Literature Review UNIL 2012

Research Paper of the Institute of Criminology and
Criminal Law of the University of Lausanne upon

mandate of the Association DIS NO in the framework
of the project Prevention Oriented towards Potential
Perpetrators of Child Sexual Abuse
Pauline Volet, Julie Courvoisier & Marcelo F. Aebi

Final report - 23.12.2011
Translated from French by Valérie Lopez (http://lopez-linguistic.vpweb.ch/)

Table of contents
I. Introduction: Research aims ......................................................................................................... 4
II. Definitions ..................................................................................................................................... 5
2.1 Sexual abuse ............................................................................................................................... 5
2.2 Age of the protagonists .............................................................................................................. 5
2.3 Primary Prevention .................................................................................................................... 6
III. Methodology ............................................................................................................................. 7
3.1 Systematic review of the literature ............................................................................................ 7
IV. Literature Review ...................................................................................................................... 8
4.1 Perpetrators of child sexual abuse ............................................................................................. 8
4.1.1 Males ....................................................................................................................................... 8
4.1.2. Females ................................................................................................................................ 10
4.1.3 Adolescents ........................................................................................................................... 11
4.1.4 Children ................................................................................................................................. 13
4.2 Publications on prevention programs ...................................................................................... 16
4.2.1 Prevention programs oriented towards children .................................................................. 16
4.2.2 Prevention programs oriented towards parents and the community .................................. 17
4.2.3 Prevention programs oriented towards potential perpetrators ........................................... 18
4.2.4 The future of prevention programs ...................................................................................... 20
V. Prevention projects, structures, institutions, participants and existing programs ..................... 22
5.1 Locally, in Switzerland 5.1.1 In French-speaking Switzerland .................................................. 22
5.1.2 In German speaking Switzerland........................................................................................... 23
5.1.3 In Italian-speaking Switzerland ............................................................................................. 24
5.2 Abroad ...................................................................................................................................... 24
5.2.1 In France ................................................................................................................................ 24
5.2.2 In Germany ............................................................................................................................ 24
5.2.3 In the United Kingdom (UK) and Ireland ............................................................................... 26
5.2.4 In other European countries ................................................................................................. 27
5.2.6 In the United States of America ............................................................................................ 28
5.2.6.1 Stop It Now in United States (US) ....................................................................................... 28
5.2.7 Summary of the main results of existing prevention projects, structures, institutions,
participants and programs ............................................................................................................. 29
VI. Data from the Swiss Federal Statistical Office (SFSO) on cases of sexual acts of children ...... 31
6.1 Methodology ............................................................................................................................ 31
6.2 Results ...................................................................................................................................... 32
6.2.1 Type of offences .................................................................................................................... 32
6.2.1.1 Offences with physical contact........................................................................................... 32
6.2.1.2 Offences without physical contact ..................................................................................... 32
6.2.2 Profile of the suspects ........................................................................................................... 33
6.2.2.3 Conclusion of the section ................................................................................................... 33
6.2.3 Profile of the victims ............................................................................................................. 34
6.2.3.3 Conclusions ........................................................................................................................ 34
6.2.4 The relationship between the victim and the suspect ......................................................... 34
6.2.4.3 Conclusions ........................................................................................................................ 36
6.2.5 Duration of violence .............................................................................................................. 36
6.2.2 Duration between the end of the abuse and the report of it to the police ......................... 36
6.2.7 Age difference between the victim and the suspect ............................................................ 37
6.2.7.3 Conclusions ........................................................................................................................ 37
6.3 Summary of findings on the SFSO data .................................................................................... 37
VII. Discussion................................................................................................................................ 39
VIII. Limits of this research ............................................................................................................. 41
IX. Conclusions ............................................................................................................................. 42
X. Perspectives for prevention ........................................................................................................ 43
10.1 The focus groups .............................................................................................................. 43
10.2 The media campaign ........................................................................................................ 44
10.3 The toll freee phone line ........................................................................................................ 44
XI. Bibliography ............................................................................................................................ 45
3
I. Introduction: Research aims
 The Association DIS NO has initiated the project Prevention Oriented
towards Potential Perpetrators of Child Sexual Abuse (POPA). Through extensive
national and international research the project’s objective is to identify what is being
done, planned to be done or could be done in the field of primary prevention oriented
to potential offenders of child sexual abuse in order to deter or prevent them from
acting out. The specificity of this project lies in the fact that it is directed to potential
perpetrators. As part of the POPA project, DIS NO commissioned the Institute of
Criminology and Criminal Law of the University of Lausanne in order to undertake
research with the following three objectives:
1. Conduct a comprehensive review of the national and international literature on
primary prevention towards potential offenders of child sexual abuse:
 In order to fullfill this goal, the researchers of the University of Lausanne
searched the databases available in paper and electronic formats (in particular
Criminal Justice Abstracts, PsychINFO and NCJRS Abstracts) as well as
libraries. Then they identified the relevant publications and programs, institutions,
participants and existing trainings all around the world. The applicable languages
for this research were French, English, German and Italian.
2. Enter the information collected in a computer database:
 After reading these publications, the researchers have introduced the
publications details and their main results in a database that was developed by
the Association DIS NO.
3. Write a report on the state of knowledge in the area studied, based on the
analysis of information entered into the database mentioned above:
 This report was prepared in French and follows the scientific methodology for a
thorough review of the scientific literature.
The review of the literature showed that only a small amount of research had been
conducted in the field of primary prevention towards potential perpetrators of child sexual.
This led to the proposal and decision at the Steering Committee of the POPA project
(December 7, 2010) accepted by the UNIL to broaden their original mandate. Thus
researchers at the UNIL contacted the Swiss Federal Statistical Office (SFSO) to request
the national police statistics (2009-2010) on cases of child sexual abuse perpetrated in in
Switzerland and, if obtaining these data, they analyse them. Please note that the
comments and analysis contained in this report are those of the authors.
4
II. Definitions
2.1 Sexual abuse

The definition of sexual abuse is difficult to establish and there is no concurrence towards
a unique definition among the various studies. Thus, the prevalence rate of such acts can
vary considerably from one study to another depending on the definition that is used. One
of the reasons for the absence of a definition is the type of abuse studied. Some studies
distinguish sexual abuse "with physical contact" from abuse "without physical contact"
(exhibitionism, pornography, unpleasantness of confrontation to a sexual act, etc...)
(Finkelhor, 1986). The choice of an overly broad definition of sexual abuse in a study may
result in a very high prevalence rates (Smallbone & Wortley, 2008). In the other hand,
choosing a too narrow definition may exclude victims who are part of the social problem of
child sexual abuse. Hence we now realise the choice of definition has a major impact on
the results of a study and should be considered carefully when interpreting the results.
One common aspect in the definitions of the various studies on child sexual abuse is that
the perpetrators were all sexually attracted in a "not usual" manner by children, even
though the various advanced theories do not agree on how to explain the reasons for this
attraction (Finkelhor, 1986), given the diverse possible motives for such acts.
Finkelhor (1994) highlights the methodological differences across studies is another aspect
to consider. For example, in the case of studies based on surveys, the way the surveys are
administered and the questions themselves can induce considerable differences between
studies.
As part of this report, the terms "sexual abuse on youths", "sexual abuse on / towards
children", "sexual acts on youths" will be used as synonyms. These terms are
interchangeable unless indicated otherwise. They concern people who have not reached
yet the age of majority, which is usually 18 years old.
2.2 Age of the protagonists

Another aspect to consider is the difference in the victims’s age limit. According to the
Convention on the Rights of the Child1, a child “is a human being below the age of
eighteen years unless majority is attained earlier under the legislation which is applicable”.
Victims of such abuse who are described in the theoretical and research literature in this
report are under the age of 18 for this reason. However, the sexual majority being 16 in
Switzerland, the statistical analysis of the Swiss context based on Swiss police data only
considers the victims until the age of 16.
It is also worth noting that the perpetrators are not necessarily adults, but youthsmay also
abuse other youths (see sections 4.1.3 and 4.1.4). Therefore, it was decided to consider
adolescents and children not only as potential victims, but also as potential offenders of
sexual abuse towards children. From one study to the next the age difference between
offender and victim for sexual abuse to be considered may vary.
1 First Article of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, found on the Office of the High Commissioner for Human
Rights' Website
5
In fact, it can be of a minimum of 3 years (in the legal framework of the Swiss Criminal
Code2) or of 5 years in numerous studies based on the criteria of the DSMMD3 (eg
Finkelhor 1984, Davis & Gidycz, 2000, Abel & Harlow, 2001).
The theoretical part of this report reviews the scientific literature that tackles often
adresses the issue of sexual abuse with "physical contact" with an age gap of at least five
years between offender and victim. In the statistical analysis of the Swiss context, both age
gap, three and five years, are considered.
2.3 Primary Prevention

The literature distinguishes three types of prevention: primary, secondary and tertiary
(Garrido, Stangeland & Redondo, 2001, Smallbone & al., 2008).
- Primary prevention intends to prevent the occurrence of sexual abuse among other
things. This approach proposes to identify the factors of risk and of protection associated
to the specific problem and pays special attention to what caused the problem to start.
Primary prevention targets the entire population. In our case, it is about preventing the
children to suffer sexual abuse on the one hand and preventing the potential perpetrators
to act out for the first time on the other hand.
- Secondary prevention aims to reduce the risk of sexual abuse in cases where risk factors
are known and identifiable. This type of prevention focuses on a specific group of
individuals who has been identified as being at risk as defined by the problematic. For
example, prevention programs directed to children are secondary prevention approaches
since they target individuals identified as "at risk" of becoming victims.
- Tertiary prevention aims to prevent the reoccurrence of sexual abuse by offenders
already known. In other words they are actions with the objectives of preventing
reoccurrence. This type of prevention targets known individuals. Strategies to reduce
reoccurrence include specific deterrence, neutralisation or rehabilitation and also
strategies to reduce victimisation for people who have already beenabuse.
Research oriented towards potential perpetrators is primary prevention. However, primary
prevention approaches can be both primary and secondary as they are linked.
Consequently, this report has been designed to address both primary and secondary
prevention.
2 By sexual act with a child the Article 187 of the Swss Penal Code The act means:
1. Any person who engages in a sexual act with a child under 16 years of age, or,
incites a child to commit such an activity, or
involves a child in a sexual act, shall be liable to a custodial sentence not exceeding five
years or to a monetary penalty.
2. The act is not an offence if the difference in age between the persons involved is not
more than three years.
3. If the offender has not reached the age of 20 at the time of the activity, and if there are
special circumstances, or if the child is the spouse or registered partner of the offender, the
responsible authority may dispense with prosecution, referral to the court or the imposition of a
penalty.
4. If the offender acts under the misconception that the child is 16 years of age or older, but
he would not have made this error had he exercised due care, the penalty shall be a custodial
sentence not exceeding three years or to a monetary penalty.
3 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders
6
III. Methodology
3.1 Systematic review of the literature

Initially, a systematic screening of the literature was conducted in the National Criminal
Justice Reference Service (NCJRS), Criminal Justice Abstracts and PsychInfo databases,
then in the main scientific journals relevant to the research: Deviance et Société, Journal
of Interpersonal Violence, Child Abuse & Neglect; Archives of Sexual Behavior, Sexual
Abuse: A Journal of Research and Treatment; Psychology, Crime & Law, International
Journal of Law and Psychiatry, Trauma, Violence & Abuse etc.. These journals were
available at the Unil's library in print or electronically. The main keywords used were:
potential offender of sexual abuse on youth/ primary prevention sexual abuse of minors
(children) / prevention sexual abuse on youths (children) / primary prevention of sexual
abuse / primary prevention of paedophilia (hebephilia ) in French and potential child sexual
abuse / primary prevention child sexual abuse / potential child molester / child sexual
abuse prevention / primary prevention paedophilia / child sexual offender in English. All the
articles meeting these inclusion criteria were then collected. The same screening was
performed on the search engines Google (www.google.com) and Google Scholar
(scholar.google.com). Items dealing with tertiary prevention, psycho-pathological profiles of
perpetrators or treatment of offenders of child sexual abuse were discarded so as to
remain close to the research topic, namely primary prevention oriented towards potential
offenders of child sexual abuse. This research identified the key information in the current
state of published research about this topic. No study of risk factors was carried out at this
stage as it appears to be more relevant at the intervention stage. However, it seems
appropriate to make a brief state of research on the different types of perpetrators of such
abuse to better understand the context of the present report.
7
IV. Literature Review
4.1 Perpetrators of child sexual abuse

