Andean Societies

Author(s): John V. Murra

Source: Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 13 (1984), pp. 119-141
Published by: Annual Reviews
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Ann. Rev. Anthropol. 1984. 13:119-41
Copyright ? 1984 by Annual Reviews Inc. All rights reserved

ANDEAN SOCIETIES
John V. Murra
Departmentof Anthropology,Cornell University, Ithaca,New York 14853; and Insti-
tute of Andean Research, New York, N.Y.

PRECOLUMBIANBACKGROUND
Andean societies developed in the southernhemispherein considerableisola-
tion from the rest of the world. This separate destiny raises questions of
accurate description which are of interest not only to anthropologistsand
studentsof the past but also to those interestedin the futureof at least three of
the five republicswith Andeanpopulations.Now thatan increasingnumberof
nationals of these republics have joined in the study of their own past and
ponderalternativesfor the decadesto come, we can expect acceleratedprogress
in the observationof Andean phenomena.
This is not to deny thatthroughthe millenia occasionalboatloadsof Polyne-
sians were blown off course and landed on the desert Andean coast. Genetic
similarities have been verified with varieties of cotton and sweet potatoes
elsewhere in the Pacific; maize has a pan-Americandistribution.ThorHeyder-
dahl may never have provedto scholars'satisfactionthatAndeantrafficon the
ocean reachedas far west as Polynesia, but there is no doubtthatthousandsof
keeled, ocean-going rafts undersail plied the coastal watersbetween Ecuador
and central Peru (91, 112). Recently Donald Lathraphas dwelt again on the
long postulated link between the Formative stages of Mesoamerican and
Andean civilizations (62).
However, a carefulcomparisonbetween these two regions at the time of the
Europeaninvasion will convey many more contraststhan similarities [for a
contraryopinion, see Carrasco(20)]. It is probablethat the Andean achieve-
ment may well be betterunderstoodonce comparisonsare made furtherafield.
Once studies of Tibetan managementof high altitudes or African statecraft
become a routinepartof anthropologicalendeavorin the Andes, we can expect
substantial parallels to apply, but until then, a tactical stress on Andean
"exceptionalism"will continue to be productive.
119
0084-6570/84/1015-01 19$02.00
120 MURRA

The isolated, sui generis quality of Andean societies is best documented

throughthe productivesystems, the cultigens, and domesticatedanimalsthey
developed. Neither maize nor sweet potatoes were centralto Andean agricul-
ture and social complexity. The Andean achievementin agriculture,pastures,
and the tieredrightsin land andpeople were such thatin our time anthropology
can treat the whole complex as autochthonousand unique.
The verified details of agriculturalhistoryin the highlandsremainshadowy;
most informationreachesus indirectly,via the desertcoast, wherepreservation
conditions are optimal but where many of the cultigens are local not highland
crops (for details see 64-67). Futureresearchmay well confirm Amazonian
antecedentsfor the high altitudetubers(120, 128) withoutwhich dense popula-
tions and high productivitywould be unlikely above 3200 meters, where we
find Andeansocieties. Ultimategenetic derivationwill not change the fact that
if people areto live andprosperat such altitudes,institutionalways will have to
be elaboratednot only to harvestbut also to store and managefrost-threatened
resources.
Three distinct steps in the growthof Andeansocieties can be distinguished:
two are essentially climatological and agronomicfeats; the third, more com-
plex, was expressed in the social structuraland economic arrangementswhich
handled the other two.
1. One achievement is the high productivityof an environmentthat to the
Europeaneye looks bleak andunlikelyto have been the home of a sophisticated
civilization. To cultivate at 3200 meters, at 3500, and even at 4000 meters
implies extremelygood knowledge of the calendars(12, 143), familiaritywith
soils and literally scores of cultigens, minutely adaptedto over 250 nights of
frost a year, and eventually, deliberateexperimentationto create additional,
resistant varieties. Much of this agronomic knowledge has been lost or de-
stroyedduringthe fourand a half centuriesof alien rule. This affects particular-
ly the macromanagerial,complementaryskills used before 1532, butenough is
still observableand in use. In 1982, a groupof graduateagronomists,meeting
outside Cusco with a few anthropologists,evaluatedthe opportunitiesandrisks
involved in a majorcampaignto defend and improveAndeancultigens:tarwi,
lupines rich in fats; several chaenopodiae grains as well as scores of high
altitude tubers (48).
The Aymaraethnologist, MauricioMamani,who grew up on the altiplanoin
a rural, farming environment, has recorded the many cultivated and wild
resourcesstill in use when he was coming of age some decades ago (in Albo 2).
An importantfeature of high altitude agricultureis the care lavished on the
earth; even fertilizers can do it harm, so their application is regulated by
indicatorsthe cultivatorsmust watch and recognize. Also, rational, efficient
steps are not enough;libationsand propitiatorypracticeshave a soil-protecting
mission. Chemical fertilizers, too shorta fallowing cycle, neglect of the ritual
 ANDEAN SOCIETIES 121

