bagbartu, 135
Amagestin, of Sagub/Sagug, 118 Bel, 61, 86, 122, 140, 148, 182, 195,
Amurru, 140 237, 249, 265, 267, 268, 270, 282,
<Anat, 130-31 283, 285, 305, 310, 312, 314, 315,
'Anat-Bethel, 342 324, 327, 334, 352, 357, 358, 377,
Arm, 17, 69, 123, 125, 243, 294, 297, 385, 421; Bel Harran, 311, 336,
299, 300, 314, 334, 335, 402, 413 411, 420; Bel-labnya, 147; Bel-sarbi,
Anuket, 142 247, 254
Anumtu, 281, 367 Belet, 51; Belet-Akkad, 245;
Anu-rabu, 129, 246, 253, 274, 361 Belet-Babili, 180, 248, 281, 285;
see also Istaran Belet-ekalli, 282; Belet-TI.LA, 278
Anzu, 291, 409 Beltiya, 249, 285
Apla-Adad, 131 Ber, 115, 402
Apollo, 118, 121 Bes, 215
Ares, 173 Bethel, 342
Arkayltu, 272, 281, 367 Burruqu, 129
Asalluhi, 235, 314
Asarri, 241
Ashtoreth, 44 Da, 280
'Aserah, 307 Dagan, 169, 170, 294, 299, 300, 306,
Assur, XV, XVII, 6, 17, 19, 20, 22, 343; of Terqa, 169, 238, 338; of
25-26, 30, 32, 33, 36, 37, 38, 39, Subatum, 169; of Urah, 169
41, 42, 43, 44, 47, 48, 49, 51, 52, Dagon, 4
53, 54, 55, 57, 58, 61, 62, 63, Demeter, 208
65-68, 74, 76, 77, 81, 86, 99, 100,
101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, Ea, 195, 235, 248, 249, 281, 285, 314,
108, 109, 115, 116, 120, 125, 136, 395, 396
144, 147, 148, 149, 153-77, 178, 'El, 205
182, 184, 185, 186, 191, 193, 195, Enlil, 88, 146, 149, 244, 249, 250,
198, 199, 200, 210, 212, 216, 241, 252, 254, 259, 297, 300, 311, 323,
248, 256, 266, 274, 275, 279, 285, 367, 371, 390
286, 287, 288, 289, 291, 292, 329, Ennugi, 252
330, 331, 332, 334, 342, 353, 356, Erra, 268, 299, 300, 377, 414
361, 366, 367, 369, 370, 381, 383, Erragal, 282
384, 402, 408, 409, 413, 422, 423 Esmun, 342, 343
'Astar, 205 Estar, 168
514 INDEX OF DIVINE NAMES
Gala, 207-8 Mar-blti-sa-bint-nari, 129, 279

Genius of Augustus, 182 Mar-brti-sa-pan-biti, 129, 279
Girra, 414 Marduk, 38, 42, 48, 51, 52, 65, 75,
Gula, 129, 245, 248, 249, 310 76, 77, 79, 116, 122, 131, 136, 140,
146, 147, 148, 149, 168, 170, 182,
Harpocrates, 215 191, 195, 196, 212, 230, 233, 234,
235, 237, 241, 242, 245, 248, 249,
Haldi, 86, 98, 109, 119, 126, 135, 149, 260, 263, 272, 273, 274-77, 281,
171-72, 195, 278, 286, 340, 424 282, 283, 285, 286, 289, 290, 299,
Humhum, 130, 279 300, 312, 314, 316, 324, 334, 335,
342, 357, 358, 360, 367, 369, 370,
373, 377, 378, 379, 381, 383, 384,
Igigi, 195
385, 387, 409, 413, 422
Il-Amurru, 281 Mars, 173
'Ilu, 43, 307 Mary, Saint, 414
Ilu-Wer, 115
Matilis, 395, 396
Imhotep, 215 Melqart, 342, 343
Inanna, 146, 214, 241, 258, 367 Mfsarum, 131
Insusinak, 143, 195 Mullil, 238
Istar, 32, 86, 123, 125, 131, 154, 157, Mullissu, 62, 79, 107, 337, 370, 383
158-59, 171, 182, 183, 212, 213, Mylitta, 44
214, 215; of Akkad, 247, 254, 307,
313, 376; of Arba'il, 79, 183, 185,
191, 274, 281, 291, 295, 363; of Nabu, 61, 69, 86, 131, 171, 182, 183,
Huzmna, 313; of Nineveh, 253, 203, 212, 213, 243, 265, 270, 308,
274, 363; of Uruk, 243, 250, 266, 352, 358, 370, 377, 402, 409, 422;
271, 281, 314, 315, 317, 319, 367, of Borsippa, 250, 256, 258, 268,
378 289, 291, 292, 316, 333, 376; of
Istaran, 129-30, 195, 246, 253, 274, Kalhu, 326; of Dur-Sarrukm, 104,
278, 279, 361 see also Anu-rabu 114,' 201, 202; sa hare of Babylon,
Istar-sarrum, 306 243, 245, 258, 361, 368, 371, 372
Itur-Mer, 306, 338 Nanaia, 129, 148, 196, 244, 272, 281,
283, 290, 317, 367, 377, 378
Nanna, 119, 251, 252, 316, 390
Kakku, 170 Nasuh/Nasuh, 246, 407-8, 419
Karhuha, 343 Ner-e-tagmil, 129
Kubaba, 343, 395, 396, 397, 398 Nergal, 140, 170, 171, 173, 268, 332,
Kulla, 257 358, 363, 377; of Cutha, 247, 253,
Kuparnas, 396 291; of Hubsalum, 171; of Me-
Kurunitu, 278 Turran, 253, 254
Kusu, 252 Nikkal, 290, 309, 315, 335, 337, 393,
Kusor, 342 397, 405, 410, 411, 420
Ninegal, 254, 379
Lamastu, 212-13 Ningal, 251, 252, 253, 316, 378
Lares Compitales, 182 Ninimma, 252
Las, 272 Ninkasi, 251
Lugalbanda, 140 Ninlil, 107, 123, 125
Lugaldimmerankia, 249 Ninmah, 249
Lugalmarada, 282 Ninurta, 154, 183, 185, 188, 326, 371
Nirah, 278
Ma'at, 409 Nisroch, 4, 17
Madanu, 131, 195, 281, 285 Nuha, 280
Marat-Eridu, 140 Nusku, 171, 246, 252, 272, 290, 291,
Marat-Sin, 140 311, 313, 315, 319, 397, 405, 407,
Mar-bid, 278, 279 408, 410, 412, 423
INDEX OF DIVINE NAMES 515
Pahalatis, 115 165, 168, 169, 170, 175, 182, 212,

Palil, 281, 367 213, 215, 235, 248, 250, 261, 268,
Pazuzu, 213-15 281, 283, 285, 336, 338, 352, 368,
PTGYH, 207 376, 377, 384, 399, 409
Sarrahftu, 282
Queen of Heaven (biblical), 44 Sarrat-Deri, 129, 278, 279
Sarrat Kidmuri, 335
Rammanu, 131, 343 Sarrat-nipha, 310
Ruda, 280 Semes, 115
Seru'a, 285, 370
Sahr, 115, 309, 419 Sidada, 246, 362, 363
Sakkud-sa-Bube, 129, 278, 279 Simallya, 130, 279
Sukaniya, 129
Salmanu, 339
Sulmanu, 339
Sarrumas, 396, 397
Sebetti, 212, 213, 214, 215 Suzianna, 251
Sin, 149, 157, 158-59, 182, 212, 309,
335, 336, 414; of Assur, 337, 399; Tarhunzas, 113, 395, 396, 397, 398
of Dur-Sarrukfn, 114; of Eluma, Tasmetum, 249, 265, 289, 310, 333
317, 419; of Harran, 90, 184, 191, Teiseba, 340
213, 215, 232^ 239, 242, 247, 248, Tesub, XIX, 239, 339, 340
251, 255, 257, 266, 267, 271, 272, Ti'amat, 356
274, 275, 291, 299, 309, 315, 316,
331, 336, 342, 363, 391, 392-93, Uras, 254, 282, 379
399, 401, 402, 405, 407, 408, 409, Urigallu, 170
410, 412, 413, 414, 416, 417, 418, UrkTtu, 129
419, 420, 421, 422, 423, 424, 425; Usur-amassa, 272, 281, 345, 367
of Ur, 368, 391
Suen, 390 Venus, 9
Salam-sarri, 57, 185-91 Yahweh, 4, 8, 9, 41, 42, 44, 45, 48,

Salm, 186 60, 90, 206, 318
Salmu, 170, 186
Zababa, 282, 285, 310. 317, 318, 328,
Sagar, 205 370
Sala of Anat, 131; of Ekallate, 149, Zarpamtu, 265, 281, 285, 310, 316,
354 357, 378
Samas, 66, 84, 86, 131, 157, 158-59, Zeus Meilichios, 342
INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES
Abraham, 1, 9, 18, 46 Asau/Sau, 152

Abydenos, 7 Asaredu, governor of Cutha, 321
Adad-apla-iddina, 116 Asaredu mahru, 182
Adad-idri, 112 Assur-bel-sakin, 173
Adad-narari I, 323, 394 Assur-bel-kala, 173, 185, 394
Adad-narari II, 55, 89, 125, 126, 128, Assur-dan I, 185
145, 240, 262, 340 Assur-dan II, 125, 145, 173
Adad-narari III, 10, 70, 89, 263, 303, Assur-dan III, 345
340, 341, 342, 344, 346, 401, 402 Assur-etel-same-erseti-mubaHissu, 316
Adad-sumu-usur, 88-89, 182, 225, Assur-etel-ilani, 7-8, 88-89, 248, 254,
250, 254 255, 291, 295, 296, 379, 384, 388,
Adda-hati, 102 417
Ahaz, 2-3, 43, 44, 45, 48, 49, 107 Assur-hamatu'a, 184
Ahhesa, 337, 358 Assur-le°i, 157
Ahi-yababa, 126 Assur-malik, 238
Ahuni, 127, 145, 395, 396 Assur-nadin-sumi, 353, 382
Akkullanu, 101, 108, 176, 330, 332 Assur-nasir-pal II, 1, 28, 30, 31, 36,
Amar-Suen, 252 69, 88, 102, 106, 112, 126, 127,
Ammianus Marcellinus, 173 132, 151, 152, 172, 173, 184, 185,
Ana-Nabu-taklak, 256, 308 187, 188, 190, 192, 202, 229, 240,
Appian, 117 305, 341, 353, 395
Aqar-Bel-lumur, 322 Assur-nararT V, 342, 401
Arba'ilayu, 83 Assur-resuwa, 86, 341
Argisti, 86, 120, 135 Assur-sar-usur, 308
Arihi, 328 Assur-uballit I, 393
Aristotle, 438 Assur-uballit II, 418
Ariyahinas, 395 Atamrum, 174
Arrian, 198 Atarsumki, 402
Asdi-Takim, 391 Augustus, 48, 72, 182, 184, 356
Assurbanipal, XV, XX, 2, 4, 29, 51, Azi-ilu, 127
53, 56, 59, 61, 65, 76, 79, 84, 85,
86, 88, 89, 90, 99, 101, 107, 108, Bacal of Laruba, 152
110, 111, 115, 116, 118, 120, 121, Ba'al of Tyre, 342
122, 140, 141, 142, 143-44, 145, Baba-aha-iddina, 130, 173
148, 149, 150, 151, 176, 185, 197, Balaam" 205
200, 228, 230, 233, 234, 237, 238, Balasi, 289
239, 243, 245, 247, 248, 249, 250, Balassu, 410
251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, Bar-Ga'yah, 202
259, 266, 267, 268, 271, 272, 275, Barrakib, 53, 214, 226-27, 398, 422
276, 281, 282, 283, 284, 286, 287, Beke, Dr., 19
289, 290, 291, 292, 295, 299, 302, Bel-etir, 121
304, 305, 308, 314, 315, 316, 317, Bel-Harran-abu-usur, 405
326, 327, 328, 330, 331, 332, 334, Bel-Harran-ahu-usur, 405
335, 342, 352, 354, 360, 364, 365, Bel-Harran-bilu-usur, 131, 296-97, 405
368, 372-79, 381, 382, 383, 384, Bel-Harran-dun, 405
387, 388, 401, 407, 408, 409, 410, Bel-Harran-idrl, 405
412, 413, 414, 417, 420, 423 Bel-Harran-ili, 405
INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES 517
Bel-Harran-isse'a, 405 284-85, 286-87, 288, 289, 292,

Bel-Harran-killanni, 405 294, 295, 297, 298, 302, 304, 305,
Bel-Harran-kusurrani, 405 310, 311, 312, 313, 314, 315, 319,
Bel-Harran-sabtanni, 405 321, 325, 328, 329, 332, 334, 335,
Bel-Harran-sadu'a, 405 336, 337, 342, 348, 349, 352, 355,
Bel-Harran-sarru-usur, 405 358-72, 374, 376, 378, 379, 381,
Bel-Harran-taklak, 405 383, 384, 385, 387, 401, 407, 408,
Bel-Harran-uballit, 405 409, 410, 411, 412, 413, 417, 420,
Bel-Harran-usuranni, 405 421, 423
Bel-ibni, 106,' 116, 353 Esau, 46
Bel-iddina, 86, 308, 315 Eusebius, 6
Bel-iqlsa, 173, 324
Bel-lu-balat, 324, 395 Gaignieres, R. de, 428
Bel-Mser, 295 Grrittu, 83
Belshazzar/Bel-sar-usur, 18 Gudea, 180, 184, 185
Bel-usezib, 335, 336^ 385
Berossus, 6, 18, 431 Hamiyatas, 395, 396
Bismarck, O. E. L. von, 427 Hanunu, 61, 132, 133, 150, 155, 190,
192, 193, 214
Cambyses, 118, 305, 371 Handi, 405
Canning, Stratford (Stratford de Harranay, 405
Redcliffe), 16, 438 Harranayyu, 405
Chedor-laomer, 18 Hastings, W., 440
Cooper, F. C., 188 Hatarna, 165
Corbet, G., 427 Henry VIII, 428
Ctesias, 18, 431-32 Herodotus, 18, 36, 37, 118, 173, 431
Cyrus, 371, 387 Hezekiah, 3-4, 5, 31, 87, 151, 206, 432
Holophernes, 6
Dadi, 83, 104 Homer, 438
Daiian-Assur, 20
Daley, Richard J., 218, 387 Hammurapi, 168, 181, 305
Daley, Richard M., 217-18 Harran-bel-usur, 405
Darius I, 118, 198 Harranaia, 405
David, 5 Harranu, 405
Derceia, 8 Haza'el, 140, 142, 280, 283, 288, 310,
Diodorus, 8, 118 319, 366
Dugdamme/Lygdamis, 290 Humban-haltas II, 359
Humban-haltas III (Ummanaldas), 143
Ellenborough, Lord, 26
Ensakusanna, 146 lanzu, 11, 128, 145, 343
Enbi-Istar, 146 lasmah-Addu, 180, 238
Eni-ilu, 112 lasub-Addu, 261
Erlba-Marduk, 244 Idibi'ilu, 156, 162
Esarhaddon, XX, 30, 31, 32, 36, 48, Ikausa ben Padi, 207, 211
53, 56, 58, 61, 62, 63, 64, 75, 76, Il-yabi, 317
77-78, 79, 85, 89, 90, 92, 99, 106, Ili-ittiya, 212
107, 122, 131, 137, 138, 140, Ina-sar-Bel-allak, 104
141-43, 148, 150, 151, 165, 184, Ina-tesi-etir, 256
185, 196, 197, 200, 204, 217, 228, Irhuleni, 'l!2
229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, Ishi-Dagan, 174
236, 237, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, Isme-Dagan, 174, 262, 391
247, 248, 255, 257, 258, 259, 266, Ispuini, 172, 340
267, 270, 271, 272, 275, 276, 277, Istar-dun, 241, 330
278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, Istar-sumu-eres, 195, 246, 281, 337
518 INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES
Jacob, 46 Marvan II, 390

Jehoshaphat, 18 Mati'-'Ilu, 401
Jehu, 430 Menua, 154, 172, 340
Josephus, 1, 3, 4, 432 Merodach-baladan II (Marduk-apla-
Josiah, 4-6, 9, 45, 49, 59, 318 iddina II), XXI, 87, 88, 116, 136,
Juvenal, 229 228, 237, 241, 265, 278, 301, 321,
329, 350, 351, 352, 353, 359, 365,
Kakku-aplu-usur, 170 375, 381, 386
Kakku-eres, 170 Moses, 46
Kakku-sarru-usur, 170 Muhammad, 24, 35, 435-37, 438,
Kakkua, 170 442, 443
Kandalanu, 290, 317, 324, 327, 375, Mukm-zeri, 293, 323, 346
379, 386 Munnabitu, 85
Kibaba, 159, 165, 286 Muqqadasl, 389
Kili-Tesub, 123, 151, 340 Murray, J., 37
Kfnaya, 352 Mursili, 393
Kirua, 159 Musezib-Ninurta, 215
Kudurru, Babylonian haruspex, 311,
336-37, 411, 412 Nabonassar, 277, 345, 346
Kudurru, governor of Uruk, 308 Nabonidus, 18, 110, 112, 239, 247,
Kudurru, sandabakku of Nippur, 241, 346 255, 371, 387, 389, 417
Kurigalzu I, 252 Nabopolassar, 148, 238, 325, 355, 379,
418
Layale, 280, 287, 289, 366 Nabu-ahhe-erlba, 225, 289, 308
Leland, J., 428 Nabu-apla-iddina, 344
Leopold II, King of Belgium, 49 Nabu-asared, 184
Lot, 46 Nabu-beli-ka>3in, 165
Louis XIV, 86, 428 Nabu-bel-sumati, 228, 256, 375
Lucian of Samosata, 8 Nabu-bel-usur, 313
Lugalzaggesi, 118 Nabu-etir, 293
Nabu-iddina, 304
Manasseh, 5-6, 9, 44, 45, 49 Nabu-iqbi, 409
Mannu-kl-Assur, 303, 330 Nabu-musesi, 195
Mannu-ki-Arba'il, 186 Nabu-mukfh-apli, 162
Man(nu)-ki-Harran, 405 Nabu-pasir, 90, 242, 266, 309, 331, 407
Mannu-ki-Ninua, 165-66, 177, 199, Nabu-rehtu-usur, 79, 311, 337,
303, 330 410-11, 412, 417
Mao Tse-tung, 93 Nabu-sallim, 31
Marduk-apla-iddina (ABL corpus Nabu-sar-ahhesu, 253
author), 112, 338 Nabu-sumu-lesir, 149
Marduk-apla-usur, 114 Nabu-usabsi, 133, 315-16, 331, 378, 386
Marduk-mudammiq, 11, 128, 145 Nabu-zer-kitti-lfsir, 359
Marduk-nadin-ahhe, 122, 149, 354 Nadin-Assur, 101
Marduk-sakin-sumi, 304, 312, 409 Nadinu, 226
Marduk-sallim-ahhe, 104 Nahor, 419
Marduk-sapik-zeri, 385 Na'id-Marduk, 359, 366
Marduk-sumu-usur, 85, 423 Napoleon Bonaparte, 428
Marduk-zakir-sumi I, 343 Naram-Sin of Akkad, 115, 179
Marduk-zeru-ibni, 226 Naram-Sin of Esnunna, 391
Mar-Istar, 89, 184, 191, 228, 229, Nazi-Maruttas, 244
231, 242, 245, 246, 247, 266, 267, Nebuchadnezzar I, 116. 146
271, 282, 288, 289, 292, 302, 304, Nebuchadnezzar II, 6, 31, 118, 198,
312, 313, 315, 318, 322, 324-25. 214, 245, 258, 371
326, 327, 329. 332-35, 362, 367, 379 Nergal-iddina, 306
INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES 519
Nergal-usezib, 310, 353 163, 164, 165, 166, 172, 173, 175,
Nimrod, 9 182, 185, 196, 198-99, 200, 205,
Nimshi, 18 211, 227, 231, 233, 237, 240, 241,
Ningal-iddin, 386 242, 255, 256, 258, 264, 265, 266,
Ninurta-kudurri-usur, 130-31, 290 270, 273, 277, 278, 283, 285, 286,
Ninurta-nadin-sumi, 162 293, 294, 297, 299, 301, 302,
Ninurta-tukultl-Assur, 105 306-7, 308, 309, 314, 318, 322,
Ninus, 8 324, 331, 341, 347, 350-53, 363,
Niqmaddu, 393 364, 369, 376, 381, 406, 407, 417,
Noah, 7 420, 423, 427, 432
Nur-Adad, 126 Sarwatiwaras, 397
Sasi, 20, 311, 337, 410-11
Omri, 18 Semiramis (Sammu-ramat), 7, 8, 18, 402
Sennacherib, 2, 3-4, 5. 6-8, 11, 17,
28, 30, 31, 36, 52, 56, 59, 66, 67,
Padi, 207, 210
68, 74-75, 76, 77, 79, 84, 92, 93,
Panammuwa, 226, 398
Pausanius, 118, 198 94, 99, 102, 106, 107, 109, 110,
Peric, Bishop, 415 112, 116, 118, 121, 122, 132,
136-41, 145, 148, 149, 150, 151,
Phh, 215
Piyassili, 393 159-60, 160, 161, 163, 170, 172,
Pliny, 198 182, 184, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199,
Plutarch, 431 204, 205, 207, 210, 230, 235, 237,
Polybius, 117 240, 242, 261, 266, 269, 278, 279,
Polyhistor, 6 281, 283, 285, 288, 302, 310, 312,
Ptolemy II, 197 313, 314, 318, 321, 330, 348,
Ptolemy IV, 197 353-58, 359, 361, 365, 366, 368,
Pul, 9, 10, 18 369, 370, 373, 377, 379, 382, 383,
Puzur-Estar, 185 406, 407, 421, 432
Puzur-STn, 116 Serug, 419
Sesostris, 70
Shalmaneser I, 238, 239, 255, 339,
Qlsti-Marduk, 321 357, 393, 394
Qistiya, 352 Shalmaneser III, XIX, 10, 11, 19-20,
Qurdi-Assur-lamur, 306-7, 330 89, 92, 112, 126, 127-28, 132, 150,
Qurdi-Harran, 405 152, 161, 172, 182, 185, 187, 188,
Qurdi-Nergal, 328 190, 192, 196, 202, 239, 240, 255,
262, 276, 284, 286, 293, 299, 339,
Rasi-ili, 226, 314, 334 340, 341, 342, 343, 344, 345, 388,
Rasi-ili pdnu, 195 395, 400, 420, 421
Rimutu, 352 Shalmaneser IV, 296, 401, 402
Rusa, 120 Shalmaneser V, 94, 233, 270, 273,
293, 297, 347, 350, 353, 375
Sagabbu, 239 Sheba, Queen of, 31
Sakkunyaton, 342 Shem, 38
Sammu-ramat see Semiramis Si'-gabbari, 309, 407
Samsi, 134 Simbar-Sipak, 116, 283
Samsu-iluna, 180 Sin-balassu-iqbi, 251, 252, 253, 316,
Sangara, 151, 152, 190, 192, 193 335, 364, 377
Sarduri, 120 Sin-dun, 256, 352
Sargon II, XIX, 9, 10, 52, 54, 56, 61. Sin-erfbam, 180
67, 74, 80, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, Sin-iddinam, 180
92, 104, 106, 107, 109, 112, 114, Sin-na'id, 108
116, 119, 120, 126, 134-36, 138, Sin-sar-iskun, 111, 114, 379
144, 149, 153, 156-59, 160, 162, Sm-sar-usur, 316-17
520 INDEX OF PERSONAL NAMES
Sm-sumu-lisir, 379 Tiglath-pileser I, 20-23, 32, 33. 51,

