Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
ARHEOLOGIJU
SERTA INSTITUTI
ARCHAEOLOGICI
KNJIGA
VOLUME 10
Sacralization of Landscape
and Sacred Places
Edited by Juraj Belaj, Marijana Belaj, Siniša Krznar, Tajana Sekelj Ivančan and Tatjana Tkalčec
INSTITUT ZA ARHEOLOGIJU
INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY
Sacr alization of Landscape and Sacred Places
Zagreb, 2018
ZBORNIK INSTITUTA ZA ARHEOLOGIJU
SERTA INSTITUTI ARCHAEOLOGICI
KNJIGA / VOLUME 10
PUBLISHER
Institut za arheologiju / Institute of Archaeology
Zagreb, Croatia
REVIEWERS
Ana Azinović Bebek
Katja Hrobat Virloget
Luka Šešo
PRINTED BY
Tiskara Zelina d.d., Sv. I. Zelina
CIRCULATION
200
COVER PHOTO BY
Karlo Lolić
Financially supported by the Ministry of Science and Education of the Republic of Croatia
CIP zapis dostupan u računalnom katalogu Nacionalne i sveučilišne knjižnice u Zagrebu pod brojem
001012819
A CIP catalogue record for this book is available in the Online Catalogue of the National and University
Library in Zagreb as 001012819
ISBN 978-953-6064-36-6
FOREWORD 4
Andrej Pleterski
Mythical Landscape. What is it? 5
Anđelko Đermek
The Distribution of pre-Christian Sacred Sites in the Zaprešić area 45
Marko Smole
Sacred Slavic triangle in the Upper Kupa and Čabranka Valley: 93
a story about pre-Christian and Christian landscape sacralisation
Lidija Bajuk
Over the Mountains High, across the Waters Deep (astroethnological 117
contributions)
Vesna Lalošević
Examples of pagan sacralisation of Sirmium and Salona landscapes in the
early Christian legends 165
Ehsan Shavarebi
The Temples of Anāhīd at Estakhr (Southern Iran): Historical Documents 179
and Archaeological Evidence
Dražen Maršić
Sacralization of the Salonitan rural landscape on the example of 205
“Gradina in Uvodići”
Olga Špehar
Changing Sacred Landscape: 211
Christianization of the Central Balkans in Late Antiquity
Rosana Ratkovčić
Continuity and Discontinuity of the Holy Sites of Christianity and Islam 287
in the Examples from the Sufi Tradition
Silvija Pisk
Our Lady of Garić 335
Merili Metsvahi
The Europeanisation of Estonia and the Folktale Connected with Lake 367
Valgjarv
Cornelia Florea
Petrila Mine – Sacred underground 375
Sandis Laime
Offering Cave of the Livs in Latvia – from Sacred Place to Tourist Destination 383
Ivan Majnarić
The Uses of the Past – the Case of Maksimir Park Mogila 393
Suzana Marjanić
The Sacralisation of Landscape in 433
Contemporary Art Practices: Croatian Scene Case Study
FOREWORD
Human settlement of landscape raises the question of marking the landscape with one’s own religion. Changes of
religious systems or their coexistence documented in the landscape raises further questions, particularly those pertaining
to broader socio-cultural phenomena and dynamics. Even if such processes are not documented in written sources, they
could often be recognized in toponyms, folklore, archaeological finds and in contemporary religious practices.
Keeping this in focus, the Institute of Archaeology organized the 3rd International Scientific Conference of Mediaeval
Archaeology, entitled Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places. The Conference took place on the 2nd and 3rd June
2016, at the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb, Croatia.
This is the third in a series of conferences designed to thematise mediaeval archaeology. However, for this third con-
ference we have conceived a much broader framework – our intention was to stimulate an exchange of experiences and
knowledge among participants with different research perspectives and disciplines and from different geographic areas
and chronological periods.
As many as 74 participants took part in the conference, coming from Croatia, Hungary, Estonia, Slovenia, Romania,
Latvia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Italy, Czech Republic, Germany and Iran. All in all they contributed a total of 57
presentations.
Introductory plenary lecture “Sacral spatial arrangement of landscape” was given by prof. dddr. Andrej Pleterski, Rese-
arch Advisor at the Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Ljubljana, Slovenia.
The Conference was divided into the following panels: Human and sacred landscape: paradigms; Traces of sacred sites:
prehistory; Myth in landscape; Sacred place - the arena of religious discourses; Social realities in the sacralization of space;
Narratives and practices in the sacralization of space; Reading of holy places and sites in Islamic tradition; Traces of sacred
sites: antiquity; (De)Sacralizations: spatial biographies; Christian spatial symbolisation.
Most of the presenters at the conference readily adapted their presentations into papers. This publication presents
analyses of sacred landscape from the perspective of: archaeology, folklore, ethnology, cultural anthropology, literature,
architecture, history, art history, mathematics etc., and at the same time covers the period from prehistory, through an-
tiquity and Slavic period and the Middle Ages to the modern period and contemporary times. In addition to this, it also
compares different processes from different regions and times, by and large from Europe.
All the contributions were separately reviewed by carefully selected experts from the international academic com-
munity according to their particular discipline or research perspective. By publishing a book in English, we have tried to
provide to the authors the widest visibility in the international scientific community.
I would like to thank once again all the participants of the conference for excellent cooperation, as well as to the in-
stitutions that helped make it a great success. Special thanks are reserved for the reviewers of individual papers and the
proceedings on the whole for their effort, expertise and contribution, as well as for the colleagues from the Institute of
Archaeology for their help in the organization of the conference and the publication of these proceedings. We are grateful
also to the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb for their support in the organization of the conference. We sincerely hope
that the contributions gathered in this publication will encourage colleagues from various scientific disciplines, especially
researchers of younger generations, to engage further with the sacralization of landscape and sacred places.
Juraj Belaj
Andrea Rimpf, Dražen Arbutina
Scientific paper
This paper will demonstrate the possible location of individual Ottoman houses of worship on the basis of interdisciplinary research of
available historical sources, visual and cartographic displays of Ilok with archaeological findings, as well as a methodology and results
of the ideal architectural reconstruction of the Mehmed Agha Mosque. Written, visual and cartographic sources in Ilok mention three to
seven mosques dating from the 16th and the first half of the 17th century. Material remains, indicating the locations of possible Ottoman
mosques in Ilok, which will be discussed are: tombstones – so-called nişans, located on mezarluks or cemeteries of the Ottoman period;
mausoleum – turbe; as well as the only preserved framed picture – levha.