offeringshave all had nefariousconsequenceswhich Mamanilists. His essay is

a superbexample of the advantagesensuing from a combinationof childhood
internalizationof a cultivatingsystem with later, modernagronomicinforma-
tion.
Pre-ColumbianAndean history recordsthe gradualraising of the "roof"at
which a given tuberor lupinecould mature.While the maximawould vary with
climaticfluctuations(18, 19), one can detectan underlying,continuousinterest
in pushing the productivetiers higher and higher. Earls & Silverblatt(34-36)
have suggested that there was an experimentalcomponent of this process;
another improvement was massive terracing, which not only extended the
cultivatedareabut could also createprotectedmicroclimateswhere a particular
varietycould flourish. By the time we addhighlandirrigationto the agricultural
repertory (121), we are confronting populations highly familiar with and
respectful of the potentialitiesof high altitudeagricultureand grazing, while
also intent on gaining additional acreage in circumstanceswhich elsewhere
would not seem worth such effort.
One aspect of risk-takingin extreme circumstancesis stressed by Mamani:
while frosts for 250-300 nights a year should not be underestimated,catas-
trophes were rare. This had already been noticed by other students of the
American past. Where famines in Mesoamericaare a constant feature of the
dynastic oral traditions, they are infrequentfor the Andes (56). As Mamani
reminds us, indicators exist that would predict severe or unusual frosts, so
straw and tinderwere gatheredto fight them; plantingdates were deliberately
spaced within the same communityand crop;distinctmaturingpatternswithin
the same cultigen were intercropped;each household and each hamlet owned
dispersed, faraway, if frequentlytiny parcels of land to allow for variations
withinthe threat.All this antifrostandantifaminefiligree is frequentlyignored,
if not mockedandcondemned,todayby the averagegovernmentor internation-
al agency technicianwho finds evidence of backwardnessin Andeanexpertise.
The countertacticmentionedabove and stressedby agronomistswith Andean
backgroundsis less than ten years old.
A frequentlyunderestimatedresourcewere the herds of llamas and alpacas
(78, 89). At the presenttime, when the very survival of camelids is in doubt
(41, 43, 44), it is difficult to imagine the size and pan-Andeandistributionof
herds. In the earlydecades afterthe invasion, Europeanobserverswere stunned
by the omnipresence of the beasts on the altiplano. In 1567. one of them
reportedto CharlesV that"he had heardof an Indianwho is not even a lordbut
just a local personage, one don JuanAlanoca of Chucuito, who had more than
50,000 head of stock ....9 (28). In a census of animalsconductedin the region
only seven years later, none of the "rich"enumeratedadmittedsuch wealth:the
largestherdowner confessed to having 1700 head. What"having"meantin the
two situationscould well have differed;the importantfeatureis the magnitude
122 MURRA

of the resource. Melchior de Alarc6n (1), for decades an unusuallyperspica-

cious if illegal dweller on the shores of Lake Titicaca, who at times acted as
Charles V's notary, considered that "the herds held by the natives of this
provincewas theirgreatestwealth."If one addsthis large-scaleethnic and state
herdingof burdenbearersand wool growersto the agriculturalproductivityof
the altiplano, one begins to get a glimpse of Andean resources on a scale
unfamiliarto today's ethnographicobservers.
2. The second major achievement of Andean societies was to use and
domesticatethe cold. It was no longer a matterof enduring,of survival, as in
the Arctic, but of using nocturnalfrosts in a productiveway. Geographershave
long notedthe contrastbetweentropicaldaytimetemperaturesandthe winterat
night, but it took Carl Troll (132, 133) to draw the implications for culture-
history of such alternations.The 250 or more nights of frost were put to use.
The Andean secret they discovered was that any animal or vegetal tissue
could be preservedlocally in a nutritiousform by exposing it each 24 hours to
frost and equatorialsunshinein rapidalternation.This freeze-driedfood could
be stored for years withoutrottingat both the peasanthousehold and the state
levels. The products are generically known as ch'unu if vegetal and ch'arki
(hence jerky) if animal, but in the Andean languages each processed plant,
tuber, fish, or meat has one or more names of its own. When Europeancrops
and domestic animals were introduced,their flesh was similarly processed.
Today, identificationof freeze-driedfoods with the peasantrymasks their
crucial importancein pre-Columbiantimes. Long-termstorage alleviated the
effects of droughtand othernaturaland man-madecalamities. Along the royal
highways, the statebuilt enormouswarehousecomplexes (2400 on one hillside
nearCochabambaand over 1000 above Xauxa) which can still be studied(88).
Their architecturewas specialized accordingto the productstored, and build-
ings were designedto catchtiny differencesin exposureto wind or sunshine, to
altitudeor humidity. Llamaandhumancaravanslinking diverseterritoriesand
geographic zones, porters and soldiers, priests and pilgrims on their way to
distant shrines-all found shelter at administrativecenters and their store
houses.
This explains how Europeanadventurerswere able to "discover"thousands
of kilometersof back countryin a very shorttime. Recentresearchcenteringon
the Aymaralords revealedtheir "servicerecords"compiled by the invaders. It
was they andtheirreservesthatfed andguidedAlmagro, Valdivia, andthe rest
throughdesertsand glaciers. As late as 1547, 15 years afterthe invasion, Polo
de Ondegardowas still able to feed an army of 2000 Europeansoldiers for
seven weeks with what they found stored in the warehouses at Xauxa. As a
managerialaccomplishment,this system collapsed within the first generation
of Europeanrule;with it went the possibilityof maintaininga macrostructurein
the Andes, independentof the silver and other export-orientedmines.
 ANDEAN SOCIETIES 123

3. By discussing storagesystems as partof the two agronomicachievements

of Andean societies, I have reachedinto my thirddimension-the economic,
political, and administrativeinstitutions emerging out of the previous two.
Multiethnicsocieties in the Andes grew into quite large polities, both coastal
and in the highlands(66). At times, before 1000 AD, such polities as Wari or
Tiwanaku achieved considerable size, including both mountain and desert
regions, only to fall apart, reverting to the local kingdoms mapped by the
archaeologists.Less than a centurybefore the Europeaninvasion, the lords of
Cusco were able to forge an even mightierstate, reaching over thousandsof
miles and known as Tawantinsuyu,or in popularterms, the Inka state. It has
been assiduously studiedelsewhere and need not concern us here (14, 27, 94,
115, 142, 144). For at least 2000 years, the multiethnicpolities, large and
small, thatcharacterizedthe Andeanworldmanifestedcertaincommon organi-
zational features-whatever languages may have been spoken and whichever
mountain-peakshrines may have been worshipped.In conformitywith condi-
tions 1 and 2 outlined above, these groupsall had a dispersed("sprinkled"say
the sixteenth century sources) notion of territoriality.Beyond the intimate
familiarity with altiplano agricultureand the managementof reserves, all,
whether individuals, households, kin groups, or kingdoms, tried to diversify
theirholdings. Since most of the people lived above timberline,lumberhad to
be fetched from the wet lowlands to the east. The dry, coastal lowlands to the
west providedfish, hot peppers,andguano fertilizer.On both slopes one could
plant maize, coca leaf, and other sumptuaryindispensables.
Depending on size and fluctuatingpower circumstances,highland polities
stroveto maintainpermanentoutliersof theirown people in a maximumof tiers
so as to controldirectlythe territoriesprovidingthe goods theirnuclei could not
produce. Frequentlythe peripheralinstallationshad to be shared with other
highlandgroups, thoughwe still do not understandhow the inevitabletensions
and reaches for hegemony were handled (81, 90).
Elsewherein the world, missing necessities are the object of commerce, but
in the Andes people opted for a different approach to exchange. A large
kingdom like the Lupaqa, some 20,000 households on the shores of Lake
Titicaca, was able to maintainoutlying colonies on both slopes (16, 90), but
others of similar might, such as the Wankaor the Karanqa,were content with
peripheralsettlements on the slope nearest their nucleus.
This effort to diversify residences and acreageis facilitatedin the Andes by
the relative proximity of very different tiers, each with its own agricultural
calendar. The "rationality"of ecological complementarityhas been stressed
recentlyby the GermanscholarJuergenGolte (49). He shows thatthe multiple
agriculturalcycles did not overlap, allowing the pooling of geographically
separate energies. Even today, when Andean polities have long been frag-
mentedout of all recognition,it is commonto find householdswhose members
124 MURRA

