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‘Are all geniuses perverts?’ wrote Catherine Dawson Scott in her diary in
July 1914.1 ’Charlotte is evidently a pervert’, she went on. There were
those, Catherine Dawson Scott among them, who also beIieved she was a
genius. Thomas Hardy called her ‘far and away the best living woman
poet, who will be read when others are forgotten’;2H.D. wrote that, ‘alone
of our generation’, Mew had ‘succeeded’ in writing ’dramatic lyric^';^ and
Virginia Woolf said she was ‘very good and interesting and unlike anyone
The two, Woolf and Mew, confronted each other across the sick-bed
of Florence Hardy (Thomas Hardy’s wife) in October 1924.5 To what end
will never be known; but seeing Mew seems to have provoked Woolf into
musing on her relationships with other women writers. In the same diary
entry as the one in which she describes seeing Mew, ‘the thought of
Katherine Mansfield comes to [her]’, ’that strange ghost, with the eyes far
apart, & the drawn mouth, dragging herself across the room . . . poor
woman, whom in my own way I suppose I loved.’6
Woolf’s own sexual experience was opening out during that year of 1924
with the development of her intimacy with Vita Sackville-West. She was
predisposed to be reminded of women she had loved. But something in
Mew’s tiny figure, and in the defiant toss of her head, may have recalled
her affection for, and ambivalent jealousy of, the sexually ambiguous
Katherine Mansfield. There is no record anywhere that Woolf was aware of
Charlotte Mew‘s suicide in 1928 at the age of 59. But thirteen years later, in
1941, she herself, at the same age, would do the same thing.
Charlotte Mew is little known today. Born in 1869, she lived for most of
her life with her mother and sister Anne in Gordon Square, where she
must have been, for a time, Virginia Woolf’s neighbour. She eked out a
living writing poems and stories, supplemented by her mother’s annuity
(Anna Maria Mew died in 1923), and by Anne’s meagre earnings as a re-
storer of antique furniture. Charlotte published stories in the Yellow Book,
the Egoist, Temple Bar, and others; and the Poetry Bookshop under Harold
Monro published a collection of her poems, The Farmer’s Bride, in 1916. It
was reissued with eleven additional poems in 1921, and The Rumbling Sailor
was published posthumously in 1929. Recently Val Warner has edited her
Collected Poems and Prose for Virago Press.7
4 Critical Quarterly, vol. 37, no. 3
In the early spring of 1913 Catherine Dawson Scott had introduced Mew
to May Sinclair in the hope that Sinclair would take Mew up, as she had a
habit of doing, and promote her as a writer and poet. May Sinclair was by
this stage a wealthy and well-known novelist, who had close links with
most of London’s literary community. Sinclair gave Mew a copy of her
latest novel, The Combined Maze, whose action centres around the sexuality
of Violet Usher, a woman ’like some beautiful flower rising superbly from
two ugly, livid, and distorted roots’.8 The Combined Maze is obsessed with
the body in all its ‘insane perver~ities’,~
and it seems probable that Charlotte
Mew‘s interest was aroused partly by the close relationship between Violet
and her friend Winny. Neither Sinclair nor Mew ever married or openly
took a lover; both were extremely shy, even fastidious; and both shrank
from intimate exchanges. But for a brief period they seem to have been
drawn into an ambivalent and intense relationship with one another. In
spite of the fact that Sinclair destroyed all Mew‘s letters, it is Mew’s voice
that echoes through the texts that have come down to us, as Sinclair reacts
tensely to the urgency of Mew’s demands. In 1913, soon after they met,
Sinclair was already seeking defensively to assuage Mew‘s paranoia: ‘as
for “Good-bye” I never dreamt it would be interpreted ”Good-bye for
Ever!”’l0 In March 1914 Mew responded to Sinclair’s casual enquiry about
vacant rooms in Bloomsbury by spending several days flat-hunting on her
behalf. Sinclair was shocked:
How perfectly angelic of you to go & take all that awful bother . . . I never
dreamed of even hinting that you shd. run around, I only thought that
perhaps you might hear of something & let me know . . . And all my days
I shall be haunted by a vision of you, small, & too fragile by far for the hideous
task, going up & down those infernal houses.
(Sinclair to Mew, 8 March 1914)
Sinclair had in fact already found somewhere else to live, and Mew‘s
desperate anxiety to please could not be lessened by letters such as these.
Soon after the flat-hunting episode, Sinclair again attempted to contain the
developing complications of their intimacy:
Better to take things simply & never go back on them, or analyse them, isn’t it?
I, (who am so complicated),took it all quite simply & was glad of it - of yr.
being here, of yr. talking to me - well, why can’t you do the same?
(Sinclair to Mew, 14 May 1914)
And yet Sinclair knew that her own emotions, and even her own aesthetic,
lacked something that the far less successful and experienced Mew had
almost to excess: ’depths & depths of passion & of sheer beauty’, as
Charlotte Mew and May Sinclair: A love-song 5
It was this internal conflict that Sinclair so feared, believing it drew the
organism back into a less ’civilised’ state, and blocked the energy necessary
for the creation of any form of art or culture.
