Review

Author(s): Rianne Mahon

Review by: Rianne Mahon
Source: Labour / Le Travail, Vol. 5 (Spring, 1980), pp. 245-247
Published by: Canadian Committee on Labour History and Athabasca University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25139974
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 REVIEWS 245

criticism of other historians. They have socialism that permeates recent contribu
much to offer the rest of us; we too can help tions of European Marxists. Wolfe's own

them. Mutual interests and intellectual conclusion is that the late capitalist state
progress will
only come with more com has exhausted any real possibility for
munication and exchange (in frequency reconciling liberalism and democracy. As
? elites cynically
and in intensity of contact) the process economic and political pre
is reciprocal and dialectical. That is the pare to jettison the latter, the resulting
next step to be taken.... "legitimacy crisis" prepares the ground
for democratic and socialist advance.
J. Graff In addition, Wolfe's analysis has the
Harvey
The of Texas at Dallas merit of trying to mount a direct attack on
University
neo-conservative and neo-liberal formula
tions. For example, his discussion of the
Alan Wolfe, The Limits of Legitimacy: "reified state" confronts the criticisms of
Political Contradictions of Contemporary public bureaucracy levelled by public
Capitalism (New York: Free Press 1977). administration theorists like Michel
Crozier and Aaron Wildavsky. This kind
During the 1970s, the future of liberal of confrontation is important as these
democracies has become controversial theorists are providing an interpretation of
precisely in those countries inwhich it has the flaws in an institution central to the
been most
deeply rooted. The economic
contemporary state ? an institution that
crisis has
played its part, yet it alone can can be made a scapegoat for the failures of
not explain the scope of the debate on the liberal These
democracy. diagnoses
nature of the state in advanced capitalism. should not be allowed to pass unchallenged
The flowering of radical politics in the late by the left.
1960s, the rise of Eurocommunism, and Wolfe's theorization, however is not
the resurgence of conservatism have adequate to the task he sets himself. The

helped to take the debate beyond issues major flaw lies in his conception of the
such as budgetary restraint, class struggle. Classes only appear as
deregulation,
and to question the basic shadows reflected in the state through the
reprivatization
between democratic contradiction between the principals,
relationship political
forms and Alan Wolfe's The liberalism (the and democ
capitalism. bourgeoisie)
Limits of Legitimacy is an American con racy (the working class). Nowhere does he
tribution to this important debate. distinguish the working class from other
Thus while the book begins with a con subordinate classes present in capitalist
sideration of six
sequential ideal types of societies. He thus fails to see the impor
the liberal/democratic state, these should tance of inter-class alliances in establish
not be judged by historians' standards. ing democracy and in carrying forward the
Rather, they serve to underline Wolfe's struggle for democratic socialism. Nor
main point: that the capitalist state displays does he analyze the concrete forms of
a permanent instability, induced by the popular struggle and their
specific effects
irreconcilable contradiction between on the state. This results in a conception of
liberalism and democracy which lies at its state forms in which victories are
popular
heart. While C.B. Macpherson's readers largely treated as illusions culminating in
will not find anything novel in this,Wolfe's the "alienated politics" of the contempo
emphasis should be understood as an rary state. This a major
poses problem for,
attack on the twin tendencies to ultra by failing to identify the social forces
leftism and apathy supported by which have supported and undermined the
instrumentalist and functionalist analyses contemporary capitalist state, he cannot
of the capitalist state. In this, he echoes the a concrete assessment of the stakes
provide
call to struggle for the democratic road to of the current struggle.

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246 LABOUR/LE TRAVAILLEUR

These points can be illustrated by com "responsible" trade-union leaders;

paring his treatment of the present crisis to incomes policies; maintenance of a certain
one which specifically addresses the ques level of welfare The democ
expenditures.
tion of the configuration of classes opera ratic from Wolfe's viewpoint,
option,
tive in advanced capitalist states. Wolfe would involve to maintain social
struggles
diagnoses the
present crisis as one of services and the hoarding of popular power
(moral) exhaustion. While he refers to via and counter-cultural activities
apathy
James O'Connor's and Ernest Mandel's ("citizens' strikes"). These would be com

analyses of the socio-economic contradic plemented by repoliticization through a

tions of late capitalism, these are not inte party of movement which eschews the

grated into his political assessment. elite/mass relation that, for Wolfe, charac
Rather, he focuses on two aspects: the terises all parties in liberal democracies.
"reified state" and "alienated politics." This can be criticized on sev
analysis
The first refers to the decay (the stench of eral grounds but the central problem is the

Watergate permeates his on the failure to

identify the contemporary state
chapters
contemporary state) and irrationality of the in relation to a specific class configuration.