are familiar with environmentsradically different from their native homes.

OscarNuniiezdel Prado(97) was one of the first to attractour attentionto such
enduringdedicationby highlanderswho maintaintheir access to lowland and
intermediatetiers. Jorge Flores Ochoa (42) found that only 11% of the house-
holds in one town near Lake Titicaca still owned traditionalacreage on the
Pacific coast, but furtherinquirybroughtout the fact that the grandfathersof
most had owned such landswell into the twentiethcenturybuthad lost them in
recentdecades. Fieldworkdone farthersouth within the last ten years (52) had
documentedthatsuch complementary"archipelagos"are still efficient and can
be maintainedby contemporaryfarmers, even where they are familiar with
marketand mining economies.
In pre-Columbiantimes, ecological complementaritywas one of the fun-
damentalexplanationsof Andean success. Born of familiaritywith the minu-
tiae of altiplano conditions, yet able to experimentwhile reaching for higher
and higher achievements, Andean societies producedthe inventorsof ch'ufnu
andch'arki, a techniquethatworkedonly there. Thus they filled warehousesat
altitudesconsidered inhospitableeverywhereelse. Since the polities with the
densest population, then and now, were centered above 3200 meters, we
considertheirsuccessful technological, economic and social systems uniquein
the world.

EUROPEAN COLONIZATION
We still have difficulty in recognizingmost details of the Andeanachievement
becauseso muchof it was destroyedcenturiesago. Unlike Africaor the Pacific,
where massive Europeanpenetrationwas delayed untilthe nineteenthcentury,
permanentforeign settlementin the Americasbeganalmost five centuriesago.
In the process, coastal civilizations were destroyedto the last household, while
highland peoples endured but in a weakened, "destructured"condition.
The first to crumblein the Andes was the overarchingempire of Tawantin-
suyu, the Inka. A popularexercise, particularlyin the nineteenthcentury, was
the inquiry into the reasons for such rapiddisintegration.The most plausible
explanationwas offered independentlyby two Peruvianscholars, Waldemar
EspinozaSoriano(39) andEdmundoGuillen Guillen (50). They note thatfrom
the earliest days of the invasion, in many regions the Europeanswere wel-
comed as liberatorsfrom the Inka yoke. While many separatepolities sided
with Pizarro, the earliest and decisive alliance was struck with the Wanka.
Strategicallylocated on the main south-northhighway, in the Mantarovalley
nearpresent-dayXauxa, the Wankaare reportedto have numberedmore than
30,000 households. Having sufferedfrom Inkaoverlordship,they providedthe
Europeanswith food, humanbearers, and llamas, plus soldiers, both women
and men. The Wanka-Spanishalliance lasted for more than a decade and was
 ANDEAN SOCIETIES 125

crucialin the establishmentof the Europeanregime. The invadersfelt so safe in

Wankaterritorythat their first capital was located at Xauxa.
The Inka may have disappearedearly from the political landscape, but the
many ethnic groups they once had ruled asserted themselves and played an
importantrole duringthe early decades after 1532, when the Europeanswere
still few in number. As elsewhere in the Americas, the coastal societies
vanished; the highlandersremained the only source of manpower and food
requiredby the invadingarmies, particularlyas these spent most of their time
fighting each other.
Many a highlandlord found himself temporarilyricherand more powerful
thanhe hadever been;they took readilyto horses, firearms,andsilk hose. They
also startedplantationsof Europeancrops-vineyards or barley. Most of the
internal,long-distancetradeto the new miningcenterswas in theirhands;they
lent and borrowedmoney, employed Europeansas clerks and artisans, mas-
tered reading and writing and even court behavior (9, 93, 99).
Some of the European clergy, appalled by the depopulation (26) which
began to reach the highlands, urged the king and the Council of the Indies in
Valladolid to prohibitEuropeansettlement;if the country were to be turned
over to the ethnic authorities,los senores naturales, the "natural"lordsguaran-
teed much higher crown revenues.
The settlers won thatbattle, but a study of the period 1548 to 1568, when a
debatewas still possible, providesus with new insights, unavailableelsewhere,
into the functioningof Andean societies. The closest allies of the Europeans,
the lords of the Wanka, sued in the highest court in the land, the Audiencia of
Los Reyes, for relief from having to accept residentEuropeanadministrators.
In supportof their suit, they introducedinto the recordsworn testimony based
on khipu knotkeeping, where they had kept track of everything contributed
since 1533 to the Europeancause, and, separately,everythingthe invadershad
pillaged. In 1558, there was no reluctancein the Europeanjudiciaryto accept
evidence transcribedfrom an Andean calculator(38, 92).
The Wankalords lost their suit but appealedto the crown council in Spain.
One of the youngerWankamen, fluent in Spanish, madehis way to Valladolid
and Barcelona,presentedhis case to Phillip II, and arguednot only for redress
of grievancesbut also for new privileges, unavailablebefore 1532, such as the
right to buy and sell land. The king grantedsome of the requestsand a coat of
arms to the petitioner's grandfather.
Others petitioned successfully for the returnof outliers on the coast which
had been granted in encomienda to adventurersby viceroys who did not
understandthe "sprinkled"use of Andean landholdings. This was also the
period when messianic movementslike the Taki Unquy, the "dancingillness,"
flourished, aimed at the regenerationof Andean societies while absorbing
Europeanreligious notions (32, 80).
126 MURRA