Sin-tabni-usur, 252 67, 68, 104, 105, 123-25, 144-45,
Sin-teri, 392 151, 160, 175, 185, 323, 340, 354,
Sipis, 397 394
Siruatti, 156 Tiglath-pileser III, 2~3, 11, 43, 52, 56,
Solomon, 39, 113 60, 61, 67, 89, 90, 107, 112,
Ssm, 215 131-34, 145, 153-56, 160, 161, 163,
Strabo, 1, 118, 198 190, 191, 192, 198, 199, 202, 203,
214, 215, 226, 237, 263, 264, 270,
Salam-sarri-iqbi, 57, 186, 190 273, 277, 286, 287, 293, 296,
Sidqa, 137, 151 306-7, 322, 323, 330, 342, 345,
346-49, 350, 375, 381, 382, 396,
Samas-bunala, 293, 330 400, 401, 406, 421, 422, 423
Samas-ibni, 231, 277 Tukultl-Ninurta I, XV, 52, 59, 171,
Samas-resa-usur, 130-31 370, 394
Samas-sumu-lesir, 83, 140 Tukulti-Ninurta II, 69, 126, 240, 323
Samas-sumu-ukm, 2, 85, 143, 144, Tuwatis, 396
149, 150, 176, 228, 229, 230, 231,
232, 234, 236, 237, 245, 250, 251, Tab-sar-Assur, 309, 330, 407
252, 268, 271, 282, 290, 299, 302,
314, 315, 317, 324, 326, 330, 331, Uabu, 142, 366
334, 335, 360, 368, 372-78, 382, Ubaru, 359
383, 386, 388, 414 Ubru-Harran, 405
SamsT-Adad V, 89, 108, 128-30, 145, Ullusunu, 61, 175
150, 173, 183, 196, 212, 262, 269, Urad-ahhesu, 249, 250, 267, 289, 329
279, 342, 343, 344, 346, 349, 361, Urad-Ea, 90, 272, 275, 313, 328, 408
362, 395, Urad-Gula, 225
SamsT-Addu I, XIX, 69, 116, 180, Urad-Nabu, 226, 305
238, 255, 261, 306, 318, 338, 424 Uru'inimgina, 118, 119
SamsT-ilu, 112, 131, 202, 293, 296, Urzana, 86
324, 402
Sarru-emurranni, 301
Victoria, Queen, 81
Sarsina/Hirsina, 128
Virgil, 30
Sattiwaza, 239, 339, 392
Seri-nuri, 410
Sulgi, 390 Warad-dSurinnum, 170
Suma-iddina, 184, 226, 243, 266, 267, Wasusarmas/Wassurme, 396, 400, 422
271, 289, 310-11, 312, 324, 327,
333, 335, 336 Xenophon, 18
Suppiluliuma, 239, 339, 392 Xerxes, 118, 198
Su-Sin, 180, 276
Suttarna, 393 Yasub-El, 392
Suzubu (Musezib-Marduk), 354 Yau-bPdi, 112
Yauta1 (Uaite c ) b. Birdada, 143, 283
Tabua, 141, 280, 281, 366 Yautac (Uaite'j b. Haza'el, 142, 143,
Tagi-Sarruma, 394 145, 282, 283, 287, 366
Taharqa, 62, 142, 143, 185
Taklak-ana-Bel, 328 Zakiru, 133
Tammarltu I, 86 Zakkur, 115, 402
TammaiTtu II, 143 Zanic, Bishop, 415
Te'elhunu, 90, 140, 279 Zaziya, 174
Terah, 419 Zerutu, 304
Teumman, 116 Zimri-Lim, 169, 173, 174, 175, 239, 391
INDEX OF PLACE NAMES
Aden, 433 Asia, 16, 39, 430, 440

Adummatu (Dumat al-Jandal, al Jawf), Assur (Qal'at as-Sarqat), 22, 65, 67,
140, 279, 283, 288, 310 70, 75, 76, 98, 101,' 103, 104, 105,
Afghanistan, 26 108, 112, 116, 123, 124, 125, 126,
Afis, 115 143, 147, 149, 169, 170, 171, 177,
Africa, 347, 430, 442 180, 185, 186, 191, 203, 210, 212,
Ajjanu, 394 233, 235, 236, 237, 239, 241, 269,
Akkad (the city), 79, 115, 247, 254, 272, 274-75, 278, 281, 283,
266, 280, 312, 324, 325, 327, 332, 284-85, 287, 288, 296, 297, 299,
334, 364, 365, 371, 376 302, 310, 312, 314, 318, 329, 330,
Akkad (the land), 31, 107, 140, 146, 334, 335, 337, 339, 344, 356, 363,
230, 263, 265, 269, 353, 363 370, 378, 383, 392, 398, 410
Alalakh, 323 Assyria, XVIII, XIX, 1, 2, 5, 10, 12,
Aleppo (Halab), 89, 101, 169, 262, 16, 17, 18, 31, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40,
269, 309, 339, 342, 343, 395, 400 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 48, 51, 52,
Algiers, 434 53, 54, 55, 56, 58, 59, 60, 62, 63,
Aligor, 403 65, 66, 70, 74, 76, 77-78, 79, 80,
Al-Kosh Plain, 126 81, 83, 86, 88, 93, 94, 99, 102,
Amanus, 404 104, 106, 107, 115, 118, 123, 125,
Amasakku, 105 129, 131, 132, 136, 145, 149, 150,
Amedi, 155, 162 155, 156, 165, 185, 190, 191, 196,
America, 10, 49 199, 211, 219, 226, 229, 234, 235,
Ammaus, 123 239, 241, 252, 255, 268, 273, 274,
Anat ('Ana, on the Middle Euphrates), 277, 279, 295, 309, 317, 322, 335,
114, 130-31, 140-41, 290 340, 342, 348, 372, 373, 380, 384,
Anat (near Kurba'il), 140-41 385, 387, 399, 418-19, 423, 428,
Anatolia, 138, 150, 391, 397, 401, 417 430, 431, 430
Antakya, 202 Aswan, 142
Antioch-on-the-Orontes, 8 Australia, 102
Apku, 105 'Ayyelet has-Sahar, 210
Apum, 167
Arabia, 15, 197, 280, 286, 287, 347, 366 Bab-Marrati, 359
Arahtu Canal, 355 Babil, 69
c
Aran, 403 Babylon, XXI, 7, 44, 52, 53, 59, 68,
Arba'il (Erbil), 79, 98, 105, 140, 183, 70, 77, 92, 93, 109, 110, 116, 117,
186, 191, 274-75, 281, 291, 295, 120, 121, 122, 129, 131, 140, 148,
328, 363, 410 149, 180, 181, 184, 185, 195, 196,
Arbu, 109 226, 230, 231, 234, 235, 236, 237,
Ariarmi, 154 242, 243, 245, 248, 249, 254, 256,
Armariali, 109, 158 258, 259, 260, 262, 263, 264, 265,
Arpad, 101. 102, 112, 342, 401, 402 266, 267, 268, 270, 271, 272, 273,
Arrapha, 261, 262, 330-31, 338, 346 274, 276, 277, 278, 281, 282, 283,
Arslan Tas (Hadattu), 70, 209, 215, 402 285, 286, 287, 290, 291, 292, 293,
As,agi Yanmca, 338, 407 295, 296, 298, 299, 300, 301, 302,
Ashdod (Tell ar-Ras), 136, 203, 206, 207 304, 305, 308, 310, 311, 312, 314,
Ashdod-yam (Mfnat al-Qalca), 136 315, 316, 317, 321, 323, 324, 325,
Ashkelon (Tell 'Asqelon), 62, 137, 151 326, 328, 329, 332, 333, 334, 337,
522 INDEX OF PLACE NAMES
343, 344, 346, 348, 350, 351, 352, Bft-Sa'alli, 133, 346
353, 354-56, 358, 360-61, 362, Bit-Silani, 133
363, 364, 365, 368, 369, 370, 371, Bit Zamani, 301
372, 373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, Bombay, 14
379, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, Borsippa, 129, 184, 231, 244, 245,
413, 424 250, 251, 255, 256, 262, 263, 264,
Babylonia, XVIII, XIX, XX, 11, 16, 267, 289, 291, 293, 294, 296, 299,
31, 43, 44, 45-46, 47, 66, 75, 302, 305, 308, 312, 316, 321, 324,
76-78, 79, 85, 88, 89, 98, 106, 107, 325, 327, 332, 333, 336, 343, 344,
110, 116, 117, 118, 122, 128, 129, 346, 351, 363, 364, 365, 374, 376,
130, 133, 136, 138, 148, 149, 150, 378, 382, 383, 387
153, 162, 163, 164, 190, 192, 197, Bosnia-Herzegovina, 414
199, 217, 219, 228, 229, 231, 232, Britain, 81, 427, 428, 430, 435
233, 234, 236, 237, 238, 241, 242, Brussels, 405
252, 253, 255, 256, 259, 260, 263, Busera, 209
264, 265, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, Byblos, 212
272, 273, 275, 277, 280, 281, 282, Byzantium, 429
284, 286, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292,
293, 294, 295, 297, 302, 304, 305, Cairo, 444
310, 311, 312, 313, 317, 318, 319, Calah (Assyrian Kalhu, modern
321-38, 342, 343-88, 392, 401, 411, Nimrud), 87
420, 421, 423, 424, 428 Canaan, 42
Baghdad, 15, 16, 17, 18, 26 Cappadocia, 168
Bahianu, 154 Carchemish (Jerablus), 101, 127, 151,
Bahrain, 398 152, 190, 192, 193, 212, 214, 317,
Balrhu (Tell Abyad?), 239, 395 393, 394, 398, 400, 418, 419, 424
Balfh River, 127, 395, 400, 404, 405 Carthage, 78, 117
Balata, 104 Central Asia, 17
Balawat (Imgur Enlil), 127, 172, 187, Chaldea, 344, 359
229, 293, 332 Chicago, 217-19, 387
Balkans, 417 China, 93
Banno, 117 Cilicia, 7-8, 159-60, 163
Barhalzi^ 102 Constantinople, 438
Bas see Copenhagen, 72
Baradust Plain, 119 Corfu, 28
Basture Cay River, 140 Corinth, 78
Bawian, 68, 70, 124, 355, 356 Cothon, 121
Bazu, 141, 280, 287, 366 Croatia, 414-16
Behistun (Bfsitun), 16 Cutha (Tell Ibrahim), 247, 250, 253,
Berlin, 428 262, 263, 264, 268, 272, 291, 298,
Beth Guvrin, 213 302, 304, 315, 321, 326, 332, 334,
Bialasi, 126 335, 343, 344, 346, 363, 364, 365,
Bijakovici, 415 374, 376, 377, 383
Birati, 149 Cyprus, 204, 265, 294
Bit-Adini, 11, 127, 145, 350, 395 Cythera, 391
Bit Amukani, 323, 346
Bit-Dakkuri, 231, 277, 360 Damascus, 19, 102, 112, 145, 343, 402
Bit Halupe, 126 Dast-e Harir, 125
Brt-Hamban, 377 Datebir,' 129
Brt-Iakm, 140, 197, 321, 346, 351, Delta, Nile, 214, 408
354, 365 Der (Tell <Aqar), 129, 138, 195, 196,
Bit-Istar, 154, 162 241, 242, 246, 253, 256, 274-75,
Brt-Reduti, 129 278, 279, 284, 292, 294, 297, 304,
Brt-Sangibuti, 109 316, 321, 323, 324, 325, 329, 331,
INDEX OF PLAGE NAMES 523
332, 334, 344, 345, 347, 351, 354, Europe, 15, 48-49, 414, 427, 429,
361, 362, 364, 376, 382 437, 438, 440, 444
Didymae, 118
Dilbat (Tell al-Delam), 254, 264, 282, Fertile Crescent, 343, 399, 400
321, 326, 332, 335, 346, 365, 379 France, 12, 20, 427, 428, 430
Dilmun, 356
Diyarbakir-gayonu (Kurkh), 171, 389 Gambulu, 265, 352
Diyala River, 343, 345 Gannanate, 129, 324
Dohuk, 202 Gath (Tell es-Safi?), 136
Drehem, 276 Gaza (<Azza), 61, 132, 133, 150, 155,
Dumat al-Jandal see Adummatu 190, 192, 193, 214
Dur-Athara, 265, 269, 352 Germany, 10, 44, 50, 385, 427
Dur-Balihaya, 133 Ghom see Qum
Dur-Iakm, 136, 278, 351 Gilead, 205
Dur-Istar, 104 Gilzanu, 152, 341
Dur-Katlimmu (Tell Seh Hamad), 212, Girsu, 276
339, 394 Gokta§ Koyii, 403
Dur-Kurigalzu (cAqar Quf), 253, 376 Gold Coast (Africa), 433
Dur-Nabu, 265, 352 Greece, 429
Dur-Papsukkal, 129 Gurgum, 402
Dur-Sarrukm (Khorsabad), 52, 104, Giirun, 138
114-15, 120, 163, 164, 324, 330, 399 Guzana, 101, 186, 201, 240, 242, 303,
Dur-Sarruku (Sippar-Aruru), 130, 246, 305, 330, 341, 400, 404, 405
279, 284, 285, 291, 295, 313, 332,
333, 361, 362, 363, 379 Hamath (Kama), 102, 106, 107,
Dur-mTukultr-apal-Esarra, 153, 161, 345 112-15/203, 402
Duru, 239, 395 Hamburg, 430
Hasanlu (Mesta), 208
Ebla, 167, 168, 175, 391 Hatti, 112, 339, 397
Edinburgh, 27 Hazor, 209, 210, 383
Egypt, XX, 56, 62, 63, 100, 106, 107, Herculaneum, 428
142, 143, 146, 150, 155, 156, 162, Hindustan, 433
192, 197, 198, 208, 211, 214, 281, Hong Kong, 433
291, 319, 360, 372, 401, 408, 409,
411, 412, 413, 417. 423, 428, 429 Habhu, 123, 124, 126
Ekallate/Ekallatum, 122, 149, 174, Habur River, 98, 105, 153, 161, 215
212, 354-55 Halahhu, 105
Elam, 100, 110, 117, 118, 121, 122, 129, Hilakku, 8, 159, 163
143, 146, 148, 195. 196, 228, 230, Halman (Hulwan?), 268, 269
231, 232, 246, 264. 280, 290, 311, Halule, 92, 357
319, 345, 347, 352. 353, 358, 359, Hanigalbat, 339, 392, 393, 400
368, 371, 372, 374. 375, 377, 421 Harhar (Kar-Sarrukm), 152, 158, 159,
Elbistan, 138 162, 164, 165-66, 177, 199, 240,
Ellipi, 159, 164 277, 286
Eluma, 317, 419, 424 Haria, 123
Emar, 169, 203, 392 Harran (Altmbasak), XIX, 11, 89, 90,
England, 10, 12, 16, 20, 28, 434, 438, 92, 98, 164, 184, 190, 191, 199,
443 219, 232, 239, 242, 246, 247, 248,
Eridu, 140, 252, 265, 278, 294, 297, 252, 255, 257, 266, 267, 269, 271,
351 272, 274-76, 288, 290, 291, 292,
Esnunna (Tell Asmar), 180, 276, 391 294, 299, 302, 309, 311, 313, 314,
Euphrates River, 2, 101, 102, 124, 315, 316, 318, 319, 324, 325, 327,
127, 131, 161, 306, 356, 392, 394, 328, 329, 330, 331, 336, 337, 342,
395, 400, 402, 405 343, 363, 372, 388-425
Hatarikka, 112 Kar-Shalmaneser see Til Barsip

Hindanu, 124 Kar-Sarrukfn see Harhdr
Hmis, 124 Kar-Tukultf-Ninuita, ~212
Hirimmu, 31, 106, 107, 353 Kara Burun, 397
Hubsalum, 171 Karalla, 156, 240
Hubuskia, 341 Karana, 105
Humut see Kdr-Assur Kardunias, 31
Hundur, 157 Kasyari, 123, 394
Hunusa, 124 Kawa, 142
Hupapanu, 256 Kayseri, 396
Huradi, 185 Kenk Bogazi, 69, 127
Hurasan Road, Great, 164 Kerkhah River, 143
Hursagkalamma (Tell Imgarra), 263, 326, Khorsabad (Dur-Sarrukm), 16, 18, 74,
~ 332, 335, 345, 353, 363, 364, 365 114-15, 124, 154, 171, 182, 201,
Huziranu/Huzmna, 239, 313, 317, 203, 211, 278, 294
328, 394, 395, 405 see Sultantepe Kilizi/Kalzi (Qasr Simamuk), 98, 274
Killyleagh, 430
laballu, 133, 346 Kinalua (Tell Ta'ymat?), 20, 152, 192,
Idu, 105 202
Illubru, 159, 163 Kirkuk, 261
India, 15, 26, 35, 39, 40, 47, 81, 85, Kirruri/Habruri, 125
433, 437, 439, 440, 441, 442 Kissik, 149, 150, 256, 265, 278, 294,
Iran, 100, 135, 157, 159, 162 297, 351, 368
Iraq, 339, 409 Kisesim/Kar-Nergal, 157, 159, 163, 164
Ireland, 20, 28, 430 Kizkapanh Koy, 203, 401
Iskenderun, 8 Knossos, 207
Israel, 44, 45, 46, 52, 54, 134, 318, 432 KTK, 202
Issete/tu, 140-41, 145 Kiiciik Hebde, 389
Isana, 239, 242, 339 Kulishinas, 105
Itu, 212 Kullab, 294, 297, 351
Izduia, 129 Kullania, 101, 102, 112, 202, 203
Kultepe, 67, 167, 392
Jawf, al see Adummatu Kululu, 397
Jazira, 98, 240, 390 Kumme, 89, 262, 269, 339, 340-41
Jemdet Nasr, 388 Kummuh, 151, 402
Jerusalem, 31, 48, 113, 206, 210 Kumahu, 394
Jerablus see Carchemish Kuntilfet c Ajrud, 206
Jordan, 405 Kurba'il, 103, 140, 141, 274-75, 277,
Judah, 2-6, 36, 43, 44, 45, 48, 49, 52, 341
54, 59, 60, 107, 206 KUR-DAR.LUGAL.MES.MUSEN, 154
Kurdistan, 119, 208
Kadesh-Barnea, 206 Kurda, 105, 174
Kadmuhu/Katmuhu, 123, 151, 240, Kurkh, 69, 262
340, 341 Kush, 409
Kahat (Tell Barn), 238, 339 Kuyunjik (modern area on the tell of
Kalhu, 65, 69, 70, 87, 90, 98, 105, Nineveh), 321, 363, 420, 432
152, 182, 185, 186, 188, 192, 241,
305, 326, 339, 345, 363, 410 see also Labbanat, 237
Nimrud Labuan, 433
Kalzi see Kilizj. Lachish, 209
Kanis, 392 Lagas, 118, 179, 180, 185
Kar-Adad, 104 Lahlru, 129, 266, 269, 332, 346, 382
Kar-Assur, 153, 161, 345, 381 Laqe, 126, 127
Kar-Nergal see Kisesim Larnaka, 69
INDEX OF PLACE NAMES 525
Larsa (Tell es-Sinkara), 140, 168, 180, Murad-Suyu, 155

