A SOCIO-ECONOMIC ANALYSIS OF KASHIDA & BAAWAN BUTI OF

BIHAR: THE ILLUSTRIOUS PAST, CONTEMPORARY NEGLECT & HOPES

FOR THE FUTURE
Anshul Maudar, Harshit Rana & Kartikeya Bhatotia
Email ID: kartikeya.bhatotia_yif18@ashoka.edu.in
anshul.maudar_yif18@ashoka.edu.in
harshit.rana_yif18@ashoka.edu.in
Abstract: The Eastern Indian state of Bihar is home to a rich tradition of
handicrafts that have been practised by the people of the state for generations.
Among these crafts, Kashida and Baawan Buti are one of the foremost.
However, while other handicrafts and art forms like Bihar’s Madhubani
paintings have been revived and commercialized, these two exquisite crafts
have suffered systematic institutional neglect which has led to the
marginalization of a once thriving community of craftsmen whose numbers
have been steadily declining. This has threatened these crafts with extinction.
Kashida is an ancient form of embroidery practised in Bihar, Karnataka and
Kashmir. While the forms indigenous to the latter are well known and
commercialized, the form of Kashida native to Bihar, called Bharua Kashida is
embroidered on items of domestic use, like blouses, wraps, table linens etc. and
has become obscure over time. It is mainly practised by women belonging to
marginalized communities. Baawan Buti (literally meaning 52 motifs) is
practised primarily in the Nalanda district of Bihar and utilizes silk and cotton
fabric with a scheme of at least 52 motifs using handlooms. These are used in
sarees, curtains, bedsheets etc. While a World Bank supported project has
already tried to resuscitate the craft, the craftsmen and women still complain of
a very small number of orders. The paper relies heavily on primary research
and fieldwork including copious interviews with craftsmen, master weavers,
village elders, government officials and historians in the Bhojpur, Nalanda and
Patna districts of Bihar. The paper will shed light on multiple facets including
the interplay of caste and gender in the production of these crafts; how women,
immured in households, practised these crafts as a form of leisure and looked
upon their creations as a matter of prestige and how the craft was incorrectly
thought of as belonging to the lower castes. Since the death of Upendra
Maharathi, a towering figure in the handicraft revival movement in Bihar, these
crafts have been ignored by the government. The paper looks at how they have
been oversimplified as exotic items and the livelihood and survival of those
making them, has been ignored. An examination of the political, administrative
and ideological angle of this sad state of affairs will also be discussed. Most
importantly, the paper will discuss how the revival of these crafts, through
attempts to commercialize them by NGOs or through an integration with
tourism development, can lead to the socio-economic progress and
empowerment of millions of families. This study provides a unique insight into
the cross section of revival, tourism, flawed societal perceptions, financial
inclusion and social empowerment. Lastly, the paper will examine how other
 successful revival projects can be used as a template for the revival of these
crafts and will also critique the efforts of organizations and government
authorities that are trying to bring about a change.

INTRODUCTION

The word kash can alternatively be translated as a water channel or a Semitic tribe. The terms kasuti, kari
and kashida synonymously designate embroidery (Dhamija, 1970). It is an intricate art that is perfomed by
skilled artisans using their hands. Kashida is practised on cloth, leather or any other similar materials with
the help of needle and thread. Some expert artisans even use gold and silver wires. Basically, kashida is
part of a cottage industry which involves almost all members of the family. However, the art work,
especially in Bihar is done primarily by women. Whereas, kashida in Kashmir is practised by both men and
women. In the Bhojpur district of Western Bihar, the art is extensively practiced by many households and is
colloquially referred to as Bharua Kasida.

KASHIDA: AN INTRICATE ART

Before we delve into our research findings, we feel that it is essential to describe the art to the reader so
that one can appreciate the beauty of this art. This, in many ways, strengthens our desire to work towards
preserving it.

A prominent mention of Kashida can be found in a volume of the Marg Magazine.

Recent works on Indian Embroidery hardly mention the variety and tradition of Bihar embroidery. It was
only in the MARG issue on Embroidery that the richness of Bihar Embroidery was brought to public notice.
Actually, it is only recently, through the pioneering efforts of the Bihar Government and the All India
Handicrafts Board, that the wealth of its folk arts and crafts is being recognised all over India1

This introduction to the description on Kashida is a testament to the decline in the awareness of this art
among people especially those in urban areas.

