Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
The single largest group of images in the collection of the Museum für Völkerkunde
Wien (Museum of Ethnology Vienna) are the photographs taken by the Austro-Brazilian
photographer Mario Baldi (1896–1957) between the 1920s and the time of his death,
when this group of documents was received from his estate. Since the pictures (neg-
atives, prints, and slides), numbering somewhere between 10,000 and 15,000, were
mostly without documentation, it was decided to catalogue them under a single num-
ber, in the vague expectation that one day the problem of the missing documentation
could be solved.2 This day came in 2008, when it was learned that another part of
Baldi’s estate had ended up in the archives of the Secretaria Municipal de Cultura in
Teresópolis, where Baldi had lived prior to his death.1 Contact was established with
Marcos Lopes, who had discovered this treasure trove in the archives of his hometown
and was both cataloguing the collection and using it for his academic research (e.g.,
Lopes 2010). The resulting exchange of information definitely promoted a better
understanding of the material in Vienna (without solving all of the problems) and led
to a joint exhibition of a selection of Baldi’s pictures in the Arquivo Nacional in Rio de
Janeiro and subsequently at the Casa de Cultura Adolpho Bloch in Teresópolis, accom-
panied by a catalogue (Lopes and Feest 2009).
In Baldi’s photographic work, indigenous subject matter plays a minor, but signifi-
cant role, overshadowed by the fact that he ultimately died together with his second wife
during a field trip among the Tapirapé. Except for the occasional appearance in his pho-
tographs of the 1920s, when he was traveling as private secretary with Dom Pedro de
Orleans e Bragança, the nephew of the last emperor of Brazil, Indians became of inter-
est to the photographer Baldi only in 1934, when he accepted a commission from the
Salesian Fathers to produce a film on their missionary endeavors among the Bororo of
Christian Feest was director of the Museum für Völkerkunde Wien between 2004 and 2010, professor
of anthropology at the Goethe-University, Frankfurt am Main, between 1993 and 2004, and curator of
the North and Middle American collections and of the photo archives of the Museum für Völkerkunde
Wien between 1963 and 1993.
Address: Fasanenweg 4a, D-63674 Altenstadt, Germany.
E-mail: christian.feest@t-online.de
Viviane Luiza da Silva was a staff member of the Museu das Culturas Dom Bosco, Campo Grande, MS.
Address: Rua Édio Guimarães, no.59, Conj. Recanto dos Rouxinóis, Campo Grande/MS 9063350, Brazil.
E-mail: vivianeluiza@gmail.com
1 We are grateful to Patricia Siqueira for establishing the contact with Marcos Lopes.
2 Etta Becker-Donner, who was director of the Museum für Völkerkunde from 1955 to 1975, had met
Baldi in Brazil either in 1954 or 1956, and had acquired from him 30 photographic prints for the
museum. Baldi’s ethnographic collection, mostly of Karajá and some Tapirapé material, came to
Vienna with his photographic estate.