265, 278, 281, 291, 294, 297, 351, Murattas, 123
354, 368, 392 Mushku, 112
Laruba, 152
Levant, 400, 409 Nahr el-Kelb, 62, 63, 69, 142
Lice, 64 Nai'ri, 126, 128, 155, 162, 175, 188
London, 16, 429 see also Urartu
Lower Sea, 384 Nai'ri Sea, 161
Lower Zab, 98, 123, 261 Najafehabad, 157-58, 166
Lu c ath, 115 Namri, 11, 128, 145, 150, 196, 284, 345
Lullu, 168 Nasibma (Nusaibin), 101, 126, 238, 400
Luristan, 162 Nampigi/Nappigi, 101
Natal, 433
Madaktu, 185 Near East, 16, 49, 146, 151, 175, 441,
Mannea, 336 442
Maltai, 170 Nebo, Mount, 405
Mansuate, 112 Negev, 102, 206, 209
Marad, 282 Neirab, 309, 405, 419, 424
Maras, 203 Nemed-Istar (Tell 'Afar), 98
Mari, 67, 115, 130, 140, 168, 169, Nemed-Laguda, 140, 265, 278, 294,
174, 180, 185, 238, 306, 318, 323, 297, 351, 352
338, 340, 391 New Zealand, 433
Mazamua, 301 Nihria, 168
Media, 67, 132, 154, 157, 158, 162, Nimrud, 10, 11, 16, 18, 74, 87, 88,
163, 176, 263, 277 90, 98, 132, 147, 171, 183, 186,
Mediterranean Sea, 33, 152 189, 246, 278, 294, 305, 307, 346,
Medjugorje, 414-16 399, 409 see also Kalhu
Megiddo, 102, 209, 210, 214, 383 Nineveh, 10, 17, 18, 32, 65, 70, 75,
Mehr Kapisi, 172 84, 89, 98, 99, 102, 103, 142, 145,
Memphis, 89, 185, 275 147, 157, 182, 183, 186, 192, 203,
Merkes (modern area on the tell of 228, 241, 274, 287, 294, 310, 328,
Babylon), 110, 291 335, 336, 337, 344, 355, 358, 359,
Mesopotamia, XIX, 9, 12, 17, 34, 35, 363, 372, 373, 374, 375, 387, 399,
44, 46, 48, 49, 50, 73, 101, 103, 401, 409, 410, 411, 412, 417, 424,
115, 179, 186, 189, 191, 193, 198, 427, 429, 432 see also Kuyunjik
200, 208, 211, 259, 273, 296, 301, Nippur (NuiTar), 66, 88, 89, 104, 115,
319, 339, 343, 349, 380, 393, 398, 146, 173, 176, 180, 219, 232, 238,
400, 403, 404, 405, 423, 428 241, 244, 249, 250, 254, 255, 256,
Me-Turran/Me-Turnat (Tell Haddad 257, 258, 276, 294, 296, 298, 300,
and Tulul al Srb), 128, 253^ 376 308, 310, 311, 322-23, 328, 332,
Mesta, 208 334, 335, 336, 346, 347, 351, 353,
Middle East, 35, 40, 223, 427, 428, 354, 360, 362, 365, 367, 368, 371,
432, 442, 444 374, 375, 376, 379, 382, 384
Mila Mergi, 153 Normandy, 83
Milqia, 275 North Syria, XIX, 70-71, 127, 150,
Mlnat al-Qal'a see Ashdod-yam 152, 202, 203, 262, 391, 397, 405,
Mitanni, 339, 392 416, 423
Moscow, 236 Nubia, 100, 142, 408
Mostar, 415 Nuzi, 393
Mosul, 142
Musasir (Mujaisir), 55, 86, 98, 116, Occident, 14
117, 119-20, 126, 135, 164, 172, Orient, 13-14, 438, 440, 442
185, 278, 286, 341, 424 Orontes River, 101, 203
Musru, 124 Oxfordshire, 14
526 INDEX OF PLAGE NAMES
Pacar, 404 Sarrabanu, 133, 346

Pathros, 408 Sealands, 61, 136, 149, 231, 321, 359,
Palestine, 46, 59, 120, 137, 150, 205, 366
206, 208, 211, 212, 404, 405 Sefire, 202
Parsua, 164 Serbia, 414
Pattina/Unqi, 151, 152, 202, 203 Shechem, 208 see also Tell Balata
Pazarcik, 69, 401 Shephelah, 208, 213
Persepolis, 429 Sidon, 90, 204, 306-7, 360
Persia, 15, 48, 439 Si'imme, 242
Persian Gulf, 323, 347 SikanT see Tell Fahanya
Philistia, 133, 136, 137, 155, 156, 162, Sikris, 165
163, 198, 201, 216 Silhazi, 154
Phoenicia, 137, 150, 151, 152, 197, Sindh, 433
204, 215, 307, 330 Sinjar, 98
Podbrdo, Mount, 415 Sippar (Tell Abu-Habba), 111, 231,
Pompeii, 428 250, 251, 268, 280, 282, 283, 294,
Punjab, 433 295, 296, 298, 300, 324, 326, 331,
Pylos, 207 334, 346, 352, 353, 359, 363, 364,
Pytho, 208 365, 374, 376, 377, 378, 383
Sippar- Anunftum, 110
QaTat as-Sarqat see Assur Sippar-Aruru see Dur-Sarukku
Qal'at Mortka, 'l40 Southern Levant, 71
Qandahar, 15 Soviet Union, 49, 236
Qasr Simamuk see Kilizi/ Kalzi Spain, 429, 437
Qaruz, 402 Sudan, 142
Qara Su River, 164 Sugu, 123
Qedar, 142, 143, 145, 282~83 Suhu, 31, 114, 124, 130, 290
Qerebti-alani, 129 Sultaham, 397
Qipani (Tektek Daglari?), 239, 395 Sultantepe, 65, 114, 214, 313, 398
Que, 8, 307, 308, 411 see also Huziranu/Huzirina
Qum, 15 Sumanat (Somnath), 26
Qumanu, 125, 126 Sumer, 230, 263, 265, 269, 363, 390
Qusaima, al-, 209 Surmanci, 415
Suru, 126
Ramat Rahel, 209 Susa, 110, 116, 117, 148, 185, 199,
Rasappa, 131, 310 290, 295, 354
Rasi, 143 Syria, XIX, 112, 114, 115, 152, 197,
Riar, 109 203, 319, 339, 348, 398, 403
Ribanis, 131 Syria-Palestine, 2, 204, 401, 420, 423
Rimusu, 105 Syrian desert, 140
Rome, 48, 72, 78, 182, 221, 356, 429
Ruqahu, 212 Sarafand, 203-5
Russia, 26 Sibur, 154
Simirra, 112
Sagub/Sagug, 118-19 Subatum, 169
Sahlalu, 402
Sam'al, 69, 102, 226, 398, 400, 404, Sa-blre-su (Basorin), 105, 240
422 see înjirli Sadikanni (Tell cAgaga), 215
Samaria, 134, 159, 209, 318 Sahuppa, 240, 339
Samerma, 112, 253, 318 Sapazza/Bas, 11, 132, 247, 254, 345,
Samsat, 399 363, 364/376
Saradaus (Surdas), 123 Sarragitu, 173, 256
Saraus, 123 Sat-iddina, 149, 150, 256, 368
Sar-e Pol-e Zahab, 268 Sa-usur-Adad, 116
INDEX OF PLACE NAMES 527
Saznaku, 111, 238, 379 Til Barsip (Luwian Masuwari, modern

Sibanibe (Tell Billa), 98 Tell Ahmar), 69, 112, 127, 183, 209,
Subaru. 33 214, 239, 258, 395, 396, 400, 403
Subat-Samas, 392 Til-Garimmu, 112, 138
Subria, 155, 162, 312 Tille, 242
Susarra (Tell Semsara), 262 Topada, 396
Transjordan, 134, 203, 307, 420
Tabal, 138, 396, 397, 400, 422 Tuba, 168
Tahiti, 239, 395 Tulul al Sib see Me-Turran/Me-Turnat
Talmusa, 103, 105 Tulul al-Warka' see Uruk
Tang-e Var, 294 Tur 'Abdm, 394
Tanis, 214, 215 Turkey, 402, 403, 433, 438, 439, 444
Tarbasu, 133, 346 Tuttul, 235, 279, 392
Tarblsu, 98, 291 Tyre, 90, 306-7, 342
Tarshish/Tarsus, 6-7, 160
Tavla Koyii, 402 Turuspa, 86
Tel Miqne-cEkron, 71, 203-11, 214
Tell Abu Salima/Tell ez-Zuweyid, 'Ubaid, 388
201, 210 Udada, 131
Tell Ahmar see Til Barsip Ugarit, 167, 212, 340, 393
Tell al-Furayy, 204, 394 Ulluba, 153, 154, 161, 340
Tell al-Hawa, 239, 240, 255, 339, 341 United States, 15, 83, 102, 416
Tell 'Arad, 203, 206 Unqi see Pattina
Tell ar-Rimah (Zamahu), 70, 98, 201, Upper Sea, 384
323 Upper Zab, 125
Tell ar-Ras see Ashdod Ur (Tell al-Muqayyar), 1, 119, 180,
Tell Asmar see Esnunna 251, 252, 256, 265, 276, 278, 294,
Tell 'Asqelon see Ashkelon 297, 316, 321, 335, 347, 351, 359,
Tell Barn see Kahat 364, 368, 374, 377, 378, 382, 386,
Tell Der 'Alia, 203-5 388, 390
Tell es-Senca, 404 Urah, 169
Tell el-'Ajjul, 201 Urartu, 86, 117, 122, 135, 163, 195,
Tell el-'Oreme, 210 197, 278, 286, 293, 340, 380
Tell Fahanya (Sikani), 209 Urfa, 403
Tell Haddad see Me-Turran/Me-Turnat Urmia, Lake, 109, 152, 208
Tell Halaf, 70, 114, 201, 404 Uruk (Tulul al-Warka'), 87, 88, 140,
see Guyana 146, 148, 149, 150, 169, 176, 196,
Tell Hammam at-Turkuman, 389 232, 241, 243, 244, 250, 255, 256,
Tell Huwera, 203 257, 258, 264, 265, 266, 271, 272,
Tell Ibrahim see Cutha 276, 278, 281, 283, 284, 290, 294,
Tell Imgarra see Hursagkalamma 297, 301, 308, 310, 312, 313, 314,
Telljemmeh, 102, 210, 409 315, 317, 318, 319, 321, 324, 325,
Tell Munbaqa, 204 327, 328, 329, 331, 332, 345, 346,
Tell Neb! Yunus, 142, 185 347, 351, 352, 353, 354, 357, 358,
Tell Rasidiyye, 144 359, 362, 363, 365, 367, 368, 374,
Tell Seh Hamad see Dur-Katlimmu 376, 377, 378, 384, 386, 388, 409
Tell TaVinat, 101, 113, 152, 202-3, Uspina, 128
204, 210 see also Kullania Usu, 144 see also Tyre
Terqa (Tell al-'Asara), 169, 238, 338
Thebes, 118 Van, Lake, 152, 188
Tigris River, 16, 19, 119, 123, 161, Veleia, 428
188, 239, 240, 268, 346, 351
Tikrakki, 154 Wad! el-'Aris, 201
Til-Assuri, 263, 342 WadI Sirhan, 141
Wassukanni, 393 Zaho, 262

West Indies, 14 Zalmaqqum, 391
Western Asia, XX, 4, 41, 49, 120, Zamua, 125
147, 162, 167, 175, 186, 197, 210, Zaraqotaq, 403
297, 343, 399, 422, 424, 431 Zaribar, Lake, 157
Wiltshire, 27 Zerqa, 205
Zinjirli, 53, 62, 63-64, 106, 209,
Yadi5, 280, 289, 366 „ 212-13, 214, 404 see also Sam'al
Yugoslavia' 414-16 Zitomislici, 415
Zagros, 98, 128, 140, 154, 157, 162,

164, 347
INDEX OF GENERAL SUBJECTS
abarakku/rab masenni, 103, 126, 341 Syro-Palestinian, 112-13, 202-11

accession year see regnal year Urartian, 208
Achaemenids, 198, 200, 320, 350 archives, XVII, XX, 17, 50, 80-98,
Adapa, 85 114-15, 165, 170, 200, 218, 225,
ode, 56, 66, 67, 166, 173-77 330, 335, 405
ofe-fa-festivals, 71, 186, 270-75, 283, armies, 1, 6, 15, 39, 41, 54, 69, 72,
312, 412 81, 93, 112, 117, 119, 120-21, 127,
difference between Assyrian and 172, 175, 191, 226, 229, 337-38,
Babylonian, 273-75 348, 359, 374, 401, 418, 424,
Akkadian, XVI, 10, 28-29, 37, 54, 434-35, 439
114, 195, 212, 241, 287, 424, 432 British, 434-35
altars see cult objects Assyrian antiquities, 427, 429
amulets, 212-15 Assyrian provincial system, 100-108,
anduram, 296, 301, 360 207, 419-23
Anglo-Afghan War of 1839-1842, 15 Assyrian Dictionary Font, XXII
aplu restu, 370, 383 Assyrians. XVI, XVIII, 1, 6, 7, 8, 9,
apostasy, 99 12, 36, 38, 43, 45, 52, 59-60, 62,
apsu, 85 81, 82, 92, 93, 99, 107, 112, 141,
Arabs, 15, 26, 39, 87, 121, 134, 145, 149, 163, 194, 197, 198, 211,
140-43, 145, 150, 156, 162, 194, 215, 234, 252, 256, 307, 317, 348,
195, 197, 230, 279-80, 282, 349, 350, 361, 364, 366, 372, 417,
286-87, 288, 292, 310, 319, 343, 420, 421, 424
352, 358, 366, 374, 406-7, 442-44 Assyriology, XVI, XVIII, 12, 14, 20,
Aramaeans, XX, 2, 3, 43, 61, 107, 27, 29, 37, 38, 41, 44, 47, 50, 145,
126-27, 131, 153, 212-13, 230-31, 170, 178, 223, 427-44
265, 277, 308, 310, 318-19, 323, methodology, 62
346, 347-49, 351-53, 357, 365-67, Assur temple at Assur see temple: of Assur
374, 389, 391, 394, 396, 398-401, astrologers, 1, 85, 108, 170, 223, 332
404-7, 416, 424 astrological reports, 83, 94, 176, 195,
archaeology, 429 271, 328, 409
Babylonian, 87-88 astrology, 1, 83
biblical, 87 asylum, 234, 299
ofHamath, 112-15 Athenaeum (periodical), 82
of Harran, 389-90 audience, 7, 18, 74-76, 86, 93, 189,
Mesopotamia!!, 9-10, 87, 257-59, 194, 224, 322, 327, 334, 335, 356,
427, 428 360, 383
of Babylon, 110 Ay-ibur-sabu (Marduk's processional
of empire and religion, 68-71, 200-16 road in Babylon), 242, 245, 357
architecture
Assyrian, 382~83 Babel und Bibel controversy, 47
Babylonian, 245 Babylonian Chronicle, 111, 114, 131,
Bronze Age, 203-4 138, 139, 141, 143, 270, 278, 279,
Egyptian religious, 210-11 280, 282, 353, 357, 361, 371, 379,
Greek, 203 412
monumental, 217, 233, 242, 259 Bakhtiyan, 101
Neo-Assyrian religious, 200-16 Balawat gates, 127, 172, 187, 293, 332
political aspects, 211-16 Basseri, 101
530 INDEX OF GENERAL SUBJECTS
Bedouins, 36, 101, 443 clergy