Most studies on sexual abuse of children were conducted outside Switzerland. However,
there is one Swiss study conducted between 1994 and 1995, based on a survey
completed by 1193 schoolchildren aged from 13 to 17 years old in Geneva public schools
(Halperin, Bouvier, Jaffe, Mounoud, Pawlak, Laederach, Rey Wicky & Astié, 1996). The
survey counts 60 (10.9%) boys and 192 (33.8%) girls having suffered at least one sexual
abuse in their lives. Besides 12 (66.7%) abuse of boys and 87 (79.1%) abuse of girls were
perpetrated by a member or acquaintance of the victim's family. In 191 of the 212 cases of
abuse where the information was available, the abusers were men who acted alone. The
male victims were abused by women in greater proportion than female victims. 51% of
boys and 75.3% of girls reported the abuse. This study shows that the problem of child
sexual abuse exists in Switzerland and deserves special care, particularly in terms of
prevention. Another study was conducted in Switzerland between 2009 and 2010 (under
the name of Optimus4). Its objective was to establish the national prevalence and
incidence of child sexual abuse nationally. Researchers visited Swiss schools for
adolescents aged from 14 to 17 years old to complete a survey about potential sexual
victimisation. Unfortunately the results will not be available before 2012.
The POPA project dealing mainly with prevention oriented to child sexual abusers, the
literature review focuses essentially on the main groups of perpetrators identified in the
studies and on the different types of prevention that may apply to this problem.
4.1.1 Males
Males represent the majority of sexual abusers. According to Smallbone, Marshall and
Wortley (2008), official statistics and victimisation surveys show that men are responsible
for the vast majority of sexual assaults, including child sexual abuse. Similarly, according
to Finkelhor (1984) and Couture and Tessier (2007), 85 to 98% of cases of child sexual
abuse were committed by men. In the study of Abel and Harlow (2001), only 55 offenders
are women on a sample of 4007 perpetrators of child sexual abuse. These results prompt
researchers to use samples composed by men only as there are often not enough women
to make any comparisons. The study made by Abel and Harlow (2001) will be often quoted
in this literature review because of the size of the sample.
Smallbone et al. (2008) observed that the two periods of life when it is most likely to act
out are the teenage years (see Section 2.1.3) and the thirties for the adults.
These men often suffer from paedophilia. Paedophilia is often used wrongly as a generic
term for offenders of child sexual abuse and is actually diagnosed by a psychiatrist or
psychologist. Paedophilia is defined by the fact of being sexually attracted to prepubescent
children (under 13) over a period of at least 6 months. The offender must be at least 16
years old and have at least 5 years of age difference with his victim to be diagnosed as a
paedophile (Hall & Hall, 2007). A person sexually attracted to children over 13 years old,
that is to say to pubertal children, could then be diagnosed as hebephiles. However people
who have committed sexual abuse on a child may not be diagnosed as paedophiles or
hebephiles. This is why the generic terms of child sexual abuse or sexual abuse on
children are used here, unless the studies specifically target a paedophile or hebephile
population. According to Abel and Harlow (2001), people who "suffer" from paedophilia
abuse 88% of children victims of sexual abuse. In the same study, people diagnosed as
4 Study's Website: http://www.optimusstudy.org, visited on 20.10.2011.
8
paedophiles have abused 11.7 children on average, while non-paedophiles have abused
2.9 children. Paedophilia constitutes one of the main risk factors in terms of sexual abuse
on youths.
Regarding the relationship between the victim and the perpetrator, they know each other in
about 70 to 85% of cases (Couture & Tessier, 2007; Hall & Hall, 2007; Smallbone &
Wortley, 2001). In the study of Abel and Harlow (2001), only 10% of victims did not know
their offender. In fact, people sexually attracted to children often place themselves in a
position where they can easily meet with them (within the family, social circle,
neighbourhood or professional activity). Thus a relationship (not necessarily sexual) exists
between the victim and the offender before acting out. In a study of Smallbone and Wortley
(2000), cited by Smallbone and al. (2008), 73% of child abusers reported knowing their
victim for over a month before the first sexual contact, 63% of these without any family ties
with their victim. These results cancel the hypothesis that sexual abusers are absolutely
strangers (Abel & Harlow, 2001).
Paraphilia (e.g. exhibitionism, voyeurism, bestiality, obscene calls, fetishism and
sadomasochism) is also an identified risk factor for men. In their research, Abel and
Rouleau (1990, cited by Marshall, Barbaree & Eccles, 1991) record over 70% of abusers
having one or more paraphilias. In Abel and Harlow's sample (2001) over 60% of the
people diagnosed as paedophiles present also paraphilias including, mainly, exhibitionism
or voyeurism.
The study made by Cohen, McGeoch, Watras Gans, Nikiforov, Galynker and Cullen (2002)
deals with the sexual history of paedophiles. This study was conducted in order to test the
theory that the abuser has been abused himself, namely the theory of intergenerational
transmission. The rate of abused perpetrators widely varies from one study to the next
(from 28.6% to 93% according to Cohen and al., 2002). However, there is consensus on
the rate of abused perpetrators at 20 to 30% of all perpetrators of child sexual abuse.
According to St-Yves and Pellerin (2002), the offenders of child abuse tend to fabricate or
exaggerate experiences of childhood abuse in order to minimise court's judgment and to
be considered as victims too. Other authors suggest conversely that the rate of
transmission of childhood sexual abuse among perpetrators of child sexual abuse could be
much higher than what appears in studies (Cohen & al., 2002). It would be wrong to
establish a causal relationship between having been abused during childhood and the fact
of becoming an offender although it does constitute a risk factor. In fact, "the presence of
physical abuse, neglect, criminal problems and alcohol and drug abuse of parents is also
frequently reported by sexual offenders, sometimes in the same and even greater
proportion than a history of sexual abuse "(Gilgun, 1991; Langevin, Wright & Handy, 1989;
Seghorn & al., 1987; Tingle, Barnard, Robbins, Newman & Hutchinson, 1986; Williams &
Finkelhor, 1995; Wright & al., 1998, quoted by Collin-Vézina & Cyr, 2003, p.492). Thus,
difficulties and traumas experienced in childhood could be factors accounting for sexual
violence, at least partially. Kaufman and Zigler (1987, quoted by Collin-Vézina & Cyr, 2003)
rightly point out so the need to identify the circumstances in which sexual abuse occurs
and not try to determine whether abused children will become abusers.
The results of the different studies and the risk factors identified above suggest that the act
of sexually abusing a child does not have its origin in the social, cultural or ethnic group
(Tabachnick & Klein, 2011). Thus, it cannot be said that social status or ethnicity are risk
factors although they are not protective factors either (Abel & Harlow, 2001). In addition, a
single risk factor can not justify the whole issue alone as there are multiple processes
involved in the child sexual abuse.
The various points mentioned in the scientific literature on male offenders of child sexual
abuse do not constitute a list of risk factors, but an overview of the different elements that
9
should not be neglected when dealing with this type of child sexual abuse.
Most studies were based on men who had already acted out and who have been identified
by the criminal justice system. Hence little is known about those who have not yet
committed an offence or have never been reported. These people are part of the whole
issue hence we should know more about them (Seto, 2009).
4.1.2. Females
The sexual abuse of children perpetrated by women are often overlooked or ignored. It is
hard for the society to believe that women are capable of committing such acts for the
society. According to Jennings (1994, quoted by Boroughs, 2004, p.482) "women are seen
as mothers, nurturers, those who provide care to others, not as people who hurt them or
abuse them."
This challenges the society's traditional stereotypes. Gender stereotypes feed the myth
that men are solely responsible for sexual abuse. Even when it has been shown that a
woman has had inappropriate sexual gestures towards a child, we tend to believe that it
does not constitute an abuse, but rather excessive or inappropriate expressions of
affection (Tardif, 2001, Christiansen & Thyer, 2002). The idealisation of women and of the
maternal function often explains the denial surrounding the notion of sexual abuse towards
children committed by women (Tardif, 2001).
Another factor contributing to this denial is that it is difficult to understand how physically
and anatomically a woman is able to sexually abuse a child (Boroughs, 2004). Thus it is
generally perceived that a woman is able to abuse a child only in association with a man.
From an empirical point of view and according to a study of 127 American victims (Elliott,
1994, quoted by Darves-Bornoz, 2001), the abuse could consist of a sexual relationship, a
penetration with an object or a finger, a forced mutual masturbation, oral sex or a mixture
of sexual and physical abuse.
Few studies exist on this topic. Even when female offenders are known the samples
remain too small to deepen accurately the subject with empirical studies. However, the
existing ones show that it is not only possible for a woman to commit child sexual abuse
but also that such abuse are more common than we think although the estimates do not
reflect the reality of the problem because of the difficulty to recognise and expose the
sexual incidents when a woman is the main perpetrator (Boroughs, 2004; Tardif, 2001).
Finkelhor and Russell (1984) were among the first authors to write about this topic. Their
work is based on an analysis of data collected by an American association for victims and
estimates that only 6% of girls and 14% of male victims of sexual abuse had been abused
by a woman (Darves-Bornoz, 2001). According to Elliott's study quoted above, the
perpetrator is the mother in half the cases for girls and in a third of cases for boys (Darvez-
Bornoz, 2001). Another study conducted by the National Centre on Child Abuse and
Neglect (NCCAN) in 1996 on about one million children finds that 12% of them were
sexually abused. 23% of them (approximately 36 000 children) were abused by women
(Boroughs, 2004).
Of the few studies available and their often too small and heterogeneous samples, it is
difficult to draw a profile of women who sexually abuse children. However there is
commonly an history of sexual abuse among these perpetrators (Darves-Bornoz, 2001;
Grayston & De Luca, 1999; Boroughs, 2004). A high incidence of sexual, physical or
psychological abuse exists in the personal life of these women. In 1993, Hunter (quoted by
Grayston & De Luca, 1999) found that all the women of the study had been sexually
abused as children and that 80% of them had suffered physical abuse in childhood or
adolescence.
10
Although initial estimates suggested that boys were more often sexually abused by women
than girls, there is increasing evidence suggesting that girls constitute the majority of the
victims for both male and female perpetrators (Grayston & De Luca, 1999). According to
Jennings (1996, quoted by Boroughs, 2004), there are about two-thirds of female victims
and a third of male victims when the offender is a woman. In the same way, abused
children by women tend to be younger than those abused by men, especially when the
woman has a central role for these children. Kercher and McShane (1984, quoted by
Grayston & De Luca, 1999) observed that the majority of female offenders were related to
their victim in one way or another; in half the cases, they were mothers or stepmothers.
Some empirical and clinical reports suggest that women generally abuse their own
daughters and sons or children close to their immediate and extended families or under
their care (Grayston & De Luca, 1999; Vandiver & Kercher, 2004; Kubik, Hecker &
RightHand, 2002).
Even though women are able to commit these crimes alone and do commit them, most of
them act in concert with an accomplice, typically male (Grayston & De Luca, 1999). A
research work of intra-family sexual abuse in Indiana reported that more than half the
female offenders were acting in union with a male accomplice (Solomon, 1992, quoted by
Grayston & De Luca, 1999). Another study, involving 111 women who perpetrated this type
of abuse in the Netherlands between 1994 and 2005, showed that nearly two thirds (63%)
of them had acted with a male co-offender (Wijkman, Bijleveld & Hendricks, 2010).
Denial or ignorance of this problem has serious consequences on the victims of such
abuse, as they would be less inclined to lodge a complaint. In some ways the society
excuses women who abuse children, especially mothers, which amplify the sense of
shame among victims. A child who has been sexually abused by a woman or by his/her
mother is often more traumatised than when the perpetrator is a man since women are
more easily trusted (Boroughs, 2004). According to a former victim abused by both
hermother and father, "when she [mother] abuses you, it brings a greater sense of despair
than when it's your father" (Elliott 1994, quoted by Boroughs, 2004). Victims are often not
recognised by the courts due to the lack of recognition of this problem. According to
Elliott's study (1994, quoted by Boroughs, 2004), 86% of the victims of the sample were
not believed when they first named a woman as their sexual abuser.
Therefore it is essential to change the misconceptions of the society by communicating on
the topic in order to help victims of such abuse to speak out and push the courts to
recognise these acts and the serious associated consequences. This change in the
society will benefit the victims as well as the perpetrators. It will be easier for these women
to seek help when the phenomenon of child sexual abuse committed by women is better
understood and no longer a taboo. Then, they can then no longer feel isolated or
misunderstood, and be supported and assisted in a preventive approach, which may
prevent acting out. Indeed, even if women act alone less often than men, their actions
should not be minimised or excused. Women offenders are involved and require as much
attention as men, both in terms of treatment and prevention.
4.1.3 Adolescents
It was not until the early 1980s that the severity of the sexual behaviour of adolescents
towards young children was recognised (Johnson, 1988). The acts committed by
adolescents have been minimised and often described as rather innocent sexual games,
experimenst or as due to normal aggressiveness from the adolescents (Johnson, 1988).
However, several studies have highlighted the fact that these abuse were not always a
simple experiment as most teenagers had already had a sexual experience before they
committed their first act. A study on 67 male adolescents aged 13 to 19 years indicated
that the deviant behaviour of the majority of them was not their first sexual contact (Becker,
11
Cunningham & Kaplan, 1986).
In addition to the serious related consequences, sexual abuse of children perpetrated by
adolescents require special attention for another reason. In fact, although studies have
shown that many adolescents who abuse children do not continue to do so as adults it is
important to note that for many adults abusing children, deviant sexual fantasies often
appear during adolescence (Abel & Rouleau, 1990, quoted by Oliver, 2007). According to
Benoit and Kennedy (1992), 83 rapists and 54 paedophiles, or half of the sample of adults
convicted of sex crimes, said they had committed their first sexual offence during teenage
years. Other research indicates that about half the sex offenders identified during
adulthood have committed their first acts before the age of 18 (Laforest & Paradis, 1990).
This emphasises the criticality of early identification and the need to find effective ways of
prevention and help for teenage offenders.
Sexual abuse of children is the crime most often reported in samples of adolescent sex
offenders (Zolondek, Abel, Northey & Jordan, 2001). Official data show in the United
States in the 1990s that teens were perpetrators in 40% of cases involving victims under 6
years old and in 39% of cases involving victims aged between 6 and 11 years (Snyder,
2000, quoted by Oliver, 2007). Meanwhile a British study on victimisation reveals that 35%
of perpetrators of child abuse in Liverpool, over a period of 12 months, were aged under
18 years (Glasgow, Horne, Calam & Cox, 1994 ).
Based on the analysis of Quebec social service records, Laforest and Paradise (1990)
have attempted to draw a profile of adolescents referred to these services because of
deviant sexual behaviour in 1986 and 1988. Among the 62 files, 97% of adolescents
abusers were males and were on average 15 years old. The age difference between
offender and victim ranged from 6 to 12 years and the victims were mostly girls. According
to Davis and Leitenberg (1987), victims of juvenile sexual offenders would be mostly girls
but in the case of abuse of children by adolescents, the proportion of girls would be slightly
lower (87% in the cases of sexual abuse by adolescents all victims together against 69%
in the case of sexual abuse by adolescents on children only).
Most victims are known by their offender whether they are linked through family,
neighbourhood or babysitting (Laforest & Paradis, 1990; Davis & Leitenberg, 1987;
Zolondek & al., 2001). In a study on young sex offenders, 40% of the perpetrators in the
sample were related by blood to the victim and only 6% were unknown (Ryan & al., 1996,
quoted by Zolondek & al., 2001). In a study of 47 boys under 13 years old who had abused
children, Johnson (1988) found that all the perpetrators knew their victims and in 47% of
cases the abuse occurred on siblings. According to Lafortune (2001), incest between
siblings, whether fraternal or sororal, has often been identified as the most common form
of intra-familial sexual abuse.
Because of the closeness between perpetrator and victim, it is not surprising to see that
sexual abuse takes place mostly at a known place, or even familiar, to one of the two
people. Wasserman and Kappel (1985, quoted by Davis & Leitenberg, 1987) state that
75% of abuse have taken place at home – 55% at the victim's place, 22% at the offender's
place and 15% in a common housing to the perpetrator and the victim.
Several studies have highlighted the fact that numerous adolescents who sexually abuse
children have themselves been victims of abuse, usually sexual. Laforest and Paradise
(1990) found that 50% of their sample of offenders have themselves been sexually
abused. In their 1992 study, Benoit and Kennedy indicate that 26% of teens offenders had
already been sexually victimised. Finally, Johnson (1988) shows that 49% of offenders had
been sexually abused and 19% physically.
According to Oliver (2007), the fact that many young people do not understand how
inappropriate sexual contact with children is and the damage it may cause partly explains
12
these abuse. Therefore it would be necessary to encourage them to talk to an adult and
ask for advice or assistance in the case of thoughts or urges of touching children.
However, adults do not always know how to approach this problem. From his own
experience as a former child molester, Oliver (2007, p. 684) says “As a 14-year-old, I had
no real understanding of the magnitude of my actions, nor was I aware that there was
anything wrong or illegal in my actions […] I told my high school sex education teacher
about my attraction to young boys […] She recommended to my mother that I get involved
in an organization which offers support for gay and lesbian teens”. Being able to address
these thoughts or fantasies with a competent and trustworthy individual could allow some
teens not to act out. A study on girls who had abused children showed that a majority of
them had confessed to having sexual fantasies with young children before their first
actions (Hunter, Lenard, Goodwin, Browne & Dennis, 1993, quoted by Oliver, 2007).
Again, these stats reveal the extent of the problem and the need to consider as really
serious the acts of adolescents who sexually abuse children. It is about changing the
minds and also directing prevention efforts towards these young offenders.
4.1.4 Children
Cases of children who abuse other children are found mainly in the context of intra-familial
sexual abuse (incest), between siblings (brothers-sisters) or among cousins. Several
studies suggest that the prevalence of incest between siblings is higher than what is
commonly thought (Cole, 1982; Smith & Israel, 1987, quoted by Cyr, Wright, McDuff &
Perron, 2002). Incest between siblings with the same parents was estimated to be five
times higher than the parent-child incest (Canavan, Meyer & Higgs, 1992; Finkelhor, 1980,
quoted by Adler & Schutz, 1995). Today, this is the least type of incest the least studied
although it is increasingly recognised as a serious problem (Adler & Schutz, 1995). As
noted by O'Brien (1991, quoted by Cyr & al., 2002), the little information about incest
between siblings can be attributed to the myth that these children simply experience their
sexuality and that their assaultive sexual interactions with younger siblings are “slight
variations in the natural process of sexual development” (O'Brien, 1991, quoted by Cyr &
al., 2002, p.958). In fact, even when the nature of victimisation is obvious, families,
professionals and the public tend to minimize the abusive as well as sexual aspects of this
behaviour by calling these incidents exploration (Ryan, 1999).
Like other types of sexual abusers of children, it is difficult or dangerous to attempt to
develop a profile of those children who sexually abuse other children. However, different
studies highlight some of the perpetrators’ characteristics and of their families where abuse
occurs. In a survey conducted by Ryan, Miyoshi, Metzner, Krugman and Fryer (1996,
quoted by Cyr & al., 2002), it appears that out of about 1616 cases of young sexual
abusers from 5 to 21 years old, 38.8% of victims were people belonging to the family of the
perpetrator. According to a study of 12 boys who abused their sisters living in the same
environment (Adler & Schutz, 1995), 83% of these abusers were the eldest of the family
and 17% were the second. In the early sexual abuse, the offender's age ranged between
11 and 14 years and the victims' ranged between 5 and 11 years, with an age difference
between the perpetrator and the victim varying from 2 to 7 years. In another study on 72
victims from 5 to 16 years old (Cyr & al., 2002) 54.2% of the brothers who abused their
sisters had less than 5 years of age difference with them.
Most studies agree that such abuse tends to last for a long period with an average of up to
nearly 8 years according to Rudd and Herberger (1999). In this research, girls abused by
their brother saw the aggressions stop when he, becoming older, had left home.
As for the type of abuse, according to Finkelhor (1980, quoted by Cyr & al., 2002), younger
children often engage in genital exhibitionism, while adolescents engage in sexual
intercourse. However, according to Cyr and al. (2002) however, penetration was more
13
common in the group of abuses perpetrated by a sibling (70.8%) than in the abuses by the
father (34.8%) or stepfather (27.3%). Adler and Schutz (1995) have found that the abuses
of their study primarily included fondling (100%), an exhibition of the genitals (67%), oral
sex on the victim (58%) or on the offender (83%) and sexual intercourse in 33% of cases.
In the same study, 75% of victims reported being verbally threatened to keep the abuse
secret. According to Rudd and Herzberger (1999), the threat of physical strength during
incest is higher for girls abused by their father (64% against 45% for girls abused by their
brother), but the actual use of strength is higher for girls abused by their brother (64%
against 53% for girls abused by their father). These results are consistent with those found
by Cyr and colleagues (2002) who also noted that the brothers who abuse their sister tend
to use more physical strength than fathers or stepfathers. According to Russell (1986,
quoted by Cyr & al., 2002), 44% of cases of sibling incest involve physical force compared
to 25% of all cases of intra-familial abuse.
Several factors appear when considering the characteristics of families in which these
abuses occur, and again these finding are to be considered with caution. In cases of girls
abused by their brother, there seems to be a larger number of children than in other cases
of incest (Cyr & al., 2002; & Rudd Herzberger, 1999). In their study, Cyr and colleagues
(2002) indicate that 62.5% of girls abused by a brother were living in families with more
than three children, a percentage which is twice to four times higher than the rate for girls
abused by a father or stepfather. The absence of a father in the family life, caused by
death, alcohol abuse or extreme emotional distance, also seems to play a key role in the
sexual abuse of girls by their brothers (Rudd & Herzberger, 1999). A girl who lost her father
at the age of 12 and who was abused by her brother who claimed that it was what his
father wanted, said "We were suffering the loss of our father […] I trusted him and believed
that dad wanted us to be close and sex was the way" (Rudd & Herzberger, 1999, p.919).
The distinction between agreed sexual exploration between children and sexual abuse of
children by other children can sometimes be difficult. However, it is essential to define it in
order to be able to intervene to prevent abuse to persist and spread. In fact, early
intervention could be instrumental in preventing young offenders from becoming adult
offenders and so preventing future abuse (Cantwell, 1988).
According to Adler and Schutz (1995) there are elements allowing the differentiation
between a serious abuse and an exploration or a normal sexual play among children. In
their study, the severity of abuse was shown by an average age difference of five years
between the victim and the perpetrator, a high incidence of oral sex and vaginal
penetration, a high average duration (22 months), a significant number of incidents (16
incidents or more in 58% of cases) and a high frequency of verbal threats used to maintain
secrecy. All these characteristics are to be analysed to identify an abuse. Indeed, the age
difference between victim and perpetrator, the type of sexual intervention, their duration
and frequency are all indicators to know if there is abuse and that can alert on the severity
of the latter.
Contact was found to be abusive when at least one of these factors were present and in
the absence of these four factors, the contact was considered as a normal sexual
exploration.
To help determine whether a particular activity is appropriate to the age of the protagonists
or if it seems abusive, De Jong (1989) suggests considering six elements. According to
her, an act can be seen as abusive in cases where:
- The protagonists are not peers in terms of age or cognitive level;
- The act is inconsistent with the level of development of the participants (exploratory
14
behaviour may involve prepubescent exhibitionism or fondling of genitals, whereas
penetration is very unusual and rare in young children)
- Motivations of the participants are not equal or present for all (young children are
motivated by curiosity and the pleasures of masturbation, but they rarely have an interest
in identity and gender roles, as it is the case for older children)
- The act is accompanied by pressure, threats, physical force, secrecy or other forms of
coercion
- The act is exploratory, but it is made or arranged for the pleasure of one older participant
- In addition to some guilt that may be present even in exploratory behaviour, the act
provides feelings of anger, fear or sadness (although some abused children appear to
have a neutral emotional response or even a positive one to the abuse)
It is important to distinguish abuse from exploratory behaviours in order to also prevent the
victims from abusing in their turn and to break a cycle of victimisation. Then, it is
necessary to determine whether sexual play between children is abusive, is an imitation of
a past experience and is potentially transferable to other children (Cantwell, 1988).
According to Johnson (1988), children who began abusing at a very young age were more
likely to have been sexually abused than older abusers (72% of 4-6 year olds, 42% of 7-10
years and 53% of 11-12 years old).
According to Friedrich, Urquiza and Bielke (1986, quoted by Higgs, Canavan & Meyer,
1992), there are three conditions that may be key variables in a victim becoming an
aggressor. These include frequent occurrences of sexual abuse, a close relationship
between the offender and the victim and more serious forms of sexual abuse, that is to say
sex. Hindman (1989, quoted by Higgs, Canavan & Meyer, 1992) maintains that violence,
frequency, dissent and penetration are the main risk factors to "create" a new sex offender,
even if there are other factors to consider.
Cantwell (1988) describes cases of children sexually abused by young children or
adolescents who have become young offenders in turn. For example, he quotes the case
of two girls, aged 6 and 8 who were abused by their uncle of 17 years old (10 years in the
early abuse). The 6 year old daughter was caught abusing his 4 year old cousin. The
second case is a 6 year old boy who was denounced by a neighbour for sexually abusing
his son. It was discovered that this young boy had been forced six months earlier to
perform oral sex on other boys near his age on the school bus. To finish, a third case
illustrates this "cycle of victimisation." There were eight boys living in the same
neighbourhood who were forced to perform sexual activities with two older teens.
Subsequently, these young victims were sexually abusing pre-teens who then turned to
younger boys. These cases demonstrate the importance of screening and early treatment.
They also stress the importance of the reaction of peers and competent services when
they respond to these allegations or findings. And again, the society does not bring any
help by considering all sex games between children as innocent, claiming that "all children
are curious" (Cantwell, 1988). It is not about reversing the trend and considering all these
sexual games as abuse that prepare potential future abusers, but it is about realising that
some of these behaviours can be abusive and should therefore be considered as such.
In addition, very young children are not part of the criminal justice system and therefore
can not perceive the threat of legal punishment (Johnson, 1988). Authors such as Adler
and Schutz (1995) and Johnson (1988) consider important to assist parents and the
people around these children to not only identify signs of abusive behaviour but also to
denounce and punish them properly. Denial and minimisation of such acts can cause the
abusive behaviour to perdure by preventing any effective intervention from happening
(Adler & Schutz, 1995). In his study, Cantwell (1988) recounted a case of abuse among
young cousins which, once discovered, had been "solved" by the parents who spanked
15
both the author and the victim. This form of punishment seems to have preserved the
silence among the victims, reinforcing of the idea of keeping secret because of the fear of
being spanked.
Besides, the parents' reaction, and often the mother's one, over their child's allegations
may show inappropriate on top of the "punishment" when cases are revealed by the
victims themselves. Indeed, if the abuser is a child his family may often refuse to believe
the victim's allegations (Cantwell, 1988). One explanation could be the parents' inability to
believe that a child may be able to do such an act. Russell (1986, quoted by Heriot, 1996)
found that the more serious the abuse is, the less supportive are parents to the victim.
Meanwhile, Sirles and Frank (1989, quoted by Heriot, 1996) noted that mothers found it
difficult to believe their children when the abuse involved sexual intercourse. Difficulty in
integrating the idea that their child, particularly their daughter, may have had penetrative
sex or oral sex prevents some mothers from offering any support to their child. The refusal
to believe a child capacity to abuse another child seems to be an important element in the
parental response.
It is therefore necessary to spread awareness on the difference of actual profiles for
perpetrators of sexual abuse of children from the ones shown in the media. This type of
aggressor – often depicted as a monster or an animal in various media – is in fact very
rare and most of the abuse are committed in a family dimension for the victim. This is
largely explained by the fact that children spend very little time with strangers so they are
not at risk of being victimised by them, instead they spend most of their time with people
close to the family circle, at the nursery or at school, that is to say with people who are
trusted by the parents. Thus, sexual abuse is not perpetrated by "the stranger who offers
us candy" as we hear it from our childhood. Moreover, these acts are not a male preserve
but they can be committed, and they are also committed by women, adolescents and
younger children, although the proportions are minimal. Indeed, pre-teens and even
children can sexually victimise younger children without it being exploration or to "play
doctor" (Johnson, 1988). The term "potential perpetrator" takes its full meaning from the
perspective of crime prevention, as everyone may be or may know a potential perpetrator
of sexual abuse of children.
4.2 Publications on prevention programs