Mato Grosso.3 This provided Baldi also with an opportunity to take at least 136 photo-
graphs of the Bororo in Meruri, Sangradouro, and Jarudori, to which another 31 were
added, when he returned to Meruri in 1936 in the company of Dom Pedro (Feest and
Luiza da Silva 2009: 17). On this occasion, Baldi also paid his first visit to the Karajá,
whom he would revisit in 1938 in the company of Doralice Avellar, a Swedish-Brazilian
filmmaker, once again before 1947, and for a last time in 1956 (Lopes 2009, Wolf
2009). A juvenile book, published by Baldi (1950, 1952) both in Portuguese and
German, reflects both his close association with the Karajá and his contribution to the
integration of the indigenous peoples into the construction of Brazil’s national identity
(Lopes 2009: 30). In the 1940s, Baldi was associated with the government-sponsored
Roncador-Xingu expedition, although his photographic record, at least in Vienna, of this
event is meager; he did, however, contribute images to the Lincoln de Souza’s book on
the Xavante (1952–1953). After his remarriage to the Dutch anthropologist Ruth Yvonne
Fimmen, he also worked among the Tapirapé and produced photographs for the
3
So far, it has been impossible to locate this film, although there is evidence that it was completed
and shown in São Paulo in 1938 (Baldi 1935b, c; Lopes 2010: 106). As in the case of Baldi’s Boro-
ro photographs, the film would be of substantial interest for comparative purposes. In addition to
the early Rituais e festas Borôro filmed in 1916 at the S.P.I. post at the Colônia de São Lourenço and
produced in 1917 for the Comissão Rondon by Luiz Thomaz Reis (Museu do Índio, Rio de Janeiro,
SN00564X NOX, also VHS CRVI004; cp. Tacca 2002, da Cunha 2006), there were several films
made among the Bororo in the 1930s, including Last of the Bororo (1930/1) by the American adven-
turer Aloha Baker (National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC, SA-
76.5.1), The Hoax (1932), apparently a by-product of the University of Pennsylvania Museum Matto
Grosso Expedition, which produced substantial footage at the Colônia Córrego Grande (National
Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC, SA-91.7.1), from which also
derive the completed film Primitive Peoples of Matto Grosso: The Bororo (University of Pennsylvania
Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, Philadelphia, PA, upenn-f16-4012) produced in 1941
by Ted Nemeth, and Warrior Dances (University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and
Anthropology, Philadelphia, PA, upenn-f16-4050), footage edited in 1941, as well as Meruri, made
in the 1940s by Brigadier Raymundo Aboin (National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Insti-
tution, Washington, DC, SA-94.1.2). Claude and Dina Lévi-Strauss’ Cerimônias funerárias entre os
Bororo and A vida de uma aldeia Bororo of 1935 survive in the Cinemateca Brasileira, São Paulo (cp.
Beaurenaut et al. 1991).
Tapirapé monograph by Herbert Baldus (1970), material also not found in the Vienna
collection).
Mario Baldi’s Bororo photographs turn out to be a major contribution, both in
terms of quantity and quality, to the visual documentation of the Bororo in the 1930s.
The present paper was designed to put Baldi’s work in a comparative perspective in
an attempt to point out both its merits and shortcomings as well as to provide a basis
for a brief discussion of the contributions of visual representations to the ethnograph-
ic data base (cp. also Hartmann 1975).
Before proceeding to the presentation and discussion of the evidence, a brief summa-
ry of the history of the visual representation of the Bororo before the 1930s will help
to recapitulate Bororo history and remind ourselves of the fact that there is indeed a
history of visual representations of indigenous peoples (see also Kümin 2007), which
provided the foundation for the work of Baldi and others in the 1930s.
According to our present knowledge, the earliest surviving images of Bororos were
produced probably in 1826 by the Austrian zoologist Johann Natterer (1787–1843),
whose contributions to the ethnography of Brazil are still insufficiently recognized
(Feest 2012). As his zoological drawings indicate (Martins Teixeira et al. 2000),
Natterer was a gifted artist, and it is to be regretted that two portraits of Bororos da
Campanha (Fig. 3), the westernmost group of the Eastern Bororo,4 and a sketch of the
manner of wearing a penis sheath were apparently his only attempts at ethnographic
illustration, despite his interest in collecting ethnographic artifacts and information.5
4
The evidence contained in the vocabularies collected by Johann Natterer clearly shows that the
Bororo da Campanha were speakers of Eastern Bororo, while the language of the Bororo do
Cabaçal spoke were speakers of a Western Bororo language.
5
Natterer’s diaries, of which only fragments have survived, include a few other rough sketches of
ethnographic interest (e.g., Riedl-Dorn 2000: 76).