beer, 104, 107 appointment of, 89, 228, 311, 313,
bel piqitti, 246, 324, 325, 327, 328-29 315, 316, 335, 336, 386, 387, 388
Bible, 2, 9, 10, 17, 18, 34. 35, 41, 44, Assyrian, 25, 90
63, 107, 175, 178, 418-19, 430-32 Babylonian, 89, 334-35
biblical Assyria, 431 chariot-standards, 56, 332
biblical studies and Assyriology, divination experts, 85
430-31 diviners, 53, 85
bit hilani, 203-12 Egyptian, 89
bit mumme, 281, 284, 288, 367 dream-interpreters
Black Obelisk, 11, 18, 19, 127, 145, Egyptian, 89
152, 202, 430 Elamite, 90
blasphemy, 99 mb-biti, 108, 171, 191, 264, 295,
booty, 53, 61, 62, 92, 102, 116, 139, 304, 324, 327, 328, 332, 334, 352
140, 197, 227, 232, 246, 274, 275, galamaku, 90, 272, 328, 409
290, 312, 349, 359, 362-63, 367, haruspex, 85, 311, 336, 411, 423
400, 413, 420, 437 Israelite, 318
bricks, inscribed, 88, 248, 249, 251, kalu, 328
344, 368 kinistu, 295
British Foreign Office, 13, 81 pluralism, 386
British Museum, XXIV, 10, 13, 16, 17, qepu, 60, 162, 307, 326, 341
18, 20. 28, 29, 81-82, 427, 428, 431 qipu, XIX, 308, 324, 325, 326-27,
British School of Assyriology, first, 329, 331, 334, 335, 336, 345, 352
XVI, 427-32 sangu, XV, 327, 328, 329, 332, 335, 410
British society, 431-44 satammu, XIX, 79, 226, 243, 266,
bulls, winged human-headed, 183, 215 267, 289, 298, 321, 323-25, 327,
bureaucracy, 39, 63, 217-38, 322, 350 328, 329, 333, 336, 352, 360,
371, 386, 421
cadastral surveys, 82, 406 satammutu, 321, 324
Catholics, 414-19, 430 s'esgallu, 300
cattle, 102-5, 236 tupsar bit Hi, 328
censorship, 93, 94, 147, 322, 424 urigattu, 316, 327, 412
ceremony, 99, 169, 173, 256, 305, client rulers, XX, 99, 107, 108, 134,
312, 315, 335, 408, 423 144, 150, 155, 192, 198, 223, 226,
Chaldeans, 1, 133, 195, 230, 231, 237, 229, 232, 236
262, 265, 293, 302, 308, 321-24, client states, XVI, XIX, 6,167, 99,
329, 343-54, 359-60, 365, 366, 100, 106, 107, 126, 152, 163-64,
374, 375, 382, 411-12 198, 211, 221, 224, 225, 348
Chicago, 217-18 clientelism, XVIII, 219-38
Chicago Department of Fleet colonial warfare, 435
Management, 217-18 colonialism, British, 26, 28, 430, 432-33
Christianity, 34, 35, 434-37, 442-44 conspiracy, 311, 336, 337, 411, 412, 423
chronology, 10, 17, 133, 201, 205, contumacy, 24
206, 360-63 corvee, 61, 62, 106, 200, 232, 296-97,
church, 23, 38, 414-16, 429-30, 434, 440 358
Church of England, 19, 24, 31, 34, court scholars, 223
41, 430, 434 courtiers, 86, 94
church-state relations, 24, 415-16 Croats, 414-16
Cimmerians, 138, 164 crown prince, Assyrian, 61, 85, 99,
civic exemptions see exemptions, civic 103, 245, 289, 353, 360, 372, 374
civic space, 233 Crystal Palace in Sydenham, 429
civil war, 108, 144, 149, 227, 231, cult centralization, Yahwistic, 4, 5
237-38, 343, 375, 376, 378, 383 cult objects, XVIII, 186, 206, 212,
civilization, oriental, static, 40 314, 329, 408
INDEX OF GENERAL SUBJECTS 531
altars, 3, 19, 20, 36, 44, 56, 57, 107, 224, 229, 232, 259-60, 295-302,
117, 179, 188, 201, 206, 208, 250 322, 343, 347, 358, 366, 380,
bearing Assyrian royal inscriptions, 400-1, 416, 432
288-92 Egyptians, 62, 63
dedication of, 288, 310, 314, 315, 316 Elamites, 116, 231, 290, 353, 359
refurbishment, 288-92, 314, 316 electrum, 232, 291, 413
Sidonian, 306-7 elites, XVI, XVII, 64, 89, 117, 166,
socles, 251-52, 289, 400, 402, 403, 190, 220, 227, 234, 269, 301, 338,
404, 414 370, 404
cult of Assur at Assur see temple: of Assur emesals, 115, 385
cults empire
Assyrian, 36, 54, 56, 59, 62, 74, 98, Arab, 39
100, 105, 106, 156, 191, 252, British, 39, 80, 81, 432
330, 332, 382, 404 French Second, 432
Assyrian provincial, 7, 99, 163-64 Islamic, 390, 425
Assyrian, in Babylonia, 66 Neo-Assyrian, XV, XX, 4, 12, 34,
Babylonian, sponsorship by Assyria, 76 40, 55, 58, 60, 72, 80, 82, 90,
calendrical manipulation of, 303-5 94, 103, 111, 215, 223, 227, 242,
dedication of booty, 363 283, 345, 372, 373, 430
Harranean, 390-91 Neo-Babylonian, 16, 425
illicit alteration, 306-7, 335-36 Ottoman, XVI, XVII, 27, 38, 39,
impositions, 47, 53, 56, 60 40, 97, 432, 433, 438-44
news of, 308, 309, 310, 311, 312, Roman, 39, 97-98, 179, 181, 182, 443
313, 314, 315 Solomonic, 39
non-Assyrian, definition of, 98-99 enemy
non-Assyrian, participation by portrayal, 73
Assyrian kings in, 267 in cuneiform literature, 93
Roman imperial, 179 ensis, 104
suppression, 147 Enuma elis, 1, 65, 76, 85, 93, 114, 140,
tutelary, national, 87 357, 370, 383
Urartian, 86-87, 172 eponym chronicle, 270, 278, 344, 345
cultural diffusion, 51 eponym lists, 128
Curse of Kehama, 28, 443 equ, 306-7
Cyrus Cylinder, 387 Erra Epic, 299-300
espionage, 82, 165, 200, 326, 331,
dates, 107, 267, 324 428, 441
decipherment, Akkadian, 16, 429 ethnicity, 3, 429
deism, 47 euergetism, Assyrian and Roman, 234,
deportations see mass deportations 248
despotic state, 388 evangelicalism, 434
despotism, 36, 39, 97, 219, 437-43 excavations, 16, 87, 91, 96, 112-14,
diplomacy, XV, XIII, 16, 80, 177, 142, 200-16, 240, 245, 252, 389,
292, 373, 428 390, 427, 428, 429
divination, 83, 84, 89, 284, 411 exemptions, civic, XVIII, 224, 226,
divine abandonment, 54-55, 62, 230, 232-33, 293-302, 322, 325,
146-50, 284, 369-70 350-51, 360, 379, 388, 406, 421,
divinity, concept of, 189—90 423
Double Crown of Egypt, 408-9 kidinnu and kidinnutu, 293, 294, 295,
296, 297, 299, 300, 302, 334,
East India Company, 13, 14, 16, 440 343, 346, 350, 367, 385, 387, 406
Ecological Software, XXII subarre, 343, 379
economic aid for Elam, 232 zakutu, 294, 296, 297, 298, 302, 406
economics, 58, 61, 73, 80, 82, 94, exorcism, 113, 204
100-4, 181, 192-93, 207, 220-22, ex-votos, 308
fanaticism, XVI, 26, 41, 48, 50, 436, 444 governors, 321-23
feather of Ma'at, 409 Assyrian, 106, 108, 165, 196, 199,
feudalism, 99, 178 229, 266, 330
foundation ceremonies, 248, 270 Babylonian, 229, 321-23, 330, 335
Franciscans, 415-16 bel pdf}ete, 100, 153, 240, 321, 329,
French Second Empire, 432 333, 386
Fiirstenspiegel, Babylonian, 233, 295, provincial governors, 100-9, 165,
298-301, 325, 177, 215, 219, 227, 236-40, 266
satin mati, XIX, 103, 321, 329, 395
Gambulu, 265, 352 satin tarn, XIX, 321, 386
Gilgamesh Epic, 46 sakin-temutu, 321
glyptic, 60, 66, 91, 168, 181, 212, Mro,'XLX, 321, 329, 386
258, 348, 398-99, 405, 419-20, 424 sandabakku, 241, 310-11, 321-23,
cylinder seals, 25, 206, 332, 397, 328, 335, 367
405, 409 Greek historians
stamp seals, 214, 404, 405 Assyrians in, 1, 118
goats, 102 Greek novels
godnapping, 144 Assyrians in, 7
gods and goddesses Greek sources
Arab, 279, 280 Assyrians in, 8, 191, 431-32
Aramaeo-Assyrian, 44 Greeks, 7, 8, 28, 179-80, 198
Assyrian, XV, 17, 26, 30, 33, 37, Guramissu, 252
39, 41, 44, 51, 53, 58, 62, 65,
66, 158, 163, 171, 173, 176, 183, Hebrew Scriptures, 2~6, 9, 16, 19,
189, 212-15, 274, 384 34-35, 39, 41, 44-45, 57, 430, 432
Assyro-Babylonian, 5 Assyrians in, 1, 2, 6, 8-9, 17, 192,
dead, 146-47 318, 354
Elamite, 118, 148 Babylonians in, 118
Eluma, 317 hegemony, Assyrian, 30, 71, 83, 108,
Greek, 207-8 166, 225, 230, 380, 381, 386-400
Harranean, 92, 184, 191, 239, 242, heresies and heresy, XVI, 19, 23-25,
246, 247, 252, 256, 266, 267, 32, 33
271, 272, 274, 296, 297, 309, hermeneutics, XVI, 14, 62, 93, 95
311, 313, 315, 316, 331, 336-37, higher criticism, 41
342, 393-413, 416-25 historiography, XVI, XX, 191,
Human, XIX, 339-41 320-21, 354-56, 368, 375-76
Judahite, 4, 6, 8, 41, 45, 48, 206, 318 Assyrian, 90-93, 160, 286
Mannaean, 61 deconstructionist, 96
Neo-Hittite, 395-97 methodology, 63
patron, 82, 87, 115, 129, 136, 143, modern German, 50—51
260, 274, 316, 358, 363, 384, history
390, 413 constructionism, 96
Philistine, 207-8 postmodernist, 96
Phoenician, 342 reconstructionism, 95—96
political subordination of, 342 Hittites, 167, 392-93
Samarian, 134 honey, 105
storm, XIX, 115, 132, 171, 238-39, horned polos, 183
269, 303, 339-42, 396 horses, 315, 319, 378, 401
Sumerian, 119 hymns and prayers, XV, 189, 227, 245,
symbols, 169-71 257, 363, 385, 390, 410
Teimanite, 186 Neo-Assyrian, 182, 184
Tyrian, 342
Urartian, 135, 340 Halmaneans, 267-28, 377
West Semitic, 115, 131, 205 hazannu, 159, 329
Gotteraddressbuch, 170, 185, 269, 341 Hindaru, 61, 265, 352
iconography, 5, 38, 63-64, 66, 73, 74, royal, 191, 193

170-72, 183, 184-86, 212, 213, mutilation of, 73, 194
214, 258, 356, 357, 382, 408 Southern Levantine, 137
Assyrian, 11 Sumerian, 146
lunar crescent, XX, 398-99, 404-5 transportation and storage, 145
Neo-Assyrian palaces, 74-75 Urartian, 135
of Assur, 67 value of, 120-21
royal self-representation, 72 imperialism
theriomorphic, 183 Assyrian religious, XV, XVII,
ideology, XV, 38, 40, 51, 68, 72-76, XIX-XX, XXI, 2, 6, 9, 10, 11,
79, 99, 108, 148, 177, 181, 194, 12, 13, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 45,
195, 222, 224, 226, 236, 275, 292, 47, 48, 49, 51, 53, 58, 64, 68, 77,
297, 356, 371-72, 387, 417, 422-24 81, 97, 99, 100, 178, 193-95,
idolatry, 1, 9, 32, 194 330-31, 380-88, 413, 422-24
idols and images, XVI, 236 Babylonian, 371-72
Arab, 134, 140, 141, 142, 143 British, 12, 15, 32, 428
Aramaean, 348-49 European, 428
Chaldean, 133, 348-49 religious, defined, 99
deportation, 73, 122, 145-46 Roman religious, 178, 221
destruction, XVII, 55, 118-22, 354-56 incantations, 34, 114
Egyptian, 197 Indo-Europeans, 172—73
Egyptian/Napatan, 62, 143 information and information-gathering,
Elamite, 143 XVII, 89-90, 94
introduction of royal, XVII, 198 inscriptions
Israelite, 134 Aramaic, 113, 205, 213, 398-99
Median, 132 Assyrian royal, XVI, XVII, XIX,
non-Assyrian, 57 XX, 11, 19, 25, 28, 41, 74, 91,
of Ahi-yababa, usurper of Sum, 126 93-95, 96, 106, 111, 119, 120,
of Ahuni, king of Bit-Adini, 127 121, 122, 144, 145, 161, 193,
of Azi-ilu of Laqe, 127 200, 205, 226, 274, 283, 286,
of Bialasi (land of Nai'ri), 126 298, 322, 326, 354-56, 396, 402,
of lanzu, Kassite king of Namri, 128 406-14, 431
ofKatmuhu, 123 chronology, 360—63
of Kirruri/Habruri, 125 exaggeration of numbers, 92
of Marduk-mudammiq, Kassite king dedicatory, 201, 276, 288-92, 306, 391
of Namri, 128 foundation, XVIII, 75, 87, 235, 241,
of Murattas and Saradaus, 123 244, 254, 255, 294, 301, 329,
of Musru (not Egypt), 124 368, 371, 397, 401, 424
of Nasibma, 126 Hittite, 392-93
of Qumanu, 125 Neo-Elamite, 417-18
of Saraus and Ammaus, 123 Neo-Luwian, XX, 114-15, 343,
of Sugu, 123 395-97, 405, 416, 424
of Suhu, 124, 130 West Semitic, 207, 211
of Sarsina/Hirsina of Uspina, 128 intelligence, 82
of the Lullume, 125 intercalation, 234, 256, 303-5, 334, 365
of Til-Garimmu, 138 investiture, XV, 234, 236, 371, 423
Philistine, 61, 133, 136, 137 Iqqur ipus, 114, 246
Phoenician, 144, 306-7 Islam, 13, 24, 28, 34, 40, 389, 435-44
propagandistic inscriptions on, 286-87 Israelites, ancient, 46
punishment, 148
reconstructed, 196 Jami' al-Firdaws (Great Mosque of
refurbishment, XVIII, 277-88 Harran), 389
repatriation, 55, 277-88 Jews, 437
restoration, XVIII, 131, 197, Journal of Sacred Literature and Biblical
277-88, 367, 371 Origins, 29
justice, 230, 234, 245, 273, 297, 298, Marian oracles in Medjugorje, 414-16
301, 327, 388 Masoretic Text, 5
mass deportation, 60, 109, 110, 118,
Kassites, 128, 186, 244, 253, 263, 343, 133, 134, 136, 138, 143, 145-46,
345 148, 225, 344
kernoi, 206 Medes, 160, 165, 197, 240, 331, 418
kidinnu and kidinnutu see exemptions, civic melammu, 181
kings, audiences with, 322, 324, 325, menologies, 114, 247, 284
329, 335 Mesopotamian civilization, ideology of,
kingship, XIX, 9, 73, 77, 91, 170, 259-61, 390-91
178-93, 220, 224, 230, 234, 237, Middle East studies, 223
260, 273-75 missionary work, Christian, 430, 434, 442
Assyrian, 41, 181-82, 273-75, 411, 421 mis pi ceremony, 189, 236, 284
Babylonian, 230, 234, 260, 297-302, monotheism, 35, 43, 47, 51, 434
350, 370-72, 382-88 MUL.APIN, 85
deified, 57, 178, 181 Muslims, 28, 440, 442, 444
divine, XV, 48, 178-87 mushussu-dragon, 184
Egyptian, 408-9 mutilations, 194
Mitannian, XIX mythology, comparative, 46-47
mythology, 371-72
patrimonial, 219-38 nagir ekalli, 86, 103, 135
Sumerian, 390 namburbi, 114
temporal, XV narrative truncation, 92
knowledge, 81 narratives organizd by chronology or
state-controlled, 80, 85 geography, 92
kudurrus, 25, 231, 382 nationalism, 50, 414-16
Kulumanu, 166 and archaeology, 427-29
kuzippu-garment, 271, 273 New Year's festival, 140, 229, 236,
273-75, 346, 351, 409-10
Lalla Rookh, 28, 440, 443 Babylonian, 233, 260-61, 265, 269,
Lamastu incantation series, 213 270, 273-75, 283, 300, 308, 346,
lamassus, 182, 215 350, 351
land Neoplatonism, 46-47
Babylonian, restoration of, 231 Mnopedia, 8
grants, 82, 313, 317, 318 Normandy Invasion, 83
of Assur, XV, 68, 100
Langraum reception suite, 207 oaths, 48, 67, 74, 166, 168, 169, 173,
legitimacy, XIX, 220, 230, 233, 238, 174, 176, 177, 186, 190, 199, 261,
302, 338, 385, 428, 431 331, 410
levy, 61, 297, 302, 406 oblates, 308, 310, 318, 352, 357
lions, 183 offerings, XVIII, 21, 51, 56, 57, 61,
liturgy, 115, 300, 335, 385 62, 63, 66, 101, 106, 107, 117, 150,
Louvre, 188, 427 164, 172, 179, 185, 192, 195, 202,
loyalty, 67, 150, 166, 174, 176, 177, 206, 213, 236, 238, 249, 253,
198, 200, 221, 223, 224, 227, 229, 261-69, 277, 278, 292, 300, 303, 308,
292, 302, 318, 322, 324, 336-37, 310, 313, 327, 330, 351, 377, 381
359, 366, 386, 387 dariu, 101, 104
benefits of Assyrian, 226-27 first-fruits (raWSAG.MES), 101,
loyalty oaths, 67, 166, 173, 174, 175, 106
176, 199, 200, 256, 331 gina'u, 105
lunar crescent standards, 398, 402, gmu, 56, 101-3, 106, 107, 108, 177,
403, 409, 420 266, 267, 313, 330
guqqanu, 266
machine politics, 222, 387 sattukku, 101, 106, 107, 265, 266,
Manneans, 165 268, 376
to Assur, 63, 329, 330 Assyrian administrative, 60, 100

votive, 150, 310, 319 Assyrian military, 60
officeholders Assyrian religious, 49, 63, 191, 197,
competition among, 223, 226, 387 199, 286, 358
hereditary, 386 Babylonian, 75, 348-50, 368
Old Testament see Hebrew Scriptures client states and provinces,
omina, 83, 85, 408 distinctions between, 106-8, 198
oracles, XX, 82, 165, 190, 237, 311, religious foreign, 58, 59, 339-43
317, 318, 410-17 political culture, 72, 334-35
Orientalism, XVI, 219 political mythology, 284-85, 356,
in literature, 440-41 370-72
in the arts, 442, 444 political philosophy, 439
Orientalists, 13, 14, 24, 35, 431, 433, political science, 50, 58, 64, 219, 220,
436, 440, 442, 444 388, 438
Orthodox Christian Serbs, 414-16 political theology, 65, 99, 179, 356-57,
orthostats, 202, 215 383-85
ostraca, Hebrew, 206 politics, 15, 25, 26, 30, 64, 78-79,
oxen, 106, 187, 235, 268, 313, 377 217, 218, 284, 286, 359, 391-95,
414-16, 428, 433
palaces Assyro-Babylonian, 343-88
Assyrian, 87, 200-1, 209-10 Poor Man of Nippur, 300
Nimrud, 87, 171 Postmodernism, 63
"Palace Without Rival", 84 prestige, 15, 54, 81, 191, 223, 224,
Philistine, 155, 190, 192 233, 246, 272, 284, 338, 412, 438
Pan-Babylonians, 46-50, 419 prisoners-of-war, 308, 400
Panopticon, 235 Elamite, 101
pantheon progress, 40, 52, 428
Assyrian, 52, 54, 65, 176, 182-83, propaganda, 54, 62, 63, 72, 74, 77,
199, 370 82, 93, 269, 284, 287, 301, 358,
Assyro-Babylonian, 175 368-69, 378, 421, 434
Babylonian, 42, 62, 66, 122, 230, prophecies, XX, 83, 181, 195, 200,
264, 349, 384 281, 337, 411, 414-17
Harranean, 408, 410, 411 prophetic office, 411
Parliament, 15, 16, 24, 432 Protestants, 416, 436
patriarchs, biblical, 418-19 provincial governors see governors: provincial
patrimonialism, 219-20 provincial states, 56, 57, 61, 394
patronage-clientelism, 219 Ptolemies, 146, 197, 234
patron deity see gods and goddesses: patron public opinion, 434
patron-client relationship, 221, 222 public transcript, 227, 230, 235, 237,
patronage, XVIII, XX, XXI, 99, 135, 424
219. 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, Puqudu, 149, 265, 308, 346, 352, 357
226, 234, 236, 238, 240, 242, 255, see also Aramaeans
269, 272, 275, 277, 301. 302, 308, Puritan Revolution, 194
318, 321, 326, 334, 338, 340, 341,
342, 358, 363-65, 378, 381, 385, Qasqai, 101
386, 387, 420, 421, 422, 424 Qur'an, 35, 439-40
patrons, 167, 218, 220, 221, 232, 233
Roman, 220 Rabbinic sources, Assyrians in, 8-9
Pazuzu, 213, 214 rab saqe, 3, 103, 139, 145
Persians, 197 racism, modern, 39, 433, 441
philanthropa, 234 rebellion, 75, 98, 108, 143, 150, 159,
pit pi ceremony, 169 176, 192, 195, 225, 228, 229, 230,
plagiarism, 88 234, 268, 269, 286, 316, 335, 374,
planets, 44, 45 375, 376, 377, 378, 381, 382, 383,
policy, XV, XVI, XIX, XX 387, 395
regnal year, 92, 106, 128, 232, 248, spying see espionage
277, 311, 360, 361, 362, 371, standards, divine
412-13 Assyrian, 161, 166, 170, 171, 173,
reliefs, 10, 11, 17, 18, 39, 55, 56, 57, 176-77, 256, 331
67, 68, 69, 73, 74, 80, 91, 93, 99, Babylonian, 130
119, 121, 132, 137, 144, 145, 172, statecraft, 1, 64, 83, 85, 424
173, 189, 193, 200, 229, 301, 332, statues
399, 422, 427, 429, 432 Assyrian royal, 184, 275, 324,
rhetoric in Assyrian royal inscriptions, 340-41, 408
93, 121, 264 Egyptian, 142
"Richard M. Daley, Mayor" stencil, 218 royal, 20, 69, 180, 184, 185, 186,
rihatu (offering/food remnants), 263, 187, 226, 271, 275-76, 333, 381
"264, 277 royal, destruction of, 120
rites, 9, 31, 33, 48, 122, 164, 172, steles, 215
182, 256, 266, 275, 284, 303, 305, Assyrian royal, XX, 68-70, 72, 91,
313, 330, 335, 340, 408 97, 99, 152, 158, 159, 163, 166,
ritual, XV, XVIII, XX, 5, 53, 57, 71, 183-84, 187, 189, 193, 194, 202,
72, 73, 78, 86, 89, 113, 114, 147, 206, 250, 275, 333, 382, 401-4,
164, 169, 186, 187, 189, 227, 229, 422
233, 236, 250, 259, 260, 270, 273, Neo-Babylonian, 109
275, 284, 300, 304, 324, 327, 331, Neo-Luwian, 395-97
332, 333, 342, 360, 393, 409 steleform rock reliefs, 69, 187, 188, 189
Roman Catholicism, 434 votive, 382
Roman law, 220 substitute king, 325, 334, 360, 371, 409
Romanticism, 440-44 sukkallu, 103, 165
Romans, 8, 39, 117, 121, 198, 221, 222 Sunni, 26
Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain, surveys
17, 20, 29, 431 cadastral, 85
Royal Geographical Society, 17, 19, 81 ordnance, 81
Royal Society of Edinburgh, 27 Sydenham Court, 429
symbol of Assur, XVII, 19, 51, 54, 56,
sacrifices, 19, 55, 57, 79, 103, 168, 67, 153-56, 158-77, 160-77,
172, 179, 184, 185, 186, 188, 189, 198-200, 216, 331-32, 381
198, 261-69, 281, 305, 315, 339, 340, Syro-Ephraimite coalition, 192
343, 344, 364, 377, 383, 407, 409
sacrilege, 195, 369 salam sarrutiya, 154, 155, 166, 183-84,
salutatio, 221, 224, 236 190, 276
scholars, XVI, 1, 7, 9, 17, 20, 28, 30,
31, 37, 89, 164, 188, 223, 225, 229, sedus, 182
335, 336, 337, 361, 373, 410, 427 sirkiitu, 308, 310
Scythians, 172-73 subarre see exemptions, civic
Sepoy Mutiny, 39, 441 surinnu, 168-71, 295, 309, 407
Serbs, 414 /^-raz-official, 153, 154, 157, 158,
sesame/linseed oil, 105 159, 165, 298
sheep, 92, 101, 102, 103, 104, 106,
186, 187, 267, 268, 314, 315, 377 talbotype, 27
Shr'I, 26, 48 tax and taxation, 33, 62, 82, 83,
small wars, 81 100-2, 105, 181, 226, 232, 234,
social sciences, 219, 222 265, 296-98, 303, 322, 323, 352,
social status, 223, 336 360, 380, 406
socles see cult objects "one-fifth tax" (fyamussu), 102
solar disk, winged, 51, 66, 170, 186, 403 sibtu-tax, 106, 265, 377
spectacle, 15, 193, 235, 236, 275, 341, temple
344, 356, 375 in Jerusalem, 3, 4, 48, 206, 210
of Assur, XV, 64, 67, 68, 101, 102, refurbishment, 241, 345, 378
103, 104, 105, 108, 147, 149, restoration, XVIII, 55, 166, 232,
169, 176, 184, 185, 186, 210, 238-61, 362, 368-69, 376-77
278, 281, 284-85, 288, 310, 314, restoration of livestock, 314, 367
334, 356, 361, 370, 383 Samarian, 4
temples storm-god, XIX
afatu, 65, 71, 76, 210, 248, 272, Syro-Palestinian, 152, 202-16
274, 290, 309, 310, 345, 356, 357 Urartian, 109, 135, 185, 208, 278
architectural formulae, 245, 258, theophoric elements, 52, 170, 186,
382~83 394, 405
archives, 114 thronerooms, Neo-Assyrian, 200
Assyrian, 20, 53, 55, 70, 71, 79, titularies, 82, 89, 106, 181, 230, 250,
103, 104, 105, 108, 147, 169, 252, 290, 369, 376, 379
184, 185, 188, 200-2, 210, 258, royal Assyrian, 130
274-75, 288, 310, 326, 383 took the hands of DN (formula),
diversion of resources, 108 270-72, 276-77, 281, 377, 412, 421
Athenian, 7 tortures, 99
Babylonian, XIX, 87, 109, 110, 111, trade, XIX, 61, 82, 102, 129, 192,
128-33, 138-39, 146, 149-50, 207, 234, 307, 347, 349, 366, 380,
176, 180, 184, 232, 245, 246, 400, 401, 432, 433, 444
248-49, 250, 251, 254, 256, 258, Transactions of the Society of Biblical
259, 262, 266, 270, 271, 272, Archaeology (periodical), 29, 34
278, 281, 282, 283, 289, 298, travelogues, 13, 25, 390, 434, 440,
304-5, 308, 310, 311, 312, 313, 441, 443
314, 315, 316, 321-38, 345, 351, traitors, 85, 193, 235, 336
362-65, 367, 375-79 treason, 24, 83, 99, 155, 227, 310,
bearing Assyrian royal inscriptions, 311, 319, 327, 336, 337, 353, 388,
288-92 411, 424
cardinal orientation, 113 treaty, 56, 61, 82, 86, 166, 174, 175,
Carthaginian, 121 176, 177, 202, 222, 229, 239, 332,
cellas, 186, 201, 202, 244, 246, 266, 339, 343, 344, 391, 392, 401
271, 276, 287, 314, 333, 377, tribute, 9, 21, 22, 23, 24, 33, 39, 53, 61,
407, 413, 420 62, 74, 100, 101, 102, 106, 107, 112,
dedication of booty, 312, 413 127, 152, 155, 165, 192, 229, 322,
destruction of, XVII, 109-18, 195, 324, 330, 344, 359, 400, 402, 424
354-56, 381 turtanu, 103, 112, 152, 202, 239, 293,
Egyptian, 118 324, 395
Elamite, 110
grants of land, 313, 317 University of Chicago, XX, XXIII, 418
Greek, 118 uraeus, 409
Harranean, XIX, 239, 242, 246, Ustasi, 414
~ 266, 271, 272, 309, 311, 314, Utilitarians, 433
315, 316, 391, 407-14
Indian, 26 vassal states, 56, 57, 59, 61, 62, 439
Judahite, 205 6 Vassal Treaties of Esarhaddon, 53, 61,
Langraum cella, 201-2, 203, 258, 383 62, 99, 401, 410
lintels, 290-91 vassals, 48, 52, 56-58, 61, 165, 193,
Median, 157-58 214, 396-97, 422
megaron form, 113, 203, 204, 210 Victorian Assyria, 12, 427
nature of civic identity, 259-61 Victorian England, 12, 39, 41, 97,
North Syrian, 204 434, 443
Philistine, 4, 205-6, at Tel violence, XVII-XVIII, 73, 78, 80,
Miqne-'Ekron, 71, 203-211 112, 193-97, 255, 335, 414-16
Phoenician, 90, 204 voluntarism, 221, 224, 230
warfare Whigs, 28, 440