in accordance with the mandate, the focus of this research is primary or even secondary
prevention, of child sexual abuse in accordance with the mandate, targeting what can be
done before the abuse takes place. The various proposals for prevention have been
divided into three areas commonly found in the literature, namely:
- Prevention programs oriented towards children
- Prevention programs oriented towards parents and the community
- Prevention programs oriented towards potential perpetrators
4.2.1 Prevention programs oriented towards children

Our literature review reveals that the majority of prevention programs on child abuse are
directed to children (mainly in schools). They mainly aim at teaching them to recognise
sexual abuse, to protect themselves from suffering sexual abuse, to know how to react
after such a situation, to inform them about the profile of a potential abuser, to dare to talk
to someone if a person shows a strange conduct, and to try as much as possible to
practice group activities (Finkelhor, 2009; Elliot & al., 1995; Couture & Tessier, 2007).
According to Tabachnick and Chasan-Taber (1999) and Finkelhor (2009), educational
programs are beneficial although the relationship between increased knowledge about
16
sexual abuse leading to a reduction of victimisation has never been proven. These
programs have also received criticism. Some of them would be inappropriate as children
are often too young to understand such an issue as sexual abuse. In addition, these
programs place the "responsibility" on children in some ways (Daro, 1994). Following this
logic, Sewing and Tessier (2007, p. 13) stated that "for efficiency and ethical reasons, it
does not seem logical to make children carry the responsibility of solving the problem of
abuse and sexual assault."
Moreover, according to Smallbone and al. (2008), it is clear that each situation and each
child is unique as abuse occur within complex relational contexts with the aggressor.
Therefore, educational programs directed towards children would then not be specific
enough because of the difficulty to consider the individual contexts and cases. Experts
agree to say that such programs should at least be adjusted according to the age of
children whom they are addressed to.
In a meta-analysis of 27 evaluations of prevention programs directed towards children,
Davis and Gidycz (2000) found that the degree of involvement and participation of the
children and the length of the programs have positively influenced increased knowledge on
this issue for the children. However the authors found that this increased level of
knowledge might not necessarily result in positive changes in the way the children would
respond if confronted to a case of sexual abuse.
Smallbone and al. (2008) suggest focusing on the profile of victims in order to target some
of their characteristics and then to better orientate the prevention efforts. Other types of
initiatives are possible like reducing the psychological vulnerability of children in general or
increasing the presence of “capable guardians” which improve the environment of the child
and could reduce the risk of victimisation of any type are other possible interventions.
It is important to ponder negative arguments because there are only few studies that show
a negative effect of such programs on children (Finkelhor, 1989). Conversely, these
programs introduce children to a reality they need to be aware of and they "[...] can be
justified by the need to complement or compensate for the difficulties some parents face in
discussing sexual abuse with their children. "(Couture & Tessier, 2007, p.19).
4.2.2 Prevention programs oriented towards parents and the community

These programs support parents towards their ability to talk more openly about sexual
abuse with their children and to raise awareness of the potential risks involved. They teach
parents what sexual abuse is and what they must watch for. For instance, they teach how
to discuss the issue with their children, to pay attention to people showing too much
affection towards their kids, to know that offenders may be people close to or part of the
family, to be alert to changes in their children’s behaviour, etc...
Programs addressed to parents appear to be more effective than those targeting children,
because for children the words of parents would have more weight than those of teachers
for children (Renk et al., 2002). Nevertheless parents tend to avoid talking about any
subject relating to sexuality with their kids. According to Renk and al. (2002), if parents
learnt to better bring the topic of sexuality in discussions within their family and then come
to talk openly about sexual abuse cases, children would surely be more comfortable to ask
questions or to talk if something happened to them.
Finkelhor (1989) studied 521 parents of children aged 6 to 14 years. Only 29% of these
parents had already discussed sexual abuse with their children. Just over half (53%) of
these discussions addressed the possibility of abuse by someone known by the child and
22% by a family member. These discussions often took place when the child was 9 years
old which is too late as we know abuse often occurs before this age. Parents often do not
see their child as a potential target as they think it only happens to others. Parents justify
17
the lack of discussion around sexuality with their children by saying they do not want to
frighten their children unnecessarily.
Other types of programs can be directed to the community in general. To name one
example, Darkness to Light (http://www.d2l.org) follows an approach adapted to the
general context of primary prevention with the objective of educating the population to the
problem of sexual abuse on children. Darkness to Light is a national non-profitable
organisation based in the U.S. which aims to educate communities about child abuse,
consequences and preventive measures that could reduce their prevalence. Their media
campaign is solely directed to adults with a view to raise awareness of this problem as
they “feel that adults are the ones equipped, both emotionally and intellectually, to really
work to stop child sexual abuse. The safety of our children is the responsibility of adults
and we have set up our organisation with this in mind"5. Rheingold, Campbell, Self-Brown,
Arellano, Rescnick and Kilpatrick (2007) tested the influence and effectiveness of the
media campaign and found that the participants had increased their knowledge on the
subject but rather on a short term basis as knowledge tends to fade with time. This study
has been conducted on a relatively short period of time and the authors suggest that the
longer the media campaign runs for, the longer the population is exposed to it and the
more consistent the effects would be.
In the light of our brief literature review, we note that prevention efforts towards parents
and the community present many positive elements and can also reach potential
perpetrators of child sexual abuse. In this context, we must keep in mind that few parents
dare to approach their family about sexuality in general and more specifically about sexual
abuse.
4.2.3 Prevention programs oriented towards potential perpetrators

This field of prevention programs is not yet developed compared to the other two types of
prevention mentioned above. Typically, programs are primarily designed for the potential
victims (directly or indirectly through their parents). Thus, it seems pertinent to complete
them with a message for adults who carry the responsibility for their own behaviour and
that would strengthen existing programs directed to children, parents or the community. It
is indeed an adult role to avoid the victimisation of children. Therefore, prevention oriented
towards adults, and especially adults at risk of committing sexual abuse, appears to be a
relevant effort of prevention.
It is worth noting that several proposals for programs or interventions of this kind have
been put forward. Their objective is to identify potential offenders of child molestation
before they act out.
According to Finkelhor (2009), one way to identify these potential offenders would be to
strengthen the laws concerning child sexual abuse in order to detect more offenders. He
considers that firmer laws would also result in the general prevention of sentence (Killias,
Aebi & Kuhn, 2012). Smallbone and al. (2008) state that the strengthening of laws relating
to sexual abuse mainly results in reinforcing the tendency to expose and turn more cases
in to the police. However, they do not believe that the increase of the severity of
punishment would support primary prevention. They believe that sex offenders who seek
an immediate benefit will still commit abuse regardless of the severity of the sentence, as
the immediate benefit will overweight unconcrete and future retaliation. Tabachnick and
5 Web page visited on the 05.08.2011

http://www.d2l.org/site/c.4dICIJOkGcISE/b.6238681/k.809B/Frequently_Asked_Questions.htm#iwanttotakestewardsI
%20want%20to%20take%20the%20Stewards%20of%20Children%20Training,%20or%20have%20someone%20traine
d,%20what%E2%80%99s%20the%20best%20way%20to%20do%20that?%3C/a%3E%3C/p%3E%0A%3Cp%3E%3Ca
%20href=)
18
Klein (2011) follow the same reasoning by arguing that the increase of severity is not a
good preventive tool. Moreover, it would reinforce the tendency to systematically portray
the perpetrators of child sexual abuse as monsters, making it more difficult for people to be
able to recognise signs of abuse among those that they do not consider as such.
Finkelhor (2009) also thinks that the strategy needs to enhance potential offenders’
awareness that something is wrong with them but they can be helped. In the same way,
Daro (1994) believes in informing the public that the more the people attracted to the
children wait before getting help, the more likely they will act out; and informing potential
abusers that sexual abuse will injure children and that children can not objectively consent
to sex with an adult. The study by Abel and Harlow (2001) supports this argument as it
shows that most offenders interviewed in their sample said they did not realise that an
adult has to protect children against all types of danger. 50% of the sample believed they
acted in mutual consent. However, Daro (1994) states that the implementation of such
programs is difficult because the public is not necessarily ready to receive this type of
campaign and is still struggling to integrate the fact that abusers can be among relatives.
Finally, the impact of campaigns will be different from accross countries and cultures.
Another type of preventive strategy can be developed with adolescents whose goals are
“to early detect young sex offenders; to support the unveiling of a sexual victimisation in
boys; to focus on children and adolescents with interests, attitudes or inappropriate sexual
behaviour; to pursue education on sexuality and sexualism of men in particular; to help the
youth develop the skills needed for healthy love relationships and to finish, to encourage
self-identification as potential aggressor." (Lagueux & Tourigny, 1999, cited by Couture &
Tessier, 2007). Smallbone and Wortley (2001) share this view and state that part of the
prevention with adolescents should focus on developmental activities as well as on early
interventions. According to these authors, this preventive approach could reduce sex
crimes since perpetrators of child abuse often show the wrong behaviours during their
childhood and adolescence and would then be more easily detectable.
Wortley and Smallbone (2010) offer an innovative prevention approach: situational
prevention. This topic has flourished in various fields of criminology from the 1980s
(Clarke, 1980). Among their proposals, controlling prompts is highlighted: removing
situational pulses will help keep the incentives to act out under control. They see an
opportunity in controlling the triggers of situations of abuse. They note that the results of
the programs Stop It Now! UK and the US (see Chapters 5.2.3 and 5.2.6.1) illustrate that
perpetrators and potential perpetrators have requested support. Thus, according to
Wortley and Smallbone (2010), people seeking help should be "educated" and helped to
identify "tempting" or "risky" situations, which would in turn allow them to "control the
incitement" to acting out.
In a study of Elliott and al. (1995), when offenders of child sexual abuse were asked what
could have helped them to prevent their own act, some responded that they would have
liked to be able to call a helpline for advice, especially on available therapies. This is also
clear in an article of Hossack and al. (2004) who note that, had they been aware of a
helpline many paedophiles would have been helped before acting out through an
approach bringing them to realise they were losing control. But rare are such helplines
available to people with an attraction to children. They offer help and information to people
who perceive themselves as being at risk. Hossack and al. (2004) evoke the testimony of
a perpetrator of sexual abuse who emphasises that the positive point of help lines is to
assist a specific population through trained professionals who know the problem, thereby
helping to reduce feelings of shame and fear among the callers. Moreover, these
professionals do not take a critical or judgmental look at the callers, thus stabilising or
reducing the anxiety they experience. Even though the efficacy of these helplines has not
yet been proven (see examples of help lines set up in Europe in Chapters 5.2.2 and 5.2.3),
19
evaluations have shown that many potential aggressors have called them and then proved
that they respond to a real need.
The lack of support from a big part of the population contributes partly to the lack of
programs (see Chapter V) oriented to potential perpetrators (Daro, 1994). Renk and al.
(2002) also report that it is difficult to target potential perpetrators since it is they who
decide where they act. It is therefore even more difficult to prevent their act. And even if it
is not possible to develop an accurate profile of the perpetrators, some characteristics
could be defined and used to direct prevention efforts.
Various authors often acknowledge the lack of work done on prevention of child sexual
abuse (Finkelhor, 2009). Smallbone and al. (2008) also note that programs aimed at
children or the community focus on potential victims and encourage them to report abuses
instead of focusing on how to prevent the occurrence of abuse.
4.2.4 The future of prevention programs