6
All of Taunay’s drawings are in the archives of the Russian Academy of Sciences in Sankt Peters-
burg. Eleven of them were first published in black-and-white by Manizer (1967: fig. 18–19, 21–24,
26–27, 32, 34, 36) in the context of other documents relating to the Langsdorff expedition. More
recently, all of them have been reproduced in color in Monteiro and Kaz (1988, 2: 94–105).
7
Contextual information on the drawings is contained in Florence’s journal, first published, shortly
before his death, in 1875, and frequently reprinted since then (e.g., Florence 1977). It contains
engravings based on his drawings, which provided the basis for Karl von den Steinen’s (1899) dis-
cussion of Florence’s Bororo drawings. Color reproductions are found in Monteiro and Kaz (1988, 3:
64–65) and Carelli (1992: 54–55, 60–63).
Florence, it may be added here, was not only the independent inventor of photography in Brazil and
coined the word “photography,” but in 1832 photographed one of his own Bororo drawings—the
first Bororo photograph, so to speak (Oliveira n.d.: 9).
charge of the production of the plates in this volume.8 Castlenau’s only personal con-
tact with the Bororo occurred in 1844. Proceeding along the Jaurú upriver from Villa
Maria (Cáceres) and finding Pau-Seco deserted, he finally stopped at Registo de
Jaurú on 1 and 2 June. Here, on the left bank of the river, was a village of about 110
“Cabaçaës” or Western Bororo, who had been settled there about ten years before by
Padre José da Silva Fraga, a priest from Jacobina. Castelnau mentions taking cran-
iometric measurements and collecting a vocabulary (which is clearly Western
Bororo), but he must have used the occasion also for sketching the portrait
(Castelnau 1850–1851, 3: 43–47, 49, 51; 1852: 9). The second image is of the same
village of the “Cabaçaës” and was based on a drawing by Hugh Algernon Weddell
(1819–1877), a British botanist raised and educated in France, who traveled with
Castelnau and stopped at the village in August 1844, when it was ravaged by famine
and disease (Castelnau 1850–1851, 3: 47–49; 1852: 13). The two pictures are
remarkable for being the only known illustrations of Western Bororos in existence.
In the 1880s, the Eastern Bororo of the region of the Rio São Lourenço met a fate
similar to that already experienced in the 1820s by their relatives between the Paraguay
and Jaurú rivers, when they were settled by the government at several colônias in their
homelands. Only one year after the establishment of the Colônia Teresa Cristina in
1887, the Bororo living there were visited by the German expedition of Karl von den
Steinen (1855–1929). Von den Steinen, who wrote the first major ethnographic account
of the Eastern Bororo (cp. Viertler 1993), was accompanied by the anthropologist Paul
Ehrenreich (1855–1914),9 who also acted at the expedition’s photographer, and by his
cousin, the artist Wilhelm von den Steinen.10 Illustrations selected for the book include
8
Castelnau had previously traveled in North America and published a travel account accompanied
by an atlas of illustrations, which display a certain “lack of artistic talent” (cp. Kasprycki 1990:
88–91). It may be for this reason that he placed the execution of the plates into the hands of a
professional artist.
9
The original photographs are in the Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut, Berlin. Cp. Löschner (1993) and
Kümin (2007).
10
Numerous drawings of Bororos by Wilhelm von den Steinen are preserved in the archives of the
Museum für Völkerkunde, Dresden (SES) (Fig. 10).
portraits (some of them in the frontal/profile mode), posed full figures of men and
women showing traditional or ceremonial clothing and ornamentation (Fig. 8), men
shooting with bow and arrows (Fig. 11b), a view of the village plaza in front of the
men’s house, and ceremonies. Although von den Steinen expresses his critical view of
the government’s policies and discusses some of its effects, the images in the book
(but also Wilhelm von den Steinen’s numerous drawings) hardly reflect these changes,
but were selected to focus on “traditional” culture.