As mentioned earlier, Kashida is practiced primarily by women who embroider motifs on articles of
personal use like blouses, baby caps, sashes, pillow cases and bolsters. Kashida consists of three different
stitches. The first one is colloquially called Jhinkana. This is basically a chain-stitch where the needle is
actually pulled through the cloth. The name of this stitch is derived from the soft noise that the needle
makes when it is pulled through the cloth. This stitch follows the design that is drawn on the cloth and does
not take the texture of the material into account. This type of stitch is extensively used in adorning the
blouses that are worn by women. This stitch is not rigid and provides enough freedom to the artisan to
develop designs that are inspired by patterns that can be seen in the environment around us. Common
motifs that follow this type of stitch are those of peacocks or elephants with riders on their backs or of a
necklace with a heavy pendant attached to it.

The next type of stitch which is very popular is the Bharat. This stitch is very similar to the one which is
performed all over the entire surface of the fabric in the Bagh and Phulkari traditions native to the North
Indian state of Punjab. This one, unlike Jhinkana, follows the warp and weft of the material and thereby
causes the designs to be more restricted to shapes like squares, rectangles, wavy lines, diamonds or flower
motifs which follow very basic geometrical shapes. This stitch is generally done on red cloth with a
combination of white, yellow and bottle green thread. If white is used as the colour of the base cloth, then

1 Jasleen Dhamija. "Survey of Crafts." Marg, December 1966, 16-42.

the threads used are generally black or steel blue. In the case of Bharat, it is the neatness of the stitch
coupled with the colour combination employed that confers aesthetic appeal to the work. Bharat is used to
cover the base cloth fully and a lot of floral designs similar to the ones that are seen in Phulkari are used.

The third popular stitch is actually a development from Bharat. In this an outline is developed using a
black coloured double running stitch. The design is then filled by long and short stitches of satin.

Recently, Kashida designs have been combined with Applique in which a combination of cloth pieces with
woven tapes and laces are used.

The tradition of the Awalkhana which was described above has an interesting consequence: if we closely
observe the variety of designs that are used to adorn the blouses worn by women, one will rarely witness
any repetition. This is because, the tradition of the Awalkhana promotes innovation and allows women to
experiment with new designs. The imagination and the innovation of the women involved in this art is par
excellence and they effectively manifest their skill through this art2

BAAWAN BUTI: 52 MAGICAL MOTIFS

The Baawan Buti on the other hand is a detailed form of embroidery which has intricate handwoven motifs
(buti) on sarees and curtains. There was a time when the weavers of the Baswan Bigha village of Bihar
supplied beautifully patterned handmade curtains and fabrics to Rashtrapati Bhawan. This practice suffered
hard times due to lack of interest and investment from later central governments and mismanagement by
state authorities. Recently it was revived under the patronage of the Asian Heritage Foundation along with
active involvement from World Bank and the Japan Development Social Fund

There is an acute paucity of literature about the Baawan Buti tradition which is prevalent in the Nalanda
district of Bihar. The tradition of Baawan Buti is greatly inspired by Buddhist tradition and is symbolic of
capturing a snapshot of the cosmos through motifs of artefacts that are made on a saree which is roughly
six yards in length. Each saree must have at least “baawan” (Hindi for 52) motifs. This tradition has
prospered in Nalanda district where a lot of these textiles were popular among the large number of tourists
who used to visit the ancient ruins of the city of Nalanda that are located in the district. The tradition
particularly prospered in the Baswan Bigha village where a very large number of artisans were involved in
this work. The textile is mostly made on jacquard looms, framed looms or pit looms. The textile is prepared
using vertical (warp) threads that extend across the fabric. Generally, the artisan sits on the loom and works
on horizontal (weft) threads.

Baawan Buti bears resemblance to satin stitch embroidery and the motifs that are found on these fabrics are
usually around 2 inches in length and could be arranged in an alternating fashion or in a continuous line.
Commonly used colours in these fabrics are yellow, red, bottle green or parrot green.

METHODOLOGY

In creating a comprehensive and multi-disciplinary analysis of contemporary Kashida, we have explored the
physical samples of Kashida and Baawan Buti that are preserved at museums like the Upendra Maharathi
Museum in Patna and the Awalkhanas (samplers) that we have documented. These artefacts primarily serve
the purpose of being visual resources which we have employed to help us appreciate and understand the
aesthetic value of these textiles and contextualizing their contemporary position.