By this time most Andeanleaderswho had been adultsin 1532 and familiar
with pre-Europeanmacroorganizationwere dying out. 1568 is a convenient
date for separatingthe decades immediately after the invasion from the true
colonial period which opened with the arrivalof the Jesuits and of viceroy
Francisco de Toledo, kin to the duke of Alba. During the long colonial
centuriesthat followed, highlandethnic groupswere systematicallycut up and
impoverished.Beyond the well-known Europeancupidityandthe silver mines
(13, 63), the most seriousblow came in Toledo's reign. He was the firstviceroy
to spend years in the highlands, away from court. He ordereda detailedcensus
of the populationand its resources and learnedhow to utilize knowledgeable
personnelamong the early bureaucrats,some with 25 or more years of service
in the Andes, who had fathomed the sources of Andean wealth.
Learningof the role played by ecological complementarityin the prosperity
of Andeansocieties, Toledo orderedthatthe whole populationbe resettledinto
reducciones, "reducing"the number of settlements controlled by an ethnic
group into larger, more accessible towns, an early variant of "strategicvil-
lages" (68). Beyond the original invasion, this was the most telling measure
against Andean efficiency. Some of the outliers had alreadybeen lost before
1568-those on the coast because of encomiendagrants,while othersin the wet
lowlands were grabbedby coca-leaf planters. The growing populationof the
largest city in the New World, Potosi, requiredvast quantities of the leaf;
althoughsome of the supplierswere Andeanlords, most of the trafficeventual-
ly fell into Europeanhands.
Two centuries elapsed between 1581, when Toledo returned from his
Andean post and the great rebellions that shook the vice royalty in 1781. For
Andean societies, these two centuries were a period of gradual erosion of
resources, population, and degree of self-government.We find signs of resis-
tance but also of accommodation. In 1615, Waman Puma petitioned the
farawayking and listed his people's grievances on 1200 pages of which 400
were illustrations(96) but the suggestions for improvementwhich he made
were much less drastic than those suggested by Dominican friars 50 years
earlier.In the 1580s, colonial archiveswere full of petitionsby people claiming
titles andprivileges:"we arethe dukesandmarquisesof this land.. . ." By 1600,
the Europeanregime was consolidated;thousandsof adults, born in the Andes
of mixed American, European, and African descent, had nowhere to be
repatriatedto, and no one argued that the country be returnedto its natural
lords.
However, when the greatrebellioncame, only a few decadesbefore the wars
of independence, it had an underlyingAndean, even Inka, justification. The
early leader, Jose GabrielThupaAmaru, could claim descent from the Cusco
royal family (45, 116, 117, 127). While there is evidence that he thought
beyond the Andean majority in planning the uprising, as it rolled over the
 ANDEANSOCIETIES 127

altiplanothe movement acquireda separatist,ethnic content. The siege of the

city of La Paz, which successfully cut it off from the rest of the vice-royalty,
was eventually lifted because of ethnic dissension between the Aymara and
Quechuabesiegers(138). Modem historiansare still debatingif the uprisingof
1781 was a prologueto republicanindependencethatcame soon afterwardor if
it followed a separate, Andean drummer(15, 57, 106, 131).

REPUBLICANINSTITUTIONS
The fourrepublicswith Andeanpopulationswhich inheritedthe space occupied
by the vice-royaltyhave followed differentpolicies in governingtheir aborigi-
nal citizens. Thus we can find proclamationsasking for supportin Quechua,
issued by GeneralSan Martinin whattodayis Argentina;we would have a hard
time locating theirequivalentin whattoday is Peru, even thoughits population
speakingthat language was much larger(11 1). In general, the fate of Andean
societies in republicantimes is only a marginalsubject in the writing of the
separatenational histories.
A feature common to all four republics is the "Bolivarian"legislation
attemptingto "modernize"Andean societies by breakingup what organization
was still functioningbeyond the village andhouseholdlevel. Reciprocalaccess
and rights to land and human energy by a historically verifiable group was
particularlydistasteful to nineteenth century ideologues: legislation was re-
peatedly passed stressing individual tenure and liability for personal, cash
taxes. A recentworkby Platt(109) offers a detailedaccountof the resistanceto
such efforts during the last 150 years by the inhabitantsof NorthernPotosi.
After independencebut before 1843, the several ethnic groups inhabiting
Chayanta province had been enumeratedand had paid their tribute from
informationgatheredby a single traditionalAymara leader. From that date
onward, the Bolivian governmentchallengedthe province-wideauthorityand
insisted that each ethnic group, known in Chayanta as an ayllu, hand in
separatelythe figuresneededto calculatetheirobligations. This createdendless
difficulties. Given the Europeanmisconceptionsover what could possibly be a
group's "territory,"the nineteenthcentury tax-collectors did not understand
that a given ayllu's land and people lived dispersedover many kilometersand
on differentecological tiers. As conceived by the inhabitants,their "territory"
was located in thejurisdictionof differentenumerators.Each inspectortriedto
collect in "his"region;the ayllu segmentsresisted. Each felt thatone payment
at its altiplano headquarterstook care of all their dependent settlements,
wherever found.
Since the "indigenoustribute"was such an importantpartof state revenues,
the authorities,frequentlypressuredby external events such as the war with
Chile, would yield and accept single accountsandpaymentsfrom a multitiered
128 MURRA