As we have seen, the three main types of programs all seem to have positive aspects and
it seems important to continue to implement them. However, programs aimed at potential
perpetrators are the least developed although they are critical in reaching a
comprehensive level of preventive approach.
According to Daro (1994), there is still much to do in relation to the public and its
conception of child abuse, but also in relation to stereotypes of perpetrators of these
abuses. Henry (2005) indicates that the general ignorance on this topic is also a major
cause for the lack of prevention in the field. Having herself been sexually abused by her
father, Henry (2005) illustrates this with the fact that he did not realise the harm he was
doing. Nobody had ever asked him the right questions that could lead him to consider the
harm done to his daughter. Henry (2005) also states that a sexual abuser best knows the
feelings brought about by the abuse of a child. That is why she believes the people who
are most able to prevent these abuse are the perpetrators or potential perpetrators
themselves.
Parents also need to make their children more sensitive to the existing dangers and to
discuss sexuality with them. Smallbone and Wortley (2001) noted that parents should be
made aware of "techniques of approach" used by perpetrators of intra-familial child sexual
abuse, while avoiding to see a potential perpetrator of child sexual abuse in everyone.
Chasan-Taber and Tabachnick (1999) identified four factors that can slow the progress of
prevention in the field:
- The social unrest engendered by the issue of sexuality in general
- The absence of clearly defined risk factors
- The difficulty to develop a voluntary treatment for abusers
- The intensity of attention to the issue by the mass media.
Indeed, sexuality in general, but specifically "deviant" sexuality is not easily addressed
within the population, or even by politicians. The absence of clear risk factors applicable to
each situation also seems to bring some uncertainty around the issue because it is difficult
to target specifically one type of individual. Additionally, the identification of numerous risk
factors reinforces the idea that potential abusers may be part of anyone's entourage.
Therefore, we can easily understand why the problem may be scary.
In conclusion, we can see that the field of prevention oriented towards potential abusers is
still undeveloped, which furthers the interest of this research. According to Smallbone and
al. (2008), the everlasting problem is the lack of coordination between the various
prevention strategies. Currently, it appears that instead of focusing on possible prevention
20
efforts the concern is on "what to do" to perpetrators of child sexual abuse.
All the above findings coupled with the complexity of the issue, show that the right targets
for prevention efforts should be mainly abusers and not victims. Indeed it seems essential
to give potential authors a sense of responsibility and give them the assistance they need
to avoid acting out.
21
V. Prevention projects, structures, institutions, participants and existing
programs
5.1 Locally, in Switzerland
5.1.1 In French-speaking Switzerland
This research has found no existing prevention project for potential offenders in
Switzerland. The only website found, www.oserprevenir.ch, talks about preventing the
occurrence of child sexual abuse. It has little information and teaches the public that
sexual attraction to children is not the result of a choice and is of the up most importance
to provide support and to listen to people who suffer from this attraction. However, no
concrete information is provided.
This research was carried out using keywords on search engines so as to ensure not to
miss any structure currently existing in western Switzerland in terms of support to potential
offenders. The following key words "sexual attraction to children what to do," "sexual
attraction towards children help", "Paedophilia what to do", "paedophile help", have
returned no website or structure providing help. The websites dealing with our topic are
mainly forums where people with a sexual attraction towards children exchange their
experience to find solutions together to avoid acting out.
Given the lack of support offered on the Internet, we have compiled a list of associations
and organisations for psychological help or that could respond to a person concerned
about his attraction to children. We have contacted them by telephone with the exception
of one association that did not have a phone line, and has then been contacted by email.
These organisations requested for their names not to be disclosed in this report in order to
preserve their anonymity as to the findings outlined below. Eleven different associations
and emergency numbers active in the field of child sexual abuse were contacted. Almost
all calls began with a brief presentation and explanation of the purpose of this research.
The main objective was to understand to which extent a person sexually attracted to
children and afraid of a possible act could obtain immediate help and if possible, what
support was available. The results of these interviews are described below.
One conclusion reached is that the topic is still delicate and receives little attention, even
among professionals. In an interview, the speaker seemed to be on the defensive
throughout the conversation. This person has repeatedly stated that it was a very tricky
subject and it was extremely difficult to answer the questions asked at the moment. She
seemed to have been taken by surprise.
The common response obtained from all the calls was to direct the potential offender to a
psychotherapist. Some of the interviewees have also thought of directing them towards
other associations already part of the list obtained in this research. One of the person
mentioned the existence of discussion groups for people concerned by their behaviour, but
they are intended for victims concerned to become offenders.
A different approach was used for one of the call: It consisted of a call to a dedicated
helpline for emergency assistance during which, instead of speaking about this research
we spoke about the suspicious behaviour of a friend (fictional), aged about thirty years and
who seemed to have a sexual attraction for children. The scenario involved a man who
said to be sexually attracted to prepubescent girls, describing some young famous girls
(from the movie, music industries, etc.) as "attractive." We then clarified that it was almost
certain that this person had never acted out, but there were fears for the entourage which
included prepubescent girls. The caller response was adapted, asking detailed questions
in order to validate the doubts exposed. He then confirmed the need for help and advised
to talk to this person and to refer him to family planning, the Protestant community centre
or a psychotherapist, preferring the latter option.
22
In addition, we contacted in writing a website dedicated to all sorts of teens’ problems ,
stating the purpose of this research. Below, the reader can read the two posts of response
that it generated:
Hello,
You are carrying out a research on potential offenders of child sexual abuse as part of your studies at
the Criminal Sciences School of Lausanne and we thank you for contacting xxxx but this website applies
only to adolescents and therefore we can not help you on this particular issue. We hope you will find the
information you are looking for elsewhere, we wish you a good job.
Good luck6.
We then sent a second message asking how they would answer if a teenager concerned
about his behaviour turned to them on this issue.
Hello,
As you mention, xxxx has not ever received these kinds of questions to my knowledge. If such a question
should arise, we will be sending the adolescent off to a resource person in his environment: school
nurse, psychologist, educator, who will decide with him who to address according to where he lives.
Best regards7
For some of the professionals contacted, the purpose of this research seemed totally
relevant. Moreover, most of them agree that the problem lies mainly in the fact that
potential perpetrators do not know where to turn to with confidence and, therefore, they
would often fear to fall immediately in the judiciary nets. It is then about acting upstream
from these people whose profile is elusive and also breaking the stereotype that
paedophiles are all perverts.
5.1.2 In German speaking Switzerland

After applying the same systematic search approach described for the French speaking
region of Switzerland, it appears that no program directed towards potential perpetrators of
child sexual abuse exist in German speaking Switzerland. This finding was corroborated
by the psychiatric team of the "Forensisches Institute Ostschweiz" (Frauenfeld). Some
articles in the local press between 2007 and 2008 showed that the national platform for
crime prevention in Switzerland (Schweizerische Kriminalprävention) was working on a
project to create a help centre for potential perpetrators of child sexual abuse. However, no
centre has been created to date and there was no new article on the subject. We
consulted the "sexual violence" section and particularly the "sexual crimes and exploitation
against children" sections of the Swiss Crime Prevention website. A page explains what
Paedophilia is and who can be a paedophile. Various advices can be found though they
are mainly directed to the parents of potential victims. However the link "assistance to
6
Translated from French : « Bonjour, Vous faites une recherche sur les potentiels auteurs d’abus sexuels sur mineurs
dans le cadre de vos études à l’école des sciences criminelles de Lausanne et nous vous remercions de vous
adresser à xxx mais ce site concerne uniquement les adolescents et adolescentes et nous ne pouvons donc pas
vous aider pour cette question particulière. En espérant que vous trouverez ailleurs les renseignements que vous
cherchez, nous vous souhaitons un bon travail. Bonne continuation.
7
Translated from French : « Bonjour, Comme vous l’évoquez, xxx n’a pas eu ce genre de questions, à ma connaissance.
Si une telle question se présentait, nous dirigerions l’adolescent vers une personne ressource de son
environnement : infirmière scolaire, psychologue, éducateur, qui verra avec lui vers qui l’adresser concrètement,
selon son lieu de vie. Meilleures salutations.
23
offenders" can be found among the links present at the bottom of the page. This leads
mainly to psychiatric and psychological services. There are two other links to "Das Institute
Forensische Ostschweiz" and "Männerbüro". Both structures were then contacted. The
former is a service for adolescents considered dangerous to their community or to
themselves and the latter, a specialised office for aggressive men towards women.
To summarise these findings, a person whose mother tongue is German seeking help on
Helvetian websites can only find the program "Kein Täter werden" situated in Germany
and accessible from the "The Swiss Crime Prevention" website8.
Prevention in the field of child sexual abuse is therefore essentially directed to parents and
through education programs for children, but not to the perpetrators or potential
perpetrators of these abuses. Until now, no program comparable to the one launched in
Germany (see Section 5.2.2) exists in Switzerland as a whole.
5.1.3 In Italian-speaking Switzerland

For the Italian-speaking part of Switzerland, the same keywords as for French and German
speaking Switzerland were used and failed to bring up any structure, program, training,
institution or speaker setting up primary preventive approach oriented towards potential
perpetrators of child sexual abuse.
5.2 Abroad
5.2.1 In France
A helpline is available to perpetrators or potential perpetrators of child sexual abuse
seeking help on the French website “Blue Angel” (www.ange-bleu.com). This association
was created by a victim of sexual abuse and gathers revelations and testimonies of all
sorts (sexual abuse or Paedophilia). The staff works on emergency situations as well as on
long term issues. This is the only French organisation found. No detailed activity report has
been prepared to date "by lack of resource and time" according to an associate of The
Blue Angel.
5.2.2 In Germany
The project Kein Täter Werden (whose evaluation is called Dunkelfeld Project, PPD) was
launched with a media campaign (posters, telephone numbers and on the internet) in
Germany in 2005, precisely in Berlin. It is directed to abusers and potential abusers of
child sexual abuse which are unknown to the police (Dunkelfeld or Dark Field).
This program is the first to use a scientifically appropriate methodology designed to test
the effectiveness of preventive treatments for perpetrators or potential perpetrators of child
sexual abuse.
The characteristics and main results of the program have been submitted by Beier, Ahlers,
Goecker, Neutze, Mundt, Hupp and Schaefer (2009). Their report shows that the treatment
prescribed to the solicitors was based on a model of cognitive behavioural therapy.
Besides, as pointed out by the authors the media campaign (posters, TV, movies,
newspapers etc...) seemed to be the best way to get in contact with the target population.
One of the messages found on posters says: “You are not guilty because of your sexual
desire, but you are responsible for your sexual behaviour. There is help! Don’t become an
8 Article consulted on the ““La Prévention Suisse de la Criminalité” website on 03.05.2011

http://news.skppsc.ch/de/tag/taeterpraevention2/
24
offender!" or "Do you love children more than they want?”9
The main ideas conveyed by the media campaign and urging the targeted audience to
seek help are as follows (Beier et al., 2009):
- People working in the project have empathy for potential offenders, since
they have not decided to be sexually attracted to children
- There is no discrimination against each other's sexual preference
- Data collected during the project are confidential and anonymous
- This project does not intend to increase the feeling of shame or guilt
The media campaign was also addressed to the general public publishing the idea that
offering the opportunity to potential perpetrators of child sexual abuse to undergo therapy
was a way to work proactively for the protection of children and not a way to assist
abusers.
One of the first interesting aspects emerging from this program lies in the fact that calls
were made not only from Germany but also from neighbouring countries within a radius of
approximately 800km. This proves that people are looking for assistance that may not be
available in their own country. People from Austria, Switzerland and England also have
travelled to follow the program.
The helpline was available during the first 18 months of the program and all calls were
recorded and studied so as to define the profile of callers. 476 people in total have
reached out to the program and expressed interest in receiving treatment. 286 callers only
completed the full survey conducted by the research workers of which 241 came to Berlin
for a face to face interview and 204 of them completed the program. As of today, only face-
to-face interviews as opposed to telephone interview are still on hand. Currently, 15 to 20
of them are still occurring each month.
People had diverse motivations prompting them to participate in the program. Some were
afraid to ask for help and to be prosecuted before the appearance of this helpline while
others were encouraged by friends, spouses or acquaintances to take part. Others were
referred to the program by a therapist or their probation officer. Some have asked for help
because they were looking for a "cure" for Paedophilia.
The main findings with regards to the profile of callers who responded to questions are
based on a sample of 286 people. The average abuser or potential abusers is 39.2 years
old, well educated and with a higher socioeconomic status than the abusers detected by
the authorities. This could be explained by the fact that people who are able to seek help
and enrol in a program on a voluntary basis may be more likely to come from better
educated subgroups of the population and therefore more able to recognise the potential
benefits of treatment.
Participants say to have discovered their sexual preference on average around 22 years
old. The majority of them live alone (52.8%) and are single (64.3%). One third of them
have one or more children and 60.5% are employed. Before contacting the helpline, some
had already sought professional help (54.7%) or had discussed their problem with friends
(54.2%) and 50.9% of them were afraid to commit sexual abuse of a child.
Among the 241 people who attended the face-to-face interview, 57.7% expressed an
attraction to prepubescent children. Of these, 90 were diagnosed as exclusive paedophiles
(having a sexual attraction to children only), 49 as nonexclusive (having a sexual attraction
to children and adults) and 30 reported an attraction to pubertal children (hebephiles).
This study proved that primary prevention via a media campaign has successfully reached
potential perpetrators of child sexual abuse. Indeed, a significant number of paedophiles
9 Translated from the German « Lieben sie kinder mehr als ihnen lieb ist? »
25
and hebephiles who have never had to deal with the justice system are motivated to
undertake such an initiative and want to participate in a treatment designed to prevent
child abuse, but only if they can trust the caretakers of the program and that confidentiality
is guaranteed. Additionally, people have travelled from other countries and this highlights
the lack of structures in their home countries including Switzerland, as well as their strong
will to obtain help even far from home.
These results highlight the importance of a primary prevention approach within the
community for this type of problem. However, we have to remember that this study does
not reveal the dark number10 of child sexual abuse as the people who have not
volunteered for the program remain unidentified.
The success of this program led to the creation of two more centres for assistance and
therapy on a trial basis (as per the program of Berlin) in the city of Kiel11 in northern
Germany and in the city of Regensburg12, in the south. The creation of these centres
offsets the distance to travel for people seeking help.
The public was also informed of both programs via the media – including newspapers,
radio or the internet. The goal was not only to attract the attention of potential perpetrators
but also to communicate about the purpose of this approach: prevention of child sexual
abuse.
Both centres are quite recent – Kiel (2009) and Regensburg (in 2010), and it is too early to
get results or statistics on their activities. However, when considering Berlin's result we can
only assume that they will also present positive outcomes and highlight further the need for
people affected by this issue. In addition, there are plans to create two new centres, one in
the region of Saxony and one in Lower Saxe.13
5.2.3 In the United Kingdom (UK) and Ireland

The only existing structure in this field is Stop It Now!14 created in 2002 in both countries
thanks to the Lucy Faithful Foundation. Stop It Now! assists adults to play a role in
preventing child sexual abuse through information materials, educational programs, public
messages and access to a free and anonymous helpline. The staff is made of people who
worked with sexual abusers, their families and / or their victims; probation officers;
psychotherapists ; people who worked in prisons.
This helpline is directed towards people concerned with their own behaviour or others',
adults who were victims during their childhood or who suspect somebody else was, and
professionals working with children. In summary, any adult with a direct or indirect link to a
case of child sexual abuse may contact this helpline, whether from the abuser side or the
victim's. The innovative aspect of this approach is precisely the fact that it supports both
offenders and victims (which is rarely done).
According to their annual report, between 2002 and 2009 the helpline received calls and
emails from about 8,000 people, which produced over 16,000 contacts in total as callers
seek the helpline on average twice. Between 2005 and 2009, calls have increased
significantly from 400 to 900 calls per year. The callers are divided into six categories:
- Adult abusers and those at risk of abusingFamily and friends concerned
about an adult displaying worrying sexual thoughts or behaviour towards a
10 The dark number represents the cases unknown from the police and which are not part of the statistics
11 Website http://www.uni-kiel.de/sexmed/index.html visited on 02.08.2011
12 Website http://www.kein-taeter-werden-bayern.de/index.htm, visited on 02.08.2011
13 Article read on the website for the north of Germany the 18.07.2011:
http://www.ndr.de/regional/niedersachsen/harz/praevention109.html
14 Website visited various times: http://www.stopitnow.org.uk/
26
child
- Parents and carers concerned about a child or young person with worrying
sexual behaviour
- Adults concerned about a child or young person who may have been abused
- Professionals calling for case advice
Adults survivors of child sexual abuseOnly children are not covered by this helpline, as
other structures are already in place to help them.
This research is mainly concerned with the results for the first category – adults concerned
about their own behaviour. This group includes adults who were abused as children and /
or who may act out. Some of these persons have already acted out or are considered as a
risk on the internet. They are further categorised into two subgroups: the "offline" (those
whose behaviour is unrelated to the Internet) (people concerned about their behaviour on
the Internet) and the "online"(people concerned about their behaviour on the Internet) .
50% of all the calls (which constitutes 35% of the callers) are carried out by perpetrators or
potential perpetrators. 98% are men and 2% women.
- "Offline" perpetrators and potential pertpetrators: since June 2005, 804 callers (41%)
were perpetrators or potential perpetrators concerned about their own behaviour, unrelated
to the internet. These people represent 16% of all calls received. 54% have already
abused a child or children and 46% never acted out yet. The majority of the perpetrators
knew their victim (family, acquaintances and neighbours) and 57% of them were never
confronted to the authorities in relation to their actions; 85% of potential abusers present
the same characteristics: they are 45% to be concerned about thoughts involving children
in their family or social network and 43% to be concerned about thoughts involving
children in general.
- “Online” offenders and potential offenders: 59% of callers in this group were concerned
about their own behaviour on the Internet and they represent 34% of all calls. This
includes adults who have viewed, downloaded or distributed indecent images of children;
adults who have established an inappropriate contact with a child through the Internet for
sexual contact or not; and those who consider their behaviour on the Internet to be
potentially dangerous. In 2009, 1,259 calls were made by this group of people compared
to 267 in 2005. 15% of individuals called without ever having been involved with the police
and 85% called after their arrest to ask for help or advice to manage their situation and
prevent further acts.
It is worth noting that the increase in calls since 2005 was accompanied by an increase in
requests for face-to-face interviews. In order to respond to the increase of people
concerned about their behaviour on the Internet, Stop It Now! has also developed
educational programs for these people and their families. A website was also created to
give specific information to parents (http://www.parentsprotect.co.uk/). In addition, Stop It
Now! began a preventive approach within the ethnic minorities in order to adapt its actions
to the specificities of each culture.
The School of Criminal Sciences in Lausanne who drafted this report is in contact with
Donald Findlater, director of Stop It Now!, who is ready to collaborate and share his
knowledge and experience for the development of such prevention program in
Switzerland. The report of the visit to the office of the helpline Stop It Now! in Epsom
conducted in March 2011 is in Appendice 1.
5.2.4 In other European countries

The above countries all have a program or structure in place on primary prevention
27
oriented to potential perpetrators.
The mandate of this research work includes Italian, French, English and German
languages – a summary of the findings in the corresponding European countries follows: in
Austria we found no prevention oriented towards perpetrators or potential perpetrators to
have been developed so far. Again, prevention efforts are directed towards parents and
children.
In Italy, some forums where people can share their concerns about being sexually
attracted by childrenexist. However no professional help is available for these people not
to act out. There is in fact a website (http://www.prevenzionepedofilia.it) which addresses
the issue of child sexual abuse in details as well as the different possible ways for
prevention and where a helpline can be found but no direct indication is given to assist
potential perpetrators. We contacted them in writing twice to find out whether any help was
available to potential offenders in Italy but got no answer. Another Italian website deals
with sexual attraction towards children (http://www.cpsico.com/). There is a brief
description under the “paedophilia” section (pedofilia) and a link “where to turn for
psychological help” (Dove rivolgersi in caso di problemi psicologici) at the bottom of the
page. The latter leads to a psychological centre in Florence. Consultations are available by
phone, email or visit for a fee. Again our attempt to talk to them was unsuccessful.
For Belgium, research in French was not conclusive with regards to information about
prevention oriented potential perpetrators. Besides, research targeting Belgium
specifically have also failed to bring out any website related to this specific issue but rather
to prevention of abuse in general and assistance to victims.
5.2.6 In the United States of America

Although different from the Swiss context, research at European level has been preferred
to that of the United States. However, it seems appropriate to examine a program
developed overseas, at the origins of the creation of Stop It Now! UK and Ireland.
5.2.6.1 Stop It Now in United States (US)