1 Koller also outlined the definition of Kalis and called on to the events from the 13th century and reports by John Cinamos which states that the bogumils
(Cro. kalizej) defended Syrmia and Eastern Slavonia from Byzantines and were of Persian religion and refused to be Christianized (see Koller 1784:
315). Also, other opinions, but with the same conclusions about the presence of Muslims in Slavonia and Syrmia, have been made by Hafizović 2016:
183.
2 The pagan name refers to non-Christian inhabitants.
to secure the boundaries of his dukedom. However, to date the material remains of the early presence of the Muslims and
Islam religion are not recorded in the area of Ilok.
Architecture of mosques
During the conquest of the new territories, the Ottomans maintained an existing urban plan and transformed a newly-
conquered settlement. This is known as istimâlet3 – the policy of the policy of obtaining loyalty of the local non-Muslim
population, which implies taking old forms, institutions and anything else which wasn’t in harmony with sharia. The pro-
cess of transformation was manifested in a way that first they built a religious complex: cāmi4 with madrasa5, maktab6,
imaret7 and shops; these facilities were the core of a new town/settlement. When the Ottomans occupied the settlement
and if there was enough space inside the walls, they would build up onto the existing architecture. However, if the city
was overcrowded, its new center would be formed outside the walls (Pašić 1989: 1). The Ottomans had two types of ar-
chitectural construction: official and vernacular. The official monumental buildings were built out of stone, along with
decorative brickwork. The stone could also be used secondarily because that kind of used stone was considered a valua-
ble, old-fashioned material that had highly symbolic significance (Faroqhi 2009: 162–163). An example of transformation
is Ilok, which was gradually transformed from the medieval fortress into the oriental one. Due to the surrender to sultan
Süleyman Kanuni in 1526, the Fortress was not damaged and the buildings were preserved. Until 1580 the interior of the
Fortress, Upper and Lower Town, adopted the oriental characteristics of official Ottoman architectural construction, while
retaining traditional architecture for informal buildings.
The word mosque – cāmi was initially the name of the cult places, e.g. Kaaba in Mecca, the Dome of the Rock in Jerusa-
lem and Muhammad’s House in Medina. Over time, all mosques were called mescit8, however, from the 10th century mescit
is a mere word for a smaller space intended for ordinary prayers, while the main mosques, called Ulu mosque or the Grand
mosque, marked the place where hutbä9 was held. Therefore, the word mosque marks the place of gathering of the faithful
where they would jointly fulfill the religious ceremonies (Oto-Dorn 1971: 16).
The basic harmony and principles of Islamic architecture are manifested in the foundations of belief: the tevhid or di-
vine unity; a caliph or a man as God’s vicar on Earth and his dual relationship and connection with God as the creator and
his environment as part of God’s creation for which he is responsible as a vicar; and ihsan or overwhelming perfection of
a man and Islam, or the last universal proclamation of worlds. By adopting and applying these principles, architects have
created a concept of not only sacred objects but profane as well (Kukavica 2015: 4).
The development of buildings with a dome dates back to the Selçuk period of the 11th and 12th centuries, and its central
space is defined by the shape of a square covered by a high dome. The emphasis is on the exterior that is framed by a por-
tal embellished with shallow floral ornaments. This space remained a preoccupation in the Ottoman period which is also
under the influence of Byzantine architecture (Redžić 1983: 94). Its influence is evident in the combination of a dome with a
small cupola or cupolas. This architectural expression influenced the constructive concept of large Istanbul mosques such
as the mosque of Sultan Bayezid II from 1506 (Redžić 1982: 52).
Therefore, the Ottoman mosques were created by the modification of the “Arab mosque” of the Selçuk type in com-
bination with Byzantine architecture, resulting in a single-room mosque with a dome and a porch on the entrance side
covered with cupolas. The mosque is made out of geometric shapes: a cube, a semi-circle, a cylinder, a prism and a cone.
Cubus, tambour and dome are the three main bands in the vertical section of the space, which parts are equally emphasi-
zed in the exterior and interior. The windows are subordinated to a full wall that closes the space. Their size is determined
by the need for natural light, but not the glittering (Redžić 1982: 53, 68; Andrejević 1984: 69). The portal is accentuated
3 For more about the istimâlet see Bešlija, S. 2012, Istimâlet u Historiji Ibrahima Alajbegovića Pečevije – Prilog izučavanju osmanske istimâlet politike,
Anali Gazi Husrev-begove biblioteke, 33, 145-166.
4 Mosque, ar. ğāmi, tr. cāmi, a Muslim oratory / house of worship oriented towards Mecca.
5 Madrasa, ar. muddy, an Islamic religious college, middle and high school rank.
6 Maktab, ar. mäktäb, an Islamic elementary school.
7 Imaret, ar. imārä, a charitable public kitchen next to the mosque.
8 Mescit, ar. mäsğid, an Islamic oratory without a minaret and no Friday prayers. In the wider sense, every place where a prayer kneels down to pray.
The term mescit signifies every place where sajdah is performed, a prayer as a whole. It is commonly referred to as a sacral object of smaller dimen-
sions in relation to the mosque, which most often has a wooden minaret or does not have it at all. There is often no mimbar and mandatory sermon
- hutbe -on Fridays or the Bayramic holidays, because these two obligatory prayers are not held in them (see Hafizović 2016a: 18, 29). In addition to
the mosques in Ilok, there are numerous mescits: “Hadži Islamov, Mustafa begov, Kara Balija“. These mescits occure from 1578 to 1595 (see Moačanin
2001: 87).
9 Hütba, ar. hutbä, signifies the sermon on Fridays and the Bayram which imam holds in the mosque.
Il ok O t t om a n mo s que s a nd id e a l re c on s t ru c t i on of M e hme d A g h a M o s que
301
with the decorticated decor with stalactites10 and, thus, separates two spaces: the space of nature and the space created
by man for himself. The open semi-dome porch is a contrast to the enclosed space, and it represents a preparation for the
experience of the prayer space without mysticism. It reminds us of the residence that is arranged for total concentration of
thought and perfect peace (Redžić 1983: 96–97). The classic look of the mosque11 that is characteristic for the western parts
of the Ottoman Empire is characterized by: architectural harmony, volume proportions, line and surface. Domes, trompes,
arches and pendentives are individualized and harmonious (Redžić 1982: 39). The dome is always lying on the walls, never
on the columns, and the space combined with cupolas and a dome was realized only in the Gazi Husrev Bey´s Mosque in
Sarajevo and Ferhat Pasha Mosque in Banja Luka (Redžić 1983: 94–95). Therefore, architecture was the most developed
branch of art in which the mi’mār12, who built bigger buildings (unlike dülger13 who built smaller oratories, shops, houses,
etc.), played a big role.