The body and its power to create were implicated in sublimation in
another, acutely distressing way, for both Sinclair and Mew. Both women
were grimly aware of a difficult heredity within their own families. Of May
Sinclair’s five brothers, four died before their fifties of hereditary heart
disease. Charlotte Mew’s brother Henry, and sister Freda, were both
schizophrenic and died in mental hospitals, Henry in 1901and Freda many
years after Charlotte’s own death. In her will Charlotte took care to leave
f2,200 in trust for Freda’s maintenance. These family tragedies meant that
both women were acutely aware of their own genetic histories. Alida
Monro tells us in her memoir of Charlotte Mew that both Charlotte and
Anne had made a conscious decision never to marry and have children for
fear of passing on the mental ‘taint’, as they saw it.23We know nothing of
May Sinclair’s personal decisions on the matter. But she was preoccupied
with issues of heredity, both in her fictional and nonfictional texts; and her
childlessness and possible celibacy may have been in part a response to her
knowledge of the heart condition that ran in her family. Charlotte Mew
seems to have thought of her heredity as a kind of personal disgrace. It was
only after her death that her close friend Alida Monro learnt of the exist-
ence of her ’insane’ brother and sister. For Charlotte Mew, theirs were two
more dramas that had to be hidden or suppressed.
May Sinclair, with a less ’shameful’ family secret - hers was physical
rather than mental illness - had an altogether more robust attitude to the
issue. For her, sublimation was a way of escaping genetic history as well as
sexual feeling. In one of her clinical lectures on sublimation, she describes
it as ’the freedom of the self in obedience to a higher law than preceding
generations have laid upon him’.” Sublimation is an escape from the
parental body, as well as from one’s own: allegiance to a higher truth than
the reproductive. What is being identified here, as in her remarks on
libidinal conflict which I quoted earlier, is the excess of the individual over
the species. Freud had said something similar in ”’Civilised” Sexual
Morality and Modern Nervous Illness’, written in 1908 and translated into
English in 1915. Here he suggests that ’a part of the sexual excitation which
is provided by the subject’s own body is inhibited as being unserviceable
for the reproductive function and in favourable cases is brought to subli-
mati~n’.*~ Only what he calls ‘the perverse elements of sexual excitation’ are
sublimated; and ‘the constitution of people suffering from inversion - the
homosexuals - is, indeed, often distinguished by their sexual instinct’s
10 Critical Quarterly, vol. 37, no. 3
and its inability to bring any of its desires to fruition. The child that she
never had (mentioned in her most famous long poem, ’Madeleine in
Church’, as ‘the child who went or never came’, CPP, 25) becomes the
child to whom she denied life. Yet it is exactly the persistence of desire,
desire’s refusal to die, that is insisted upon. Menstrual blood is spilt in vain
as the body mourns its own sterility, but it is the glorious wastefulness, the
excess of that spilling on which Mew dwells:
Red is the strangest pain to bear;
In Spring the leaves on the budding trees;
In Summer the roses are worse than these;
More terrible than they are sweet:
A rose can stab you across the street
Deeper than any knife:
And the crimson haunts you everywhere -
Thin shafts of sunlight, like the ghosts of reddened swords have struck our
stair
As if, coming down, you had spilt your life.
(’The Quiet House’, CPP, 18)
This compulsive fascination with the dead, with the spillage of the body, is
also the inscription of a desire perceived as perverse, in excess: that part
of the desire that has not been transformed into the drive to create or
reproduce.
Yet the extraordinary power of many of Mew‘s images lies in desire’s
fierce refusal to act out its own death. Part of the fascination of sexual
hunger is its obduracy in the face of attempts at sublimation, something
even May Sinclair recognised when she wrote of partial or incomplete
sublimations. Freud too was convinced, controversially, that women’s
ability to sublimate was inadequate and held them firmly in the appetites
and perversities of their own bodies.31 Sinclair’s interest in Mew, intensi-
fied as we saw by the furious passion of Mew‘s poetry readings, was
closely tied to the desperation with which Mew faced the task of suppress-
ing her own desire, so prone to embarrassing excess. In the poetry this
desperation appears as a quasi-necrophiliac sexualising of those parts of
the body which cannot quite be seen as flesh, cannot quite be seen as part
of the living beloved. We have already seen how Charlotte Mew dwells on
those products of the female body which escape its confines: the aborted
foetus, menstrual blood - exactly the woman’s refusal of the ‘reproductive
function’. The space of such matter, what Julia Kristeva would call the
’abject’,3*is exactly the space of the woman’s perversity, in Freud’s terms:
it is in her miscarrying, in her bleeding, in her failure to conceive, that her
body demonstrates how much more it is than her reproductive function,
and how much that more is her desire.
14 Critical Quarterly, vol. 37, no. 3
But blood is not the only female product that Charlotte Mew eroticises.
She also repeatedly produces sexualised images of women’s hair, and it is
to these that I shall turn in the last part of my paper. I shall suggest that
Mew develops a specifically female language of hair‘s erotics that chal-
lenges and develops Freud’s images of hair as the signal of a lack, one of
the classic fetish objects that disavows castration.% In Mew’s poetry hair
becomes that which is kept when the beloved is gone: it signifies the
fullness and durability of sex. As she says in ’The FGte‘, ’only the hair of
any woman can belong to God’ (CPP, 7).