Stop It Now! U.S. is in place since 1995. It is the only primary prevention program to be
evaluated in the United States. The fonder is a former victim (Fran Henry) of sexual abuse
by her father. Based on the effectiveness of media campaigns for AIDS prevention,
alcohol, or drugs, Stop It Now! U.S. was first created in Vermont. The organisation's
objectives were to increase the knowledge adults have as well as their attention on child
sexual abuse and impact their behaviour; encourage perpetrators and potential
perpetrators to seek help before they act out; provide assistance to parents with concerns
about their children's sexual behaviour. Four different intervention strategies were chosen
accordingly: a broad media campaign targeting all residents of Vermont, a "one-to-one"
communication strategy broadcasting information to staff from different organisations
working directly with people at risk; the opening of a helpline for adults and finally a
strategy to educate "leaders" and decision makers.
An evaluation of the efficiency of the media campaign was conducted by Chasan-Taber
and Tabachnick (1999). This study selected a sample of 200 people in Vermont before the
media campaign began (1995) in order to observe any evolution of the knowledge of the
problem within the population after 2 years of existence (1997). They conducted focus
groups (discussion groups) with professionals, sexual abusers or their families. The results
of this study show that knowledge of the problem has improved: 55.5% of respondents
could not give an exact definition of child abuse in 1995 against 35.5% in 1997. In 1995,
respondents were 67% to think that a sexual abuser could well be from their community,
while in 1997 they were 77.5%. However the share of people who could not identify signs
28
of a potential perpetrator has not decreased (55% in 1995 and 56% in 1997). The number
of phone calls to the helpline increased from 100 in the first year to 141 in the second year
to reach 241 calls in September 1997.
In focus groups, child sexual abusers have acknowledged that the assistance to people
with a sexual attraction to children is the most judicious approach to prevent or change
abusive behaviour, or at least the best tool to make them aware of a way out from
becoming a child sexual abuser. The focus groups composed of families and friends of
abusers believe that having a place for potential perpetrators to go to without fear of being
judged and to be encouraged to initiate positive actions to avoid acting out is beneficial.
The purpose of this evaluation was to test whether information vehicled from different
media could increase the knowledge about a given problem within a population. Chasan-
Taber and Tabachnick (1999) recognise two limitations to their study: it did not cover a long
enough period of time and the Vermont population should have been compared to another
population unfamiliar with the media campaign in question.
5.2.7 Summary of the main results of existing prevention projects, structures,

institutions, participants and programs
Our research on the availability of structures, programs, institutions, participants and
projects of primary prevention of child sexual abuseoriented toward potential perpetrators ,
resulted in finding that very little efforts are done in the European countries where English,
French, German and Italian are spoken as well as in the United States. The only
institutions, structures and programs found are Stop it Now! (In the UK, Ireland and the
US) and Kein Täter Werden in Germany. Our results are confirmed in an article by
Tabachnick and Klein (2011) which highlights the lack of primary prevention models
oriented towards potential perpetrators and the existence of the Dunkelfeld Project and
Stop It Now! UK. Moreover, the huge response to these campaigns shows very clearly that
people sexually attracted by children are very keen on a possible support and other "non-
punitive" approaches (Beier et al., 2009). This finding emphasises further the importance
of implementing such an approach in Switzerland.
Following discussions with the project steering committee POPA, it was decided at this
stage to approach the Swiss Federal Statistical Office (SFSO) to obtain data on child
sexual abuse cases recorded by the police in Switzerland.
Therefore this research work includes an analysis of the data provided by the SFSO on
police statistics for child sexual abuse in Switzerland in order to define the profiles of
offences, offenders and victims in a Helvetic context. We should keep in mind that the
profile of perpetrators known to the police only matches partly the profile of all perpetrators
since many such acts fail to reach police awareness. Additionally, the data available are
limited and therefore do not contain some of the variables needed to bring up a fuller and
more detailed description. However, this approach is relevant at this stage as it provides a
good picture of the Swiss context on abuses and supports the research already presented
above.
In addition, a variety of primary prevention projects could be designed and developed and
they will need to be adapted to their respective target group. Thus, establishing the profile
perpetrators in Switzerland seems to be an interesting approach to identify potential
perpetrators. In fact, specific characteristics of perpetrators in the Swiss context could
emerge and thus allow targeting prevention projects towards a better defined population.
Again, we need to keep in mind that the profile of perpetrators known to the police is not
necessarily similar to the potential perpetrators. As Finkelhor and Lewis (1988) highlighted,
cases of abuse known to the police, hospitals or prisons do not represent a true picture of
the situation. Again, this profile can provide an estimate of the current Swiss context
29
regarding child abuse and help to identify if child sexual abuse in Switzerland is a real
public health problem and deserves to be treated before its occurrence. It would then be
interesting to compare these results with those to be published in 2012 by the national
survey of teenagers (Optimus Study).
30
VI. Data from the Swiss Federal Statistical Office (SFSO) on cases of sexual acts
of children
6.1 Methodology
The data provided by the SFSO in an Excel file refers to cases reported to the police for
the years 2009-2010 where the victim has filed a complaint. Individuals listed under the
term "accused" are those suspected of having committed the offence charged. This does
not exclude cases that were dismissed.
These are the available variables found in the data:
- Type of offence
- Size of the town of residence of the suspect
- Nationality of the suspect (Swiss / foreign)
- The relationship between the suspect and the victim (family, other relationships -
acquaintance, friend, neighbour, teacher - suspect unknown and unrelated to the injured
party)
- The gender of the accused and the victim
- Year when violence began
- Year when violence ended
- Year in which the police was made aware of the case
- Age of the suspect and the victim at the beginning of the violence (in years)
- Age of the suspect and the victim at the end of violence (in years)
After collecting the variables in a way to facilitate their analysis, the Excel database was
imported into SPSS, a software that allows for more complete statistical analysis.
As we have seen previously, some studies distinguish between sexual abuse "with
physical contact" and "without physical contact" (exhibitionism, pornography,
unpleasantness of confrontation to a sexual act, etc..) (Finkelhor, 1986). This distinction
was also used here as a filter to sort the results and will then reveal whether the profiles of
suspects from both categories present differences, in turn supporting a better definition of
preventive measures needed.
Therefore, the types of offences available in the database were recoded as follows:
- Offences involving physical contact:Sexual acts with children
- Rape
- Sexual acts with persons lacking mental capacity or incapable of resistance
- Indecent assault
Offences involving no physical contact:
– Exploitation of a person in a position of need or dependency
– Pornography
– Encouraging prostitution
– Indecent conduct
– Sexual harassment
A frequency analysis has been carried out to establish the profiles of authors, victims and
offences. The variable "residence of the accused" was left out as it was not detailed
31
enough (this field contained only the type of district recoded directly by SFSO15) to obtain
relevant results. Then, cross tabulations were performed in order to analyse the
relationship between some of the variables.
There are 3204 offences with physical contact (N = 3204) and 1015 cases for offences
without physical contact (N = 1015). Note that depending on the variable considered, the
base sample (N) may vary due to the number of missing data.
When it was necessary to compare two populations, e.g. comparing the perpetrators who
have committed abuse with "physical contact" and "without physical contact," we applied
proportion tests for independent samples to understand whether differences between the
two populations were significant or not. The results summarised below are limited to the
statistically significant ones and the full results are presented in tables in appendix.
6.2 Results
6.2.1 Type of offences
6.2.1.1 Offences with physical contact

In this category, sexual acts on children are the most often committed (79.5%), followed by
sexual coercion (13.5%), rape (4.4%) and sexual acts on persons not capable of
discernment (2.6%) (Appendix 2: chart 1).
Tables 1 and 2 (Appendix 2) refer to the comparison between the categories of offences
"with or without physical contact," according to the age difference between the
protagonists. Suspects with an age difference of less than or equal to 5 years with the
victim commit more acts of sexual constraint (33.7% against 7.3% when the age difference
is more than 5 years). Similarly, they often commit acts on persons incapable of
discernment (4.4% against 2.5% when the age difference is more than 5 years) and also
more rapes (respectively 8.3% and 3.3% when the difference of age is greater than 5
years). Conversely, sexual acts on children are more perpetrated by people over 5 years
older than their victims (86.8% against 53.6% when the age difference is less than or
equal to 5 years).
6.2.1.2 Offences without physical contact

In this category, it is the unpleasantness of confrontation to a sexual act 16 that is most
often committed (35.8%), followed closely by offences referring to child pornography
(34.2%) (Appendix 2: chart 4). Exhibitionism is much less frequent (29.4%) as encouraging
prostitution of children (0.5%) and abuse of distress (0.1%).
As for the comparison between the type of offence and the age difference between the
protagonists, suspects with a difference of 5 or less years with their victims commit
significantly more acts of unpleasantness of confrontation to a sexual act than suspects
with an age difference greater than 5 years with the victime (60.3% against 29.3%)
(Appendix 2: table 4). This trend is reversed when it comes to exhibitionism or acts with
15 Rural district, Isolated town, Urban city centre, Other town

16 Art 198 of the Swiss Penal Code:
Any person who causes offence by performing a sexual act in the presence of another who does not
expect it,
Any person who sexually harasses another physically or through the use of indecent language, shall
on complaint be liable to a fine.
32
child pornography: suspects with more than 5 years older than their victims commit
significantly more often this type of act than those with less than 5 years older than their
victims (22% against 4.8% for the exhibitionism and 47.3% against 34.5% for the acts of
pornography).
6.2.2 Profile of the suspects

Graph 7 (Appendix 2) shows the distribution of the suspects taking into account whether
they had committed one or more sexual offences17. 64% of them have committed an
offence and only 13% have committed two or more (23% of suspects being unknown).
Suspects of offences with physical contact are mostly men (71%) (Appendix 2: Graph 8),
the remainder being unknown (27%) and women (2%). Most of these suspects are
between 11 and 25 years old (49.1%), with an average of 28.9 (Appendix 2: Graph 10).
Concerning the nationality (Appendix 2: Chart 9), the suspects are mostly Swiss (46%),
27% of suspects being unknown and 27% foreigners18. It is important to relate these
figures to the Swiss and foreign population in Switzerland in 2009 and 2010 in order to
have a fair understanding and interpretation of these results. Then the results indicate that
for 100,000 foreigners living in Switzerland, 44 commit an abuse with physical contact and
for the same number of Swiss living in Switzerland, 21 commit such offences. This shows
that foreigners commit in fact twice as much of this type of offence than Swiss.
Nevertheless, more than a quarter of suspects being unknown require even more caution
in interpreting these results. If there was among this group (unknown suspects) a high
proportion of Swiss , thenthe differences mentioned above would be considerably lowered.

The suspects of offences without physical contact are also predominantly male (59%),
38% being unknown suspects and 3% women (Appendix 2: Chart 12). More than half of
this sample has committed a single offence (52%), 17% of suspects have committed two
or more and 31% of them are unknown (Appendix 2: Figure 11). 45.7% of the suspects are
between 11 and 25 years old and the average age is 29.3 (Appendix 2: Chart 14).
Suspects are Swiss in 39% of cases, 38% of suspects are unknown and 23% are
foreigners (Appendix 2: Chart 13). We find similar results when looking at the relative
terms: out of 100,000 foreigners living in Switzerland, 15.6 commit offences without
physical contact, against 7 Swiss. Again, the differences found between Swiss and
foreigners must be tempered because of the high number of missing data.
6.2.2.3 Conclusion of the section

The suspects were significantly more often males in cases with physical contact than in
case without physical contact (70.7% against 59.6%) (Appendix 2: Table 5). In crimes with
17 To clarify: the category "suspects of multiple offenses" may include people who have had multiple
victims or one victim but for multiple offenses. The category "unknown suspect" was added to the other two
categories. It covers cases where the offender is not known in the database, therefore no information is
provided (e.g. offender not yet determined by the ongoing investigation). It is appropriate to include the
number of cases where the suspect was not known by the police so as to provide additional information on
the number of total cases.
18 The distinction between Swiss and foreigners is defined by the individual's nationality
33
physical contact, there is a statistically significant higher percentage of Swiss and
foreigners and significantly more suspects whose nationality is unknown (38%) in cases of
offences without physical contact (27% for abuse with physical contact) (Appendix 2: Table
6). Furthermore, when this percentage is related to the proportion of Swiss and foreigners
in the resident population in Switzerland, this trend is reversed to indicate that there are
twice more foreigners who commit child sexual offences, either with or without contact.
This result is to be considered with caution given the share of undefined nationality.
The majority of suspects act out when they are under 20 years old (42.6%) (Appendix 2:
Chart 14). This could well be the result of the database containing cases of sexual abuse
among teenagers where the parents may have lodged the complaint even though the two
protagonists fully consented to the relationship. These cases are of a different nature and
should be considered from a different angle. Thus, they should be analysed in a different
way from abuses by suspects who have more than 3 or 5 years of age difference with their
victim. In the latter, it will be more frequently situations where the suspects commits sexual
abuse in the meaning of the law, that is to say, he commits a sexual act on a child who
cannot consent.
There are significantly more suspects belonging to the age groups 16-20 years old, 21-25
and 66-70 years old in cases of offences with physical contact (Appendix 2: Table 7).
Conversely, there are significantly more suspects within the 11-15 years old and 71-75
groups in cases of offences without physical contact.
6.2.3 Profile of the victims

Victims are mostly female (74%) (Appendix: Figure 16) and 9-14 years old (55.2%)
(Appendix 2: Chart 17). The average age of victims is 10.6 years. In general, they suffered
only one offence (91%) (Appendix 2: Chart 15).

Victims without physical contact are mostly female (73.6%) (Appendix 2: Chart 19) and are
9 to 14 years old in majority (68.9%) (Appendix 2: Chart 20), the average being 11.4 years
old. Again, they have mostly suffered one single offence (90.3%) (Appendix 2: Chart 18).
6.2.3.3 Conclusions
Tests of proportions show that victims of offences with physical contact are significantly
younger than victims of offences without physical contact. They have a greater proportion
in the categories 0-2 years old (2.6% against 1%), 3-5 (12.2% against 3.5%) and 6-8 (15%
against 10.2%) (Appendix 2: Table 10) unlike in offences without physical contact where
the 9-11 years old (24.5% against 18.6%) and 12-14 years old (44.4% against 36.6%)
categories are significantly more important.
6.2.4 The relationship between the victim and the suspect

In over half cases a relationship between the suspect and the victim exists before the first
act (57%) (Appendix 2: Chart 21). There are however 43% of cases where the victim has
34
no connection with the suspect or failed to disclose his identity. If we link the type
relationship to the offence we found that sexual acts on children, sexual constraint and
rape are most often carried out by offender from the category "other relationship”
(acquaintance, friend, neighbour, teacher etc.) followed by the category "unknown
offender" then "family" and finally "offender unrelated to the victim" (Appendix 2: Chart 22).
The acts committed on persons incapable of discernment show different results: they are
more often committed by persons whose relationship is categorised as "acquaintance,
friend, neighbour, teacher, etc...” (40%), followed by "family" (32.9%), "unrelated to the
victim "(15.3%) and finally “unknown suspects” representing 11.8% of cases.
Tables 12 and 13 (Appendix 2) show the relationship between the suspect and the victim
in the light of their age difference. The relationship is significantly more often
"acquaintance, friend, neighbour, teacher etc...” (70.4%) where there is an age difference
of less than 3 years (Appendix 2: Table 12). Thus, abusers closer to the age of the victim
do not seem act with someone they don’t know, and this could well be illustrated in peer
abuse cases. When the age difference between victim and suspect is more than three
years, the relationship is also more often "acquaintance, friend, neighbour, teacher
etc...”(41.3%), followed by the family (29.8%) and “without any relationship” (21.8%). The
above findings (when the age difference is less than, equal to or greater than 3 years) are
similar to a difference of age below or above 5 years. The proportion tests show that when
the suspect is part of the family or when he has no relationship to the victim he tends to be
older than him. Conversely, the abuser is significantly closer to the age of the victim when
he belongs to the category "acquaintance, friend, neighbour, teacher etc...” (70.4% against
41.3% when the age difference is more than 3 years).

For this category, the victim does not know the suspect in most cases unlike in the cases
with physical contact (63%) (Appendix 2: Chart 25). The suspect is part of the victim's
family in 10% of cases and in 27% they are in the category "acquaintance, friend,
neighbour, teacher, etc.. ".
When we take the type of offence in consideration, the relationship between the suspect
and the victim differs (Appendix 2: Chart 26). When it comes to acts of pornography,
38.9% of suspects are part of the category "acquaintance, friend, neighbour, teacher etc..
", 28.8% “unknown”, in 21.6% of cases they are “part of the family” and in 10.7% of cases
they have no connection. In cases of “unpleasantness of confrontation to a sexual act”, the
offender is “unknown” in 35.8% of instances, "acquaintance, friend, neighbour, teacher
etc...”In 32.8%, 27.3% of suspects are unrelated to the victim and 4.1% of them belong to
the family of the victim. There is no existing relationship between the victim and the
suspect in cases of exhibitionism (65.4% are “unknown” and 26.8% are not related to the
victims). 7% of suspect in cases of exhibitionism are "acquaintance, friend, neighbour,
teacher etc...” and 0.8% of them belong to the family of the victim. Finally, with regard to
acts of encouragement to prostitution, they are mostly perpetrated by people from the
family of the injured (50%), 33.3% of suspects being “unknown” and 16.7% being in
category "acquaintance, friend, neighbour, teacher etc.". It is important to note that there
are only six cases for the last category in the database, too little to draw conclusions.
In relation to the age difference, we found that all the results are significantly different
between the categories "age difference up to 3 years" and category "age difference
greater than 3 years " (Appendix 2: table 15). The significance level is the same when the
age difference between the protagonists is lower or equal to, or more than 5 years
(Appendix 2: Table 16). Then, suspects in the "acquaintance, friend, neighbour, teacher
etc." category are significantly more likely to have an age difference of less than or equal
to 3 years with the victim (75.4% against 27.9% when the age difference is more than 3
35
years). Conversely the suspects who are part of the victim's family more often commit acts
without physical contact when they have an age difference with the victim of over 3 years
(19% against 2.2% when the age difference is less than 3 years). The suspects unrelated
to the victim are significantly more likely to commit such acts when they have a greater
age difference with their victims (34.1% of suspects unrelated to the victim against 14.4%
when the difference age is less than or equal to 3 years).
6.2.4.3 Conclusions
Family links exist between suspect and victim significantly more often when it comes to
offences with physical contact (20.8% against 9.5% for offences without physical contact)
and also more often for the "other" category (35.7% against 27.2% for offences without
physical contact) (Appendix 2: table 14). In contrast, the protagonists have less often a
prior relationship to the abuse in offences without physical contact (43.3% against 63.3%
for offences with physical contact).
These differences may be partly explained by situational factors and partly by factors
relating to the denunciation of such acts to the police. In fact, closer physical proximity in a
same family causes abusers to come from this inner circle. However, those who report
such cases to the police have less difficulty doing so when an unknown person is
concerned. Indeed, the literature shows that victims often do not denounce the abusers for
fear that they find themselves in a difficult situation. Thus, it is unclear whether the
differences found in the analysis of these data reflect a real difference (which could be
explained by physical proximity already mentioned) or an illusion (caused by the tendency
to report easier for strangers).
6.2.5 Duration of violence

Violence generally lasted less than a year (74.2%) (Appendix 2: graph 29). 13.5% of cases
lasted for a year, 4.8% two years and 7.5% more than three years.