Fig. 1 The graphic of Ilok from 1608, Ilok Town Museum, inv. no. RD - 2, (recorded by M. Barić 2008, complemented
by A. Rimpf)
its bell tower (Fig. 1: 1). Also, in the graphic illustration of The Liberation of Ilok from 1688 made by Jacobus Harevyn, there
are two towers with a crescent moon, from which the tower on the right side of the fort represents a mosque minaret (Fig.
2: 1). The Papal Visitor Abbot Bonini in 1688 states that the Ottomans Turks have turned the church of Saint Peter and Paul
the Apostles into a lavish mosque, but was in a poor condition because the lead and iron were removed from it and tran-
Fig. 2 Liberation of Ilok from 1688 by Jacobus Harevyn, Ilok Town Museum, (recorded by M. Barić, 2008, comple-
mented by A. Rimpf)
sformed into weapons (Jačov 1991: 41; Andrić 2001: 168). Sometime after Bonini’s visit, in 1699, Joseph Cinesiae Firmanus
states that among the civilian objects in the Fortress he could see the temples with columns made with excellent skill,
which were saved by the enemy, and turned into their sanctuaries (Firman 1998: 21). About the statement that the church
of St. Peter and Paul the Apostles became a mosque, an orthodox priest Jovan Kozobarić writes in 1909 describing the
town according to the plan from 1784 known as De lineatio Geometrica et oppidi Illok. Kozobarić states that the church of
Il ok O t t om a n mo s que s a nd id e a l re c on s t ru c t i on of M e hme d A g h a M o s que
303
St. Peter and Paul the Apostles was a mosque during the Ottomans (Fig. 3) (Kozobarić 1909: 14–17). Also, on a geographical
map of an unknown author, Ilok is depicted with three mosques19 (Fig. 4) (Omerbašić 2010: 208). In the remaining graphics
depicting Ilok from the late 17th and 18th centuries this minaret no longer exists which is in line with Bonini’s report on the
removal of the lead roof. During the archaeological excavations on a part of the church of St. Peter and Paul the Apostles
from 2006 to 2008, waste pits from the Ottoman period were discovered on the outside of the building between the
counterforts. Also, inside the building on one side it was discovered that the church floor was rebuilt at the time of the
Ottomans (Tomičić et al. 2007: 4–5).
Fig. 4 Map of Croatia and Bosnia in the 16th and 17th century (Omerbašić 2010: 208)
The necessary existence of a religious object within the Fortress, primarily because of the army located there, suggests
the fortress Szigetvár, where we can see the remains of the mosque of Sultan Süleyman. The conversion of Catholic chur-
ches into mosques is reported in an edict from 1568 for the town of Mohács. It is written that the settlement hasn’t got a
19 Geographic map is published in the book Omerbašić, Š. 2010, Islam i muslimani u Hrvatskoj, Mešihat islamske zajednice u Hrvatskoj, p. 208, the book
doesn't mention the century the map is from. The map most likely wanted to show the number of Muslim population, because the town Osijek is
shown with a smaller number of mosques, although it is known that it had more of them, like the town of Požega.
304 A nd re a Rimp f, Dr a ž e n A rb u t in a
mosque and that the cost of construction is high, and that there is an abandoned church (Moačanin 2001: 69). This kind of
conversion of a religious object into another religious object took place in the towns of Syrmia, Vojvodina and Slavonia.20
A fine example is Požega, where the Gothic church of St. Mary (nowadays St. Lawrence), became the first mosque of Sul-
tan Süleyman; the church of St. Demetrie (nowadays All Saints), was the second emperor’s mosque Selim II (Uzelac 1994:
53), while Moačanin and Hafizović state that it belonged to Sultan Murat III (Moačanin 2001: 87; Hafizović 2016: 111, 154).
Alterations also occurred in Petrovaradin, Mitrovica (Moačanin 2001: 83) and Bač, where the Franciscan church with the
monastery complex was converted into a mosque and the tower of the church into the minaret (Fig. 5) (Špehar 2008: 13).
Following the above, my opinion is that the first mosque in Ilok was the Gothic parish church of St. Peter and Paul the
Apostles. Namely, the establishment of a mosque inside the Fortress as the first, most frequently imperial mosque, is a
logical sequence of events, given that the army located in the Fortress should be provided with daily prayers. However, it
doesn’t necessarily have to be raised by the sultan himself or under his authority, as is it the similar case in Požega. Fazileta
Hafizović states that the two emperor mosques in Požega were appointed nominally on behalf of the emperor- sultan, and
that the officers received timar for their service (Hafizović 2016: 46).
The second mosque in Ilok, which is mentioned in the historical records, is the mosque of Gazi Mehmed Bey Yahyapaşa
- oğlu, a prefect of Sanjak of Smederevo and beylerbey of Buda Vilayet. This mosque is also known as the Çarsi Mosque.
Its possible location is in the area of the Orthodox Church of St. Archangel Michael which was built from 1798 to 180121
(Kozobarić 1909: 34, 40). The position of the mosque can be seen in Maximilian Prandstätter’s graphic from 1608, where
the minaret and dome are depicted (Fig. 1: 2); in the graphic of Battle at Nagyharsány from 1687, according to Sébastien
Le Clerc and Johanna Sibilla Küsela22, the mosque was depicted with a minaret23, dome and oriental windows (see Fig. 6:
1); in the N. F. Sparr’s view of Ilok in 1697 the minaret is seen in the background (Fig. 7: 1); in the painting The Tree of the
Syrmia´s Saints by Ivan Filip Binder from 177724 where the position of the dome and the minaret of the mosque is visible in
the background (Fig. 8: 1). In addition to visual and graphic displays, Evliya Çelebi also mentions the mosque in his trave-
20 The first mosque was often in the fort where it was not possible to accommodate other objects (see Moačanin 2001: 83).