group (108). Many of the polities in Aymara-speakingcountry managed to

hang on to their vallada outliers until the LandReform Act of 1952, when the
legislators classified such holdings as "estates," thus making them liable to
confiscation (69). Fortunately,this law was not enforced in NorthernPotosi,
where the population(as can be seen fromthe map, Figure 1) kepttheircontrol
of the traditionalmultiethnicacreage in the warm country (52).
The nineteenthcenturywas also the periodwhen indigenousgroupsbegan to
feel growingpressurefromestatesandotherformsof capitalistenterprisein the
countryside.Haciendasof variouskinds had existed since colonial times; with
the growth of an urban market and the export of wool, new entrepreneurs
invested in land which the Andeanpopulationconsideredtheir own. At times
the estates had been carved out of ethnic territoriesby corrupt indigenous
leaders.
It is true that the centraland southernAndes never sufferedfrom a military
campaignto de-Indianizethe republicsuch as took place in the northernmost
partof the cordillera.But the attitudesprevailingamongthe creole elites of the
centralAndes were not much different. Since the Andean populationformed
the vast majority of total numbers in Bolivia, Ecuador, and Peru, intense
pressurewas broughtby the schools, the churches, the armedforces, and the
mass media against "backwardness."This was identified with Andean lan-
guage, dress, settlementpattern,and particularlyagainstremnantsof regional
or ethnic autonomy.
These pressuresled to numerouspeasantrebellions-the best studyof such a
movement will be found in RamiroCondarcoMorales's Zdrate, el "temible"
willka, now in its second, enlargededition (23). By the 1920s and 1930s, there
was a wide perceptionthat somethingnew should be done in the countryside;
indigenista novels like Jorge Icaza's Huasipungo (54) or Ciro Alegria's El
mundoes ancho y ajeno (3) broughtthe plightof Andeansocieties to the notice
of a continentaland internationalaudience.
One of the most calculatedinstitutionalresponsesto Andeanrebellionswas a
law setting up comunidadesindfgenas in Peru in the 1920s. PresidentLeguia
was in his second term;he had gained a reputationas a "modernizer"before the
first World War, a period which saw numerouspeasantuprisings(107, 110).
He felt, the second time around, that there was an opportunityto bring the
country into the twentieth century. The effort to destroy what was left of
Andean self-government, earlier seen as facilitatingthe rebellions, was pre-
sented now as a defense of the "communities"against outsiders' encroach-
ments. This new comunidadhad to be created,much as Toledo had createdthe
reducciones in the 1570s. Under the law its territory, carved out of the
remainingacreage of the ethnic group, would be mapped and the new limits
guaranteedagainstoutside encroachments.Communityleaders would be des-
ignated and accountabilityintroduced(73).
 ANDEAN SOCIETIES 129

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Harrisan TristanPlatt
130 MURRA

In the last 50 years, several thousandsettlementshave taken advantageof

this law, frequentlytearingapartlarger,commonresources-pastures, canals,
distant lowland holdings. On a single mountainslope, at Cuyo Cuyo in the
departmentof Puno, where there was no hacienda threat, we find three
"recognizedcommunities"and one still unrecognized,all within sight of each
other. Fortunately,none of them lost the lowland terraces planted to maize
which belonged to Cuyo Cuyo as a whole. The anthropologistwho studied
the region did not inquire into what was lost in gaining state "recognition"
(17).
The applicationof the law encouragedthe emergence of a two-tier arrange-
mentof leaders:those appointedby the governmentaccordingto the new ley de
comunidadesandthose elected each yearby the inhabitantsandinauguratedon
the first of January.The Peruvianscholar, GabrielEscobar, has studied how
authorityhas been divided between the two sets of leaders (37). Mangin (70)
found that even where highlandersmigrateto the cities and the governmentof
the day does not toleratemunicipalelections, shantytownsnearLima continue
to inauguratetheir local leaders each January.

THE STUDY OF CONTEMPORARYSOCIETIES

There is no reason to attributethe long-lastingpredilectionof anthropologists
for communitystudies to the legislation setting up comunidadesindigenas. In
fact, in the late 1930s, when ethnographicfieldworkby professionalsbegan in
the Andes, the investigatorsdid not necessarily focus on particularlocalities
but ratheron the more traditionaldimensionsof culturehistoryor "descriptive
integration."
When these foreign scholars began fieldwork they had at their disposal a
limited literature:the sixteenthcenturyeyewitness accountswhich dealtonly in
passing with particularethnic groups. They providedno access to administra-
tive recordsor the house-to-houseinspectionsfromthe same period(28, 101).
The last one had actuallybeen printedin Limain 1920-25 buthad been ignored
by anthropologistsand historians alike. From the contact period the reader
jumped to the nineteenthcenturytravelers'or geographers'accounts-some-
times very perceptive but episodic. There were also folklore collections like
Paredes's(104) or those sponsoredby archaeologistJulioTello (130). A useful
exception was the Revista Universitariaof Cusco, which printedshortreports
of inquiries conducted by its students in the immediate vicinity.
In his recentMemorias, Luis Valcaircel(136) recallsthe firstthreedecadesof
this centuryas a periodwhen Cusco was a majorcenterof literaryand political
movements discovering and defending the Andean dimension as a living,
practical force in planning the Peruvian future. It would come as a storm;
Tempestad en los Andes (137) has been rediscovered again and again by
 ANDEAN SOCIETIES 131