In offences without physical contact, violence tend to last less than one year (82.5%)
(Appendix 2: graph 30). The duration is one year in 11.8% of cases, two years for 3.6%
and three years or more for 2.1%.

When comparing both types of offences – with and without physical contact, the former
appear to last longer (Appendix 2: table 17).
6.2.2 Duration between the end of the abuse and the report of it to the police

These victims usually wait less than a year to denounce such acts to the police (63.2%)
(Appendix 2: graph 31). In 22.7% of cases, they wait for a year and in 3.8%, for two years.
Fewer victims wait longer than that (only 2.4% wait from 11 to 40 years to denounce the
abuse).
36
The findings are similar here (Appendix 2: graph 32). The victims tend to wait less than a
year in 70.8% before they denounce the offences. 23.1% wait for a year and 2.2% wait for
two years. Only 0.5% waits from 11 to 32 years to denounce the offence.

The following facts can be established: the victims of offences with physical contact
typically wait longer to report offences than those victims of acts without physical contact
(Appendix 2: Table 18). Indeed, 63.2% of the former category waited significantly less than
a year to report the offence while the latter are 70.8% for the same period of time.
6.2.7 Age difference between the victim and the suspect

The average age difference between the victim and the suspect is 18 years, the median19
being 15 years. However, an important number of the suspects have an age difference of
less than or equal to 6 years with the victims (34.3%) (Appendix 2: Chart 33). The category
including age differences from 7 to 12 years make up for 12.5% and that of 13 to 18 years
represents 7.4% of cases. There is a peak for the age gap of 19 to 30 years (21.9%).

As above, the average age difference gap between offender and victim here is less than or
equal to 6 years (33.2%) (Appendix 2: Chart 34). The average difference in age is 18.4
years with a median of 14 years. Then, for each of the categories 7 to 12 years apart, 13 to
18 years and 19 to 24 years, the proportion is about 9-10% (respectively 9.4%, 9.7% and
9.9%). Then, the proportion is higher for the age gap of 25 to 30 years and 31-36 years
(11.6% and 11.5%).
6.2.7.3 Conclusions
Even if the average age difference is around 18 years, in around one third of the cases
suspects have 6 years of age difference with the victim.
The age difference between abuser and victim for offences with physical contact is often
significantly less than 3 years compared with non-contact offences (25.2% against 18.9%)
(Appendix 2: Table 19). Conversly, there are more cases where the age difference
between the victim and the perpetrator is 4 to 6 years in cases of offences without physical
contact than with physical contact (15.4% against 8.8% ).
6.3 Summary of findings on the SFSO data

The analysis of the Swiss police statistics (2009-2010) reveals perpetrators child sexual
abuse would be men, aged 11 to 25 years old (the mean age being 28.9 years old for
offenders of abuse with physical contact and 29.3 years old in abuses without physical
contact), who committed a single offence in majority. These findings confirm the results of
several studies that show the same characteristics for perpetrators (Abel & Harlow, 2001;
Wortley & Smallbone, 2010 in particular).
It seems that perpetrator, with or without physical contact, are significantly more often
foreigners than Swiss, but the incompleteness of data concerning nationality does not
allow drawing definitive conclusions.
19 The median unlike the average excludes the extrem values
37
Abuse with physical contact is committed mostly under the form of sexual acts on children
(as defined in Art. 187 Swiss Penal Code). In cases of offences without physical contact
the majority of abuse is classified under unpleasantness of confrontation to a sexual act
(section 198 of the Swiss Penal Code).
The profile of the victim is that of a female person, aged between 9 and 14 years old (the
mean age being 10.6 years old in offences with physical contact and to 11.4 years old in
offences without physical contact) and who has suffered abuse from a single abuser,
whether the offences carry physical contact or not. This is consistent with studies that find
that the age of first victimisation often varies between 7 and 12 years old (eg Finkelhor,
1984, 1989 and Smallbone & Wortley, 2008)
The age difference between offender and victim is on average 18 years for offences with
physical contact with a median of 15 years, respectively 18.4 and 14 years in offences
without physical contact.
In general, there was an existing relationship between the offender and the victim prior to
the abuse in cases of offences with physical contact which was not the case in offences
without physical contact. Acts of internet pornography or indecent exposure could explain
this particular difference as these perpetrators do not commit abuse on children they know.
In general, when the relationship is more often one of "acquaintance, friend, neighbour"
the age difference between the protagonists is less than or equal to 3 years. Then, when
the accused is part of the category "family" or "unknown offender," the age difference with
the victim is mostly over 3 years. This suggests that abuses by "peer" are more often
committed by "friends, acquaintances or neighbours" of the injured, while abuses occurring
within the family circle or by strangers, perpetrators tend to be older.
Again in all cases of abuse, the violence does not normally exceed one year. In the same
way, it takes less than a year for the victim to report to the police. This suggests that the
victims who are known to the police are those who report acts they have suffered relatively
quickly. As said before, it is likely that these people represent only a part of victims of child
sexual abuse, leaving the assumption that the people waiting more than a year seldom
denounce such acts, if at all.
38
VII. Discussion
The research has shown that there are yet very few programs, institutions, participants and
structures working in Europe for prevention oriented towards potential perpetrators of child
sexual abuse. Indeed, the issue is still taboo and therefore not easily discussed as it is
highly sensitive and often related to the unspeakable.
Nevertheless in order to reduce cases of victimisation, a preventive action needs to be
implemented. With this view, adults, and in this case mainly those who are sexually
attracted to children will be able to take responsibility for their behaviour and in the same
way to protect children, the potential victims. As Tabachnick and Klein (2011) point out, the
right approach would lead adult perpetrators and potential perpetrators to be accountable
for their actions and would make room for them to react before it's too late. The same
authors state the importance for these new approaches to take into account the diversity of
possible profiles of abusers and on the other hand, to recognise the need for the
implementation of diverse tools and response media to cater for these differences
(including the differentiation between children, teenagers and adults). In addition, the
current message conveyed by the media, among others, claims the offenders can never
change. This sends negative signals to adults and especially children and adolescents with
sexual behaviour problems reinforcing the thought that no aid is available to them
(Tabachnick & Klein, 2011). Yet, in the lights of the above findings it is essential to put in
place initiatives, especially for young people, to avoid a first or another act of abuse. This
type of approach can be a valid complement to projects directed to children and parents so
as to tackle the whole issue by focusing on all parties.
To further highlight the need for such a preventive approach let us study Finkelhor's model
(1984). He considers four preconditions necessary to achieve a child sexual abuse, which
in turn reinforce the idea of the need for creating means of primary prevention oriented
towards potential perpetrators (Scheme in Appendix 1). These four preconditions are:
1) Motivation (internal factor) composed of three factors:
a) emotional congruence: a sexual intercourse with a child can
meetimportant emotional needs
b) sexual arousal: children are potential sources of sexual gratification
and an adult will be in a dominant position in relation to a child
c) blockage : other ways to satisfy sexual needs are absent,
unavailable or not satisfactory
Thus, this first precondition is met by various internal factors that may exist
in some people.
2) Overrun of the internal inhibitors (internal factor): the absence of inhibitors
or disinhibition is not a motivator but once motivation exists, internal
inhibitors tend to fade away more easily. If norms that act as inhibitors
exist, e.g. strong social taboos, they will reduce the probability of abuse to
be perpetrated. However some people are influenced by other factors that
offset these social norms such as alcohol, drugs or uncontrolled
impulsiveness.
3) Overrun of the external inhibitors (external factor): the most important
external inhibitor is the supervision of the child by the family, neighbours,
peers, etc. Supervision includes the ability for a child to get help when he
encounters any given problem. Never leaving a child alone with people
whose parents do not trust will also add to external inhibitors.
4) Overrun of the victim's resistance (external factor): Children, who are
39
insecure, lack affection or are little supervised by their parents for
example, are potential targets for abusers. A trusting relationship with the
offender will also reduce the child's ability to show resistance. However, in
cases where the abuser uses physical force, the behaviour of the child
would not make any difference.
Implementing a primary prevention scheme oriented towards potential perpetrators may at
best stop the process at the second precondition, that is to say at the overrun of internal
inhibitors. Indeed, if a person starts to have thoughts and motivation to acting out, knowing
that a medium (media campaign, access to a therapist, call line) can help these thoughts
not to convert into acts could be decisive. Internal inhibitors correspond to the conscience
of the individual forged on social norms perceived to be broken or not. In our society, the
protection of the physical or sexual integrity of children is included in the standards.
However, it seems important to remind people who are sexually attracted by children that
they can not feel free to abuse a child and that this act is punishable. This could prove
sufficient to avoid abuse to be committed in some cases.
In the process proposed by Finkelhor (1984), the second stage would therefore
correspond to the time the individual is strong of a certain motivation and his conscience is
not hindering his thoughts about the possibility of moving to the deed. For instance, if
people are able to become aware of or easily access a structure where they can be heard
and helped to find solutions to avoid acting out, then we can think that some of them will
use this opportunity. We have met Mr. Finkelhor at a conference20 where he has validated
this argument on the link between the second precondition and means of primary
prevention oriented towards potential child sexual abuser.
20 ASPI Conference (Fundation for help, support and protection of childhood of Italian speaking Switzerland)
19/10/2011 in Lugano
40
VIII. Limits of this research
This research has some limitations. First, the population targeted by this research is
difficult to identify. Indeed, while it seems easy to identify the perpetrators known to the
authorities, identification of potential child abusers is much more complicated. The only
way to reach out to the potential abusers is to target the entire population. In the same
way, it is difficult to draw a profile of these individuals and to identify risk factors related to
the acts they commit. Thus, if such a prevention project were to be implemented, it would
allow identification of the target population and specific characteristics thereof.
Second, it seems necessary to clarify that a prevention program directed to potential
perpetrators will never tell whether it is effective in reducing victimisation as it will never be
possible to know whether potential abusers seeking help would have acted out or not.
Indeed, an empirical study would involve having two samples of population, one with
access to a support structure for potential abusers and the other without, to then observe
and compare the evolution of child sexual abuse committed in both groups. We
understand the ethical reasons behind the impossibility to carry out such a study.
Finally, the processing of the police statistics (Section V) has its own limits as it contains
biases that must be taken into account. To start with, some of the cases may have been
dismissed and should not be included in this database. This could affect the results
however to a lesser extent. Ideally, the police statistics could have been compared to court
statistics to realise the number of cases which do not include a court order. Then, it should
be noted again that the police statistics represent only a part of offences related to child
sexual abuse. The validity of this indicator will always be questioned until we understand
which incentives (or barriers) prompt the victims to report offences they have suffered or
that happened in their knowledge (Killias, Aebi & Kuhn, 2012 ). The scientific literature
already found that the more the victims and perpetrator are related, the less likely it is for
the victim to denounce the abuse suffered. This leads to think the "dark figure" really exists
(Killias, Aebi & Kuhn, 2012) and must be of a certain importance. Thus, the results
presented in this report do not intend to show the real extent of the phenomenon of child
sexual abuse in Switzerland for the years 2009-2010, but to provide information only on a
portion thereof. The number of variables available in the database is also limited which
does not allow for thorough analysis. This restriction was necessary for data protection.
41
IX. Conclusions
The various scientific studies have initially enabled to break the stereotype of sexual
abusers being men unknown to their victims and that look like "monsters". Indeed, they
have shown the diversity of profiles including men, women, teenagers and even children,
from all walks of life and all ethnicities.
In a second step, the scientific literature and the results of research on the Internet
highlighted the little existence (or non-existence depending on the location) of structures,
programs, institutions, training or speakers in the field of prevention oriented to potential
perpetrators. This is not only true for Switzerland which does not have any such type of
approach available (except www.oserprevenir.ch which is only very little developed), but
also for Europe with few of these prevention measures. In fact, only Germany, the UK and
Ireland have opted for a preventive action targeting potential perpetrators in order to
prevent them from acting out. Stop It Now! experiences increasing development
throughout the UK and Ireland and its activity reports prove that a real demand exists. In
Germany, the project Kein Täter Werden has also demonstrated the need for people who
are aware of their sexual behaviour problems to be assisted and advised in order not to
commit abuses. This project has also helped open several centres in the country. In
France, l'Ange Bleu, which does not report on its activities unfortunately, is a structure that
continues to operate and to be solicited.
The fact that there is only limited development of primary prevention oriented towards
potential perpetrators is not really surprising given the sensitivity of the issue and the
social acceptance of assisting victims rather than offenders. It can also be difficult to
accept that child sexual abuse is probably more committed than many people would
believe. Therefore, the less the subject is exposed the less people will have to think about
it.
Finally, the data from the federal police statistics have shown that Switzerland is not
immune to child sexual abuse, which reinforces the need to find additional resources that
can help reduce the number of victimisations.
42
X. Perspectives for prevention
The authors of this report present here some recommendations on how to implement a
preventive approach based on corroborated research results (evidence-based research)
that could be evaluated scientifically. The following views are solely those of the authors of
the report since these recommendations go beyond the scope of the mandate. Thus, given
the literature research, the screening of existing prevention methods and the analysis of
the Swiss context, it seems that prevention oriented to potential child sexual abusers in
Switzerland is justified. Such actions could be based on what exists in Germany, the UK
and Ireland, in the form of a media campaign or helpline. In order to enhance their actual
implementation and justify the need for them and their cost, it is essential to continue the
research work on the pragmatic aspects of such prevention efforts. Indeed, as for similar
studies carried out in the UK and Ireland, it seems appropriate at this stage of research
and before any implementation of a pilot project of prevention, to gather the opinion of
those capable of clarifying the aspects not covered in the literature or statistics. Also for the
approach to be truly scientific and comprehensive, people who work closely with the
issues of child abuse and even the perpetrators of these must be involved in the form of
focus groups. After the different views are collected and together with the findings of this
report, a more concrete proposal for a prevention pilot project with potential abusers may
be proposed and its implementation will be objectively relevant.
10.1 The focus groups

The participants (their number is to be defined depending on the context of the research)
in these focus groups would be divided into different groups:
- Penitentiary field: probation officers, prison staff in charge of the assessment
of prisoners prison directors / assistant directors (to be defined more
precisely)
- Police field: inspectors from the vice and minor squads (to be defined more
precisely)
- Medical field: psychotherapists, psychiatrists, psychologists (to be defined
more precisely)
- Association field (to be defined depending on the context in which research
will be conducted)
- Political field (defined according to the context in which the research is
conducted)
- Perpetrators child sexual abuse incarcerated in Switzerland
These focus groups would take place once for about two hours. They are to be conducted
by one (or two) research leaders on the basis of predefined themes to be addressed (eg
primary prevention, child sexual abuse, helpline).
These discussions would be recorded and transcribed to analyze the content
subsequently. It will serve as a guide for initiatives of primary prevention applicable in
Switzerland in this field. Indeed, it is necessary to be able to mirror what was found from a
theoretical perspective with the needs and opinions of the field advanced by the people
working directly or indirectly with child sexual abusers. In addition, information from the
perpetrators themselves is valuable to highlight which prevention means they believe
would have prevent them from acting out.
43
10.2 The media campaign
The study of the Swiss context informs about the fact that Switzerland is not immune to the
problem of child sexual abuse. Moreover, the large and growing demand for assistance
from potential abusers and perpetrators in Europe is an indication on the fact that
Switzerland should also initiate preventive action oriented towards potential perpetrators of
these abuses. Initially a media campaign will raise awareness about this issue (posters,
adverts, websites, brochures, etc...). This could raise awareness of people of child sexual
abuse issue while addressing specifically abusers and potential abusers without being too
direct and therefore shocking to potential perpetrators or perpetrators.
Darkness to Light, or Stop It Now! UK and U.S. media campaigns can be a source of
inspiration. However, these have not yet been evaluated to determine their real impact on
the public.
10.3 The toll freee phone line

The option of implementing a helpline adapted to the Swiss needs via a media campaign
stands out as the most obvious way to reach the potential perpetrators of child sexual
abuse. This structure for listening and advice from professionals in the field would be
designed for people concerned about their own behavior or in connection with perpetrators
and potential perpetrators. It would therefore propose a concrete and oriented support
answering individual needs. The helpline information needs to be easily found as well.
Indeed, if a person is seeking help in Switzerland she should be able to find the structure
easily on the Internet for instance.
It is critical to have competent people who have developed awareness of the problem
through their professional experience like other specialized hotlines (eg alcohol, drugs,
domestic violence), who can handle questions from people who are sexually attracted to
children and refer them to the best possible treatment when needed. Another important
step is that full training is given by clinicians and practitioners, more able to talk about the
risk factors related to the profile of potential perpetrators.
44
XI. Bibliography
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W. D. (1987). Self-Reported Sexcrimes by Nonincarcerated Paraphiliacs. Journal of
Interpersonal Violence, 2(1), 3-25.
Abel, G.G. & Rouleau, J. (1990). The nature and extent of sexual assault. In Marshall W.L.,
Laws, D.R. & Barbaree, H.E. (Eds.). Handbook of sexual assault (pp.9-20). New York:
Plenum Press.
Abel, G. G. & Harlow, N. (2001). The Stop Child Molestation Book : What Ordinary people
can do in their everyday lives to save three million children. USA : Xlibris Corporation.
Adler, N.A. & Schutz, J. (1995). Sibling incest offenders. Child Abuse & Neglect, 19(7),
811-819.
Becker, J., Cunningham-Rathner, J. & Kaplan M.S. (1986). Adolescent sexual offenders,
demographics, criminal and sexual histories and recommandations for reducing future
offenses. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 1, 431-445.
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49
Appendices
Appendix 1 –Summary of the Visit of StopItNow! Epsom, UK
2. Creation and development of the helpline