21 Jovan Kozobarić states that the land for the construction of the baroque church was redeemed in 1796, see Kozobarić, J. 1909, Srpska pravoslavna
crkva u Iloku, Srpski Manastir, Sremski Karlovci, 40.
22 I thank the Museum of Valpovo for the submitted graphic under the code no. MV-855.
23 The watercolour drawing shows the eastern side of the fort in the forefront, while in the background is a western side with the main entrance to the
Fortress.
24 I thank Franciscan priest Ivica Jagodić from the parish of St. Filip and Jakov in Vukovar, who has given his permission for publication of parts of the
painting from the parish collection.
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305
Fig. 6 A detail from the graphic Battle at Nagyharsány,
according to Sébastien Le Clerc, Johanna Sibilla
Küsela, from 1687, Museum of Valpovo, inv. no.
MV – 855 (recorded by M. Barić 2015, edited
by A. Rimpf)
25 In front of Ilok can often be marked in front of the Fortress, so it is possible that it is precisely about this mosque.
26 Newspaper Hrvatski list no.70. from 11.03.1927. Family Jarabek lived in the street of Kralj Tomislav between no. 30 and 32.
27 Street O. Keršovani, renamed to Braća Đaković. The tomb was found in the garden of the house between the houses of the Miličević family and the
Vlha family, today from no. 5 to no. 24.
28 The position of Mecca, looking from Ilok, is in the southeast. Also, the orientation of Muslim deceased is north-south with a mild deviation with head
facing the holy city of Mecca. Graves most often don't have any archaeological findings. (see Rohn et al 2009: 513).
306 A nd re a Rimp f, Dr a ž e n A rb u t in a
The second archaeological excavation in this area was conducted in Kralj Tomislav Street29 in 2000, where two nişans30 or
tombstones were found. The headgears of tombstones had a form of wrinkled turbans made of limestone and marble. The
mentioned forms belonged to male members of Ottoman society given the exact replica of their headgear (Mujezinović
1974: 128), i.e. the nişans of the landowners, prominent men and members of the guild (Nametak 1939: 24). As the tomb-
stones middle part with the text is missing, it is impossible to tell the exact details about the deceased.
The time of the construction of the mosque is unknown, but given the time of construction of the Imaret Mosque in
Belgrade around 154031 (Fotić 2001: 441–442), it can be concluded that the mosque was built in the same decade, i.e. in the
middle of the 16th century. The mosque was architecturally very similar to it and made in classical form: with cupolas and
a dome covered with lead. Architecturally similar or identical mosques are Kasim Pasha’s Mosque in Pécs and Osijek (Mini-
chreiter 1984: 53), Ibrahim Pasha’s Mosque in Đakovo (Papić, Valentić 1990: 45) and other mosques of that time which were
constructed in Bosnia such as: Ali Pasha’s Mosque in Buna; Aladža in Foča; Jusuf Pasha’s Mosque in Maglaj, etc. (Ayverdi
1981: 77, 117, 223). Considering that the first reconstruction of the fortress was under the management of the Odescalchi
family in 1721 and that the purchase of land for the new Orthodox temple was in 1796, the mosque may have been par-
tially visible after 1688.
From this it can be concluded that the mosque was at the entrance to Çarsi Street in the Upper Town and in the same
or nearby place where now stands an Orthodox temple built in baroque form.32 The mosque was destroyed after the re-
conquest.
The third mosque is the mosque of Arslan Bey Yahyapaşa - oğlu33. The position of this mosque is reported by Evliya
Çelebi, who says that it is located at the very top of the same street (Çarsi) and that there is one fountain - çeşme in front of
it, and with the old cemetery on the opposite side. From that cemetery downward it goes down to iskela34 (Čelebija 1973:
524; Çelebi 2003: 54). The testimonies of Çelebi’s statement and protective archaeological excavations carried out in Dr.
Franjo Tuđman Street in 1974, house number 12, are pointing to the location of the cemetery. Namely, the headgear of the
male tombstone made of green tuff and with a single wrinkle was found.35
Another confirmation of the statement is the protective archaeological excavation in 2015 when the remains of the
watering place for the cattle from 19th century were discovered in this area, and two meters further in the east ruins of
a 20th-century well were found (Rimpf 2015: 25–27). These architectural findings point to the position of the Ottoman
fountain, which is mentioned in Çelebi’s Seyahatname. The fountain was probably altered and then removed, as it was the
only watercourse in this area.
Arslan Bey’s Mosque is also seen in the depiction of Maximilian Prandstätter from 1608 as the last in the sequence
going west. The mosque was painted with a dome and a minaret (Fig. 1: 4), while on the left side of the graphic of Battle
at Nagyharsány in 1687 the minaret of the mosque can be seen near the mosque of Mehmed Bey, further west (Fig. 6: 3).
According to the plan of De lineatio Geometrica et oppidi Ilok, described by Jovan Kozobarić, the first Orthodox temple was
built in 1703 (Fig. 3: 1) (Kozobarić 1909: 26) at the crossing of the Main and Dunav Street. That is confirmed by the 1975
press release in which was written that the new road was made in 1972 and that the workers discovered stone remains
of an old Orthodox temple on the corner of the Dunav Street and Maršal Tito Street at house number 36 (Barbarić 1975
a, b: 8).36 Namely, the old temple, as Kozobarić states, was built of bricks and covered with oak wood (Kozobarić 1909: 27).
In addition to that, at the beginning of the 19th century, there were no houses from the crossings of these streets going
west. My opinion is that the location of this mosque, according to the information mentioned here, is partly in Dr. Franjo
29 The archaeological excavation was carried out in 2000, according to the curator of the Ilok Town Museum, Ružica Černi. She received a call about
a finding found during the excavation in depth of 2 m in front of the house number 20 of the mentioned street. In addition to these findings, Ivica
Miletić, who lives in house number 18, mentioned in August 2016 that he found parts of human skeletons in the family garden and on the neighboring
parcels of private houses.
30 For more about tombstones see Mujezinović, M. 1974, Islamska epigrafika u Bosni i Hercegovini, Book I, II, III, Knjižnica kulturnog naslijeđa "Veselin
Masleša" Sarajevo.
31 The Syrmia County was under the rule of Mehmed around 1534 (Fotić 2001: 440). Mehmed Bey Yahyapaşa – oğlu built the Imaret Mosque and the
surrounding mosque complex that was demolished in the late 19 th century.