Ehrenreich also published a book with the results of the physical anthropological
research of the expedition, which includes 26 portraits in the frontal/profile mode and
full figures of Bororo men, women, and boys, including a few identified by name. Most
of the pictures are heavily retouched, because the majority of the negatives had been
damaged by water and the climate (Ehrenreich 1897: 3); in the author’s view, howev-
er, the effort had been worthwhile, given that “one single good image was worth more
than a whole volume of measurements” (Ehrenreich 1897: 2). The same problem
affected, of course, the illustrations in von den Steinen’s book (1894), some of which
were also retouched, while others were based upon Wilhelm’s drawings; two plates
(only in part founded upon documentary visual material) were produced by Johannes
Gehrts (1855–1921), who is otherwise best known as an illustrator of wildlife, juvenile,
and historical fiction.
Both painting and photography, however, did rely on an established canon of
ethnographic genres, including views of villages and houses, individual or group por-
traits, depictions of artifacts, and representation of economic, technological, social,
and ceremonial activities. There were also standard iconographic types, such as “war-
riors”, “medicine men”, firemaking, shooting the bow, mothers with their children,
etc., which provided the basis for visual comparison (Fig. 11). These types are remark-
Fig. 13 Guido Boggiani, Two Bororo men, profile view, Colônia Teresa Cristina, before 1901. National
Museum of the American Indian, Washington, DC, P05692.
Fig. 14 Guido Boggiani, Two of the Bororo men shown in Fig. 12 and another one with Father Giovanni
Balzola, Colônia Teresa Cristina, before 1901. Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography, Russian Acad-
emy of Sciences, Sankt Petersburg, 1391-1 (Vojtec Ë h FricË coll.).
Fig. 15 Anonymous, Vojtec Ë h FricË and three Bororos, 1901. National Museum of the American Indian,
Washington, DC, P11533.
ably consistent over time, and while they may be regarded as stereotypes, they are
also visual concepts serving the needs of communication.
In the early 1890s, Julio Koslowsky (1866–1923), a native of Lithuania, who had
emigrated to Argentina in the late 1880s and who would become the founder of
Argentinean herpetology and one of the persons instrumental in securing much of
Patagonia for Argentina (Aguado 2003), undertook biological and anthropological
research in Paraguay and the Mato Grosso. This included a visit in 1894 to the Bororo
da Campanha village now located at Laguna south of Cáceres between Cambará (where
they had previously suffered under the mistreatment of Major João Carlos Pereira Leite,
Colonel João Pereira Leite’s son) and Descalvado (another one of Leite’s estates, which
had been purchased in 1881, a year after the owner’s death, by Jaime Cibilis Buxareo,
a rancher and meat processor from Uruguay). Koslowsky also went to another Bororo
village near San Matías across the Bolivian border, which had already been shown on
Castelnau’s map. The only known photograph taken on this occasion either at Laguna
or San Matías and published in Koslowsky’s notable account of the condition of these
remnants (Fig. 12), shows several men mostly in traditional (un)dress and two women
11 Ethnographic material collected by FricË among the Bororo is found in the Kunstkamera in Sankt
Petersburg (Zibert 1961), which also has a large collection of his photographs, as well as in the
Náprstek Museum in Prague (which also has some photographs), the Historisches Museum in
Berne, the Staatliches Museum für Völkerkunde in Munich, the Rautenstrauch-Joest Museum in
Cologne, the Ethnologisches Museum in Berlin, and the Museum für Völkerkunde Hamburg—a total
of nearly 400 objects.
12 Earlier Brazilian photographs of the Bororo include the two images of Piududo made in the late
1880s, which formed the basis for the oil portrait of Guido de Mello Rego, the adopted Bororo son
of Maria do Carmo de Mello Rego, whose own drawings add another dimension to the history of
visual representation of Bororo culture and society (Pacheco 2003). They, however, bear no visible
relationship to the pencil drawings collected by anthropologists from “untrained” Bororos (e.g., von
den Steinen 1894: pl. XVIII, XIX; Hanke 1956: 152–168).