2 Jasleen Dhamija. "Survey of Crafts." Marg, December 1966, 16-42.

However, the bulk of our research is drawn from a series of interviews with eminent art historians,
secondary research on the efforts of Non-Governmental Organizations to revive these art forms. For this
field research we travelled to multiple locations in Bihar to interact with Kashida and Baawan Buti artisans.
Our interviews with them were semi-structured where the essence of the interview revolved around our
desire to understand the socio-economic impact of their employment in this domain and the cultural factors
that influenced their participation in these cottage industries. We also attempted to understand the constraints
and the obstacles that are faced by individuals working in this domain with respect to income and societal
pressures. We will also examine their working conditions and wages to try to understand the satisfaction that
these artisans derive from their occupation

Delhi and Patna served as the logical bases for our study. Patna serves as the provincial capital from where
state policies are controlled and dispensed in addition to it housing institutions which serve as repositories of
information and resources. Though detached from ground realities in Bihar, Delhi continues to serve as a
vibrant market and enthusiastic supporter of the Arts and is also home to a host of academics and enthusiasts
who have taken several successful initiatives to revive threatened art forms through the country.

This paper largely focuses on critical appraisal of revival efforts while examining similar cases of revival in
other parts of India and the world. To this end, we will examine the efforts to revive textiles like the Kasuti
of Karnataka, Madhubani paintings of Bihar among others. Keeping in mind out field research, we will also
expound on revival strategies that we feel could be implemented and how they could go a long way to
improve the socio-economic conditions of the families involved in this art.

A BRIEF HISTORY

The production of the Baawan Buti is concentrated in the Nalanda district where several villages in the
vicinity of the towns of Harnaut, Bihar Sharif, Nalanda and Rajgir have historically been involved in the
process. On the other hand, the Bhojpur district is where many households are involved in producing
Kashida. However, it must be noted that unlike the Baawan Buti, Kashida has historically been more
prevalent all over Bihar. The textile is practiced in villages both north and south of the Ganges river. These
districts include Buxar, Bhojpur, Patna, Begusarai, Samastipur, Munger, Khagaria, Saran, Vaishali and
Siwan.

A prominent role in the preservation movement was that of Upendra Maharathi, who is widely credited for
having taken several steps to conserve several traditions native to Bihar. During our research, we were
informed about his contributions in helping several skilled artisans to find avenues to monetize their work.
With reference to Kashida and Baawan Buti, Maharathi helped marshal the talent of the state by visiting
different villages all over Bihar where he would personally select artisans who he felt had the potential to
succeed at a larger stage. He would develop new designs which would then be circulated all over the state
for other artisans to use. We also came across designs on paper which are still being used by the few artisans
who are involved in the production of these textiles.

After Maharathi’s death in the 1980s, textiles faced several challenges in Bihar. Textiles like Kashida,
Baawan Buti, Sujani, Applique and many others started facing institutional neglect under successive
governments. Besides, the absence of a towering personality like Maharathi meant that there was nobody
who could convince governments to play an active role in preserving these textiles. 3

However, while institutional neglect continued, Kashida, which were practiced by women in households to
adorn items of daily use like curtains, table covers, pouches etc. continued to be practiced. Baawan Buti on

3 Santosh Singh. 2015. Ruled or Misruled: Story and Destiny of Bihar. Bloomsbury India.
the other hand did not fare as well as Kashida. Production of the textile virtually came to a halt by the early
2000s.

During our research we witnessed how caste also played a role in the distribution of the artisans who
practised it. Many of the artisans in the Bhojpur district belong to the Dalit community and live in the
Harijan Bastis (Dalit localities). Besides, Kashida used to be practiced on leather too. The use of leather
was often looked upon as the domain of the backward castes. Today, the production of both Kashida and
Baawan Buti is largely confined to the Dalit community even though a number of artisans belonging to
upper-castes also exist.