rape committed during, 121 wine, 90, 106, 108, 411
religious aspects, 167, 177, 273-75
Roman, 117 Yahwism, 44-45, 60, 318
weapon of Assur see symbol of Assur yoke of Assur, 6, 81, 144
weapons, 167
divine, 67, 167, 168, 169, 170, 189, 199 zakutu see exemptions, civic
divine (Neo-Assyrian), 169-70 ziggurats, 44, 109, 110, 122, 189, 233,
divine (Old Assyrian), 171 239, 240, 241, 242, 244, 245, 249,
divine (Old Babylonian), 168, 173-74 251, 253, 257, 258-59, 323, 339,
divine (Urartian), 171-72 376
inscribed, 162 zodiac, 45
sword of Assur, 167, 168
INDEX OF TEMPLE NAMES
Bit akiti sa sen (Assur temple outside the E.mas.da.ri (Istar-of-Akkad temple in
walls of Assur), 65, 76, 210, 356, 357 Babylon), 254
E.mah (Ninmah temple in Babylon), 249
E.an.na (Istar temple in Uruk), 87, 88, E.me.lam.an.na (Nusku temple in Harran,
241, 243, 244, 250, 256, 257, 272, Anu ziggurat in Uruk), 243, 290
281, 290, 301, 328, 329, 352, 358, E.me.te.nun.e (Addu temple in
364, 367, 376, 377 Kahat?), 239
E.an.sar (Nanna cella/temple in Ur), 252 E.mes.lam (Nergal temple in Cutha),
E.babbar (Samas temple in Sippar), 247, 253, 264, 272, 333, 376, 377
250, 376 E.nir.gal.an.na (Istar cella in Uruk),
E.bara.dur.gar.ra (Sarrat-Nippur temple 243, 266, 271, 281
in Uruk), 244 E.sa.bad (Gula temple in Babylon), 249
E.dim.gal.kalam.ma (Istaran/Anu-rabu E.sa.hul.la (Nergal temple in
temple in Der), 246, 253, 376 Me-Turran), 253, 376
E.dur.gi.na (Bel-sarbi temple in E.se.ri.ga (Sidada temple in Dur-Sarruku),
Sapazza/Bas),'247, 254, 367 246
E.es.er.ke4 (Marduk temple in E.temen.ni.gur.ru (Sin and Ningal
Sippar-Aruru), 291 temple of Ur), 251
E.gi.gun4.na (Enlil ziggurat-temple of E.ti.la (Gula temple in Borsippa), 245
Nippur), 249, 250 E.tur.kalam.ma (Belet-Babili temple in
E.gi.rin (ziggurat of Dur-Kurigalzu), Babylon), 180, 248
253, 376 E.ul.mas (Istar-of-Akkad temple in Akkad
E.gidru.kalam.ma.sum.ma (Nabu sa and Sippar-Anumtum), 110, 247, 325
hare temple in Babylon), 245, 258, E.umus.a (Marduk cella in Esagila of
368, 371, 372 Babylon), 248
E.gie.par (Nikkal cella in Harran), 290 E.zi.ba.ti.la (Gula temple in Borsippa),
E.hi.li.an.na (Nanaia cella within the 245
E.an.na complex of Nippur), 244, 250 E.zi.da (Nabu temple in Borsippa),
E.hul.hul (Sin temple in Harran), 239, 184, 245, 250, 251, 264, 267, 325,
242" 247, 248, 257, 267, 272, 291, 327, 333, 363, 376, 378, 382
331, 391, 401, 407, 411, 412, 413, Esagila (Marduk temple in Babylon),
416, 421 XXI, 116, 122, 147. 148, 184, 195,
E.hur.sag.gal.kur.kur.ra (Assur temple 226, 242, 243, 248, 249, 250, 256,
in Assur), 149 259, 264, 266, 270, 271, 277, 281,
E.hur.sag.galam.ma (Enlil cella of his 285, 287, 289, 300, 308, 310, 311,
ziggurat in Nippur), 250 312, 314, 324, 325, 326, 327, 329,
E.ibbi-Anum (Ural and Ninegal temple 332, 334, 352, 356, 357, 358, 360,
at Dilbat), 254 361, 363, 367, 370, 372, 373, 375,
E.kar.za.gin.na (Ea shrine of Esagila in 376, 378, 379, 381, 384, 387, 388,
Babylon), 235, 248 408
E.ki.si.ga (Dagan temple in Terqa), 238 Esarra/E.sar.ra (Assur temple in
E.kis.nu.gal (Nanna temple in Ur), Assur), 147, 285, 370, 383
119, 252 Etemenanki (Marduk ziggurat in
E.kur (Enlil temple in Nippur), 88, Babylon), 242, 243, 244, 249, 372
115, 116, 219, 244, 249, 250, 254,
258, 323, 376, 379 Giparu, Ningal temple of Ur, 252
E.lugal.galga.si.sa (Nanna ziggurat in Gul.la.ir.ra (shrine of Bel-labrfya in
Ur), 251 Assur), 147
INDEX OF TEXT AND OBJECT CITATIONS
Aramaic Texts
Vorderasiatisches Museum no. S 3604, 213 KAI no. 216, 226

Vorderasiatisches Museum no. S 5913, 213 KAI no. 218, 59, 400
KAI no. 215, 226 Papyrus Amherst 63, 2, 191
Biblical and Jewish Texts
and 2 Maccabees, 6 b. Sank. 94a, 8

Kgs 13, 318 Daniel, 6, 18, 31, 437
Kgs 17:9-10, 20, 204 Esther, 33, 430
Kgs 10:18-27, 4 Ezek 27:23, 419
Kgs 16, 3, 4, 44, 107 Gen 14, 18
Kgs 17:3-6, 432 Isa 20:1, 9
Kgs 17:5-6, 134 Isa 37:11-13, 38, 4
Kgs 17:24-28, 318 Jer 43:10-13, 118, 198
Kgs 17:25-28, 90 Josephus, Ant 1.154-57, 1
Kgs 18, 3 Judg 16:23-31, 4
Kgs 19:10-13, 37, 4 Judith 3:8, 6
Kgs 19:12-13, 418 Jubilees 11-12, 1
Kgs 19:37, 17 Philo, Abr. 69-71, 77, 82, 1
Kgs 21, 45 Philo, Miff. Abr. 178-79, 184, 1
Kgs 23, 4, 45 Ps 82:6-7, 147
Kgs 23:15-20, 318 Tobit, 6
Classical Texts
Abydenos, 7 Herodotus IX. 13, 118

Aeschylus, The Persians, 438 Pausanius 1.16.3, 118, 198
Ammianus Marcellinus, 173 Pausanius VIII.46.3, 118, 198
Appian, Pun., 117, 121 Pliny XXXIV.16.34, 198
Aristotle, Poetics, 438 Plutarch, Mor. Artax. I, 4, 431
Arrian, Anab. VII. 19.2, 198 Polyhistor, 6
Chariton, 7 Strabo XI. 11.4, 198
Diodorus 1.46.2-4, 118 Strabo XIV. 1.5, 118, 198
Diodorus 1.49.5, 118 Strabo XVI. 1.6, 1
Diodorus II.3.4-20, 20, 8 Strabo XVII. 1.43, 198
Herodotus IV.62, 173 Strabo XVII. 1.46, 118
Herodotus VI. 19, 118, 198
Cuneiform Texts and Museum Objects
1 NT 142, 244 3 R 5 no. 6, 127

1 R 35, 1, 263 3 R 12, 83, 106
1 R 48 no. 9, 243 3 R 14-15, 109, 118
INDEX OF TEXT AND OBJECT CITATIONS 541
3 R 16 no. 5, 248 81-6-25,266, 376

3 R 66, 186, 187, 189 81-7-
-6,210, 243
5 NT 702, 244 81-7-27,29, 246
5 NT 703, 88, 249, 250 -27,30, 271 313
81-7-
12 N 43, 244 81-7 -27,31, 308
12 N 110, 298 81-7--27,32, 352
12 N 129, 328 81-7--27,68, 410
12 N 135, 241 81-11-3,360, 248
12 N 148, 328 81-11-3,361, 248
12 N 187, 308 82-3
-23,142, 331
47-7-2,22+29-31+35-40+45+48, 265, 82-3 -23,1573, 247
270, 278 82-3 -23,1653, 248
48-11-4,1, 152, 202 82-3
-23,1837, 248
51-9-2,32, 188 82-5 -22,63, 182
51-9-9,633, 395 82-5--22,88, 121
51-10-9,78R, 88, 249 82-5 -22,98, 304
79-B-34, 106 82-5--22,107, 372
79-7-8,102, 82 82-5 -22,108, 311
79-7-8,134, 290 82-5--22,122, 249
79-7-8,259, 328 82-5 -22,125, 182
79-7-8,272, 165 82-5--22,127, 407
79-7-8,337, 82 82-5 -22,145, 309
80-6-17,2, 248 82-5 -22,152, 314, 328
80-6-17,3, 250, 251 82-5 -22,164, 309
80-7-19,22, 182 82-5--22,170, 104
80-7-19,24, 103 82-5 -22,527, 79, 281
80-7-19,41, 249, 329 82-5 -22,531, 290
80-7-19,45, 256 82-7--14,1010, 314
80-7-19,67, 331 82-7--14,1025, 239
80-7-19,111, 318 82-7--14,1032, 248
80-7-19,333, 290 82-7--14,1043, 248
80-7-19,345, 410 82-7 -14,1044, 248
80-7-19,353, 410 82-9 -18,8612, 248
80-11-12,227, 244 83-1--18,1, 385
81-2-1,38, 103 83-1 -18,5, 246, 281,325
81-2-1,103, 103 83- -18,15, 103
81-2-4,51, 328 83- -18,19, 313
81-2-4,55, 86 83- -18,30, 304
81-2-4,62, 289 83- -18,32, 312, 327
81-2-4,66, 267, 289, 312 83- -18,53, 149
81-2-4,67, 140 83- -18,54, 305
81-2-4,77, 360 83- -18,66, 314
81-2-4,90, 103 83-1 -18,67, 103
81-2-4,127, 184 83-1 -18,83, 289
81-2-4,130, 336 83-1 -18,107, 324
81-2-4,131, 245, 247, 315, 333 83-1-18,117, 309
81-2-4,137, 418 83-1 -18,122, 311 411
81-2-4,153, 399 83-1 -18,123, 316
81-2-4,174, 254 83-1 -18,146, 266
81-2-4,190, 165 83-1 -18,202, 409
81-2-4,290, 165 83-1 -18,270, 313
81-2-4,306, 272 83-1 -18,282, 103
81-2-4,379, 321 83-1 -18,305, 409
81-2-4,468, 173, 176, 256 83-1
-18,334, 310, 358
81-3-24,367, 248, 250 83-1 -18,346, 399
542 INDEX OF TEXT AND OBJECT CITATIONS
83-1-18,349, 410 A 19, 125

83-1-18,392, 399 A 39, 125
83- -18,454, 410 A 333, 174
83- -18,541, 281 A 418, 284
83- -18,543, 335 A 889, 306
83- -18,551, 165 A 1858, 168
83- 18,600, 249, 316 A 2125, 174
83- -18,697, 165 A 2229, 238
83-6-30,3, 248 A 2231, 306
84-2-11,356, 131, 140, 141, 270, 278, A 2388, 174
279, 280, 312 A 2560, 392
84-2-11,490, 202 A 2793, 106, 204
91-5-9,103, 82 A 3140, 168
93-10-14,50, 251 A 3354+, 174
94-1-15,335, 248 A 4259, 392
96-4-9,6, 418 A 4260, 171
98-2-16,145, 122, 141, 191, 280, 311 A 4509, 306
98-2-16,181, 148 A 8012, 8104, 8107, 8109, 8128,
98-7-11,124, 263 8137, 8162, 11867, 249
98-10-11,20, 248 A 8013-8087, 8102, 8106, 8124, 8139,
1900-3-10,2, 248 8145, 11849, 11851, 11852, 11857,
1902-4-12,385, 138, 314, 316 11860, 11863, 11864, 11866,
1904-10-9,271, 86 11868-11870, 111
1909-3-13,1, 84, 112 A 8088-8101, 8103, 8127, 8129, 8144,
1912-7-6,9, 110, 247 8160, 11848, 11850, 11854, 110
1914-2-14,1, 294 A 11254, 270, 278
1915-4-10,2, 244 A 12152, 238
1915-4-10,3, 345 A 17589, 294
1919-10-11,4708, 251 A 17590, 294
1919-10-11,4709, 251 A 31310, 244
1919-10-11,4743, 88, 249 A 32262, 244
1922-8-12,63, 116 A 33618, 244
1924-9-20,250, 251 A 33619, 244
1927-10-3,16, 252 A Babylon 9, 248
1927-10-3,18, 252 A Babylon 55, 248
1927-10-3,19, 252 ABL no. 3, 182
1927-10-3,266, 252 ABL no. 5, 182
1927-10-3,269, 252 ABL no. 6, 182
1927-10-3,272, 252 ABL no. 23, 409
1927-10-3,273, 252 ABL no. 28, 313
1927-10-3,274, 252 ABL no. 29, 272
1927-10-3,60, 251 ABL no. 32, 281, 337
1927-10-3,9, 252 ABL no. 36, 271
1932-12-12,497, 147 ABL no. 43, 101, 103
1933-10-13,3, 252 ABL no. 80, 225
1933-10-13,4, 252 ABL no. 119, 249
1935-1-13,5, 251 ABL no. 120, 249, 289
1935-1-13,9, 251 ABL no. 126, 165-66
1971-7-5,1, 85 ABL no. 127, 165
1973-12-18,1, 136 ABL no. 128, 165-66
1979-12-18,16, 251 ABL no. 129, 165-66
1979-12-18,43, 251 ABL no. 130, 242, 407
1979-12-20,174, 250 ABL no. 131, 407
1991-1-27,1, 395 ABL no. 132, 407
ABL no. 134, 266, 309 ABL no. 617, 173, 176, 257
ABL no. 135, 407 ABL no. 625, 313
ABL no. 148, 86 ABL no. 629, 333
ABL no. 150, 108 ABL no. 642, 407
ABL no. 157, 241 ABL no. 645, 165
ABL no. 158, 331 ABL no. 652, 182
ABL no. 159, 331 ABL no. 659, 140
ABL no. 160, 331 ABL no. 667, 271, 313
ABL no. 163, 331 ABL no. 669, 313
ABL no. 168, 165, 331 ABL no. 673, 246
ABL no. 169, 165 ABL no. 689, 289
ABL no. 170, 165 ABL no. 699, 173, 176, 256, 257, 313
ABL no. 171, 165 ABL no. 701, 407
ABL no. 172, 165 ABL no. 702, 360
ABL no. 202, 176, 256 ABL no. 707, 331
ABL no. 257, 184, 271, 289 ABL no. 709, 331
ABL no. 259, 149 ABL no. 711, 331
ABL no. 268, 315 ABL no. 712, 165
ABL no. 301, 295, 302 ABL no. 713, 165
ABL no. 327, 374 ABL no. 724, 103
ABL no. 337, 333 ABL no. 726, 103
ABL no. 338, 304 ABL no. 727, 103
ABL no. 339, 313 ABL no. 744, 333
ABL no. 340, 289, 292, 302, 322 ABL no. 746, 266
ABL no. 381, 86 ABL no. 751, 316
ABL no. 387, 301 ABL no. 755, 311, 411
ABL no. 401, 304 ABL no. 768, 86
ABL no. 404, 289 ABL no. 797, 176, 257
ABL no. 409, 86 ABL no. 810, 165
ABL no. 418, 359 ABL no. 853, 322
ABL no. 429, 108 ABL no. 870, 372
ABL no. 437, 78 ABL no. 878, 295, 299, 302
ABL no. 438, 279 ABL no. 914, 324
ABL no. 457, 242, 407 ABL no. 923, 85, 408, 413, 422, 423
ABL no. 464, 249, 250, 267 ABL no. 926, 295
ABL no. 468, 352 ABL no. 951, 336
ABL no. 471, 249, 329 ABL no. 956, 246, 274, 304, 312
ABL no. 474, 140 ABL no. 965, 321
ABL no. 476, 246, 281 ABL no. 968, 243, 266, 289, 324
ABL no. 489, 309 ABL no. 971, 305
ABL no. 496, 315 ABL no. 1000, 256
ABL no. 497, 314 ABL no. 1008, 165-66
ABL no. 498, 226, 314 ABL no. 1014, 312, 333
ABL no. 514, 315 ABL no. 1016, 321
ABL no. 516, 308 ABL no. 1023, 103
ABL no. 532, 103 ABL no. 1029, 352
ABL no. 539, 176, 332 ABL no. 1044, 165
ABL no. 551, 108 ABL no. 1046, 165
ABL no. 552, 331 ABL no. 1047, 256
ABL no. 556, 165 ABL no. 1051, 184
ABL no. 573, 328 ABL no. 1073, 407
ABL no. 585, 242 ABL no. 1074, 176
ABL no. 595, 372 ABL no. 1087, 104
ABL no. 612, 271, 313 ABL no. 1098, 184
ABL no. 1160, 103 ADD no. 1001, 103