32 An example of rebuilding on the same ancient sacred spaces is not unknown, it occurs much earlier in history.
33 Arslan Bey was the bey of the Sanjak Požega and Budim beylerbey until 1566 when he was killed.
34 tur. Iskele -kind of a river boat used for transporting passangers, vehicles and goods from one shore to another.
35 Turbans of green color were a status symbol and belonged to: imams; the manager of the guild and other high dignitaries. In the newspaper Iteks,
Dragutin Barbarić writes that near the house number 13, Dunav Street, monuments from the old cemetery from the 17th century were found. (Barbarić
1975b: 8). For more about the look of dignitaries and ordinary citizens see Küçükyalçın 2015b.
36 Street of Maršal Tito is today the street of Dr. Franjo Tuđman and house number 36 is not at the crossroads of these two streets mentioned by Dragutin
Barbarić, but number 16.
Il ok O t t om a n mo s que s a nd id e a l re c on s t ru c t i on of M e hme d A g h a M o s que
307
Tuđman Street, between houses numbers 12 and 28, and on the corner of the Dunav Street. Also, the stone foundations
discovered in 1972 could have belonged to this mosque. Terminus ante quem of its construction was in 1568 and it was
later demolished or partially rebuilt in the period immediately after the entry of the Christian army in 1688 and the arrival
of Orthodox inhabitants under Arsenij Čarnojević in 1699.
The fourth mosque is the mosque of sakkabaş37 Mehmed Agha. This mosque is the only one with the exact known
location today. In the description of the Fortress it is mentioned by Çelebi, which states that there are only two mosques in
the city: one is the Süleyman Han Mosque and the other is the mosque of Mehmed Agha near the Ottoman bath. (Čelebija
1973: 524; Çelebi 2003: 54). Mehmed Agha can be found in the census of Syrmia Sanjak from 1568 of the Fortress. This
mosque was the core of the quarter or mahalle that is listed in the census as Mehmed Agha’s quarter. (McGown 1983: 7–8).
According to Nenad Moančanin it was built between 1580 and 1590 as a mescit (Moačanin 2001: 101). My opinion is that
it couldn’t have been a mescit because architecturally it is a simple house, without domes and smaller dimensions, as it is
depicted in images, graphics and ground penetrating radar survey. The building can be seen in all so far known art and
graphic illustrations of Ilok: from Maximilian Prandstätter from 1608, where the minaret is visible inside the fortress near
the castle of the dukes of Ilok (Fig. 1: 3); in the graphic of Battle at Nagyharsány from 1687, where the minaret of the mosque
is visible right next to the court of the dukes of Ilok (Fig. 6: 2); on the ground floor of the Fortress made by Abbot Bonini in
1688, under the letter G, it is charted with its square shape with the indicated porch and dome and a nearby building can
be seen (Fig. 9). The ground floor of the Spanish surveyors from 1690 shows a square shape with a porch and Ottoman
mausoleum next to it (Fig. 10: 1); in the drawing of N.F. Sparr from 1687 (Fig. 7: 2) and the Schmalkalder’s drawing from 1698
the minaret of the mosque is visible by the court (Fig. 11: 1). The presence of the mosque next to the Odescalchi palace is
best depicted in the painting of the Tree of Syrmia’s Saints, where the mosque is located in front of the renovated courtyard
or the palace of the Odescalchi family, with a square shape, blue dome and a minaret (Fig. 8: 2).
37 tur. sakkabaş, the first water carrier. By rank the second officer behind the janissary agha or the commander. Sak, tur. a barrel or some other vessel
from which water is shared (Smojaković 2004: 135-136). Nenad Moačanin translates the word "sakaba" as a court cupbearer, for more see Moačanin
2001: 101.
38 The survey was carried out as part of the project Reconstruction and revitalization of cultural heritage Ilok - Vukovar - Vučedol.
308 A nd re a Rimp f, Dr a ž e n A rb u t in a
47 The conclusion is that Çelebi was never in the Lower Town since he only gives detailed description of the constructions in the Fortress and Upper
Town. In the part of the text about the Lower Town he only gives a list of buildings.
48 The curator of the Ilok Town Museum, Ružica Černi, states that the entire square was dug up in 2003/2004 and the walls of brick were found, but
since archaeological supervision was not regulated and post-war reconstruction of Ilok was underway, archaeology was not included in the project.
49 The highest concentration of water springs and fountains is precisely in that part of the Lower Town.
310 A nd re a Rimp f, Dr a ž e n A rb u t in a
Fig. 14 Ilok. Upper and Lower Town, 1930, Ilok Town Museum, inv. no. RD – 9 (recorded by R. Černi 2014)
towards Križni put Square. Based on the above mentioned data, the mosque was probably built before the middle of the
16th century and was destroyed no later than 1688.
The sixth mosque mentioned by Çelebi is the Küçük Mehmed Bey Mosque. It is located on the way to the Danube and
in the close range from Arslan Bey’s Mosque (Čelebija 1973: 524; Çelebi 2003: 54). The road that Çelebi mentions leads to-
wards Turkish iskele stretching along the Danube and Danube backwater, called the Great and Small iskele.
The graphic of Battle at Nagyharsány from 1687 depicts Ilok with five mosques and it is possible that one of the two mi-
narets on the right side of the graphic belongs to Küçük Mehmed Bey Mosque (Fig. 6). Nenad Moačanin states that at least
one mosque is likely to be erected until Çelebi’s time, regardless of the increase in the population (Moačanin 2001: 101)
and no later than 1664. Namely, in the area of Vodocrpilište in Ribarska Street in 2002, parts of several skeletal burials were
discovered50, some of which were interlaced,51 and they probably belonged to a small cemetery beside a religious object
within the settlement. In addition to this, the site of the settlement can also be confirmed by the existence of an Ottoman
fountain, which was redesigned in the 19th century. The archaeological remains of the mosque are not visible today since
the area is covered with high vegetation, but I think its location is on the part of the Small iskele where the natural high
ground is located.
The seventh mosque, referred under that name by Nenad Moačanin, is the mosque of çavuş Mustafa. The mosque
emerged as the center of mahalle of the same name until 1595 (Moačanin 2001: 87), while Çelebi has mentioned the mo-
sque as a mescid on the way to iskele (Çelebi 2003: 54). The archaeological remains of this building and its possible location
for the time being remain unknown, due to the poor archaeological excavations of the Upper Town of Ilok. It is also possi-
ble that, the same as the previous mosque, one of the minaret in the graphic of Battle at Nagyharsány may perhaps belong
to the mosque of çavuş Mustafa (Fig. 6: 15).