13
The major repository of photographs of the Commissão Rondon is the archive of the Museu do
Índio, Rio de Janeiro (cp. http://base2.museudoindio.gov.br/cgi-bin/wxis.exe?IsisScript=phl82.
xis&cipar=phl82.cip& lang=por), but especially for the early period appears to be incomplete. The
database presently features one Bororo photograph by Alberto Brand dating from 1903 and five taken
presumably in 1916 by Thomaz Reis, but the majority is from a much later period. Two of the Reis
pictures also appear in a collection of 13 Bororo photographs associated with the Commissão Ron-
don from various locations (Rio São Lourenço, Podoreu [Poxoreu], San Miguel [?], Jorigue) donated to
the Musée de l’Homme in Paris (now at the iconothèque of the Musée du quai Branly) by Benjamin
Rondon (who is also credited as the photographer); they were apparently acquired in 1942 and are
said to date from between 1927 and 1930.
Fig. 17 Commissão
Rondon, “Kuiáure. Moça
Borôro do S. Lourenço
[Kuiáure. Bororo girl
from the S. Lourenço],”
ca. 1906 (Anonymous
1916: frontispiece).
Having been credited with the “pacification” of the Bororo in 1901 (cp. Langfur
1999) and being himself on his mother’s side of part-Bororo decent, the Bororo were
obviously of greater ideological than ethnographic concern for Marechal Rondon. In
this sense, the most striking image is that of the Bororo girl Kuiáure (Fig. 17), which
embodies Rondon’s vision of the political incorporation of indigenous peoples into
the nation state (Vangelista 2011: 55–56) as well as his belief in the leading role of
women in the maintenance of society; but in juxtaposition with the image of a tradi-
tional Bororo mother it clearly also makes a claim about the role of “civilization” for
indigenous welfare (Fig. 16).
Among the missionaries, the Salesian Fathers came to be of central importance not
only in the process of the conversion of the Bororo, but also as their chief ethnogra-
phers and photographers.14 This is not the place to assess the vast number of Salesian
photographs of the Bororo taken since the early twentieth century and published both
in the missionary journals Bollettino Salesiano and Boletim Salesiano and in scholarly
publications ranging from the monograph on the Eastern Bororo, first published in
1925 by Father Antonio Colbacchini (1881–1960), to the Enciclopedia Bororo (Albisetti
and Venturelli 1962).15 It is notable, however, that in their scholarly work, the Salesians
almost exclusively focused on traditional culture, while the Bolletino Salesiano also fea-
tured contemporary subject matter (cp. Vangelista 1997: 141–142). In Os Boróros
Orientais, the major exceptions (other than the fact that almost all of the women and a
few men are wearing Neo-Brazilian dress) are provided by two photographs showing the
14
The major Brazilian archive of Bororo photographs taken by the Salesian Fathers is in the Museu de
História dos Salesianos no Brasil, São Paulo (which we have not seen). A few related albums are also
kept in the archive of the Universidade Católica Dom Bosco, Campo Grande. The Bollettino Salesiano
can be accessed online at http://biesseonline.sdb.org/bs/archivio.aspx. On the Salesians and the
Bororo see e.g., Caiuby Novaes (1997: 65–101), Vangelista 1997, Montero 2007, and Tolentino 2009.
15
It seems that in the beginning the Salesians had no photographers of their own. The ethnographic
account by Antonio Marlan (1907–1911) is only illustrated with drawings; Colbacchini’s first book on
the Bororo (1919) is completely without illustrations. Except for the picture of the Bororo student
band (Fig. 17), the earliest Bororo photographs in the Bollettino Salesiano appear in 1910. Many of
the photographs in the Enciclopedia Bororo are anonymous; the only Salesian photographers identified
by name are César Albisetti, Antonio Colbacchini, Johann Fuchs, and Antonio Tonelli (Albisetti and
Venturelli 1962: 0.19–0.20).
visit of a Bororo student brass band to President Afonso Pena in 1908,16 which curi-
ously illustrate the section on traditional Bororo musical instruments (Colbacchini and
Albisetti 1942: 356, 360; Fig. 18 shows a similar picture also taken in Rio de Janeiro
in 1908); the photographs of the young musicians are also the only ones that are dated
and thus removed from the timelessness of the ethnographic present.