Kashida motifs were an integral part of family heritage of many households. Every mother would create an
Awalkhana or a sampler which would have all the motifs that she knew. Awalkhanas were a rich piece of
art. They had several motifs intricately made with the aim of passing it on to future generations so as to
ensure continuity of the tradition. Many mothers would give Awalkhanas to their daughters when they
would get married. The sampler was a repository of the motifs that the previous generations had mastered.
The new generation now had the responsibility to preserve these ancient motifs and also experiment and
develop new ones which could then be passed on to the next generation. Today, many households of Bihar
have Awalkhanas preserved but most of these families do not know the art of Kashida.

REVIVAL

Factors Affecting Certain Craft Traditions

For Western societies prior to the Renaissance art was not distinguished from craft. Today however, craft is
utilitarian whereas art is meant to serve a ‘higher’ purpose. This was not the case in India. However, the
global cultural Americocentric capitalism has exported itself to the Indian market too. This has translated
into a dichotomization of art and craft in India which has resulted in traditional Indian crafts sinking to
nearly utilitarian or decorative versions of themselves. Since the industrial revolution provided objects that
served the same utilitarian functions as crafts and were much less expensive, crafts start dying; being cut
off from the support of both the elite and the general public. Meanwhile, what was identified as ‘Art’
solidified its position as the elite who purchased and collected art began to control access to what could be
considered art to protect their investments. In India particularly, these distinctions are marred by caste and
religious hierarchies as well4.

During the course of our research, we have grappled with the question of referring to Kashida as either art
or craft. This is informed by the socio-economic condition of the artisans who engage in this tradition.
Kashida is largely practised in rural Bihar by members of socially disadvantaged groups such as minority
religions and deprived castes. Even then, Kashida is exclusively practised by women which affects its
subsistence and sustainability.

Artisans were traditionally an essential part of the village economy producing everyday objects using
designs and motifs that were of significance to their communities and catering to local markets. However,
neither the social relations nor the market is what they used to be. A few key characteristics of the global
markets are a breakdown of historical artisan-consumer relationship, speed with which demand for a
product changes, variety of style, design and colours which offers greater opportunities as well as threats to
the producers. This precarious nature of handmade crafts markets invites strategic approaches to reach

4Jerry Neapolitan and Morris Ethridge. 1985. “An Empirical Examination of the Existence of Art, Arts/Craft and Craft Segment
among Media Workers.” Mid-American Review of Sociology 45-64
global consumers but delayed response can push these deep rooted traditional handmade products out;
replacing them with mass-factory made machine crafts5.

Craft Revival and Non-State Agents

Craft workers today no longer serve just the needs to local markets but access to the world market in India
is determined by one’s position in the social hierarchy. There are two ways of adjusting to the shifting
trends in the market. Firstly, abandoning the utilitarian aspects of one’s craft in favour of its beauty by
emphasising conception and self-expression6. But this form of expression is not possible for people at the
bottom of the social pyramid. The second is to embrace mechanization and produce crafts in bulk that can
be sold for their utility. That again requires investment which local communities cannot afford to make.

Soumhya Venkatesan says that influential non-state actors in what we can refer to as the ‘Craft World’ are
largely upper-caste and high-class individuals. Many of these are women and are wealthy and well-
connected. Access to elite circles is almost a side-effect of joining certain NGOs 7. However, this also opens
access for rural producers to a new world. What they can do, however, with that access is another matter.
Local collaborations, though essential for any revival effort based out of a mega city like Delhi, are a
double-edged sword. Local organizations cannot always be counted on to fulfil their obligations without
prejudice.

For example, a prominent local women’s cooperative in the Bhojpur district of Bihar that we collaborated
with operated outside of their authority in an unscrupulous manner which jeopardized our relationship with
local producers.

As we have previously maintained, craft in India is subject to multiple socio-economic challenges and the
agents acting on it are not always people but also events. However, sometimes the role of individuals
becomes important as we explained was the case with Upendra Maharathi.

Social Entrepreneurship & its Challenges

Opening of Indian markets has created a new generation of interested and driven entrepreneurs who wish
to invest in revival efforts for Indian crafts. However, many of these entrepreneurs have an approach which
ignores a number of key factors which are essential for them to achieve acceptance and, in turn,
commercial success8. During our field work in Bihar, we have come to realize that the following aspects
need to be kept in mind by these entrepreneurs who could play a pivotal role in the successful revival of
these traditions.

a). Entrepreneurs who effectively adapt to local environments are most successful in collaborating with
stakeholders, especially producers who are genuinely sceptical of their mission. In the Hassanpura village
of Bhojpur district our legitimacy and the trust we could establish depended on our knowledge base and
our local collaborations.