Fig. 15 Topographic location of the mosques (source: https://geoportal.dgu.hr/; edited by A. Rimpf 2016)
us with the possibility to explore planning further research (as it is the case here).
In our case, the ideal reconstruction is there to explore and possibly confirm the disposition of a particular structure
within the overall spatial structure (in this case, the assembly of the Ilok Fortress), and also to clear the possible relationship
it had with respect to the other buildings that have been so far inscribed within the observed spatial unit.
The ideal reconstruction, along with its pragmatic research reasons, also presents a clear educational message at the
same time, i.e. its visual reconstruction represents a clear initial idea of the building to professionals, on the one hand,
and to the general public on the other. Such visualization presented to the experts provides an opportunity to clear the
existing hypotheses or to define some new. For the non-professional people, or the general public, it can represent the
personification of complex spatial relationships and historical changes through time in a given space, that are for that audi-
ence difficult to understand from the technical drawings and descriptions.
In the case of Ilok, the ideal reconstruction was initiated precisely for the purpose of checking and defining parameters
for future research, but also as an educational contribution to the perception of the complex and layered urban history of
the medieval town. In that respect the procedure that was carried out included a few features that have to be mention.
The procedure that precedes each reconstruction is collecting and analyzing available data. In the case of a former
Mehmed Agha Mosque, data on its former position was preserved in both written and graphic historical sources, as well as
observation of the site itself, proved and fully confirmed by field observation and by geophysical methods.
An examination of the available historical materials (illustration or various records) was initially carried out and through
field sighting it was confirmed by visual inspection of the site, where parts of the former walls or foundations were visible
due to different grass pigmentation in the observed area.
The confirmation and collection of additional data was carried out in the next step, by using the non-invasive geo-
physical survey. It was carried out in 2006 and 2007 on the site of the entire fort in Ilok. That survey fully recognized and
affirmed the position and the basic dimension of the foundation construction and the position of the former building
walls. In conjunction with the information from the written sources and some preserved historic illustrations, it can be
concluded that the mosque belonged to Mehmed Agha. The ground penetrating radar survey confirmed the position,
organization and dimensions of the building with a quadratic base and a specific portico as a significant and in founda-
tion preserved example of Ottoman architecture, positioned close to the preserved turbe, i.e. mausoleum of the Ottoman
dignitary, east of the Odescalchi castle.
The ground penetrating radar survey defined the basic dimensions for the reconstruction of the building as well as
312 A nd re a Rimp f, Dr a ž e n A rb u t in a
indications for the disposal of the main building elements. Therefore, the dimensions of the Mehmed Agha Mosque show
a building defined by an elongated rectangle whose main axis extends in the east - west direction with the length of this
rectangle of about 14 meters, and with the width of more than 8 meters. The geophysical research confirmed, together
with the total of the visually accessible spatial contours, the quadratic base of the main space that had the quadrant dimen-
sions of about 8 and a half meters (it can be assumed to be a prayer space), together with the portico that goes outside of
a quadratic floor plan about 6 meters to the west (Fig.16).
Fig. 16 A photograph of the yard (and detail) of ancient Ilok fortress where different grassland pigmentation areas
are observed as the correct contours of the former Mehmed Agha Mosque (photo by A. Rimpf 2016,
edited by D. Arbutina)
The visualization of the conceptual reconstruction was initially based on the data of the ground penetrating radar
survey. It was from the presentation of those findings that the raster of the basic floor plan and the basic dimensions of
the building had been defined. The basic spatial layout and construction features had been further defined on the basis
of analogy with the respective construction practice within the area connected to the Ottoman Empire together with the
time frame within the original building was erected. In the case of the Mehmed Agha Mosque preserved structures of a
similar type had been placed on the territory of the western provinces of the former Ottoman Empire from 16th to the end
of 18th century (Fig. 17 and 18).
For the definition of basic spatial elements, all involving basic dimensions of spaces or constructive elements, it is nec-
essary to study the basic characteristics of the Ottoman architecture of the observed period (the 16th century), especially in
the area of the western provinces of the Empire. In these provinces, the largest occupied mosques were erected within the
borders of Croatia (i.e. Slavonia, where one of the partially preserved examples is in Đakovo, while the other is in Dalmatia,
Klis) and Hungary (where the most important examples are in Pécs or Szigetvár). The features of these and the examples
of similar structures built in other parts of the Western Ottoman provinces, especially those in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
the most numerous and most respected, are almost all based on a spatial concept that impressed the Ottomans after the
occupation of Constantinople, the great Byzantine Hagia Sophia52 (Fig.19).
52 Hagia Sophia and its spatial and constructive concept are characterized by a central spatial composition with a dome placed on the many windows
dematerialized tambour. Special constructive feature of the building is the way of securing the transition from the quadratic base of the ground floor
to the circular base for the tambour. It means that base of a dome rests on the circular base of the tambour lying on the segments of spherical surface
planes that ensure the transition from the quadratic shape of the floor plan to the circular tambour shape. In this example on its longitudinal sides it
was supported and spatially extended with the semi-domes. Those semi-domes provided significant both structural and spatial effect with supporting
the tamboured structure and the central dome itself. For the first time, the necessary continuous support for the construction of the tambour was
provided with the parts of the spherical elements, or the pendentives. Those are constructed to ensure the geometrical transition from the quadratic
to the circular base together with the enabling the overall stability of the dome itself and the entire building. It also created one of the most important
elements for the dematerialized definition of the interior space, but also the exterior of the building.
Il ok O t t om a n mo s que s a nd id e a l re c on s t ru c t i on of M e hme d A g h a M o s que
313
Fig. 17 The situation of the ground penetrating radar survey conducted in Ilok fortress in 2006 and 2007, where the former mosque of Mehmed
Agha was detected in the part of the display marked “Obm 1”., Digital Archive Ilok Town Museum, (recorded by B. Mušič, J. Soklic 2007)
Fig. 18 Analytical View of the ground penetrating radar survey Results, Digital Archive Ilok Town Museum (recorded by B.