bureaucracy. The latter, to This prevents Wolfe from grasping why

according
Wolfe, lives in its own world of lies and "corporatism" has appeared
on the agenda
illusions. Thus, at the very time that the in advanced capitalist polities. Corpora
state is worshipped for its restorative tism can be explained once the posi
only
powers, the muscles and sinews with tion of the organized working class in
which it is to perform its tasks are weak advanced states is specified. Fur
capitalist
ened by internal rot. The second refers to ther, by failing to identify the political pre
the "schizophrenic citizen" whose sence of the "new middle class" and "mar
origi
nally broad conception of political life is ginal" sectors of the working class, Wolfe
? a
distorted through socialization to a narrow cannot pose the question of alliances
definition of politics and through the question which lies at the centre of the
activities of interest groups and work of theorists like Poulantzas and Lac
political
parties which alienate community power lau.

just as the capitalist alienates surplus value Wolfe's of the postwar state
analysis
from workers. While Wolfe argues that this
emphasizes the split between the theatrical
tendency has always existed in liberal
spectacle of electoral politics and the cov
democracies, he suggests that under late ert activities of repressive agencies such as
capitalism, "the antipolitical needs of the CI.A. While this is not surprising given
liberalism conflict so strongly with the the political of such agencies in
importance
politicizing desires of democracy that the United States, Wolfe needed to include
there is a standoff. Politics, in its original what Ian Gough has called the postwar set
sense, increasingly interferes with the tlement: collective bargaining rights for
solutions that are advanced to contain the industrial unions and full employment
contradictions inherent in capitalist soci
policies, including welfare measures.
ety, and therefore politics must be sup These working-class victories may have
pressed." (294) reinforced business unionism even in
For Wolfe, the main are as fol Western where socialist and com
options Europe
lows. From the standpoint of liberalism, a munist trade union centrals are strong.
corporatist state seems the strongest bet. These have con
public policies, however,
This would entail a close relation between tributed to the economic crisis
centrally
private monopolies and their public sector and thus the current of the
questioning
supports; restrictions on freedom of assem of the state.
It is in this context that
scope
bly and speech; further depoliticization via
corporatism appears as a solution ? one
state-funded parties and incorporation of which while to
recognizes, attempting

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 REVIEWS 247

tame, a strengthened trade-union move existence of social movements involving

ment. Yet corporatism is not the only solu unorganized workers and the "new middle
tion being offered. Less "liberal" forms class" adds dimensions to the
important
include attempts to redefine the rules for struggle. Those employed in the public
union recognition (e.g. the Nova Scotia sector ? which Wolfe's analysis tends to
? are also a
government's "Michelin" bill) and to write off as hopelessly corrupt
separate rank and file workers from trade force to be reckoned with. These can be
union activists (the Thatcher government's rallied to the cause of democratic socialism
but could become for a
Leyland plebiscite). they supports
An which locates the postwar restructuring of
the capitalist state. A Marx
analysis
state and its crisis in relation to the working ist analysis of the present crisis must
? char
class is more than Wolfe's on identify these forces their general
satisfying
as well as logical It pin acteristics and their specifically national
political grounds.
the basis of the postwar of features. Itmust identify the strategies pre
points strength
trade unions and sented to win their for neo
thereby indicates the support
which must be defended. In addi conservative and neo-liberal solutions.
rights
it suggests the and itmust consider the conditions for
tion, dangers pos Finally,
sibilities attendant on
the corporatist solu establishing a principled alliance between

tion. Certainly, the trade unions must avoid them and the organized working class.
? These kinds of questions are being
"socialism in one class" incomes
oriented to achieving redistribu raised in Europe where Eurocommunist
policies
tion within the working class. At the same and socialist are prominent on the
parties
the issues political scene. Americans and Canadians,
time, corporatist proposals place
of industrial and workers' however, work in a very different political
democracy
to shape national economic environment. This may help to explain
rights policy,
on the of trade-union movements. Wolfe's lacunae. Yet as Wolfe himself
agenda
Whether as advanced societies and
corporatism operates yet suggests, capitalist
another solution to the class states do display common features as well
temporary
as significant Left
struggle largely will be determined by the patterns of variation.
relative and stra intellectuals in both Canada and the United
strength, organizational
of the two main classes. States need to develop an analysis which
tegic, Analyses
more than Wolfe's are needed if shows how the questions raised by Euro
precise
academics are to make their contribution to pean Marxists could be answered in their
this struggle. own countries.

To argue that the struggle between the

bourgeoisie and working class is central is

not to suggest that other strata and classes Rianne Mahon
do not have an important part to play. The Carleton University

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