5Suruchi Mitar and Harita Kapur. 2014. “Design Intervention & Craft Revival.” International Journal of Scientific
and Research Publications.

6Jerry Neapolitan and Morris Ethridge. 1985. “An Empirical Examination of the Existence of Art, Arts/Craft and Craft Segment
among Media Workers.” Mid-American Review of Sociology 45-64

7Soumhya Venkatesan. 2009. “Rethinking Agency: Persons and Things in Heterotopia of 'Traditional Indian Craft'.”
Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 78-95.

8Howard Aldrich and Marlene C. Fiol. 1994. “Fools Rush In? The Institutional Context of Industry Creation.” The
Academy of Management Review 645-670.
b). Internal communication for any venture has to be open, honest and consistent. Since expertise in our
team is divided along subject lines, communicating our central message through various media is possible
only when the team itself is clear on its objective. At a well-known state-run museum in Patna which has
historically played a key role in craft preservation, the lack of internal cohesion and resulting lack of
direction has led to diminished effectiveness of efforts to preserve Kashida.

c). Entrepreneurs need to drive their organizations around one key lever, success in which will guarantee
their ability to legitimately enter other markets and also to establish trust and mutually beneficial
relationship with producers. An NGO which has been at the forefront of the effort to revive the Baawan
Buti has succeeded in creating a vibrant connect between its employees and the producers in the villages.
This NGO sends some of its employees to spend time with the artisans to gauge and understand areas of
improvement. This can help NGOs also tackle socio-cultural factors that impact the lives and hence,
productivity, of the artisans.

d). Those initiatives which rely on the active participation of local third-parties have a better chance of
achieving their intended goal provided background checks to review the past initiatives of these actors is
effectively carried out and once on board, these actors are given a clear and comprehensive agenda with
specific gains for them as well.

e). Linking the work of preserving heritage with educational curriculum helps drive the commercial
viability and sustainability of these ventures. Kashida and Baawan Buti do not heavily feature in the
educational curricula of their home states. At the same time, the absence of viable commercial
opportunities has led to a fall in the number of artisans who possess working knowledge of these traditions.
This situation, if left unchecked, could lead to an eventual extinction of the art itself. Integrating a skill-
based curriculum especially in vocational streams might help bring about an increase in the number of
people who have the potential to not only carry forward the tradition but also explore monetization options.

Revivals are generally one-sided wherein the living make selective use of the past and its artefacts (eg:
neo-classicism and Gothic revival). However, revivals of folk art and craft are different in the manner that
the ‘folk’ however romanticised, are well alive and exist9.

The Socio-economic aspects of Revival

Beginning in the 1870s and continuing after the revolution, Russia went through a long period of large
scale state sponsored and private efforts in the direction of conserving and reviving peasant crafts.
However, it was only after several decades of passionate collecting that it dawned on the Russians that this
seemingly inexhaustible spring of national culture and identity could not be replenished. The effort of
restoring a peasant culture by largely high-class individuals meant that it was not so much the preservation
of a classical peasant culture for future generations but systematic stripping away of the living peasants
world to the visual links of the past. Wendy Salmon says that the real problem was that ‘’the heirs to all
these museum artefacts-the peasants of modern day Russia seemed perfectly ready to relinquish their
patrimony and little inclination to continue the unprofitable passe ways of their forefathers.’ 10

They blamed their failure on the successful modernization of the rural landscape, in particular access to the
railways which steered more and more peasants towards the cities. This is not a Russian problem alone.
Whenever an effort has been made by individuals romanticizing a culture that is in itself a by-product of

9Wendy Salmond. 1997. “A Matter of Give and Take: Present Crafts and their Revival in Late Imperial Russia.”
Design Issues 5-14

10 ibid
socio-economic suffering, they have generally failed because the subjects of their revival do not
particularly care for it especially if it is not a viable means of bread and butter.