Mušič 2006)
In the case of Islamic architecture on the territory of Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Hungary, as well as in other
Balkan countries that were under the rule of the Ottoman Empire during the 15th and 16th centuries, the construction of
Islamic places of worship was largely defined by a typological determinant described by central spatial disposition. It that
disposition the principle of the mosque organization is with the main prayer space defined as a unique spatial unit under
314 A nd re a Rimp f, Dr a ž e n A rb u t in a
Fig. 21
A schematic representation of the Ali-Pasha
Rizvanbegović mosque in Buna (drawing by D. Arbutina
2016)
55 For more see Karač 2015: 96–104.
56 The Aladža Mosque in Foča is an example where, in addition to the construction of dome on the squinches, it is worth highlighting the double porch
in front of the main prayer room. Three segments on the porch that are next to the main mosque space are covered with domes, while the outer field
is solved as a single-roofed structure.
57 Ali Pasha Rizvanbegović's Mosque is seen externally by the elements of the construction of the building, which include the squinches and the octagonal
tambour of the dome, which fully coincides with the dimensions of the external walls on the quadratic base.
58 The Koski Mehmed Pasha Mosque in Mostar shows the construction of the dome on squinches and a double porch in front of the main prayer area,
where the three segments of the porch along the main mosque are covered with domes, while the outer field is solved as a single-roofed structure.
59 The mosque in Maglaj has an octogonal tambour of a slightly reduced dimension and slightly engraved with respect to the surfaces of its quadratic
base, but here, on the outside, is the visible foundation of the structure of the squinches which ensures the transition from quadratic to octagonal
basis.
60 The Yeni Cami Mosque in Bitola is an example of a quadratic-sized mosque of about 20 meters, but also a double, but closed, two-rowed with three-
dome ceiling structures.
61 The specificity of this small mosque is in the position of the minaret, which is part of a double porch covered with three cupolas. In this case the field
of the porch closer to the main prayer area is closed, and beside it is a position for a minaret (not adjacent to the main cube of the building, i.e. con-
nected to the walls of the main prayer area, and unfortunately destroyed in the earthquake at the beginning of the 20 th century). In this and similar
cases some of these peculiarities may be the consequence of the special construction circumstances. Those could be defined by the 15th-century
construction of the mosque on the foundations of the former church, i.e. the complex of antique baths, as well as the alterations and upgrades un-
dertaken during the time (in this example during the last quarter of the 16th century and also during the 18th century). The proper cube (almost cube)
of this mosque, and the octagonal tambour, show the direction in which the architecture of the smaller Islamic places of worship will be developed
and spread throughout the western provinces of the Ottoman Empire.
62 For more see Gerő 1976.
63 For more see Sudár 2009: 398–406.
64 An interesting interpretation of the work of Sudar, B. 2009, where in his work "Who was Hasan-pasha Jakovali?" he explains the thesis that the
relationship can be between the mosque in Pécs and the mosque in Đakovo. In that thesis the connection is the same family that is related to both
of the towns, which is the family of Memi-pasha, who owned Đakovo and who had his main possessions in this Croatian town. During the same time
the service of family members within the Empire led those persons to Pécs where they erected some buildings that are preserved up to this day.
316 A nd re a Rimp f, Dr a ž e n A rb u t in a
Fig. 22 A drawing of Kalavun Jusuf Pasha’s mo- Fig. 23 Ishak Çelebi Mosque mosque in Bito- Fig. 24 Yeni Cami Mosque, Bitola, Macedo-
sque in Maglaj (drawing by D. Arbutina la, Macedonia (drawing by D. Arbutina nia (drawing by Arbutina, D. 2016)
2016) 2016)
certain areas within the state that include their political and economic sta-
tus within the Ottoman Empire (Fig.21 –28).
Such structures were defined by their typology in a way that included
the following features:
• In principle, the mosques were built as the central spatial organiza-
tion buildings.
• They are designed with, usually, quadratic base of the ground floor
plan for the main prayer area, and only exceptionally rare with octagonal
ground floor plan.
• The dimensions of the ground floor plan of the main spatial unit were
from about 7x7 meters to more than 20x20 meters.
• As spatial structures, the mosques in western Ottoman provinces we-
re often mono-spatial structures (i.e. the main prayer room is a separate
spatial entity) with the dome that rises above the main prayer area.
• The basic volume of the main prayer space is the cube, while the oc-
tagonal or circular tambours are raised over it, and on those tambours, that
serve as a transitional structure from the quadratic bases, semi-spherical
domes were built. Domes of the mosques were sometimes hidden within
the wooden structure of the roof, but more often seen as proper and domi-
nant structures in perception of the whole building.
• Along with the basic volume, the porch was placed in front of the
main structure. It was often constructed as adjunct structure that has been
covered with multiple cupolas, often with the one or two rows of triple cu-
polas that made the ceiling structure of the porch. In that respect the porch,
as a spatial construction, is often a single- or double-row structure, where
the space underneath is solved with sequences covered by three cupolas in
a row. A certain small number of mosques erected in the middle of the 16th
century had the porch that was done as a double-row structure, where it
was possible to build two sequences of three cupolas, i.e. to construct the second sequence of the porch as a space
covered with a beveled roof65. A rather small number of examples were built as mosques without dome, with the
main prayer room covered with a flat wooden ceiling or a hidden wooden dome inside the roof structure.
• Along with all the mosques, the minaret was almost always built as a structure connected with the main building,
as a circular base, high-end elegant tower. The most examples of minarets are exceptionally slim and tall, with a
conical top (roof cap) at its top, although there are examples of such structures that resemble church towers, or
are built not as separate structures but as wooden constructions that are specifically raised from the main cubic
building.
The above mentioned parameters for the definition of spatial, functional and constructive analogy together with the
data of geophysical research, defined the parameters for the ideal reconstruction of the basic visual elements in the exte-
rior of the Mehmed Agha Mosque in Ilok.66 Those parameters in connection with analyzed certain historical sources (writ-
ten sources, as well as illustrations) defined the basis for reconstruction that, in that respect, had the following initial elements:
65 According to the analysis presented in Pašić, Amir (1994), Islamic architecture in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is considered that the Karagöz Bey Mosque
in Mostar, with a double porch, is the work of mimar Sinan, all based on the analogies of mosques built in other places. Those include mosques built
in Űskudara (Mihrimah Sultan Mosque built in 1548), Tekirdag (Rustem Pasha Mosque from 1553), an example of the Mostar Mosque from 1557,
Tahtakale in Istanbul (Rustem Pasha's Mosque from 1562) or Istanbul (Atik Valide Sultan Mosque from 1583).