Initially, the collaborators of the helpline insisted in the importance of developing a
"common philosophy" before taking any further action.
The initiators of StopItNow! and the current staff all have different professional
backgrounds: they are probation officers, former police inspectors, social workers, people
working for other help lines, psychologists, etc... A large portfolio of professional fields will
better respond to the complexity of child sexual abuse. In addition, "the more we know
about the abuser, the better". Indeed, most of the time there is no witness who could relate
the facts, the victim and the perpetrator being the only two people who can testify and only
the latter knows how, and more importantly why it happened. As such he may actually
contribute much to the understanding of such acts.
The guidelines for action on child sexual abuse follow these steps:
PreventionTreatmentAssistance to the victim. Stop It Now! UK offers the only
"proactive" helpline in this area. All other help lines usually redirect callers quickly to other
practitioners, often to psychologists which could act as barriers for some people.
At the very beginning of Stop It Now! UK, perpetrators or potential perpetrators of child
sexual abuse could go to a clinic where a 16 months long treatment was available for
them. This clinic was funded by the government but the hospital hosting it closed down
and it was not possible to find a new place. The clinic worked well and according to the
collaborators of Stop It Now! it is really unfortunate not to have been able to reopen it. The
existence of such clinic is essential to help “Internet Offenders” in particular who often
have to wait a long time before their computer is scanned and they are sentenced. In
several cases such people committed suicide before the sentence, having no one to turn
to for support during this time. The clinic allowed these people to work on understanding
their actions.
According to the NSPCC (National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children), in
2000 in Britain, the prevalence of child victims of sexual abuse was 20-30% for girls and
10-20% for boys, which is about 1 in 6 children. According to the British Crime Survey
(2004-2005), only 2% of sexual abuse occurring within the family circle would be reported,
6% of sexual abuse by someone outside the family (friends, neighbours, teachers,
strangers etc...) and, compared to 17% of rapes. This means that the tendency to report
sexual crimes is higher when the abuser has no close relationship with his victim. Again
according to the NSPCC the most common reasons given by victims for not reporting the
abuse are:
"It is no one else's business"
"Did not think it was serious or severe"
"Did not want parents to know"
"Did not want friends to know"
"Did not want the authorities to know"
"Was afraid" (24%)
50
"Was afraid not to be taken seriously" (13%)
"Frightened by the abuser" (7%)
Unlike some accepted stereotypes this shows that abusers do not necessarily use direct
threats tothe victim in order to avoid the reporting of the incident to the police. Indeed,
most perpetrators have established a trusting relationship with their victim before acting
out. Many of them are convinced they have a good relationship with the victim and that the
victim trusts them. Sometimes, they even believe their victim consented to the abuse. It
happens that the victims are afraid that the perpetrator will be sentenced and incarcerated
and, as a result, they do not report the act. Thus, we should perhaps think of alternative
solutions to the denunciation to justice in order to avoid victims not to report such acts
when they are in that state of mind. Moreover, according to the UK figures, only 5% of
denunciations eventually lead to a conviction.
In the media, child sexual abusers are often depicted as monsters (showing mainly a
photograph of this face). According to a study by the NSPCC, perpetrators are in 40% of
the cases the older siblings of the victim, the father for 14%, 19% the step-father and 27%
"other." These figures break the stereotype that the vast majority of perpetrators are male
adults unknown to the victim. Indeed, it means that an important share of perpetrators is
minor and one must also consider the percentage of women abusers which is often
underestimated. In reality there are about 50% of child sexual abuses allegedly committed
by adult men. 5-20% would concern women and 30% and more adolescents and children.
In interviews with perpetrators, the helpline staff often could apply the same explanatory
diagram to those acts based on Finkelhor's model (1986) “A clinical application" (Fig.1):
This process is therefore relevant to explain every act. The Fig.1 shows that a sexual act
on a minor does not happen suddenly and there is a rather long process behind such act.
Barriers need to be increased so that potential abusers have more difficulty in reaching the
final stage. For instance, the internal inhibitors should be strengthened in such a way that
the person can not reach a state of mind where committing child sexual abuse is accepted.
Then, external inhibitors such as supervising children should be reinforced too to make it
more difficult for a motivated abuser to act. Finally to increase the barriers at the last step
51
parents should discuss sexual abuse with their children and teach them to be vigilant so
that it is not easy to "bring down" the victim's resistance. In this regard, some abusers
confessed having stopped acting out when the child requested so and therefore the
argument that parents must teach their children about resisting in such cases in order to
reduce the number of victims is corroborated. This does not mean that parents alone are
responsible for the occurrence of abuse, but they can play an important role in educating
their children.
Fig. 2
II Structure of the helpline
2.1 The phone interviews

The helpline team consists of several operators coming from different professional
backgrounds. They do not work over four hours per day to avoid tiredness and since they
usually have another job at hand. Most of them have had the opportunity to work in the
field of child abuse, whether with abusers or victims. Additionally eleven "practitioners"
strong of the relevant experience, some are psychologists, other probation officers, usually
conduct face-to-face discussions as well as the second and subsequent telephone
conversations when a caller needs to call in several times to further discussion about their
concerns. These conversations contribute to his monitoring and as such, it is important to
establish a trusting relationship. The caller can then call back without needing to re-explain
his situation and it also allows for more personalised sessions and advice. If necessary,
the person may request a face-to-face.
With regards to confidentiality, when the interview starts the caller is told that they will have
to denounce him should he have acted out or should a real danger exist for a minor. Thus,
in most cases callers remain vigilant in giving their details. It happened that callers made
the mistake of giving their telephone number when the operator proposed a new interview.
If relevant, the helpline collaborators call the services for child protection or the police to
52
denounce this person. The caller is informed as soon as his details have been transmitted.
Sometimes callers give willingly their name and / or address, because they want to be
denounced for being somehow "saved". In the case of a potential perpetrator, there will be
no denunciation unless a real danger is sensed.
For each call, the operator completes a "Helpline Log Sheet" containing the basic
information needed:
1) The caller is asked to provide a fake name to ease the conversation and to create a
trusting relationship. Then, the caller is asked to indicate the area where he lives in order
to identify the potential existing structures he can be referred to if necessary. Finally, he is
asked how he got the help line’s number to evaluate the communication strategy.
2) The operator also notes at first what type of caller it is (perpetrator, potential perpetrator,
adult concerned by the behaviour of another adult, professional, etc...).
3) When a person is calling about another person, they record the characteristics of the
person concerned such as the relationship between perpetrator and victim (suspected or
not). Then there is a section on potential arrests, convictions, etc...
4) Information regarding the possible victim.
5) The operator takes notes of every details and advices given to the caller. Advice is given
based on the caller’s situation e.g. avoid being in contact with a child, keep busy so no
thoughts involving children come to mind, etc. For instance, if a person downloads images
from the Internet, he will be advised to lock his computer access; if someone says that it is
difficult not to see kids during pool season, he will be advised to take on a different activity
and to avoid being near the pool during opening hours. It is also often advised to talk about
the problem with someone close and trusted.
6) Once the necessary advice has been provided and understood by the caller, the next
telephone appointment is agreed (usually after one week or two) and then, the operator
will ask the caller if he followed the advice given in the previous telephone interview.
Additionally, at the end of the first call the operator assesses the call (the caller is suicidal;
he agrees with the advice given; he is not in agreement with the advice; he has made
positive comments on the discussion; he hung up, etc..)
The operators we spoke to have admitted that it is sometimes hard from an emotional
point of view not to hear again from callers who have asked for help. Some callers do keep
in touch but it is not always the case.
One advantage of the helpline is that callers can contact and discuss with people without
being judged, reducing the feeling of shame that may be related to child sexual abuse.
This obviously concerns offenders and potential offenders, but also their families and
caregivers who also need support and protection. Indeed, relatives of people who abused
children and are awaiting sentencing often contact the Helpline to find support as it is often
difficult or impossible to talk with their own friends or relatives who could be shocked or
judge them. Then it seems easier for callers to discuss this issue with someone neutral
and who knows the problem. Even though the people who work at Stop It Now! are
probation officers, psychologists and therapists, the caller does not know their status and
perceives them as "practitioners”. Thus people who may be reluctant to be directed to a
psychologist or who fear the police or justice, feel more comfortable contacting the helpline
considered a neutral place without a specific approach.
2.2 The face-to-face interviews

A face to face interview is relevant to all categories of callers. The interviewee can come
together with a family member or friend. Since the interview lasts one and a half hour, the
53
accompanying person should not be present more than the first 30 minutes.
The practitioner begins by introducing himself in an attempt to make the person feel at
ease and also remind him of the confidentiality aspects of the discussion. The interviewee
is then offered the choice to talk about what he wants. Often the person does not know
where to start in which case the practitioner will start by addressing the following points:
- Who in his entourage is aware of the facts or thoughts?

- Is the potential perpetrator still in contact with "children"?
- How did he get to this situation (process)?
- Does he understand his behaviour, his thoughts?
The practitioner will then explain without minimising the facts that he is not alone in this
case or that the process of thinking or acting out often occurs in the same way for other
people in the same situation, etc...
Next they will discuss the different options available (therapies, talking to friends or family,
treatments, etc...) and agree – like in the helpline process – on an "oral contract” to obtain
commitment from the person to perform what is decided upon.
This type of interview usually takes place only once (except upon a very insisting demand
from the person concerned and according to the need) and the interviewee can always
contact the helpline again and talk to the same practitioner over the phone.
2.3 The Inform and Inform Plus programs (speech groups)

Online offenders (internet) have the option of taking part in discussion groups. There are
two types of programs:
- Inform Plus Program: made of offenders (arrested and / or convicted)
- Inform Program: made of family members and / or the abuser’s immediate circle
(husband / wife, parents, children, friends, etc...)
Both schemes are held simultaneously so they follow the same evolution and address
some issues in parallel. The main idea behind these speech groups is to provide
opportunities for people to talk about an issue generally perceived as shameful and
stigmatising, often preventing them from talking to those around them. The other objective
is to maintain or restore dialogue between the offender and his entourage. This reduces
the feeling of shame but also avoids suicide after an arrest or family separation which,
according to specialists can be more devastating than the act committed. If we consider
the case of a man who downloaded child pornography pictures but never acted out, it
could be even more harmful to be excluded from his family and deprived from contact with
his surroundings. He could loose all points of reference and support.
2.3.1 The offender groups: the Inform Plus program

Following an arrest for pedophilia on the Internet, the offender may feel shocked and
distraught by the consequences of his act. These groups are then here to present them
and those around them with an opportunity to inspect their deviant behaviour in a
structured and supportive environment and to develop strategies to prevent future offenses
through the internet.
This program consists of groups of 6 to 8 offenders (arrested or convicted for acts on the
internet involving indecent images of children) who meet once a week for 10 weeks.
Women abusers form a separate group so as to keep unisex groups. These sessions
include:
54
- The behavioural process involved in such offences
- Effects on child victims
- The impact of their behaviour on themselves and their family
- Information about the legal system
- The setting of objectives for a future positive lifestyle
The information shared at these sessions remains confidential unless:
- Concerns are raised about a child at risk
- The person discloses past offenses never denounced
- It was agreed in advance to share information on the progress of individuals with other
services (probation service, for example)
The participation to this program costs £700, payable in advance. If the person does not
have the means to pay, the foundation can help find funding from other sources.
2.3.2 The offender's acquaintances groups: the Inform program

Most people feel angry, shocked and confused at first when faced with this type of
behaviour. These feelings are soon followed by urgent questions about how this will affect
their families, their relationships and their work, and how they will cope with the legal
process, the possible media interest and the potential stigma. Almost all of them express a
need to know what is likely to happen next.
On top of the support and information available for offenders, these discussion groups
provide an opportunity for their relatives to address issues and problems involved in
committing the offence.
The inform scheme is offered to spouses, relatives and friends of anyone with access to
indecent images of children on the internet. It offers a place of trust where people can face
such an offense and bring their questions and anxieties and explore them in a safe
environment by sharing them with other people in the same situation.
The groups consist of six people who meet up once a week for five weeks led by a
specialist from the foundation towards the following objectives:
- Dispel myths about crimes on the internet and show the reality
- Study issues such as "what made him do that?" and " why did he not stop? "
- Consider practical issues including the implications of the sentence and the registration
on the sex offender registry
- Help develop practical strategies for planning the future, including managing the current
risks
- Provide emotional support to help fight and reduce feelings of stress, shame and
isolation
- Improve the ability to support each other as well as relatives (recovery)
- The information shared is kept confidential unless it involves a child at risk
A financial contribution is required (£150 payable in advance), but part is supported by the
foundation who also helps to find financing for people who can not afford this program.
2.3.3 Benefits of these programs

According to one of the practitioners some people argue that bringing perpetrators
together may lead them to minimise their actions and so they may continue when they
55
realise they are not isolated cases For the practitioner however, it is a risk that rather
concerns perpetrators who have committed sexual acts on children and he has never
observed this in the online offenders. These groups can be compared to those created for
alcoholics. People benefit from longer periods to discuss their problem when they can take
their time, get information and advice for the future in a safe and confidential environment
and surrounded by people who can understand them. These programs appear to be
particularly beneficial to reduce or avoid family breakdown, isolation, shame and suicide
among offenders and / or their relatives.
The topics are diverse: the offenses, the relationship with the victim, the criminal justice
system, victims, the environment, the future, etc... The leaders do not pretend to have all
the keys and answers to questions but rather try to best offer these people a professional
listening, without judgment or rejection, and, relying on their experience, to lead, direct and
guide them towards change. During and after the sessions, the practitioners encourage
the offenders and their families to maintain the contact with employees of the helpline.
A collaborator highlighted that people arrested for sexual acts against minors are recorded
in a police register (Sex Offenders Register) and will remain on file for five years on
average. Any person with doubts about somebody else may contact the police to find out if
the name is recorded. The registry is not directly available to the public however.
III Conclusions on the Helpline

The helpline is confidential and free (except for access from mobile phones). There are
two hotlines, the main one and another for people who have already called once and have
a phone appointment with a practitioner. There are purposely "restricted" operating times
since these lines are not intended to be for emergency. Thus the lines are open from
Monday to Thursday from 9h to 21h and Fridays from 9h to 19h. According to the
collaborators of the helpline, acts are rarely impulsive and as such do not require any
emergency services but rather an access to information, support and advice and it is also
possible to request a face-to-face interview.
After the 3-year funding period – requested in order to demonstrate the real need for such
a project – Stop It Now! proved that:
o Some people who sexually abuse children have a desire to stop
o Some people who have committed sexual abuse in the past do want to prevent a
possible new act
o Some people who think about sexually abusing a child can recognise the insane nature
of their thoughts and desires and are thus able to ask for help before acting out
o Some people who are troubled by intrusive sexual thoughts involving children, but who
do not think they can ever commit such acts seek help to get these thoughts out of their
mind
o Adults are able to recognise inappropriate sexual attitudes and behaviours of people
close to them and are motivated to seek help to protect children
o Adults can act as protectors within their families, but also in the community in a larger
scale
o Some adults are able to recognise a child who has been abused through his general or
sexual behaviour
IV Stop it now! In the medias

There are different ideas and messages that are part of the Stop It Now! philosophy. The
ideas and stereotypes to be destroyed are: perpetrators are monsters; adults can do
56
nothing to prevent acts; it is expected from children that they denounce acts.
The messages conveyed by Stop It Now! are:
- Abusers are people around you and me
- Child sexual abuse can be prevented and is not inevitable
- Everybody is in a position to prevent abuse from taking place
- Over 30% of abusers are teenagers
- Self-control is possible via external intervention / treatment
- All adults carry the responsibility to work together to avoid the occurrence of sexual
abuse on children
In addition, Stop It Now! staff believes that changes in attitudes and beliefs are not
sufficient to fight sexual abuse; adults need tools and skills to clearly define the area of
sexual offences and this can be obtain by contacting the hotline Stop It Now!.
In order to best promote the helpline and the work achieved by Stop It Now!, a cooperation
between several institutions in several regions throughout the UK has taken place with
each of them fulfilling their respective roles (political, family, etc..).
The messages conveyed by the media during a case of child sexual abuse do not reflect
reality. These messages, usually transmitted through photographs of abusers qualified as
"perverse", "monster" or "crazy" are often exceptions because these are cases of abuse
perpetrated by strangers. Now, Stop It Now! is trying to get across the message that child
sexual abuse can happen anywhere, by anyone and are not the preserve of "unknown
mad people". Here is an example of a message broadcasted by Stop It Now!: "Child
sexual abuse is preventable, not inevitable” These messages are addressed to abusers,
potential abusers, families, professionals, donors, volunteers, policy, etc.. Some messages
are more specific according to the targeted audience. They are shown on various medias:
posters, conferences, events, newspapers, facebook, twitter, but also through the Stop It
Now! activity reports four times a year. Special publications or media campaigns about
Stop It Now! were often followed by an increase of calls.
Stop It Now! is also very active on the Internet. There are three related websites:
- The main website shows information for all adults in need of help: abuses, potential
abusers, relatives, professionals, etc.. (www.stopitnow.org.uk)
- Another website is addressed to parents only (www.parentsprotect.co.uk). There are
indeed a significant number of parents (of young victims and abusers) who contact the
helpline. This gives a sense of responsibility to parents and demonstrates their potential
central role in preventing this type of abuse
- A third website is dedicated to offences of child pornography committed on the internet
(www.croga.org)
In addition to the diffusion of messages related to child sexual abuse, Stop It Now!
advertises itself as a unique aid in Europe which brings support to the legal system without
replacing or separating other stakeholders. Indeed, the police and other members of the
legal system are working closely with Stop It Now! as they do require their help. Continued
cooperation and approval of the justice system shows credibility and justification in return.
The call database is used to orientate the media campaign towards the right targets. This
database is also used to access the caller's file and related information when he has
contacted the helpline previously.
57
V Interview with Stop It Now! Director
According to the program's director, the UK experience is valuable for the other European
countries.
He believes the focus must be on creating a prevention effort that will reach as many
people as possible at project stage and the work on risk factors associated with offenders
and potential offenders can be left out for later. Indeed, to give too much information on
risk factors could contribute to misinforming in a sense since the profile of perpetratorsis
not specific and may vary. Therefore, by focusing on one type of profile the project will not
target all individuals then all individuals will not feel concerned. Risk factors should be
reviewed (and are in the case of Stop It Now!) by the helpline staff. Indeed, knowing the
risk factors will allow the operator to understand the type of person he is attending to and
thus better tailor his advice.
There is currently a pilot project on the prevention within ethnic minorities. The first target
group is the Ethiopian community. Prevention is adapted according to the knowledge
about the community. The director of Stop It Now! believes it is important to tailor the
prevention of child abuse within the minorities whose cultures differ from the host country.
Thus, educators are trained to lead speech groups where they will talk about the problem
and about Stop It Now!. He highlights the difficulty in finding the right means of prevention,
because on top of it, a practice such as female circumcision is still relevant in the Ethiopian
community. So one must be vigilant how he communicates and raises awareness among
people in the community that female circumcision is also a form of sexual mistreatment.
For future actions, the British police finally agreed to implement one of the ideas proposed
by Stop It Now! to send a message to people downloading child pornography images
indicating that they can be helped by calling Stop It Now! before hey are arrested by the
police. This would be a great tool to prevent cases of "online" child sexual abuse. Indeed,
it appears that people who are arrested for downloading indecent images often do not
realise that behind these images, there are one or more victims and so therefore by
downloading, these people contribute to their victimisation. These people do not realise
that their actions are "real" because they "hide" behind their screens, not measuring the
scope of their act. This action is consistent with the fact that "online offenders" represent
the vast majority of calls and now this tool could contribute to an even greater number of
calls. However, this approach could reach a teenager who downloads such images and
then the message should be adapted consequently. Indeed, this type of message can be
very shocking and its impact more harmful for a teenager than for an adult. The warning
should contain two different messages addressing these two audiences.
Stop It Now! director considered that the focus groups conducted when the institution was
created, was extremely fruitful. The various practitioners and perpetrators that participated
in it corroborated that a helpline would be very helpful. The focus groups have also been
critical in motivating investors for the project. Indeed, the study of the context and wies of
those affected were used to show scientifically the need for the establishment of the
helpline.
58
Apendix 2 : Graphics and tables regarding SFSO Database
Graphic 1 : Type of offences with physical contact
59
Graphic 2 : Offence according to age difference between the victim and the offender (lower, superior
or equal to 3 years) for offences with physical contact
60
Table 1 : Proportion test comparing the type of offence with physical contact according to the age
difference (lower or equal to 3 years/ superior to 3 years)
Offence according to Age difference Age difference Z Bilateral Sig.
age difference lower or equal superior to 3
between the victim to 3 years years
and the offender for
offences with physical
contact
Sexual acts with 5.6% (n=28) 2.6% (n=46) 2.83 p<=0.01