successive generations. In his memoirs, Valcaircelgives ample credit to a

Pennsylvania Dutch academic, Albert Giesecke, who around 1900 found
himself bothmayorof Cusco andrectorof its university.Thougha foreigner,or
maybe because of it, he stressed a concern for local geography, history,
archaeology, and the contemporarycondition of the Andean population. By
1930, both Giesecke and Valcaircelhad moved to Lima;Cusco has never again
been the leading center in Andeanstudies for which it seemed destined. In the
early 1940s, the presencethereof anotherNorthAmerican,John Rowe, led to
the formationof an anthropologydepartmentand library;some of the resear-
chers trainedthen have alreadybeen mentioned:Oscar Nuniiezdel Prado and
Gabriel Escobar.
In Lima, after 1930, Luis Valcaircelplayed a major role in encouraging
Andeanstudies. He had establishedcontactsin Limaeven before he migrated,
particularlywith the groups aroundJose Carlos Mariaiteguiand Luis Alberto
Sanchez. An importantfigure in pro-Andeancircles in the capital was Hilde-
brandoCastroPozo, who visualizedthe "survivals"of the ayllu as an asset in an
eventual transitionto a morejust and cooperative, more Andean society (21,
22).
Like Giesecke in Cusco, Valcaircelin Lima starteda journal, Revista del
MuseoNacional, now in its fiftiethyear;he also set up the only anthropological
library devoted to Andean studies and open to all. When the first U.S.
fieldworkersarrivedjust before the second WorldWar, therewas an institution
and some researchpersonnel to welcome them.
Three early studies in the field by U.S. anthropologistsdeserve mention:
1. LaBarre's study of the Aymara at Lake Titicaca (61) surveyed ethno-
graphicpracticesin several altiplanoprovinces. It contains suggestive data on
kinship and marriage, but deals also with potato classification (60) by the
inhabitantsand other proceduresof folk science. An importantquality for the
time is LaBarre's familiarity with the scattered literature, particularly by
scholars in La Paz, Cochabamba,and Sucre.
2. Mishkin undertooka partialstudy of Kauri, a village in Quispicanchis,
south of Cusco, a Quechua-speakingarea. His work's chief merit has been
methodological. In difficult circumstances,Mishkincollected detailed, home-
ly materialson peasantlife even thoughhe had not masteredthe language. The
studywas long used in Spanishtranslationin Peruvianuniversities,not because
of the revelations it contained but for its field methodology (82, 83).
3. Tschopik's studyof magic in Chucuitowas also done throughinterpreters,
but it is based on much longer residence in the field. A second monograph,on
lakesideeconomics, remainedunfinishedat Tschopik'sdeath. His analysis was
handicappedby the unavailabilityof the 1567 inspection of the Lupaqaking-
dom (28), of which Chucuitohad been the capitalbefore it became the village
he knew (24, 134).
132 MURRA

Whateverthe impact of these early monographselsewhere, in the Andean

republics they were revelations. Debate centered on the advantages, real or
alleged, of participantobservationin the study of such domestic details. The
debate became institutionalizedin the late forties when Valcaircelbecame
minister of education. In office he was able to move the study of Andean
societies to a new level; he had the ministryapprovean official methodfor the
writing of Quechua, strengthenedthe Museum of Culture, and inaugurateda
departmentof anthropologyin the Universidadde San Marcos. The intellectual
and pedogogic framework utilized was the familiar one elsewhere in the
Americas where archaeology and contemporaryethnology are considered
tactics of the same major endeavor. Such innovations began to attract to
Andean studies many young people, many of them of ruralbackgroundand
fluent in the vernacularlanguages.
In archaeology,the staff were nationals:JulioTello, ToribioMejia, and later
JorgeMuelle. By the late 1950s a generationof youngerarchaeologistswere in
place, and these have been the leadersof the discipline until today. In ethnolo-
gy, social anthropology,and ethnohistorythe process was slower because the
staff were foreigners, frequentlyon very short assignments. I will single out
two of them who devoted years to the creationof a nationalcadreof scholars.
George Kubleris the one best remembered.An arthistorianon assignment
from the SmithsonianInstitution,he encouragedmany new approachesto the
study of Andean societies and initiatedthe studentsinto a variety of scholarly
techniques. The ecclesiastic repositoryat the archbishop'spalace was used to
get data on the seventeenth century campaigns to "extirpateidolatries." Not
only did studentslearn to read colonial Spanish script, but the arrangementof
the informationby ethnic groupprovidednew dimensions to Andean studies.
Hope arose for Andean history to bridge the apparentgap in our information
between what was reportedby the eyewitnesses of the invasion and the much
later nineteenthcentury travelers.
Kubler also encouraged excavations in the enormous accumulations of
guano on the islands lining the desert coast, at a time when archaeology was
still obsessed with monumentsand tombs. San Marcos pioneeredthe study of
prehistoricmining of the humble fertilizerdeposits used by Andean societies,
both highland and coastal (58). Kubler also stimulated the study of demo-
graphic history which has flourished since (59).
The studyof living Andeansocieties, afterthe threepioneeringmonographs,
was also fostered by developments at San Marcos. The leading figure in this
advance was Allan Holmberg, later at Cornell University. At first he was the
ethnologist of the coastal Viru valley project sponsored by the Institute of
Andean Research, created in New York by Julio Tello in 1936 (129); in that
work Holmbergwelcomed the participationof OscarNuniiezdel Pradofrom the
 ANDEANSOCIETIES 133