66 The interior reconstruction is also possible at the level of hypothetical processing using the analogy of defined formatting elements from some exist-
ing structures of similar origin, time and place. In respect to the exterior, decorating and interior decoration themselves are more connected to the
speculative nature of possible reconstruction than basic external shapes and constructions. It is because interior decoration depends significantly
on the slightest change in factors affecting the overall financial strength of the one that drives the construction process but also in terms of available
materials and workforce, where each of these parameters can produce dramatically different results in synergy between themselves, even at the
seemingly same starting conditions.
318 A nd re a Rimp f, Dr a ž e n A rb u t in a
• The rectangular basis of the entire structure with total dimensions of the foundation, which is about 14 meters in
length and over 8 meters in width.
• Within the overall structure the basis of the main prayer area is the quadratic based floor plan element, with side
of the quadratic dimension of about 8 and a half meters.
• The structure of the semi-spherical dome was probably on octagonal tambour that has the squinches to enable
transition from quadratic base to the octagonal structure of the tambour.
• The height of the main prayer room walls was possibly and approximately equal to the width of the floor plan base
of the main prayer area to form the cube as a basic spatial unit of the mosque.
This ideal reconstruction, as a procedure, analyzed the data of geophysical research, and based on them and presented
analogy, it defined the possible disposition of the structures and spaces. The process is, thus, defined as an analytical spe-
culation, in such respect that results have to provide the programme for further research, while some parts of the process
need to be verified by conducting specific archaeological researches as well.
It is, therefore, essential that we consider the process of ideal reconstruction in this (and not only this example), not as
a final and only presentation of fully conclusive results, but as an important part of the research processes. The process,
which will be further carried out with the future discoveries, should be verified with a concrete archaeological research, as
well as a detailed analysis and interpretation of all of the possible results from such researches (Fig. 29).
Fig. 29 The results of the ground penetrating radar surveyon the site of the fort in Ilok, Digital Archive Ilok Town Museum (recorded by B. Mušič
2006)
If the basic dimensions and survey data overlap with the analogy of the prepared spatial and constructive dispositions
from the examples from the similar area, then the reconstruction will be carried out. It means that central space under the
octagonal tambour and the proper dome dimensions could be defined, but in the definition of the porch and its structure
some intriguing aspects still exist. It means that information from the surveying of the site defined the possible structure
of the basic foundation strip at a distance of 290 cm from the base of the main prayer room, what is one-third of the di-
mension of the side of the main prayer area base, but also the approximate dimension of the 10 Roman feet (Fig. 29 and
30). This together with another strip of foundations further away can suggest specific way of construction and structure
for the porch. It means that the foundation in front of the main prayer area has the dimension that significantly exceeds
the usual depth of a single row of the porch ceiling. It that respect, there is position to conclude that in the case of the
Mehmed Agha Mosque double porch was built on the west side of the building. It is also possible to assume that one row
with three cupolas was probably built close to the entrance to the main prayer area, while the exterior of the outer row
is open to the further consideration. It is, therefore, necessary to plan the verification and confirmation of the hypothesis
after the implementation of archaeological research (Fig. 31).
What is left as a significant unknown feature is also the position of the minaret. It is the position of the minaret on
the building itself that raises the question. Within the geophysical research there is no notice of the reinforcement of the
foundation for the possible structure, while the pictorial records of the city from the time when the mosque existed show
the minaret as visible structure, but there are no material remains present.
According to the analogy with other examples of such architecture from the time when the mosque of Mehmed Agha
was supposedly constructed, and analogies with the mosques in other locations across the western provinces of the Otto-
Il ok O t t om a n mo s que s a nd id e a l re c on s t ru c t i on of M e hme d A g h a M o s que
319
Fig. 30 An analytical overview of the basic configuration for the reconstructed mosque showing a one version of the positioning of the porch
(reconstruction and visualization by D. Arbutina 2016)
Fig. 31 A three -variants perspective of pedestrian views that were considered during work on an ideal reconstruction (reconstruction and
visualization by D. Arbutina 2016)
Fig. 32 A display of a possible minaret location next to the building. The first version is located next to the main prayer room, while the other can
be speculated as one of the possibilities, on the basis of the geophysical survey, since a substantial quadratic underground foundation
structure is detected along the mosque with dimension of about 3 meters, almost like the module of 10 Roman feet, i.e. about 290 cm
(drawing and visualization by D. Arbutina 2016)
320 A nd re a Rimp f, Dr a ž e n A rb u t in a
man Empire, it is possible to suggest that mosque had the minaret close to the main prayer area, beside the porch or close
to the main structure somewhere else.
The location of the minaret based on the present data can only be defined on the level of designed speculation. Ac-
cording to the data now available, it is possible to consider two possible locations. The first one is next to the southern
wall of the main prayer area (possibly the southwestern corner of the ground floor), where detailed archaeological rese-
arch should be used to verify any reinforcement of the foundation. The second possibility, unpopular and unusual, is the
location of a minaret dislocated from the main building, on the eastern side of the mosque, since the geophysical survey
shows some structure with the quadratic base (the assumed foundation) of side dimensions about around 3 meters and
assuming in that way the possibility for the minaret to be on that side (Fig. 32).
There is an opportunity with this ideal reconstruction to define the plan and programme of the further research, espe-
cially to plan further archaeological excavations. Those plans will consider excavations of the structures around or to the
east of the main building for possible examination, at first in conjunction to the possible minaret position. In that respect,
the ideal reconstruction, together with the final photo-montage of visualized building concepts, defines the basis for
launching possible further researches, both archaeological and structural, and further more presents one of significant
elements within the spatial structure of the Ilok fortress in the second half of the 16th century, during the Ottoman rule
(Fig. 33 –35).
Fig. 33 A visualization and photomontage of the Mehmed, Agha Mosque with a minaret on the southern side of the main prayer area (recon-
struction and visualization by D. Arbutina 2016)
Il ok O t t om a n mo s que s a nd id e a l re c on s t ru c t i on of M e hme d A g h a M o s que
321
Fig. 34 A visualization and photomontage of the Mehmed Agha Mosque with a minaret on the outskirts of the main prayer area (reconstruction
and visualization by D. Arbutina 2016)
Fig. 35 A visualization and photomontage of the Mehmed Agha Mosque with a minaret on the eastern side of the main prayer area (reconstruc-
tion and visualization by D. Arbutina 2016)
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