ABL no. 1171, 103 ADD no. 1007, 103
ABL no. 1191, 165 ADD no. 1010, 103
ABL no. 1200, 256 ADD no. 1013, 104
ABL no. 1201, 328 ADD no. 1017, 103
ABL no. 1202, 267, 289, 312 ADD no. 1024, 103
ABL no. 1214, 245, 247, 315, 333 ADD no. 1046, 410
ABL no. 1217, 311 ADD no. 1064, 82
ABL no. 1219, 249 ADD no. 1072, 103
ABL no. 1221, 182 ADD no. 1092, 103
ABL no. 1223, 407 ADD no. 1110, 324
ABL no. 1227, 309 ADD no. 1134, 103
ABL no. 1237, 385 ADD no. 1157, 186
ABL no. 1241, 149, 256, 368 ADD no. 1166, 410
ABL no. 1246, 316, 317 AH 82-7-14,1000, 251
ABL no. 1258, 304 AH 82-7-14,1025, 248
ABL no. 1285, 226 AH 82-7-14,1038, 282
ABL no. 1290, 153, 242 AH 83-1-18,1338, 132, 141, 270
ABL no. 1298, 86 AH 83-1-18,1339, 142, 279
ABL no. 1312, 165 Aleppo Museum 4526, 257, 258
ABL no. 1330, 352 Antakya Museum 11832, 202
ABL no. 1339, 112, 121, 338 AO 2489, 185
ABL no. 1340, 249 AO 2776, 261
ABL no. 1345, 321, 352 AO 4162, 119
ABL no. 1355, 352 AO 4628, 238
ABL no. 1377, 103 AO 4655, 126
ABL no. 1384, 103 AO 5470, 243
ABL no. 1385, 228 AO 6772, 244
ABL no. 1387, 257 AO 6793, 317
ABL no. 1393, 311, 411 AO 11503, 183
ABL no. 1400, 86 AO 19863, 294
ABL no. 1417, 328 AO 19887, 135
ABL no. 1431, 295 AO 19939, 110
ABL no. 1453, 165 AO 21370, 294
ABL no. 1454, 165 AO 26555, 258
ABL no. 1471, 165 ARM 1 no. 74, 180
ADD no. 49, 101 ARM 1 no. 75, 261
ADD no. 70, 298 ARM 1 no. 136, 262
ADD no. 215, 410 ARM 4 no. 76, 391
ADD no. 228, 141 ARM 5 no. 75, 392
ADD no. 255, 310, 358 ARMT 13 no. 147, 174
ADD no. 275, 410 ARMT 17 no. 219, 340
ADD no. 385, 140 ARMT 18 no. 54, 169
ADD no. 389, 410 ARMT 18 no. 69, 169
ADD no. 621, 298 ARMT 22 no. 246, 169
ADD no. 738, 318 ARMT 22 no. 247, 169
ADD no. 802, 410 ARMT 23 no. 213, 169
ADD no. 812, 401 ARMT 23 no. 446, 169
ADD no. 851, 89 ARMT 25 no. 697, 168
ADD no. 952, 102 ARMT 26/1 no. 24, 392
ADD no. 960, 103 ARMT 26/1 no. 32, 174
ADD no. 981, 410 ARMT 26/1 no. 194, 171
ADD no. 999, 103 ARMT 26/1 no. 260, 238
ADD no. 1000, 103 ARMT 26/2 no. 389, 174
ARMT 26/2 no. 526, 174 BE 46374, 243

ARMT 27 no. 80, 391 BE 46403, 243
ARMT 27 no. 81, 391 BE 46404, 243
ARU no. 76, 410 BE 46406, 243
ARU no. 166, 410 BE 46407, 243
ARU no. 170, 410 BE 46408, 243
ARU no. 174, 410 BE 46410, 243
ARU no. 194, 140 BE 46435, 243
ARU no. 214, 410 BE 46436, 243
ARU no. 641, 141 Bibliotheque Nationale Inv. 65 no.
Ashm 1922.181, 88, 249 5929, 248
Ashm 1922.190, 254 Bibliotheque Nationale, Cabinet des
Ashm 1924.627, 88, 249 Medailles, Collection Henri Seyrig
Ass 742, 128 1973, I, 525, 404
Ass 1017, 126 BM 12064, 248
Ass 3916, 281 BM 12110, 248
Ass 4312a, 125 BM 18934, 153, 160
Ass 4489a, 125 BM 19065, 251
Ass 4585, 125 BM 21901, 418
Ass 4533t, 126 BM 22505, 294
Ass 6342, XV BM 22533, 248
Ass 6366, 116 BM 25091, 122, 141, 191, 280, 282, 311
Ass 6596, 108, 128, 129, 130, 279 BM 25127, 111, 148
Ass 10182, 125 BM 27859, 263
Ass 10557, 394 BM 28384, 248
Ass 11159, 109, 118 BM 33338, 249
Ass 11607, 399 BM 34026, 116
Ass 14709, 202 BM 35046, 290
Ass 17313, 239 BM 38345, 244
Ass 18497, 262 BM 40074, 248
Ass 19086, 125 BM 41650, 376
Ass 19869, 171 BM 45793, 243
Ass 22819, 399 BM 47655, 248
Ass 44891, 125 BM 47656, 248
Ass Ph 438-45, 461-69, 482-83, BM 50582, 247
489-92, 128 BM 50662, 248
Ass Ph 784-87, 108, 128, 129, 130 BM 50843, 248
Ass Ph 3394, 108 BM 55467, 355
Ass Ph 4123a, 170 BM 56628, 314
Ass Ph 4681, 262, 341 BM 56634, 248
Ass Ph 6799, 151 BM 56639, 248
BM 60105, 331
B 65, 248 BM 68613, 248
BBSt. no. 10, 382 BM 75976, 131, 270
BBSt. no. 36, 283-85, 345 BM 75977, 142, 278
BE 8084, 243 BM 77223, 248
BE 12131, 248 BM 78264, 248
BE 15316, 243 BM 82598, 251
BE 32167, 243 BM 86379, 122, 191, 282, 283
BE 39840, 243 BM 86918, 248
BE 41054, 243 BM 87220, 382
BE 41230, 243 BM 89106, 202
BE 41419, 243 BM 90281, 250
BE 41472, 243 BM 90807, 88, 249
BM 90864, 248, 250 BM 124350, 252

BM 90865, 248, 250 BM 124351, 252
BM 90866, 250, 251 BM 124665, 127, 161, 293
BM 90935, 248 BM 124666, 127, 161, 293
BM 91000, X, 283 BM 124667, 127, 161, 293
BM 91107, 251 BM 124800, 140
BM 91109, 248 BM 124927, 121
BM 91112, 282 BM 124961, 154
BM 91115, 248 BM 127994, 249
BM 92502, 131, 140, 141, 270, 278, BM 128156, 127, 161, 293
279, 280, 282, 312 BM 128302, 248
BM 96273, 138, 314, 316 BM 128311, 248
BM 98988, 165 BM 131982, 134, 155
BM 99040, 165 BM 132980, 116
BM 99229, 313 BM 134502, 147
BM 102966, 84, 112 BM 134503, 147
BM 103000, 84, 112 BM 134504, 147
BM 104738, 110, 247 BM 135586, 85
BM 108775, 294 BM 135992, 136
BM 113204, 244 BM 137345, 251
BM 113205, 345 BM 137349, 251
BM 114277, 251 BM 137381, 251
BM 114278, 251 BM 137408, 251
BM 114299, 88, 249 BM 141627, 395
BM 115688, 116 Borger BIWA, "Die Nergal-Las-Inschrift,",
BM 116230, 317 253, 272
BM 116987, 251 Borger BIWA, "Large Egyptian Tablets,",
BM 117759, 212 239, 247, 267, 272, 413, 420
BM 118805, 188 Borger BIWA, "Zur Inschrift L4,", 282
BM 118815a+b, 106 Borger BIWA, A, 101, 107, 110, 111,
BM 118817, 106 118, 143, 144, 185, 250, 268, 283,
BM 118819, 106 326, 330, 381, 413
BM 118821, 106 Borger BIWA, B, 142, 282, 413
BM 118834, 265, 278 Borger BIWA, C, 142, 143, 248, 253,
BM 118884, 152, 161, 262, 270 272, 282, 316, 413, 414
Borger BIWA, F, 101, 110, 118, 143,
BM 118885, 127, 128, 145, 152, 161, 202
BM 118892, 108, 128, 129, 183, 395 185, 250, 283, 413
BM 118908, 155 Borger BIWA, H, 248, 249, 253
BM 118931, 132 Borger BIWA, IIT, 248, 250, 253,
BM 118934, 132, 153 272, 316
BM 118936, 155, 263 Borger BIWA, J Stuck, 249, 316
BM 119014, 252 Borger BIWA, Lose Blatter, 290, 317
BM 119021, 252 Borger BIWA, T, 248, 250, 253, 272,
BM 119023, 252 283, 316, 413, 414
BM 119024, 252 Borger BIWA, TTafl, 248, 250, 283, 316
BM 119271, 252 Borger Esarh., AsBbA, 138, 243, 278,
BM 119274, 252 279, 281, 285, 294, 383; AsBbE,
BM 119277, 252 184, 235, 243, 281, 383; AsBbF, 83,
BM 119278, 251 84; AsBbH, 235; Ass. A, 297, 298;
BM 119279, 252 Bab. A, 148, 234, 243, 259, 277,
BM 121006, 248 384; Bab. B, 148, 243, 259; Bab. C,
BM 122614, 242, 294 234, 243, 259, 266, 277, 311; Bab.
BM 122615, 242, 294 D, 148, 234, 243, 259, 266, 277,
BM 123425, 249, 316 311; Bab. E, 234, 243, 259, 277;
Bab. F, 243, 259, 266, 311; Bab. G, CTpi. 26 17, 84, 112
243, 259; Bab. H-N, 243; Borsippa CT pi.2684, 112, 184
A, 244; Gbr. II, 84, 177; Mnm. A, CTpi.3430, 247
63, 106; Mnm. B, 141, 142, 279, CT pi.3431, 247
280, 288; Mnm. C, 62, 89, 142; CT 34pi. 34, 110
Nin. A, 31, 32, 83, 84, 141, 204, CT 35pi. 22, 248
277, 279, 280, 287, 288; Nin. B, no. 53
CT 15, 307
280, 289; Nin. D, 204; Nippur A-D, CT no. 53 17, 411
244; Smlt., 232, 245, 246, 312, 363; CTno.5320, 407
Uruk A, 84, 243, 279; Uruk B, 243, CT 53 no. 31, 372
266, 271, 281; Uruk C-D, 244; CT 53 no. 34, 313
Uruk G, 243 CT 53 no. 41, 184
BoTU 44, 393 CT 53no. 44, 411
Bristol H 5097, 88, 249 CT 53no. 47, 153, 242
Bu 88-5-12,120, 248 CT 53 no. 48, 314
Bu 89-4-26,17, 140 CT 53 no. 60, 249
Bu 89-4-26,209, 290 CT 53 no. 75, 245, 315
Bu 91-5-9,11, 103 CT 53 no. 106, 282
Bu 91-5-9,61, 249 CT 53 no. 107, 411
Bu 91-5-9,71, 304 CT 53 no. 129, 103
Bu 91-5-9,170, 165 CT 53 no. 141, 140
Bu 91-5-9,183, 289, 292, 302, 322 CT no.
53 172, 86
CT 53 no. 208, 407
CBS 14, 243 CT 53no. 214, 242
CBS 24, 168 CT 53 no. 262, 407
CBS 80, 168 CT 53 no. 333, 140
CBS 733, 316 CT 53no. 340, 135, 278
CBS 1356, 168 CT 53no. 734, 407
CBS 1632a, 88, 249 CT 53 no. 793, 86
CBS 1757, 316 CT 53no. 839, 407
CBS 2350, 244 CT 53 no. 846, 249
CBS 8632, 88, 249 CT 53 no. 858, 86
CBS 8633, 88, 249 CT 53 no. 866, 328
CBS 8644, 250 CT 53 no. 876, 267
CBS 8645, 249 CT 53 no. 892, 165
CBS 8654, 88, 249 CT 53 no. 906, 336
CBS 9482, 249 CT 53 no. 921, 314, 328
CBS 15337, 251 CT 53 no. 923, 309
CBS 16483, 251 CT 53 no. 959, 249
CBS 16484, 251 CT 54 no. 22, 310
CBS 16485, 252 CT 54 no. 31, 256, 308
CBS 16486, 252 CT 54 no. 37, 321
CBS 16487, 252 CT 54 no. 60, 313, 358
CBS 16488, 255 CT 54 no. 66, 293
CBS 16489, 252 CT 54 no. 67, 352
CBS 16490, 252 CT 54 no. 92, 324
CBS 16491, 251 CT 54 no. 112, 149, 256, 368
CBS 16555a, 251 CT 54 no. 133, 352
CBS 16555b, 251 CT 54 no. 212, 295
CBS 16556a, 252 CT 54 no. 429, 316
CBS 16556b, 252 CT 54 no. 441, 336
CBS 16557, 252 CT 54 no. 470, 321
CBS 16558, 255 CT 54 no. 483, 256, 352
CT 26 pi. 16, 163 CT 54 no. 506, 267, 312
CTN 1 no. 3, 89 Frahm Einleitung, T 12, 84, 112, 138,

CTN 1 no. 9, 90 159, 184
CTN 1 no. 12, 89 Frahm Einleitung, T 16, 106, 137,
CTN 1 no. 35, 89 138, 151, 204
CTN 3 no. 52, 170 Frahm Einleitung, T 17, 106, 137,
CTN 3 no. 99, 170 138, 204
CTN 3 no. 102, 170 Frahm Einleitung, T 18, 109, 118
CTN 3 no. 103, 170 Frahm Einleitung, T 25, 138
CTN 3 no. 108, 170 Frahm Einleitung, T 26, 138, 184
CTN 3 no. 120, 89 Frahm Einleitung, T 27, 138
Frahm Einleitung, T 29, 83, 106
DeZ 3320, 394 Frahm Einleitung, T 64, 140
DeZ 3835, 394 Frahm Einleitung, T 122, 109, 118,
Di 2122, 168 149, 355
D§ 32-8, 114 Frahm Einleitung, T 139, 109, 118, 356
DS 32-9, 114 Frahm Einleitung, T 167, 242
DS 32-15, 114 Frahm Einleitung, T 174, 310
D§ 32-16, 114 Frahm Einleitung, T 184, 170
DS 32-17+20+38, 114 Fuchs Khorsabad, 32, 84
DS 32-18, 114 Fuchs Khorsabad, 46, 84
DS 32-22, 32-23, 114 Fuchs Khorsabad, 55, 84
DS 32-26, 114 Fuchs Khorsabad, Ann 94-95, 157, 158
DS 32-27, 114 Fuchs Khorsabad, Ann 94a, 157, 158
DS 32-28, 114 Fuchs Khorsabad, Ann 98, 159
DS 32-29+42, 115 Fuchs Khorsabad, Ann 99, 162
D§ 32-37, 114, 115 Fuchs Khorsabad, Ann 250-52, 136
DS 32-43, 114 Fuchs Khorsabad, Ann 277-78, 265
DS 32-45, 294 Fuchs Khorsabad, Ann 288a-b, 265
DS 32-52, 114 Fuchs Khorsabad, Ann 376-78, 265, 278
DS 32-53, 115 Fuchs Khorsabad, Prunk 61, 159
D§ 1005, 114 Fuchs Khorsabad, Prunk 76, 135
DS 1293, 294 Fuchs Khorsabad, Prunk 104-7, 136
D§ 1294, 294 Fuchs Khorsabad, Prunk 125-26, 136
DT 1, 298 Fuchs Khorsabad, Prunk 136-37, 265
DT 3, 264 Fuchs Khorsabad, Prunk 137, 278
DT 98, 333 Fuchs Khorsabad, Prunk 140-44, 265
DT 236, 310 Fuchs Khorsabad, Prunk 141, 270
DT 272, 248 Fuchs Khorsabad, S3, 324
ES 1326, 296 Grayson Chronicles, no. 1, 131, 140,

E§ 1327, 195, 248 141, 142, 270, 273, 278, 279, 280,
E§ 4650, 128 282, 312, 357
ES 6262, 281 Grayson Chronicles, no. 2, 111, 148
E§ 7813, 185 Grayson Chronicles, no. 3, 418
E§ 7815, 131 Grayson Chronicles, no. 14, 122, 144,
ES 7893, 248 191, 280, 282
ES 9512, 239 Grayson Chronicles, no. 15, 138, 316
E§ 9583/4, 143 Grayson Chronicles, no. 16, 122, 191,
Emar VI 4, no. 545, 169 282, 283
Grayson Chronicles, no. 21, 128, 129, IM 124195, 131

130, 262, 344 IM 124202, 290
Grayson Chronicles, no. 24, 263 IM 132847-51, 240
IM 132897, 131
HE 144, 317 IM 132899, 130
HS 42, 88, 254 IM 142109, 245
HS 1956, 244 Israel Museum 71.72.249, 106, 204
HS 1958, 88, 254 Israel Museum 74.49.96a, 396
HS 2981, 88, 249
J. Rosen Collection 5230, 83
IAA 87-9, 404 Johns Doomsday Book no. 1, 82
IM 1101, 252 Johns Doomsday Book no. 2, 82
IM 16429, 252 Johns Doomsday Book no. 5, 82, 313
IM 48412, 252 Johns Doomsday Book nos. 6-22, 82
IM 48413, 252
IM 48414, 252 K 4, 299
IM 54669, 128 K 17, 176, 332
IM 56578, 84, 112 K 30, 142
IM 59032, 142 K 51, 270
IM 59046, 141, 279, 281, 289 K 63b, 165
IM 59721, 244 K 83, 176, 256
IM 60496, 152, 153, 202 K 84, 295, 302
IM 60497, 276 K 108, 104
IM 60971/2, 136 K 120b, 290
IM 61711, 244 K 122, 101, 103
IM 61715, 244 K 126, 289
IM 64018, 102 K 144, 290
IM 64210, 170 K 168, 78, 325
IM 64222, 170 K 177, 279
IM 65574, 127 K 189, 336
IM 66885, 244 K 228, 239, 247, 267
IM 70310, 244 K 233, 295, 299, 302
IM 74476, 399 K 252, 170, 186, 187, 189
IM 74477, 399 K 342b, 101
IM 74489, 399 K 410, 399
IM 74496, 170 K 426, 140
IM 77087, 298 K 474, 315
IM 77106, 328 K 477, 315
IM 77112, 241 K 480, 333
IM 77125, 328 K 492, 182
IM 77164, 308 K 499, 249
IM 95916, 131 K 504, 241
IM 95917, 131 K 509, 149
IM 112566, 240 K 514, 315
IM 112567, 240 K 517, 374
IM 113620, 240 K 520, 225
IM 113626, 240 K 527, 281, 337
IM 113629, 240 K 530, 331
IM 113631, 240 K 545, 314
IM 124171, 248 K 548, 103
IM 124193, 131 K 583, 182
K 595, 182 K 1285, 307

K 598, 108 K 1349, 297
K 602, 409 K 1353, 310-11
K 609, 165 K 1354, 363
K 616, 165 K 1356, 170
K 624, 242, 407 K 1364, 290
K 625, 407 K 1383, 272
K 634, 108 K 1391, 103
K 640, 331 K 1393, 311
K 646, 226, 314 K 1405, 272
K 650, 165 K 1424, 153, 242
K 655, 407 K 1426, 314
K 672, 176, 257 K 1436, 335
K 683, 165 K 1461, 249
K 708, 103 K 1514, 399
K 750, 195 K 1519, 249, 250, 267
K 797, 103 K 1523, 335
K 837, 103 K 1550, 256
K 843, 195 K 1551, 333
K 853, 272 K 1579, 104
K 866, 195 K 1603, 399
K 881, 104 K 1604, 399
K 883, 79 K 1608a, 141
K 891, 316 K 1614, 184, 289
K 905, 322 K 1634, 109, 118
K 930, 246, 274, 304, 312 K 1668, 135
K 960, 195 K 1669, 157, 158, 166
K 990, 295 K 1671, 135
K 997, 165 K 1673, 156, 240
K 1003, 328 K 1680, 28, 106
K 1013, 165 K 1681, 294
K 1014, 242, 407 K 1890, 256, 308
K 1024, 313 K 1896, 331
K 1025, 331 K 1903, 407
K 1032, 271 K 1907, 86
K 1047, 165 K 1911, 249
K 1052, 165 K 1915, 372
K 1060, 407 K 1919, 321
K 1098, 242 K 1935, 242
K 1114, 103 K 1961, 165
K 1119, 372 K 2017, 82
K 1131, 103 K 2085, 85
K 1148, 272, 313 K 2388, 84
K 1167, 173, 176, 256 K 2564, 317
K 1173, 313 K 2622, 310
K 1204, 272 K 2631, 272
K 1222, 313 K 2632, 253, 254
K 1234, 266, 309 K 2650, 394
K 1243, 331 K 2653, 253, 272
K 1245, 324 K 2654, 253
K 1253, 407 K 2664, 248
K 1258, 86 K 2675, 239, 247, 267, 272, 413
K 1263, 333 K 2694, 282
K 1268, 184 K 2701A, 85, 413
K 2711, 363 K 6951, 82