Eleanor Horwitz in her book ‘Mountain People, Mountain Crafts’ questions the isolation of many of the
people in Appalachia and its connection to craft making. She notes that, ‘the same isolation that made the
land and its people poor also accounted for the strong crafts tradition in the mountains. At first, the
mountaineers, like all rural people, made their own quilts and axes and barrels and linen thread and clay
crocks because there was no other way to obtain them.’11

What is generally identified as handicraft possesses value for its creators which is not usually recognized.
Creating an economic incentive to produce crafts which are no longer necessities of life for people who
would rather contribute differently to the economy is an essential part of the revival of arts and crafts.
Keeping this in mind, a parallel to this can be drawn with the project initiated by the World Bank along
with the Japan Social Development Fund and executed by the Asian Heritage Foundation for the revival of
the Baawan Buti in 2007, which was largely a supply side intervention. The World Bank document that
sanctioning grants for this project which also encompassed other Indian states, stated “Through helping
poor artisan communities to establish/strengthen and manage their own cluster level institutions, the grant
would help set-up mechanisms for decentralized decision-making and resource allocation for strengthening
local artisan communities’ capacity to manage their own economic activity competitively.12” However
during our visit to Baswan Bigha village near the town of Bihar Sharif, we saw a room full of curtains,
bedsheets and pillow covers whose values ranged from at least INR 5000 to INR 2,00,000. Being a supply
side initiative, the project failed to ensure to enable regular demand for these items thereby putting the
modern equipment into disuse and workers switching to factory labour to make ends meet. It is therefore
imperative for any state-run initiative to focus on ensuring a regular supply of orders which is possible if
the state tries to integrate tourism and craft revival as has been done on multiple other occasions
successfully.

Kasuti, native to Karnataka, bears similarities with Kashida, in technique was also facing unabetted
decline. However, it has been effectively revived and its products are marketed worldwide. This was made
possible by positioning Kasuti revival initiative as a demand side intervention. Global styles were
introduced which adopted contemporary trends while preserving the traditional embroidery. This led to a
demand for specific designs being created, driven by changing customer choices. Traditional stitches like
the Negi stitch which needed greater resources and better trained artisans were computerized which led to
their revival from days of ignominy where they had not been applied for the lack of investment. Initial
revival efforts focused on Kasuti adorned sarees, however, the lack of demand for sarees abroad, led to a
diversification in product range for the project13.

Where most revival efforts fail is in establishing a literature and restoring theoretical knowledge about the
craft. This is where Kantha from Bengal, succeeds. Niaz Zaman’s 1981 work called ‘The Art of Kantha
Embroidery’ is a seminal post revival text which aimed to create an organized body of knowledge
pertaining to the method of production, motifs, and aesthetics.

11 Eleanor Horwitz. 1974. Mountain People, Mountain Craft. Lippincott Williams & Wilkins.

12World Bank. 2007. India - Making Globalization Work for the Rural Poor in India (English). Japan Social
Development Fund (JSDF) grant proposal., Washington DC: World Bank.

13 Shubhpriya Bennur and Lakshmidevi Gavai . 2013. “How did the Regional. Traditional Embroider Kasuti reach
International Markets.” International Textile and Apparel Association (ITAA) Annual Conference Proceedings. Iowa
State University.
An effective mechanism to organize artisans and help them attain their personal socio-economic goals via a
revival projects is through Self-Help Groups (SHGs). Self-Help groups work better than any other way to
obtain credit for micro or small enterprises. Unlike approaching micro finance institutions which are profit
making ventures aimed at providing profitable credit to individuals, Self-Help groups are set up by the
community itself. In this structure, each member of the Self-Help Group contributes a small amount to the
corpus which can then be tapped to provide small loans to individual members. The social structure of the
group ensures that loan repayments are done in a disciplined way. When the group’s corpus has reached a
sufficiently large size, it can be used to open a bank account in order to obtain larger amounts of credit for
boosting production. Self-Help groups led by women have particularly been successful in other parts of the
country in helping women break the clutches of patriarchy and becoming financially independent.

CONCLUSION

Our experience in Bihar backed by theoretical grounding offered by scholars in the field of heritage and
revival point to the confluence of factors that make a strong case for dedicated efforts in the field working
in sync with local needs. Our solutions have to appeal to both the consumer and the producer if we wish for
a revival effort to be commercially viable. Role of social factors and socio-economic privilege in shaping
these experiences needs to be recognized and utilized in order to create a more sustainable ecosystem of
heritage conservation.

The economic aspect of the revival must focus on the central and crucial role that women play in these
traditions and efficient demand side interventions coupled with production enabling supply side funding
must be conceptualized keeping the success of other revival projects in mind.

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