Cusco groupandof JorgeMuelle of Valcaircel'smuseum. Somewhatlaterteam

trainingat San MarcosprovidedHolmbergwith his chief associate for almost
two decades, Mario Vaizquez.Together they centered their research on the
Callejonde Huaylas, in the departmentof Ancash. It was MarioVa\zquezwho
thoughtup the Vicos project, which was to attractso much attentionlater(139,
140).
Vicos is a highlandsettlement;it was neithera "free"comunidadin the legal
sense until 1962 nor partof an estate. It became availableto the investigators
because it belonged to the Sociedad de Beneficencia of the neighboringcity of
Huarazand was rented out periodically to create the revenues which would
underwritethe beneficientworkcontemplatedby the agency. Twice Vicos was
rentedout for five-year periods to what came to be known as the Peru-Cornell
project. The newly formed anthropologydepartmentat Cornell University
stressed the application of anthropologicalinsights to current problems; at
Vicos, Holmbergand Vaizquezattemptedto foster economic developmentand
self-government. Crucial support came from Dr. Carlos Monge, an early
studentof humanbiology at very high altitudes,who representedthe Peruvian
government (29, 31, 53, 72, 125, 126).
A largenumberof both Peruvianand U.S. studentsof Andeansocieties have
spent time at Vicos; a good deal of polemical materialhas been generatedin
both countries. A good introductionis a retrospectiveglance by Mangin (71),
who stresses the contributionof the Vicosinos themselves as they took advan-
tage of the opportunitiesprovided by outside attention.
Duringthe firstdecade of its functioning,Valcaircel'sinstituteat San Marcos
trainedotherethnologists, manyof them still active today. I will single out only
two colleagues, whose careers differed significantly but who made crucial
contributionsto our understandingof contemporaryAndean societies: Jose
Matos Mar and Jose Maria Arguedas.
Matos had begun as a student of Kubler; his chief interest was in the
contemporaneous indigenous comunidades. In the early 1950s, brief but
numerousfieldwork parties concentratedon the inhabitantsof mountainvil-
lages above Lima; eventually, coastal settlements were included in these
surveys. In the prologueto a collection of field reportsdatingfrom 1955, Matos
stated his creed:
The communitiesare a continuationof the indigenousayllu that were restructuredafterthe
conquest and the periodof Spanishdomination.This culturalblendingdid not preventtheir
survival into republicantimes; only during the very last few decades has their structure
suffered serious upheavals which tend to disintegratethem-both internally and in their
articulationwithin the national framework-because it forces contradictoryfacts upon
them.
Theirpopulationis not purelyindigenous,neitherraciallyor culturally. .. Moreand more
of theirmembersspeakSpanishandparticipatein the widersociety.... Despite such notable
changes, the comunidadesas basic social cells, have maintaineda vital community-oriented,
134 MURRA

collectivist attitudethroughthe prevalenceof workingas a group, mutualaid andcommunity

efforts ... This tenaciousresistanceto the social andculturallyalienatingpressuresindicate
thatwe confronta social organizationof greatvitality andmajorimportancefor the futureof
the country . . . (74).

Most of these reportswere first printedin the Revista del Museo Nacional;
later Matos expandedhis field work to the altiplano(11, 75), to the island of
Taquile in Lake Titicaca, whose 600 or so inhabitantshad long been peons of
the owners from the mainland.In the 1950s, takingadvantageof the provincial
middle classes' eagernessto financetheirmigrationto the cities, the inhabitants
of the island boughtit back with theirown earningsin the growingurbanworld
(76). This procedurewas matched by a similar effort by the weavers in the
seven hamletssurroundingthe city of Otavalo, in the northernAndes, who also
retrievedtheir own acreage alienatedby the estates (118).
In 1963, Matos Mar and five colleagues created the Institutode Estudios
Peruanos, a privateresearchand publishingorganization,supportedby a wide
range of European,Canadian,and U.S. foundations. In its first 20 years the
Institutohas publishedover 150 titles, includingmonographs,social surveys,
historical analyses, bibliographies, and other books dealing with Andean
societies past and present. A majoreffort were the evaluationsof the extensive
land reforms promoted by the military governments of the 1970s (77); the
"officialization"of Quechuaby the same regime led to the publicationof half a
dozen dictionariesand as many grammars.Recently the Institutoextended its
researchandpublicationprogramsto the otherAndeanrepublics(10, 84, 108).
The Instituto'scatalogue, with most titles kept in print,is unmatchedanywhere
in the Andes in its breadthof interests and in sheer volume.
One of the people joining Matos in the creation of the Instituto was Jose
MariaArguedas, alreadywell known as a novelist when he enrolled, at age 40,
in Valcaircel'snew anthropologydepartmentin San Marcos. He studied with
the same foreignteachersas Matos andtook partin the ethnographicexcursions
to neighboringvalleys. Young highlanderswere numerousin the group, but
few had had Arguedas'sintimatecontactwith indigenouslife or his passionate
commitmentto theirAndeanfuture.In fact, in the 1930s, when he first came to
Lima, his intention had been to write his fiction in Quechua.
A good exercise for a studentof the Andes who comes from anthropologyis
to compareArguedas'snovels with his own earlymonographs,which frequent-
ly deal with the same comunidad(4, 5). As in his fiction, Arguedasstressesthe
vitality and the abilityof Andeansocieties to take initiatives, even handlingthe
urbanand capitalistworld. Not contentwith merely defendingthemselves, the
people have undertakenthe constructionof many kilometers of road, using
traditionaltechniques of managementand mutual aid.
Arguedas was also the first to conduct field research in Spain (7) in an
attemptto clarifyrelationsbetweenthe lives lead by ruralfolk in the Andes and
 ANDEAN SOCIETIES 135

rural organization at the former imperial center. Earlier he had played an

importantrole in recordingAndean music and also in editing an international
journal,FolkloreAmericano. Alone in his environment,Arguedasarguedfor a
literarydestiny for both Aymaraand Quechua(6); late in life, all the poetryhe
publishedwas in the latterlanguage. He has not been replacedas a participant
and an observer of Andean societies since his death in 1969 (95).
The contrastbetween Arguedas's work and the studies of others concerned
with Andean societies clarifies some of the contradictoryapproachesto the
tasks aheadprevailingin the several republics,particularlythose with Andean
majorities.The bulk of the researchin the 1960s stressedthe obvious fact that
the Andean populations formed a peasantry,exploited in manifold ways by
landlords, commercial interests, and government officials. If they were
peasants, then the vast, world-wide literatureon that social stratumcould be
applied to the Andes, sometimes even with relevance.
Practicehas shown, however, thata stress on the universalshas relieved the
investigatorfrom learningthe language or the local history, from doing pro-
tracted and repeated fieldwork, or otherwise discovering the specificity of
Andean organization.In so far as ethnicitywas a factor, it has frequentlybeen
seen as part of "backwardness,"only now this putdowncould be justified as
"social science." Claims that the "Indians"are no longer a majority of the
population are frequently heard in academic circles of Ecuador and Peru.
During his life, Arguedas was frequentlythe target of jokes and sermons on
how to improve his novels whenever he mentioned the tenacity of Andean
continuities,even in the city. Characteristically,he dealtwith his persecutorsin
a poem, in Quechua, Huk DoctorkunamanQayay (8), "A Call upon some
Doctors."
Even if its aims were frequentlydilutedin the 1960s and 1970s, anthropolo-
gy saw an increase in the numbersof fieldworkers, both local and foreign.
Cusco, which had always stayed aloof from most Lima initiatives, has gener-
atedsome interestingprogramsof its own. Nuniiezdel Pradoundertooka project
in appliedanthropologyat Kuyo Chico (98). As one of the best speakersof the
languageamong city people, Nufiez was able to try out a varietyof projects, in
all of which the local village organizationwas treatedas an asset. Some efforts
dealt with economic improvements,health, and literacyin the mothertongue,
buthighest on Nuniez'slist of prioritieswas freeingthe inhabitantsfrom several
semilegal prestationsexacted since colonial times by nearby townpeople. A
studentof his and of Rowe, the ethnologist Flores Ochoa initiated long-term
researchinto herdingsocieties (44), arguingthatnative animalhusbandrywas
both ancient and independentof agriculturaldomestication. Several journals
survive in Cusco, among them AntropologfaAndina, Allpanchis Phuturinqa,
and Revista Andina.
Foreign students attractedto contemporaryAndean societies in the Cusco
136 MURRA