The title-poem of her 1916 volume, The Fanner’s Bride, is written from the
point of view of a young farmer whose new wife, afraid of ’love and me
and all things human’ (CPP, 1)fled their home and was fetched back and
put under lock and key. The poem is full of yearning, implicitly for a child
and explicitly for the woman he loves but cannot have. Her hair signifies
both her desirability and her unattainability:
She sleeps up in the attic there
Alone, poor maid. ‘Tis but a stair
Betwixt us. Oh! my God! the down,
The soft young down of her, the brown,
The brown of her - her eyes, her hair, her hair!
(CPP, 2)
Hair represents at once the fullness, the present excess of desire, and that
absence of the genital body that Freud would call castration. Hair taunts
with a vision of absolute femininity (the wife is ‘sweet as the first wild
violets’, CPP, 2), but also flaunts its own inability to deliver it. From this
impossible vision comes the desperate repetition of the farmer’s desire in
which the object is invoked simply as itself: ‘her hair, her hair’.
Hair becomes the central erotic image in another poem from the same
volume, ‘The Forest Road’. Here the speaker watches over the sleeping
beloved and wishes that she could leave her in God’s keeping, tender and
close when she wakes. The desire to bring rest to the beloved is indis-
tinguishable from the desire to bring about her death, and again the hair is
imagined as that which remains, that which holds and sustains desire
when the body is absent or lost.
Oh! your hair! If you had lain
A long time dead on the rough, glistening ledge
Of some black cliff, forgotten by the tide,
The raving winds would tear, the dripping brine would rot away
Fold after fold of all the loveliness
That wraps you round, and makes you, lying here,
The passionate fragrance that roses are.
Charlotte Mew and May Sinclair: A love-song 15
sister might have been buried alive‘ (CPP,xii). Charlotte Mew drank a
bottle of Lysol on 24 March 1928, after admitting herself to a nursing home.
She was found, still alive, by the matron, lying on her bed and muttering
to herself. She died not long afterwards. May Sinclair found sustained
intimacy outside her family; Charlotte Mew did not. Indeed there is little to
celebrate in Mew‘s not-so-brief life, except the words that she has left us,
which seem to give the lie to Sinclair’s idea that desire’s sublimation was
ever truly achievable.
Notes
1 See Penelope Fitzgerald, Charlotte Mew and her Friends (London: Collins,
1984), 133. Unless stated otherwise, information about Charlotte Mew in the
text is derived from this volume.
2 Quoted in Fitzgerald, Charlotte M e w and her Friends, 174.
3 H.D., ’The Farmer’s Bride’, The Egoist, vol. 111, no. 9 (September 1916), 135.
4 Virginia Woolf to R. C. Trevelyan, 25 January 1920, in The Question of Things
Happening: The Letters of Virginia Woolf 1912-1922, ed. Nigel Nicolson and
Joanne Trautmann (London: Chatto and Windus, 1976), 419.
5 See Virginia Woolf’s diary entry for 17 October 1924, in The Dia y of Virginia
Woolf: Volume 2, 1920-1924, ed. Anne Olivier Bell and Andrew McNeillie
(London: Hogarth, 1978), 319.
6 Ibid., 317-18.
7 Charlotte Mew, Collected Poems and Prose, ed. Val Warner (London: Virago,
1982). Further references in the text will be to CPP.
8 May Sinclair, The Combined Maze (London: Hutchinson, 1913), 324.
9 Ibid., 218.
10 May Sinclair’s letters to Charlotte Mew are preserved in the Henry W. and
Albert A. Berg Collection, New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden
Foundations. Further references in the text will be to letters in this archive.
11 From a letter from G. 8. Stern to T. E. M. Boll, quoted in T. E. M. Boll, ’The
Mystery of Charlotte Mew and May Sinclair: An Inquiry’, Bulletin of the New
York Public Libray, vol. 74 (1970), 445-53; 453.
12 Alida Monro, ‘CharlotteMew - A Memoir’, in Collected Poems of Charlotte Mew
(London: Duckworth, 1953), vii-xx; p. xv.
13 May Sinclair, The Three Brontes (London: Hutchinson, 1912), 223.
14 Ibid., 170.
15 Ibid., 170.
16 Ibid., 186.
17 Ibid., 215.
18 May Sinclair, ‘Symbolism and Sublimation 1’, Medical Press and Circular, 153
(9 August 1916), 118-22; ‘Symbolism and Sublimation 11’, Medical Press and
Circular, 153 (16 August 1916), 142-5. Sinclair was reviewing C. G. Jung,
Collected Papers on Analytical Psychology, ed. Constance E. Long (London:
BailliPre, Tindall and Cox, 1916).
19 For a more extended discussion of May Sinclair and the Medico-Psychological
Clinic, see Theophilus E. M. Boll, ‘May Sinclair and the Medico-Psychological
Charlotte Mew and May Sinclair: A love-song 17