There are two other images, which, although not explicitly related to one another,
graphically illustrate the two major aspects of the Salesians’ work among the Bororo:
one is of a missionary teaching Bororo students mathematics, the other is of their
chief informant Tiago teaching Father Albisetti “all the things that I knew”
(Colbacchini and Albisetti 1942: 149, 27; Fig. 19; and see Fig. 32 below). Tiago, in
fact, also appears on the 1908 photograph taken in Rio de Janeiro, having been a
member of the Bororo brass band when he was a boy (Albisetti and Venturelli 1962:
0.14; cp. also Anonymous 1913).
Various Protestant missionaries were likewise attempting to join the project of “civ-
ilizing” the Bororo. While they were never able to compete successfully with the
Salesians, they also contributed to the photographic record. The earliest such docu-
ments are 28 pictures produced in 1901 by the American Presbyterian missionary
William Azel Cook, who traveled in various parts of Brazil looking for opportunities for
missionary work.17 After visiting the Karajá and Xerente (where apparently he did not
take any photographs), he stayed for several weeks with the Bororo in Tadári Umana
Páru and other villages on the Rio Vermelho. His photographs, in addition to group
portraits and village scenes (including inside views of houses; Fig. 21), also show such
canonic images as men shooting with bows and arrows and women carrying heavy
burdens (Fig. 11c, 20). Except for a few appearances in the photographs of Cook him-
self, no indication of any influence of the national society is visible, and the focus on
an "uncivilized way of life" serves as an implicit argument for the need to convert the
16
The story of the tour of the little Bororo musicians to Rio de Janeiro via Montevideo, Buenos Aires
and São Paulo was apparently of great significance for the Salesians. Stories about this event, which
was called “a triumph for Christianity,” but which ended with the death of three of the young musi-
cians, filled the pages of the Bollettino Salesiano in 1908 and 1909 (32[9]: 271–272, 32[10]:
306–307, 32[11]: 339, 32[12]: 365–370, 33[3]: 85, 33[10]: 370–371).
17
The Bororo photographs by Cook are in the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institu-
tion, Washington, DC. Five of them appear in Cook’s two publications dealing with the Bororo (Cook
1907: pls. IV, V; 1909: facing 398). Cook’s ethnographic collection of Bororo material is in the Depart-
ment of Anthropology, National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC.
Bororo to Christianity. Despite their limited number and sometimes poor technical
quality, the images are rich in ethnographic detail.
Other photographs were taken in 1911 by the British gentleman traveler Henry A.
Savage-Landor (1865–1924) on the Rio Barreiros and in 1919 by the Scottish
Protestant missionary Alexander Rattray Hay of the Inland South America Missionary
Union (founded in 1910 by John Hay) at Quejare, Pobore, and Colônia Teresa Cristina.
Savage-Landor, who acknowledges his debt to the Salesians, produced mostly posed
individual or group portraits (some of them in the frontal/profile style of physical
anthropology), but also shows Bororos working in agriculture (Figs. 22, 23), a subject
matter touched by the Salesians only in their missionary writings, where it relates to
their notion of labor as a means of assimilation (Caiuby Novaes 1997: 79–80;
Vangelista 2011: 56). Hay’s photographs (some of them credited to “Dale”) have a sim-
ilarly narrow range and once again illustrate archery and women carrying burdens (Figs.