K 2802, 143 K 7328, 103
K 2813, 290 K 7378, 321
K 2822, 290 K 7381, 135, 278
K 2855, 253, 272 K 7516, 245, 315, 327
K 2889, 321 K 7535, 399
K 3039, 103 K 7596, 248
K 3047, 143 K 7862, 289
K 3049, 143 K 7979, 147
K 3050, 282 K 8125, 82
K 3106, 127 K 8134, 82
K 3202, 270 K 8179, 82
K 3265, 290 K 8323, 281
K 3298, 290 K 8379, 112, 121, 338
K 3405, 283 K 8394, 290
K 3438, 332 K 8412, 249
K 3751, 133, 153, 154, 264, 396 K 8674, 335
K 4267, 226 K 8680, 335
K 4271, 165 K 8681, 295
K 4282, 153, 242 K 8683, 102
K 4294, 165 K 8741, 282
K 4401a, 128, 129, 130, 262 K 8759, 291, 408, 413
K 4447, 295 K 8787, 324
K 4487, 363 K 8957, 82
K 4669, 335 K 9138, 147
K 4670, 313 K 9143, 291
K 4678, 312, 333 K 9728, 82
K 4682, 321 K 9912, 332
K 4688, 165 K 9923, 332
K 4695, 86 K 9925, 170
K 4729, 82, 313 K 9996, 102
K 4730, 369 K 10412, 410
K 4740, 293 K 10489, 321
K 4745, 352 K 11396, 82
K 4754, 82 K 11416, 82
K 4767, 82 K 11498, 165
K 4789, 243, 266, 289, 324 K 11500, 335
K 4792, 245, 315, 327 K 11505, 165
K 5083, 165 K 11517, 165
K 5213B, 103 K 11665, 335
K 5385, 256, 308 K 11799, 256, 308
K 5448b, 149 K 11918, 82
K 5458, 165 K 11955, 410
K 5502, 407 K 12033, 79, 281
K 5531, 407 K 12046, 407
K 5541, 352 K 12956, 82
K 5559, 293 K 12958, 321
K 5614, 352 K 13081, 321
K 5617, 352 K 13118, 256, 308
K 6048, 281 K 13129, 82
K 6232, 250, 295 K 13132, 82
K 6330, 147 K 13173, 352
K 6359, 147 K 13204, 82
K 6386, 243 K 13222, 82
K 13224, 82 LAS I no. 7, 271

K 13383, 281 LAS I no. 8, 246
K 13394, 82 LAS I no. 29, 281
K 13548, 82 LAS I no. 57, 289
K 14270, 102 LAS I no. 58, 289
K 14302, 82 LAS I no. 117, 408, 413
K 14309, 102 LAS I no. 129, 372
K 14644, 293 LAS I no. 175, 314
K 14677, 282 LAS I no. 185, 409
K 15074, 165 LAS I no. 190, 246, 274, 304, 312
K 15416, 321 LAS I no. 268, 313
K 16059, 407 LAS I no. 269, 272, 313
K 16116, 321 LAS I no. 270, 313
K 16119, 352 LAS I no. 271, 272
K 16529, 86 LAS I no. 272, 271
K 18114, 283 LAS I no. 273, 313
K 20151, 147 LAS I no. 275, 266
K 20329, 102 LAS I no. 276, 289, 292, 302, 322
K 20907, 333 LAS I no. 277, 246, 281
K 21672, 283 LAS I no. 278, 325, 333
K 22110, 283 LAS I no. 279, 333
KAH 2 no. 143, 323 LAS I no. 280, 78, 325
KAR 139, 307 LAS I no. 281, 267, 289, 312
KAR 216, XV LAS I no. 282, 313
KAV no. 182, 379 LAS I no. 283, 282
KAV no. 197, 108 LAS I no. 284, 245, 315, 327
KBo I no. 1, 392 LAS I no. 286, 271, 289
KBo I no. 3, 392, 393 LAS I no. 287, 304
KBo XIX no. 50, 393 LAS I no. 289, 333
KBo XXVIII no. 114, 392 LAS I no. 290, 333
Ki 1904-10-9,17, 165 LAS I no. 291, 245, 247, 315, 333
Ki 1904-10-9,26, 103 LAS I no. 292, 312, 333
Ki 1904-10-9,41, 103 LAS I no. 293, 313
Ki 1904-10-9,42, 228 LAS I no. 309, 101, 103
Ki 1904-10-9,44, 186 LAS I no. 315, 108
Ki 1904-10-9,47, 257 LKA no. 31, XV
Ki 1904-10-9,69, 165 LKA no. 63, 124
Ki 1904-10-9,124, 410 LKA no. 64, 151
Ki 1904-10-9,135, 399 LKU no. 46, 314
Ki 1904-10-9,169, 311, 411
Ki 1904-10-9,179, 399 M 6669, 392
Ki 1904-10-9,261, 313 M 7750, 340
Kt 89/k 370, 167 M 11478, 238
Kt 89/k 371, 167 M 11906, 238
Kt 93/k, 167 M 15077, 168
Kt n/k 32, 167 M 15109, 168
KTU2 1.162, 167 MAH 10830, 127
KTU2 1.24, 393 Mara§ Archaeological Museum no.
KUB III no. la, 392 1948, 203
KUB XIX no. 13+14, 393 McGill Ethnological Collection ML
Kwasman, Neo-Assyrian Legal 1.18, 88, 249
Documents, no. 40b, 101 Menzel Tempel, T 43, 170
Kwasman, Neo-Assyrian Legal Documents, Menzel Tempel, T 80, 186
no. 171, 310, 358 Menzel Tempel, T 82-84, 332
Menzel Tempel, T 113, 187, 189 ND 4164, 409

Menzel Tempel, T 114, 187 ND 4178, 409
Menzel Tempel, T 115, 189 ND 4301, 134, 155
Menzel Tempel, T 118, 187, 189 ND 4305 134, 155
Menzel Tempel, T 119, 186, 187, 189 ND 5422, 134, 155
Menzel Tempel, T 120, 189 ND 5500, 152, 153, 202
Menzel Tempel, T 154, 262, 269, 341 ND 10000, 276
MNB 1848, 261, 300 ND 11000, 127
Ni 2484, 180
N III 3155, 294 NL no. 13, 306
N III 3156, 294 NL no. 19, 102
Nabonid no. 1, 248 NL no. 42, 165
Nabonid no. 4, 109, 110 NL no. 63, 165
Nabonid no. 8, 109, 195, 248, 358
Nabonid no. 9, 248 PMA F29-6-387a+b+e, 249
NBC 1219, 308, 310 PMA F29-6-387c, 244
NBC 2502, 345 PMA F29-6-387d, 244
NBC 2507, 250 PMA F29-6-387f, 244
NBC 2509, 243, 266, 281 PMA F29-6-397, 244
NBC 2510, 243 Postgate Royal Grants, no. 39, 313
NCBT 1132, 291 Postgate Royal Grants, no. 299, 410
ND 812a, 147 PTS 2253, 291
ND 1002, 170
ND 1104, 185, 341 RIMA A.0.39 .4, 306
ND 2080, 186 RIMA A.0.39 .5, 306
ND 2090, 87, 88, 241, 329 RIMA A.0.39 .6, 306
ND 2320, 399 RIMA A.0.39 .7, 306
ND 2332, 399 RIMA A.0.39 .8, 238
ND 2381, 102 RIMA A.0.39 .1001, 261, 338
ND 2601, 136 RIMA A.0.40 .1001, 116
ND 2632, 293 RIMA A.0.76 .3, 394
ND 2663, 330 RIMA A.0.77 .1, 357, 394
ND 2686, 306, 330 RIMA A.0.77 .16, 239
ND 2715, 330 RIMA A.0.83 .2001, 185
ND 2773, 330 RIMA 2 A.0.87.1, 21-23, 33, 111.
ND 2791, 140 123- 25, 160,175, 323, 394
ND 3400, 134 RIMA 2 A.0.87.2, 125
ND 3401, 136 RIMA 2 A.0.87.4, 124
ND 3402, 134 RIMA 2 A.0.89.2, 173, 185
ND 3403, 136 RIMA 2 A.0.89.3, 185
ND 3408, 134 RIMA 2 A.0.89.5, 173
ND 3409, 134 RIMA 2 A.0.89.7, 394
ND 3417, 136 RIMA 2 A.0.98.1, 125, 173
RIMA 2 A.0.99.1, 125-26 RIMB 2 B.6.21.1, 241, 329

RIMA 2 A.0.99.2, 126, 262 RIMB 2 B.6.22.3, 241, 258, 294, 301
RIMA 2 A.O.I 00.1, 323 RIMB 2 B.6.22.4, 241
RIMA 2 A.O.I 00.5, 126 RIMB 2 B.6.22.5, 241
RIMA 2 A.0.101.1, 31, 126, 127, 152, RIMB 2 B.6.22.6, 241
173, 188 RIMB 2 B.6.23.1, 242
RIMA 2 A.0.101.17, 188 RIMB 2 B.6.26.1, 116
RIMA 2 A.0.101.30, 152, 185, 305, 341 RIMB 2 B.6.31.1, 289
RIMA 2 A.O.I 01. 2007, 215 RIMB 2 B.6.31.2, 243
RIMA 3 A.0.102.2, 127, 152, 161, 262 RIMB 2 B.6.31.3, 243
RIMA 3 A.0.102.5, 127, 161, 262, 293 RIMB 2 B.6.31.4, 243
RIMA 3 A.0. 102.6, 127, 128, 262 RIMB 2 B.6.31.5, 243
RIMA 3 A.0.102.7, 127 RIMB 2 B.6.31.6, 243
RIMA 3 A.0. 102.8, 262 RIMB 2 B.6.31.7, 243
RIMA 3 A.O.I 02. 10, 262 RIMB 2 B.6.31.8, 243
RIMA 3 A.O.I 02. 12, 276 RIMB 2 B.6.31.9, 243
RIMA 3 A.O.I 02. 14, 19-20, 127, 128, RIMB 2 B.6.31.10, 244
152, 161, 202, 262 RIMB 2 B.6.31.11, 244
RIMA 3 A.0.102.16, 152, 153, 202, 262 RIMB 2 B.6.31.1 2, 244
RIMA 3 A.O.I 02.20, 127 RIMB 2 B.6.31.1 3, 244
RIMA 3 A.O.I 02.23, 262 RIMB 2 B.6.31.14, 244
RIMA 3 A.0. 102.24, 262 RIMB 2 B.6.31.1 5, 244, 257, 278
RIMA 3 A.0. 102.25, 262 RIMB 2 B.6.31.16, 244, 266, 271, 281
RIMA 3 A.0. 102.26, 262 RIMB 2 B.6.31.17, 244
RIMA 3 A.O.I 02.28, 127 RIMB 2 B.6.31.1 8, 244
RIMA 3 A.0.102.29, 127, 262 RIMB 2 B.6.31.1 9, 244
RIMA 3 A.0. 102.30, 262 RIMB 2 B.6.31.20, 244
RIMA 3 A.0. 102.34, 127 RIMB 2 B.6.31.21, 244
RIMA 3 A.0. 102.39, 262 RIMB 2 B.6.31.1001, 314
RIMA 3 A.0. 102.40, 128 RIMB 2 B.6.32.1, 248, 295
RIMA 3 A.O.I 02.63, 188 RIMB 2 B.6.32.2, 248, 295, 384
RIMA 3 A.0.102.78, 188 RIMB 2 B.6.32.3, 248, 295
RIMA 3 A.O.I 02.2002, 324, 395 RIMB 2 B.6.32.4, 248, 295
RIMA 3 A.0.103.1, 70, 108, 128, 129, RIMB 2 B.6.32.5, 249, 295
395 RIMB 2 B.6.32.6, 248, 295
RIMA 3 A.0. 103.2, 129, 130, 173 RIMB 2 B.6.32.1 2, 248, 295
RIMA 3 A.0. 103.4, 129 RIMB 2 B.6.32.1 3, 295
RIMA 3 A.0. 103.9, 344 RIMB 2 B.6.32.14, 248, 250, 251, 295
RIMA 3 A.O.I 04.2, 202, 402 RIMB 2 B.6.32.15, 249
RIMA 3 A.O.I 04.3, 402 RIMB 2 B.6.32.1 6, 88, 249, 250
RIMA 3 A.O.I 04.8, 263, 344 RIMB 2 B.6.32.1 7, 249
RIMA 3 A.0. 104.2000, 324 RIMB 2 B.6.32.1 8, 249, 250
RIMA 3 A.0. 104.2010, 202 RIMB 2 B.6.32.19, 249, 250, 295
RIMA 3 A.0.104.2011, 202, 293 RIMB 2 B.6.32.20, 254
RIMA 3 A.0. 104.20 12, 202 RIMB 2 B.6.32.2 1, 253
RIMA 3 A.0. 104.20 13, 202 RIMB 2 B.6.32.22, 253
RIMA 3 A.0. 104.20 14, 203 RIMB 2 B.6.32.2001, 251
RIMA 3 A.0. 105.1, 203 RIMB 2 B.6.32.2002, 251
RIMA 3 A.0. 105.2, 296 RIMB 2 B.6.32.2003, 251, 316
RIMB 2 B.2.4.6, 116 RIMB 2 B.6.32.2004, 251, 316
RIMB 2 B.2.4.8, 116, 146 RIMB 2 B.6.32.2005, 251
RIMB 2 B.3.1.1, 116 RIMB 2 B.6.32.2006, 251
RIMB 2 B.6.14, 195 RIMB 2 B.6.32.2007, 251
RIMB 2 B.6. 15.2001, 345 RIMB 2 B.6.32.2008, 252
RIMB 2 B.6.32.2009, 252 Rm 478, 82

RIMB 2 B.6.32.2010, 252 Rm 854, 128, 129, 130, 262
RIMB 2 B.6.32.2011, 252 Rm 970, 165
RIMB 2 B.6.32.2012, 252 Rm 1046, 127, 293
RIMB 2 B.6.32.2013, 252 Rm 1047, 127, 293
RIMB 2 B.6.32.2014, 252 RS 5.194, 393
RIMB 2 B.6.32.2015, 252. 316 RS 17.340, 393
RIMB 2 B.6.32.2016, 252 RS 19.148, 340
RIMB 2 B.6.33.1, 282 RS 24.250+259, 393
RIMB 2 B.6.33.2, 250, 376
RIMB 2 B.6.33.3, 250, 251, 376 SAA 1 no. 7, 135, 278
RIMB 2 B.6.33.4, 251, 376 SAA no. 50, 309
RIMB 2 B.6.33.5, 316, 376 SAA 1 no. 129, 104
RIMB 2 B.6.33.6, 376 SAA no. 163, 328
RIMB 2 B.6.33.2001, 317 SAA 1 no. 175, 102
RIMB 2 B.6.35.1, 291 SAA 1 no. 188, 266
RIMB 2 B.6.35.2, 291, 295 SAA 1 no. 189, 309
RIMB 2 B.6.35.3, 254 SAA 1 no. 190, 407
RIMB 2 B.6.35.4, 88, 254 SAA no. 191, 407
RIMB 2 S.0.1001.1, 131 SAA no. 192, 407
RIMB 2 S.O.I001.3, 131 SAA no. 193, 407
RIMB 2 S.O.I002.1, 131 SAA no. 194, 407
RIMB 2 S.0.1002.2, 146 SAA 1 no. 195, 407
RIMB 2 S.0.1002.3, 140, 290 SAA 1 no. 196, 407
RIMB 2 S.O.I002.4, 140 SAA 1 no. 197, 407
RIMB 2 S.0.1002.5, 140 SAA 1 no. 198, 407
RIMB 2 S.0.1002.6, 131 SAA 1 no. 199, 407
RIMB 2 S.0.1002.9, 131, 140 SAA 1 no. 200, 407
RIMB 2 S.0.1002.10, 130, 131, 140 SAA 1 no. 201, 407
RIMB 2 S.0.1002.11, 131, 140 SAA no. 202, 242, 407
RIME 3/2 4.5.1, 185 SAA no. 203, 242, 407
RIME 3/2 92, 390 SAA no. 220, 328
RIME 4 6.11.3, 238 SAA no. 239, 328
RIME 4 E4.3.7.9, 180 SAA no. 247, 242
RIME 4 E4.5.15.2, 391 SAA no. 248, 328
Rm 2,2, 86 SAA 1 no. 251, 307
Rm 2,13, 104 SAA 1 no. 264, 242
Rm 2,97, 278 SAA 2 no. 1, 175
Rm 2,130, 82 SAA 2 no. 2, 175, 343, 401
Rm 2,189, 328 SAA 2 no. 3, 175
Rm 2,464, 165 SAA 2 no. 4, 175
Rm 2,514, 267 SAA 2 no. 5, 175, 342
Rm 3,11, 249 SAA 2 no. 6, 99, 342, 372, 410
Rm 58, 407 SAA 2 no. 8, 175
Rm 59, 165 SAA 2 no. 9, 175
Rm 60, 176, 256 SAA 2 no. 10, 175
Rm 69, 108 SAA 2 no. 11, 175
Rm 133, 291, 408, 413 SAA 3 no. 9, 363
Rm 217, 352 SAA 3 no. 11, XV, 227
Rm 275, 147 SAA 3 no. 13, 181
Rm 280, 336 SAA 3 no. 30, 121, 146
Rm 288, 291, 408, 413 SAA 3 nos 34-35, 76, 147, 148
Rm 293, 323 SAA 4 no. 51, 165
Rm 464+594, 240 SAA 4 no. 65, 165
SAA 4 no. 66, 165 SAA 10 no. 13, 271, 408