region numbera dozen or more. I will mentiononly a few projectsthatseem to

offer interestingapproachesor compile new data and thus give us a notion of
the range of their activities (additionalreferences can be found in alternate
years in the Social Science volumes of the Handbookof LatinAmericanStud-
ies):
1. The Spanish universities' study of Chincheromobilized colleagues from
Sevilla, Barcelona, and Madrid. Once the residence of an Inka royal lineage,
Chincheroplayed an importantrole duringthe ThupaAmarurebellion (1781),
when its lordPumacahuasided with the distantcrownagainsthis kinsman,only
to rebel in turn25 years later(127). The Spanishteam studiedthe archaeology,
history, and contemporaryethnology of Chinchero(25, 40).
2. The valley of Yucay or Urubambawas also royal acreagebefore 1532. In
time it became a place where large haciendasflourished, producingmaize for
the market, while the Indian communities were crowded off the valley floor
onto the mountainsides. Forthe last decade, AntoinetteMolinie-Fioravantihas
been conducting field and historical research in the valley; her monograph
(85) includes an evaluation of the recent decade of far-reachingagrarianre-
form.
3. Two students of Zuidema at the University of Illinois have produced
first-classmonographs.GaryUrtonhas studiedthe perceptionof the heavens as
contemplatedby present-dayAndean villagers (135). There are remarkable
continuities with what we learn of Andean astronomyfrom sixteenth century
eyewitnesses. JeanetteSherbondyhas studiedcontemporaryirrigationworksin
the light of whatwas known of the importanceof waterdistributionin the social
and religious organizationof Cusco (122). Both monographsare models of
contemporaryfield research that is fully aware of historical continuities to
pre-Columbianconditions.
Finally, since the landreformprogramsponsoredby the militarygovernment
of the 1970s was intensivelyappliedin the Cusco region, a studyof its effect on
Andean societies can be found in Guillet (51).
The studyof Andeansocieties at the Universityof Ayacuchohas flickeredon
and off ever since it was reorganizedin the early 1960s. Efrain Morote Best
encouragedfieldwork much as he had done at Cusco, where he edited Tradi-
cion, a journalof Andeanfolklore. He inviteda Netherlandsinvestigator,R. T.
Zuidema, to conduct field researchunderthe sponsorshipof the Organization
of AmericanStates. This eventually led to the formationof a researchteam of
local students, some of whom have continued fieldwork (103, 145). Later,
U.S. studentsalso took part,andat least one good monographis available(55).
It relates ritualbehaviorto the daily life in the village of Chuschi and follows
the migrantsfrom it to the squattersettlements near Lima.
A researchand publicationcenterthathas grown in importancehas been the
 ANDEANSOCIETIES 137

InstitutFran,ais d'EtudesAndines in Lima, which at first sponsoreda series of

miscellaneous Travauxand in recent years has added a very useful quarterly
Bulletin. The Institutecombines an interestin geology andgeography(30) with
Andeanhistoryandcontemporaryvillage life. A majorstudyof the seventeenth
century campaigns to destroy Andean religions was published by Pierre
Duviols (33).
Two other historical publishing efforts are centered in Lima. One is at the
Institutode Estudios Peruanos, where MariaRostworowskihas broughtout a
whole series of extremely useful essays on the peoples of the Andean coast
(113, 114) and where others have tried out several approachesto an Andean
history (119, 123, 124, 141). Another research center has grown up at the
UniversidadCatolica, where FranklinPease has edited the journalHist6rica
and has arguedfor the incorporationof the Andean populationand its destiny
throughthe colonial and modem centuriesinto a single, a diachronicendeavor
(105).
Also at Catholic University, in a separatecenter, Ossio and Mayer have
directedsocial anthropologicalresearch.Some of theirpublicationshave dealt
with symbolism (100, 102) andreligion, which have been somewhatneglected
in this survey. Their main contributionhas been the ready acceptance for
trainingof younger colleagues from other Andean republics.
This brings us back to where this survey began: the Universidad de San
Marcos, also in Lima. ValcaircelretiredandMatosMarandhis team were eased
out at the time the militaryregime took power in the late 1960s. Anthropology
andhistorywere now proclaimedsuperannuatedandblendedin with sociology
into a single "social science." Althoughsuch amalgamationdoes not encourage
field research, some of the staff have persevered. Montoya (86, 87) and
Fonseca Martel (47) have taken their studentsinto the countrysideto observe
the consequences of the imposition of sociedades agrarias de interes social
(SAIS) upon the old comunidadesby the military authorities,to replace the
estates. Fonseca has also published the results of his earlier fieldwork in
Chaupiwaranga(46) and has collaboratedwith Enrique Mayer (79), of the
UniversidadCatolica, in a thoroughstudyof the whole Cafietevalley, from its
inception above 4000 meters to the irrigatedfields at its mouth.

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