11d, 24, 25); the latter subject is particularly prominent in the Protestant missionary
photographs (cp. also Figs. 20, 27) and relates to the Victorian notion of the “squaw
drudge” as an index of savagery (Smits 1982). A dance (“Bororo Indians dancing the
Bacororó”) is only shown in a drawing clearly caricaturing this traditional ceremonial
activity (Hay 1920: facing 49). Both sets of pictures are presently only known from the
illustrations in books published by their authors (Savage-Landor 1913, Hay 1920),
which explains the poor quality of reproduction.
Rev. Leonard L. Legters (1873–1940), best known as co-founder of Summer
Institute of Linguistics and of Wycliffe Bible Translators, had since 1906 been
engaged in missionary work for the Dutch Reformed Church among the Comanche
in Oklahoma and among indigenous groups in California, before becoming associat-
ed with the ill-fated 1924–1930 Nambikwara mission of Alexander Rattray Hay and
Arthur F. Tylee (Frizen 1992: 156). It was on this occasion that Legters in 1926 pro-
duced a set of 62 photographs, which along with an ethnographic collection of
Bororo material were given in 1946, without further documentation, to the Museum
of the American Indian-Heye Foundation (now the National Museum of American
Indian in Washington, DC). The pictures are vastly superior technically and more
diverse in their contents than those of Hay, who figures on some them and whose
earlier work among the Bororo may have prompted the visit (Figs. 26, 27).
18
The Bororo photographs taken during the University of Pennsylvania Matto Grosso Expedition are pre-
served in the archives of the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology,
Philadelphia, PA (which we have not yet been able to see). Selections were published in Petrullo (1932)
and Lowie (1956).
who had moved from Cambará to Laguna near Cáceres. The anthropologist was
accompanied by the journalist and author David M. Newell, who appears to have taken
most of the pictures. Petrullo also produced a sound movie on Bororo dances and
industries (see note 2, above). Perhaps for this reason, the images of the Eastern
Bororo are largely portraits, pictures of houses and men using bows and arrows (Figs.
11d, 28, 29). They focus on traditional culture and hardly show any Western influence.
This is even more notable in the photographs of the Bororo da Campanha, whom he
describes in his published report as totally acculturated; the only images shown in the
publication, however, are of a jaguar dance, which (last witnessed by Koslowsky in
1894) had not been performed for many years and was now reenacted for the anthro-
pologist in the tradition of „memory ethnography” (Figs. 30, 31).
From 1933 to 1935, Herbert Baldus (1899–1970), who later became one of Brazil’s
leading anthropologists, undertook research among the Bororo and other tribes of the
Mato Grosso supported by the German Science Foundation (Baldus 1938). In 1934, he
visited Meruri and Sangradouro, where the Salesian influence was clearly visible, and in
1935 proceeded to the more traditional village Tori-paru on the Rio Vermelho. In
Germany, Baldus had been a student of Richard Thurnwald, who was one of the first
European anthropologists interested in the study of culture change, and Baldus’s study
likewise focused on this subject. Even more than Mario Baldi, who came to Meruri and
Sangradouro shortly after Baldus, the German anthropologist took a critical view of the
work of the Salesians in its effects both on society and on individuals. In his photo-
graphs,19 Baldus clearly shows the dominating presence of the Salesians at Meruri (Fig.
19
Unfortunately, the present location of the original Bororo photographs by Baldus is unknown. They
are not in the Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia in São Paulo (Francisca Figols, pers. com., 2009),
nor can they presently be located at the Museum für Völkerkunde in Hamburg (Anja Battefeld,
pers. com., 2009), which owns the ethnographic collection assembled during Baldus’s 1934/5
fieldwork. On Baldus and the Bororo, see also Caiuby Novaes (1997: 27–30).
Baldus’s interest in pictures is indicated by the foreword he wrote for a book containing drawings
of Bororo, Kadiwéu, and Ofaié subject matter by the artist Erich Freundt (1947; see Fig. 68 below).
The recognition of his own limited abilities as a photographer led him to cooperate with Mario
Baldi and others to illustrate his publications (e.g., Baldus 1936, 1970).