SAA 4 no. 77, 165 SAA 10 no. 14, 246
SAA 4 no. 78, 165 SAA 10 no. 24, 281, 337
SAA 4 no. 150, 335 SAA 10 no. 40, 289
SAA 4 no. 264, 281 SAA 10 no. 41, 289
SAA 4 no. 266, 335 SAA 10 no. 68, 225
SAA 4 no. 282, 299 SAA 10 no. 96, 101, 103
SAA 4 no. 306, 335 SAA 10 no. 107, 108
SAA 4 no. 307, 335 SAA 10 no. I l l , 385
SAA 4 no. 308, 335 SAA 10 no. 112, 310-11, 335
SAA 4 no. 309, 335 SAA 10 no. 118, 336
SAA 4 no. 310, 335 SAA 10 no. 160, 411
SAA 5 no. 84, 86 SAA 10 no. 169, 360
SAA 5 no. 85, 86 SAA 10 no. 174, 85, 408, 413
SAA 5 no. 95, 86 SAA 10 no. 179, 311, 336, 411
SAA 5 no. 146, 86 SAA 10 no. 185, 372
SAA 5 no. 147, 86 SAA 10 no. 191, 182
SAA 5 no. 165, 86 SAA 10 no. 196, 182
SAA 5 no. 203, 301 SAA 10 no. 207, 182
SAA 5 no. 250, 153, 242 SAA 10 no. 228, 182
SAA 6 no. 59, 310, 358 SAA 10 no. 240, 409
SAA 6 no. 98, 410 SAA 10 no. 253, 246, 274, 304, 312
SAA 6 no. 198, 141 SAA 10 no. 258, 314
SAA 6 no. 219, 186 SAA 10 no. 294, 226
SAA 6 no. 264, 186 SAA 10 no. 338, 271
SAA 6 no. 302, 186 SAA 10 no. 339, 272, 274, 275
SAA 6 no. 308, 186 SAA 10 no. 340, 272, 313
SAA 6 no. 309, 186 SAA 10 no. 341, 313
SAA 7 no. 58, 324 SAA 10 no. 342, 313
SAA 7 no. 62, 186 SAA 10 no. 343, 313
SAA 7 no. 151, 410 SAA 10 no. 347, 333
SAA 7 no. 153, 410 SAA 10 no. 348, 292, 298, 302, 322,
SAA 7 no. 161, 103 360
SAA 7 no. 184, 103 SAA 10 no. 349, 246, 281, 325, 327,
SAA 7 no. 185, 103 328, 329, 333
SAA 7 no. 186, 103 SAA 10 no. 350, 312, 333
SAA 7 no. 193, 103 SAA 10 no. 351, 333
SAA 7 no. 208, 103-4 SAA 10 no. 352, 78, 325, 327, 333, 360
SAA 7 no. 209, 103 SAA 10 no. 353, 267, 289, 312, 325,
SAA 7 no. 211, 103 327, 333
SAA 7 no. 212, 104, 107 SAA 10 no. 354, 245, 315, 327
SAA 7 no. 215, 103 SAA 10 no. 355, 313, 327
SAA 8 no. 4, 195 SAA 10 no. 357, 304
SAA 8 no. 153, 195 SAA 10 no. 358, 184, 271, 289
SAA 8 no. 181, 272 SAA 10 no. 359, 266
SAA 8 no. 182, 272 SAA 10 no. 362, 333
SAA 8 no. 183, 272 SAA 10 no. 363, 333
SAA 8 no. 316, 85 SAA 10 no. 364, 245, 247, 315, 333, 335
SAA 8 no. 333, 182 SAA 10 no. 368, 282
SAA 8 no. 397, 195 SAA 10 no. 369, 313
SAA 8 no. 418, 409 SAA 11 no. 15, 240
SAA 8 no. 459, 195 SAA 11 no. 26, 401
SAA 9 no. 2, 79, 281 SAA 11 no. 80, 102
SAA 9 no. 7, 79 SAA 11 no. 94, 103
SAA 11 no. 104, 102 SAA 13 no. 166, 249, 250, 253, 267
SAA 11 no. 201, 82 SAA 13 no. 167, 249
SAA 11 no. 202, 82 SAA 13 no. 168, 249, 334, 373, 388
SAA 11 no. 203, 82 SAA 13 no. 172, 267
SAA 11 no. 204, 82 SAA 13 no. 174, 226, 314, 334
SAA 11 no. 205, 82 SAA 13 no. 175, 314, 334
SAA 11 no. 206, 82 SAA 13 no. 176, 315
SAA 11 no. 207, 82 SAA 13 no. 178, 184, 324, 327, 334
SAA 11 no. 208, 82 SAA 13 no. 179, 243, 266, 289, 324, 327
SAA 11 no. 209, 82 SAA 13 no. 181, 267, 312, 327
SAA 11 no. 210, 82 SAA 13 no. 187, 315
SAA 11 no. 211, 82 SAA 13 no. 188, 314, 328, 329
SAA 11 no. 212, 82 SAA 13 no. 190, 83, 140
SAA 11 no. 213, 82 SBF 239, 405
SAA 11 no. 214, 82 SH 80/1527, 394
SAA 11 no. 215, 82 SH 82/1527, 394
SAA 11 no. 216, 82 SH 809, 262
SAA 11 no. 217, 82 Sm 117, 165
SAA 11 no. 218, 82 Sm 240, 399
SAA 11 no. 219, 82, 313 Sm 343, 165
SAA 11 no. 220, 82 Sm 346, 256
SAA 12 no. 22, 318 Sm 488, 184
SAA 12 no. 24, 313 Sm 671, 248
SAA 12 no. 48, 317, 318 Sm 920, 316
SAA 12 no. 86, 310, 317, 318 Sm 1001, 240
SAA 12 no. 87, 310, 317, 318 Sm 1028, 359
SAA 12 no. 90, 317 Sm 1039, 103
SAA 12 no. 91, 313 Sm 1045, 301
SAA 12 no. 96, 326 Sm 1047, 399
SAA 13 no. 4, 256, 304 Sm 1056, 86
SAA 13 no. 5, 256, 304 Sm 1097, 103
SAA 13 no. 8, 103 Sm 1158, 165
SAA 13 no. 9, 103 Sm 1178, 82
SAA 13 no. 10, 103 Sm 1212, 331
SAA 13 no. 11, 103 Sm 1223, 165
SAA 13 no. 18, 103 Sm 1338, 407
SAA 13 no. 19, 103 Sm 1564, 147
SAA 13 no. 20, 83, 103 Sm 1624, 407
SAA 13 no. 21, 103 Sm 1666, 249
SAA 13 no. 25, 108 Sm 1871, 316
SAA 13 no. 26, 108 Sm 1876, 369
SAA 13 no. 31, 103 Sm 1903, 147
SAA 13 no. 34, 184 Sm 1934, 86
SAA 13 no. 46, 182 Sp 158+11 9623, 116
SAA 13 no. 47, 336 Streck Asb., Ixiv, 88
SAA 13 no. 60, 305 Streck Asb., 362, 85
SAA 13 no. 75, 181 Streck Asb., Cyl. L1, 248
SAA 13 no. 134, 336 Streck Asb., Cyl. L2, 248
SAA 13 no. 140, 184 Streck Asb., Cyl. L6, 248, 387
SAA 13 no. 161, 249 Streck Asb., Cyl. P1, 248
SAA 13 no. 162, 249, 289 Streck Asb., Stele S2, 248
SAA 13 no. 163, 249 Streck Asb., Stele S3, 248
SAA 13 no. 164, 249 STT no. 44, 317
SAA 13 no. 165, 249 STT no. 49, 313
STT no. 64, 328 Th 1930-5-8,4, 242, 294

STT no. 88, 187, 189 Thompson Rep. no. 22, 409
STT no. 406+407, 313 Thompson Rep. no. 72, 272
SU 51/33, 313 Thompson Rep. no. 100, 272
SU 51/57+118+147B+184, 313 Thompson Rep. no. 157, 195
SU 51/117, 317 Thompson Rep. no. 165A, 195
Thompson Rep. no. 170, 182
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Annal Unit Thompson Rep. no. 256c, 272
3, 396 Thompson Rep. no. 268, 85
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Annal Unit Thompson Rep. no. 271, 195
5, 155 TKSM 21/676, 184, 271, 327. 336
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Annal Unit TM 75.G.2420, 175
8, 264
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Annal Unit U 3249g, 252
9, 153, 277 U 3249i, 252
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Annal Unit UCLM 9-1793, 250
10, 153 UET 1 275, 180
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Annal Unit Ug. 5 L 511, 340
13*, 345 UM 33-35-19la, 252
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Annal Unit UM 33-35-191b, 252
14*, 154, 396 UM 55-21-384, 249
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Annal Unit UM 84-26-7, 244
15, 263 UM 84-26-8, 88, 249
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Annal Unit UM 84-26-9, 88, 249
20, 155 UM 84-26-10, 88, 249
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Annal Unit UM 84-26-11, 88, 249
25, 202 UM 84-26-12, 250
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Annal Unit UM L-29-632+633+636, 249
27, 396 UM L-29-634, 244
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Mila Mergi UM L-29-635, 244
Rock Relief, 153 UM L-29-637, 244
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Stele III, 396 UM L-29-639, 244
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Summary
Inscription 1, 153, 155, 263 VA 968, 135, 265, 294
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Summary VA 2536-41, 248
Inscription 2, 133 VA 2663, 351
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Summary VA 3295, 202, 293
Inscription 4, 155, 156 VA 3587, 250
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Summary VA 4902, 248
Inscription 7, 133, 153, 154, 264, VA 5057, 202
345, 396 VA 7832, 248, 250, 253
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Summary VA 8248, 109, 118
Inscription 8, 133-34, 155, 156 VA 8409, 248
Tadmor Tiglath-pileser III, Summary VA 14553f, g, 241
Inscription 9, 134, 155, 202 VA 14663a-e, 241
TC 3, 93, 167 VA 14664a-i, k-1, 241
TC 3, 163, 167 VA 14664m, 241
TCL 3, 83, 84, 173, 176, 177 VA 14668, 243
TH 8, 303 VA Ass 4511, 108, 128, 129, 130
TH 112, 186 VA Bab 601, 248
TH 113, 186 VA Bab 602, 248
TH 729, 404 VA Bab 603, 248
Th 1929-10-12,2, 248, 253, 316 VA Bab 604, 248
Th 1930-5-8,3, 242, 294 VA Bab 614, 248
VA Bab 632, 248 VAT 13142, 291, 295

VA Bab 634, 248 VAT 13831, XV
VA Bab 647, 289 VAT 14519, 314
VA Bab 4052a, 243 VAT 16387, 186
VA Bab 4052b, 243 VAT 16389, 105
VA Bab 4052c-f, 243 VAT 16398, 105
VA Bab 4052g, 243 VAT 16399+16400, 105
VA Bab 4053, 243 VAT 18008, 105
VA Bab 4074, 243 VAT 18037, 105
VAS 1 no. 37, 351 von Weiher Uruk 3, no. 120, 169
VAS 1 no. 71, 135, 265, 294 Vorderasiatisches Museum no. S 3902,
VAS 1 no. 90, 410 404
VAS 16 no. 156, 180
VAS 19 no. 21, 105 W 856, 266
VAS 19 no. 25, 105 W 1831a, 241
VAS 19 no. 49, 105 W 2589, 241
VAS 19 no. 56, 105 W 2704, 241
VAS 19 no. 62, 105 W 3764, 243
VAS 19 no. 73, 105 W 3885, 243
VAT 1433, 180 W 4098, 243
VAT 5394, 410 W 4238, 243
VAT 8288, 126, 262 W 4444, 250
VAT 8883, 310, 318 W 4496, 243
VAT 8901, 410 W 18419, 243
VAT 8918, 185, 186, 262, 341 W 20942, 250
VAT 9538, 147 W 23852, 243
VAT 9550, 323 W 22660/0, 195
VAT 9555, 147 WAA 124550, IX, 171
VAT 9562, 125 WAA 124542, 171
VAT 9583, XV WAA 124553, 171
VAT 9625, 127 WAA, Or. Dr., Ill, Central II, 132
VAT 9628, 129 WAA, Or. Dr., IV, 25, 136
VAT 9632, 126 WAA, Or. Dr., IV, 32, 137
VAT 9640, 125 WAA, Or. Dr., IV, 59, 137
VAT 9651, 128 WAA, Or. Dr., IV, 65, 137
VAT 9656, 310, 318
VAT 9940, 124 YBC 2146, 244
VAT 10047, 151 YBC 2147, 243, 266, 281
VAT 10084, 323 YBC 2170, 345
VAT 10422, 126 YBC 2180, 250
VAT 10464, 186 YBC 2181, 87-88, 241, 294
VAT 11316, 126 YBC 2372, 88, 249
VAT 11318, 126 YBC 4499, 392
VAT 13084, 105
Neo-Luwian Texts
National Syrian Museum, Aleppo

2460, 395-96
MAPS & FIGURES
1. The Middle East
3. Anatolia and North Syria
4. Syria-Palestine
Figure 1. Henry Creswicke Rawlinson. Portrait by Thomas
Phillipps, ca. 1850. Adapted from George Rawlinson, Memoir,
104.
Figure 2. William Henry Fox Talbot. Photograph taken
ca. 1864. Adapted from Budge, Rise of Assyriology, facing
92.
Figure 3. Archibald Henry Sayce. Adapted from Budge, Rise
of Assyriology, 188.
Figure 4. Soldiers of Sargon II dismembering a statue during the sack of the Musasir temple.
Adapted from Botta and Flandin, Ninive, vol. 2, pi. 140, Room XIII, 3.
Figure 5. Captured divine images borne on litters by soldiers of Tiglath-pileser III (see Table
3:28). Adapted from Layard, Nineveh and Its Remains, vol. 2, facing 451.
Figure 6. Inscribed bronze An-
uket image, found in Nebi
Yunu excavations of Kuyunjik.
Adapted from frontispiece of
Sumerll (1955).
Figure 7. Destruction of Harhar from the Khorsabad palace reliefs. Adapted from Botta and
Flandin, Ninive, vol. 1, pi. 55, Room II, 7.
Figure 8. Assyrian chariot standards from the palace reliefs of Assur-nasir-pal II. Adapted
from Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, vol. 1, pis. 22 (WAA 124550).
Figure 9. Stele of SamsI-Adad V, probably excavated in the Nabu
temple at Nimrud. Adapted from Perrot and Chipiez, History of
Art, vol. 2, fig. 116 (BM 118892).
Figure 10. Balawat Gate detail of Shalmaneser III and his entourage sacrificing before his own stele. Adapted from King, Bronze Reliefs, pi. I.I.
Figure 11. Sarrat-nipha temple tableau from Nimrud. Adapted from Layard,
Nineveh and Babylon, 351.
Figure 12. Stele of Assurbanipal with basket
on head from temple of Nabu at Borsippa.
British Museum photograph (BM 90865).
Figure 13. Neo-Assyrian offering tableau, from a glazed ceramic situla. Adapted from Andrae,
Farbige Keramik am Assur, pi. 26 (VA8150 [Ass 14940]).
Figure 14. Esarhaddon Zinjirli stele with flanking crown princes, Assurbanipal (left)
and Samas-sumu-ukln (right). Adapted from Borker-Klahn, Altvorderasiatische Bildstelen,
no. 219 (VA2708).
igure 15. Kudurru depiction of Samas image within a shrine or temple. Adapted from Kim
BBSt., pi. 98 (BM91000).
Figure 16. Inscribed altar from Khorsabad. Adapted from Botta & Flandin, Ninive, vol.
2, pi. 157.
Figure 17. Modern conception of the New Year's procession in Babylon.
Adapted from Unger, Babylon: die heilige Stadt, frontispiece.
Figure 18. Funerary stele of Si'gabbari from Neirab.
Adapted from Borker-Klahn, Altvarderasiatische Bildstelen, no.
302 (A03026).
Figure 19. Drawing of Neo-Luwian seal from J. Pierpont Morgan Library
Collection Adapted from Hawkins, Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions,
vol. l,pl. 330.
Figure 20. Zinjirli/Sam'al orthostat of Barrakib seated before inscribed Bacal

Haran symbol. Adapted from Von Luschan, Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli:
Ausgrabungsbericht und Architektur, 4, fig. 255, pi. 60 (VA 2817).
Figure 21. Inscribed 8th-century Neo-Assyrian border
stele from Kizkapanh Koyu. Adapted from Donbaz, "Two
Neo-Assyrian Stelae," 15, fig. 7 (Mara§ Archaeological
Museum no. 1948).
Figure 22. Inscribed 8th-century Neo-Assyrian border stele from
Tavla Koyii. Adapted from Donbaz, "Two Neo-Assyrian Stelae," 13,
fig. 5 (Antakya Museum no. 11832).
Figure 23. Til Barsip stele of Harran temple. Adapted from Kohlmeyer, "Drei
Stelen mit Sin-Symbol aus Nordsyrien," 99-100, pis. 40-41 (Aleppo Museum no.
4526+AO 26555).
Figure 24. Inscribed Aramaic seal (Vwr) with symbol of Sin of Harran.
Adapted from Avigad and Sass, Corpus of West Semitic Stamp Seals, no. 836
(J. Rosen Collection no. 5230).
Figure 25. Iron Age seal impression from Mt. Nebo, Jordan, depicting
worshipers before lunar crescent standard. Adapted from Sailer, "Iron
Age Tombs at Nebo," fig. 7 (SBF 239).
Figure 26. Lunar crescent stele ex-
cavated at A§agi Yarimca. Adapted
from Borker-Klahn, Altvorderasiati-
sche Bildstelen, no. 206.
Figure 27. Faience cylinder seal excavated at Nimrud with Sin symbol
and feather of Macat. Adapted from Parker, "Excavations at Nimrud,
1949-1954," 106, pi. 17:3 (ND 3301, Baghdad).
CULTURE AND HISTORY
OF THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST
ISSN 1566-2055
1. Grootkerk, S.E. Ancient Sites in Galilee. A Toponymic Gazetteer. 2000.

ISBN 90 04 11535 8
2. Higginbotham, C.R. Egyptianization and Elite Emulation in Ramesside
Palestine. Governance and Accommodation on the Imperial Periph-
ery. 2000. ISBN 90 04 11768 7
3. Yamada, S. The Construction of the Assyrian Empire. A Historical Study of
the Inscriptions of Shalmanesar III Relating to His Campaigns in the
West. 2000. ISBN 90 04 11772 5
4. Yener, K.A. The Domestication of Metals. The Rise of Complex Metal
Industries in Anatolia. 2000. ISBN 90 04 11864 0
5. Taracha, P. Ersetzen und Entsiihnen. Das mittelhethitische Ersatzritual
fur den GroBkonig Tuthalija (CTH *448.4) und verwandte Texte.
2000. ISBN 90 04 119108
6. Littauer, M.A. & Crouwel, J.H.and P. Raulwing (ed.) Selected Writings
on Chariots and other Early Vehicles, Riding and Harness. 2001.
ISBN 90 04 11799 7
7. Malamat, A. History of Biblical Israel. Major Problems and Minor
Issues. 2001. ISBN 90 04 12009 2
8. Snell, D.C. Flight and Freedom in the Ancient Near East. 2001.
ISBN 90 04 12010 6
9. Westbrook, R. & R. Jasnow (ed.) Security for Debt in Ancient near Eastern
Law, 2002. ISBN 90 04 12124 2
10. Holloway, S.W. Assur is King! Assur is King! Religion in the Exercise of
Power in the Neo-Assyrian Empire. 2002. ISBN 90 04 12328 8

[Culture and History of the Ancient Near East 10] Steven W. Holloway - Aššur is King! Aššur is King! _ Religion in the Exercise of Power in the Neo-Assyrian Empire (Culture and History of the Ancient Near East) (2001,

Enviado por

Dados do documento

Direitos autorais

Formatos disponíveis

Compartilhar este documento

Compartilhar ou incorporar documento

Opções de compartilhamento

Você considera este documento útil?

Este conteúdo é inapropriado?

Direitos autorais:

Formatos disponíveis

[Culture and History of the Ancient Near East 10] Steven W. Holloway - Aššur is King! Aššur is King! _ Religion in the Exercise of Power in the Neo-Assyrian Empire (Culture and History of the Ancient Near East) (2001,

Enviado por

Direitos autorais:

Formatos disponíveis

ASSUR IS KING! ASSUR IS KING!

CULTURE AND HISTORY OF

B. HALPERN, M.H.E. WEIPPERT

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufiiahme

© Copyright 2002 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands

Authorisation to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted

PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS

THE DEAD MASTER OF

Chapter One: Historical Perspectives, History of

Chapter Two: Terror in the Exercise of Empire: Coercion

Domination of Foreign Cults by Violent Means 193

Chapter Three: Diplomacy in the Exercise of Empire: High

Chapter Four: Analysis of the Exercise of Empire: The

Appendix One: Prelude to the Intellectual and Social

FIGURE 1. Henry Creswicke Rawlinson. Portrait by Thomas Phillipps,

FIGURE 14. Esarhaddon Zinjirli stele with flanking crown princes,

FIGURE 26. Lunar crescent stele excavated at A§agi Yanmca.

1. The Middle East

1. Aggression Against Foreign Cults: Destruction of Temples

The first chapter, "Historical Perspectives, History of Scholarship and

assiduously restricted its historical horizon to a literalistic periphra-

Chapter 2, "Terror in the Exercise of Empire: Coercion and Con-

reprisals and conquests, the question of divinized royal Neo-Assyrian

Chapter 3, "Diplomacy in the Exercise of Empire: High Finance

Chapter 4, "Analysis of the Exercise of Empire: the Organs of

the state archives reveal a cult receiving ministrations on a par with

This project had its beginnings in a 1992 University of Chicago dis-

interactions with non-Assyrian cults per se. Regarding imperial patron-

The tabular display adopted in this study represents an attempt to

Citation short-forms follow the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary when avail-

as Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia and the State Archives of

It is my pleasant duty to name the individuals and institutions whose

Aa lexical series a A — ndqu

EP Encyclopaedia of Islam, 1960-

PfES Journal of Near Eastern Studies

UNHAII Uitgaven van het Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch

A 1) Asiatic collection of The Oriental Institute, The University of Chicago

RS Ras Shamra excavation numbers

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES, HISTORY OF

As for the one who . . . prevents scholars from seeing

Assyrian Religious Imperialism in Greek and Biblical Sources

Legends about Assyria, which meant tales about the Neo-Assyria

and commissioned his high priest to build a replica in the dynastic

showcased by his parricide, which, historicity of the act aside,0 is a

' S. Parpola, "The Murderer of Sennacherib," in Death in Mesopotamia. XXVF

as "cleansing" the land of non-Yahwistic worship, exemplify the

literary entity Manasseh could not be so abandonedly villainous nor

Abydenos' version adds, improbably, that he sank a Grecian fleet

Captioned mosaics from Antioch-on-the-Orontes and Iskenderun

His anointed. The legends of the arch-idolater Nimrod act as foils

The Discovery of Assyria in the 19th Century

With the advent of European excavation in Mesopotamia, the schol-

and visually commanding artifacts.20 Monumental inscriptions on

Native images of Assyrian engagement with foreign cults first met

The decipherers and first historians of "Victorian Assyria" created

The Brothers Rawlinson, Talbot and Sayce

The advent of Assyriology in the mid-19th century was one of the

Creswicke Rawlinson (1810-1895) embodied this consciousness of

to a gentleman farmer who served as a Justice of the Peace and

of perceptive studies; D. Porter, "Orientalism and Its Problems." in The Politics of

military pastimes of gaming, hunting, lavish entertaining and horse-

Rawlinson's duties in Baghdad gave him considerable leisure time

where he forcefully advocated a policy of Russian containment in