persons lacking
mental capacity or
incapable of
resistance
Sexual acts on 40.4% (n=201) 85.9% (n=1608) 19.41 p<=0.001
children
Indecent assault 44.9% (n=223) 7.8% (n=148) 16.02 p<=0.001
Rape 9.1% (n=45) 3.7% (n=70) 3.96 p<=0.001
Total 497 1872
or equal to 5 years) for offences with physical contact
61
Table 2 : Proportion test comparing type of offence with physical contact according to age difference
(lower or equal to 5 years / superior to 5 years)
Type of offence Age difference Age difference Z Bilateral Sig.
according to age lower or equal superior than 5
difference between than 5 years years
the victim and the
offender for offences
with physical contact
Sexual acts with 4.4% (n=33) 2.5% (n=41) 2.24 p<=0.05
persons lacking
mental capacity or
incapable of
discernment
Sexual acts on 53.6% (n=) 86.8% (n=1410) 16.50 p<=0.001
children
Indecent assault 33.7% (n=251) 7.3% (n=118) 14.28 p<=0.001
Rape 8.3% (n=62) 3.3% (n=53) 4.53 p<=0.001
Total 745 1624
Graphic 4 : Type of offences without physical contact
62
or equal to 3 years) for offences without physical contact
63
Table 3 : Proportion test comparing type of offence without physical contact according to age
difference (lower or equal to 3 years / superior to 3 years)
the victim and the
without physical
contact
Exploitation of a 0.0% (n=0) 0.2% (n=1) 0.96 n.s
person in a position of
need or dependency
Sexual harassment 69% (n=129) 29% (n=134) 10.05 p<=0.001
Encouraging 0% (n=0) 1.3% (n=5) 2.28 p<=0.05
prostitution
Indecent conduct 4% (n=7) 21% (n=98) 7.18 p<=0.001
Pornography 27% (n=51) 49% (n=230) 5.52 p<=0.001
Total 187 469
64
or equal to 5 years) for offences without physical contact
Table 4 : Proportion test comparing type of offence without physical contact according to age
difference (lower or equal to 5 years / superior to 5 years)
the victim and the
without physical
contact
Exploitation of a 0.0% (n=0) 0.2% (n=1) 0.92 n.s
person in a position of
need or dependency
Sexual harassment 60.3% (n=138) 29.3% (n=125) 7.92 p<=0.001
Encouraging 0.4% (n=1) 1.2% (n=5) 1.19 n.s
65
prostitution
Indecent conduct 4.8% (n=11) 22.0% (n=94) 7.01 p<=0.001
Pornography 34.5% (n=79) 47.3% (n=202) 3.22 p<=0.01
Total 229 427
Graphic 7 : Offender by number of offences with physical contact (one VS multiple)
Graphic 8 : Gender of offenders (offences with physical contact)
66
Graphic 9 : Nationality of offenders (offences with physical contact)
Graphic 10 : Age categories of offenders (offences with physical contact) at the beginning of the
abuse
67
Graphic 11 : Offender by number of offences without physical contact
Graphic 12 : Gender of offenders (offences without physical contact)
68
Tableau 5 : Proportion test comparing type of offence with or without physical contact according to
the gender of the offender
Gender of the Offences without Offences with Z Bilateral Sig.
offender physical contact physical contact
Male 59.6% (n=503) 70.7% (n=1966) 5.85 p<=0.001
Female 2.8% (n=24) 2.6% (n=73) 0.31 n.s
Unknown 37.6% (n=317) 26.7% (n=741) 6.13 p<=0.001
offender
Total 844 2780
Graphic 13 : Nationality of offenders (offences without physical contact)
Table 6 : Proportion test comparing type of offence with or without physical contact according to the
nationality of the offender
Nationality of the Offences without Offences with Z Bilateral Sig.
offender physical contact physical contact
Swiss 38.7% (n=327) 46% (n=1279) 3.79 p<=0.001
Foreigners 23.6% (n=199) 27.2% (n=757) 2.13 p<=0.05
Unknown 37.7% (n=318) 26.8% (n=744) 5.83 p<=0.001
offender
Total 844 2780
69
Graphic 14 : Age categories of offenders (offences without physical contact) at the beginning of the
abuse
70
age category of the offender
Age category of Offences without Offences with Z Bilateral Sig.
the offender physical contact physical contact
0-10 2.2% (n=11) 1.6% (n=32) 0.84 n.s
11-15 29.7% (n=149) 22.5% (n=459) 3.21 p<=0.01
16-20 11.3% (n=57) 17.1% (n=348) 3.53 p<=0.001
21-25 6.4% (n=32) 9.0% (n=184) 2.05 p<=0.05
26-30 8.9% (n=45) 7.6% (n=155) 0.92 n.s
31-35 8.4% (n=42) 9.0% (n=183) 0.43 n.s
36-40 7.2% (n=36) 8.4% (n=171) 0.91 n.s
41-45 10.3% (n=52) 8.4% (n=171) 1.27 n.s
46-50 4.4% (n=22) 6.1% (n=124) 1.60 n.s
51-55 3.4% (n=17) 3.1% (n=64) 0.33 n.s
56-60 3.0% (n=15) 2.1% (n=42) 1.09 n.s
61-65 1.4% (n=7) 2.2% (n=44) 1.29 n.s
66-70 0.4% (n=2) 1.2% (n=24) 2.15 p<=0.05
71-75 2.4% (n=12) 1.0% (n=20) 1.95 p<=0.1
76-80 0.2% (n=1) 0.4% (n=9) 0.82 n.s
Plus de 80 0.4% (n=2) 0.3% (n=7) 0.32 n.s
Total 502 (missing=25) 2037 (missing=743)
number of offences committed by the offender (one VS multiple)
Offender by Offences without Offences with Z Bilateral Sig.
number of physical contact physical contact
offence (one VS
multiple)
Multiple offences 16.9% (n=171) 13.2% (n=424) 2.80 p<=0.01
One offence 51.9% (n=527) 63.7% (n=2039) 6.61 p<=0.001
Unknown 31.2% (n=317) 23.1% (n=741) 4.95 p<=0.001
offender
Total 1015 3204
71
Graphic 15 : Victim by number of offences with physical contact (one VS multiple)
Graphic 16 Gender of the victim for offences with physical contact
72
Graphic 17 : Age categories of victims (offences with physical contact) at the beginning of the abuse
Graphic 18 : Victim by number of offences without physical contact (one VS multiple)
73
Graphic 19 : Gender of victims for offences without physical contact
gender of the victim
Gender of the Offences without Offences with Z Bilateral Sig.
victim physical contact physical contact
Male 26.4% (n=245) 25.9% (n=754) 0.29 n.s
Female 73.6% (n=675) 74.1% (n=2155) 1.35 n.s
Total 917 2909
74
Graphic 20 : Age categories of victims (offences without physical contact) at the beginning of the
abuse
Table 10 : Proportion test comparing type of offence with or without physical contact according to
the age category of the victims at the beginning of the abuse
Age category of Offences without Offences with Z Sig.
the victims at the physical contact physical contact Bilateral
beginning of the
abuse
0-2 years old 1% (n=9) 2.6% (n=74) 3.53 p<=0.001
3-5 years old 3.5% (n30=) 12.2% (n=342) 9.88 p<=0.001
6-8 years old 10.2% (n88=) 15.0% (n=421) 3.89 p<=0.001
9-11 years old 24.5% (n=211) 18.6% (n=522) 3.59 p<=0.001
12-14 years old 44.4% (n=382) 36.6% (n=1026) 4.05 p<=0.001
15 years old 16.4% (n=141) 15.0% (n=419) 0.97 n.s
Total 861 (missing=917) 2804 (missing=105)
75
the number of offences suffered by the victim
Victim of Offences without Offences with Z Bilateral Sig.
one/multiple physical contact physical contact
offences
Victim of multiple 9.7% (n=98) 9.2% (n=295) 0.47 n.s
offences
Victim of one 90.3% (n=917) 90.8% (n=2909) 0.47 n.s
offence
Total 1015 3204
Graphic 21 : Relationship between the offender and the victim for offences with physical contact
76
Graphic 22 : Relationship between the offender and the victim according to the type of offence with
physical contact
77
Graphic 23 : Relationship between the offender and the victim according to the age difference
(lower, equal or superior to 3 years) for offences with physical contact
78
Table 12 : Proportion test comparing the relationship between the victim and the offender according
to the age difference (lower or equal to 3 years / superior to 3 years) for offences with physical
contact
Relationship Difference lower Difference Z Bilateral Sig.
between victim or equal to 3 superior to 3
and offender years years
according to age
difference for
offences with
physical contact
Family 10.3% (n=51) 29.8% (n=557) 11.30 p<=0.001
Other 70.4% (n=350) 41.3% (n=774) 12.42 p<=0.001
relationship
(acquaintance,
friend, neighbour,
etc.)
Offender without 13.1% (n=65) 21.8% (n=408) 4.86 p<=0.001
any relationship
with the victim
Unknown 6.2% (n=31) 7.1% (n=133) 0.72 n.s
offender
Total 497 1872
79
(lower, equal or superior to 5 years) for offences with physical contact
80
to the age difference (lower or equal to 5 years / superior to 5 years) for offences with physical
contact
according to age
difference for
offences with
physical contact
Family 14% (n=104) 31% (n=504) 9.92 p<=0.001
Other 68.1% (n=507) 38% (n=617) 14.40 p<=0.001
relationship
(acquaintance,
friend, neighbour,
etc.)
any relationship
with the victim
Unknown 5.8% (n=43) 7.5% (n=121) 1.57 n.s
offender
Total 745 1624
Graphic 25 : Relationship between the offender and the victim for offences without physical contact
81
the relationship between the victim and the offender
Relationship Offences without Offences with Z Bilateral Sig.

between the physical contact physical contact
victim and the
offender
Family 9.5% (n=96) 20.8% (n=667) 9.68 p<=0.001
Other 27.2% (n=276) 35.7% (n=1144) 5.204501 p<=0.001
relationship
(acquaintance,
friend, neighbour,
etc.)
any relationship
with the victim
Total 1015 3204
82
Graphic 26 : Relationship between the victim and the offender according to the type of offence
without physical contact
83
(lower, equal or superior to 3 years) for offences without physical contact
84
to the age difference (lower or equal to 3 years / superior to 3 years) for offences without physical
contact
according to age
difference for
offences without
physical contact
Family 2.2% (n=4) 19% (n=89) 7.98 p<=0.001
Other 75.4% (n=141) 27.9% (n=131) 12.60 p<=0.001
relationship
(acquaintance,
friend, neighbour,
etc.)
any relationship
with the victim
Unknown 8.0% (n=15) 19.0% (n=89) 4.09 p<=0.001
offender
Total 187 469
85
(lower, equal or superior to 5 years) for offences without physical contact
86
to the age difference (lower or equal to 5 years / superior to 5 years) for offences without physical
contact
according to age
difference for
offences without
physical contact
Family 3.1% (n=7) 20.1% (n=86) 7.54 p<=0.001
Other 72.9% (n=167) 24.6% (n=105) 13.41 p<=0.001
relationship
(acquaintance,
friend, neighbour,
etc.)
any relationship
with the victim
Unknown 8.7% (n=20) 19.7% (n=84) 4.10 p<=0.001
offender
Total 229 427
Graphic 29 : Duration of the abuse for offences with physical contact
87
Graphic 30 : Duration of the abuse for offences without physical contact
Table 17 : Proportion test comparing offences with and without physical contact according to the
duration of the abuse
Duration of the Offences without Offences with Valeur de Z Sig.
abuse physical contact physical contact Bilatéral
Less rhan a year 82.5% 74.2% 5.69 p<=0.001
1 year 11.8% 13.5% 1.40 n.s
2 years 3.6% 4.8% 1.67 p<=0.1
3 years or more 2.1% 7.5% 8.15 p<=0.001
Total 954 3117
88
Graphic 31 : Duration between the end of the abuse and their report to the police for offences with
physical contact
89
Graphic 32 : Duration between the end of the abuse and their report to the police for offences
without physical contact
90
Table 18 : Proportion test comparing offences with ou without physical contact according to the
duration between the end of the abuse and their report to the police
Duration Offences without Offences with Z Bilateral Sig.
between the end physical contact physical contact
of the abuse and
their report to
the police
Less than a year 70.8% 63.2% 4.57 p<=0.001

1 year 23.1% 22.7% 0.26 n.s
2 years 2.2% 3.8% 2.80 p<=0.01
3 ans 0.7% 1.3% 1.82 p<=0.1
4 years 1.2% 1.7% 1.21 n.s
5 years 0.5% 1.3% 2.68 p<=0.01
6 years 0.3% 1.2% 3.49 p<=0.001
7 years 0.2% 0.6% 2.04 p<=0.05
8 years 0.2% 0.4% 1.11 n.s
9 years 0.2% 0.5% 1.59 n.s
10 years 0.1% 0.9% 4.12 p<=0.001
More than 10 0.5% 2.4% 5.43 p<=0.001
years
Total 1015 3204
91
Graphique 33 : Age difference between the victim and the offender for offences with physical contact
92
Graphique 34 : Age difference between the victim and the offender for offences without physical
contact
Tableau 19 : Proportion test comparing offences with or without physical contact according to the
age difference between the offender and the victim
Age difference in Offences without Offences with Z Bilateral Sig.
years between physical contact physical contact
the offender and
the victim
Less than 3 years 25.2% 18.9% 3.28 p<=0.001
4-6 years 8.8% 15.4% 4.85 p<=0.001
7-12 years 9.4% 12.5% 2.29 p<=0.05
13-18 years 9.7% 7.4% 1.76 p<=0.1
19-24 years 9.9% 11.2% 0.95 n.s
25-30 years 11.6% 10.7% 0.62 n.s
31-36 years 11.5% 9% 1.77 p<=0.1
37-42 years 5.3% 5.1% 0.19 n.s
43-48 years 3.2% 3.5% 0.37 n.s
49 years and 5.4% 6.3% 0.86 n.s
more
93

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Research Paper of the Institute of Criminology and

Criminal Law of the University of Lausanne upon

Pauline Volet, Julie Courvoisier & Marcelo F. Aebi

Translated from French by Valérie Lopez (http://lopez-linguistic.vpweb.ch/)

2.1 Sexual abuse

2.2 Age of the protagonists

2.3 Primary Prevention

3.1 Systematic review of the literature

4.1 Perpetrators of child sexual abuse

4 Study's Website: http://www.optimusstudy.org, visited on 20.10.2011.

4.2 Publications on prevention programs

4.2.1 Prevention programs oriented towards children

4.2.2 Prevention programs oriented towards parents and the community

4.2.3 Prevention programs oriented towards potential perpetrators

5 Web page visited on the 05.08.2011

4.2.4 The future of prevention programs

5.1.2 In German speaking Switzerland

5.1.3 In Italian-speaking Switzerland

8 Article consulted on the ““La Prévention Suisse de la Criminalité” website on 03.05.2011

5.2.3 In the United Kingdom (UK) and Ireland

5.2.4 In other European countries

5.2.6 In the United States of America

5.2.6.1 Stop It Now in United States (US)

5.2.7 Summary of the main results of existing prevention projects, structures,

6.2.1 Type of offences

6.2.1.1 Offences with physical contact

6.2.1.2 Offences without physical contact

15 Rural district, Isolated town, Urban city centre, Other town

6.2.2 Profile of the suspects

6.2.2.1 Offences with physical contact

6.2.2.2 Offences without physical contact

6.2.2.3 Conclusion of the section

6.2.3 Profile of the victims

6.2.3.1 Offences with physical contact

6.2.3.2 Offences without physical contact

6.2.4 The relationship between the victim and the suspect

6.2.4.1 Offences with physical contact

6.2.4.2 Offences without physical contact

6.2.5 Duration of violence

6.2.5.1 Offences with physical contact

6.2.5.2 Offences without physical contact

6.2.5.3 Conclusion of the section

6.2.6.1 Offences with physical contact

6.2.6.2 Offences without physical contact

6.2.6.3 Conclusion of the section

6.2.7 Age difference between the victim and the suspect

6.2.7.1 Offences with physical contact

6.2.7.2 Offences without physical contact

6.3 Summary of findings on the SFSO data

19 The median unlike the average excludes the extrem values

10.1 The focus groups

10.3 The toll freee phone line

Appendix 1 –Summary of the Visit of StopItNow! Epsom, UK

2. Creation and development of the helpline

"Did not think it was serious or severe"

"Did not want parents to know"

"Did not want friends to know"

"Did not want the authorities to know"

"Was afraid" (24%)

"Frightened by the abuser" (7%)

II Structure of the helpline

2.1 The phone interviews

2.2 The face-to-face interviews

- Who in his entourage is aware of the facts or thoughts?