20
Of the 18 photographs relating to the Bororo mission published in the Bollettino Salesiano in the 1930s
(Albisetti 1930, 1931, 1935, 1936, 1937, Ghislandi 1932), four were taken by Mario Baldi (Carletti
1935).
21
Some prints of Baldi’s Bororo photographs are also found in the archives of the Secretaria Munici-
pal de Cultura in Teresópolis and of the Universidade Católica Dom Bosco, Campo Grande.
without proper “civilized” dress, to the dismay of the photographer who wanted to
catch a glimpse of the “natural man” inhabiting the Mato Grosso.
In the early years of his, career Baldi had been using small glass plate negatives,
but by the 1930s had switched to a Rolleiflex 2¼ by 2¼ inch camera, which allowed
him to produce not only 6 by 6 cm negatives on Agfa Isochrome roll film, but with the
help of an adapter also 6 by 9 cm negatives. Since the prints are nearly all on paper
with a 1:1.5 width/height ratio, printing from the negatives necessarily entailed some
form of editing of the images recorded on the square negatives. The prints in the
Vienna collection supply evidence that Baldi in several cases varied his editorial choic-
es, including both horizontal and vertical formats.
The fact that some of the negatives themselves had been trimmed to a different size
may have been the result of an accident that occurred on the way back from Langeado
to São Paulo, when during a river crossing Baldi’s trunk with all the undeveloped films
fell into the water. While most of the films apparently survived this mishap with little or
no harm, some of the surviving negatives show water damage (Baldi 1935b).
The photographic prints in Vienna indicate that Baldi, probably in 1936, prepared
four groups of photographs for publication—all with English and German captions—
only one of which apparently was published more or less based upon this selection (but
with edited captions). “Attention—Cayamos!” appeared in a Swiss illustrated magazine
(Baldi 1936a; a slightly different selection was used in Carletti 1935) and deals with a
recent deadly conflict between the Bororo and the Xavante and with the failed attempt
of the Salesians to establish peaceful relations with these traditional enemies of the
Eastern Bororo (Fig. 35).
The second set of pictures, entitled “Outpost of Civilization” shows more or less
traditional activities of the inhabitants of Meruri and Sangradouro, such as the use
of the fire drill, the manufacture of baskets and pottery, or the processing of maize
and manioc, but places them in the context of the missionaries’ influence on social
practices (such as the abandonment of the men’s house and the disintegration of
the clan structure; Fig. 36).
The missionary labor of the Salesians itself is the subject of “The Thorny Way,”
which not seeks to convey an idea of the arduous nature of the conversion process,
but also supplies some insights into the Salesian strategy of working with children
(Fig. 37). Baldi’s text may already reflect his later experiences among the Karajá, as
in the statement that “unluckily, all missionaries feel compelled to dress the ‘poor
naked savages.’ But just as soon as the missionary turns his back upon the village,
everyone enjoys the painting of his tribe on his beautiful brown skin.”
The last set is devoted to the complex Bororo mortuary rite, in which the mythical
hero Mariddo is impersonated by dancers. Here the images create the illusion of a tra-
ditional way of life totally unaffected by the influences of the now dominant national
society, whereas the accompanying text betrays Baldi’s indebtedness to the Salesian
ethnography (Fig. 38).
Fig. 39 Mario Baldi, View of Meruri, 1934. Museum Fig. 40 Mario Baldi, Bororo Potters, Sangradouro,
für Völkerkunde Wien, F30896_02791. 1934. Museum für Völkerkunde Wien, F30896_
02841.
On the whole, Baldi was able to produce a remarkable group of pictures, which
cover a broad range of subject matters. The largest series, about one fifth of the whole
set, is devoted to the mortuary ritual (including portraits of some of the participants
in their ceremonial attire or showing the use of musical instruments; Fig. 67) and a
dance performed by the Bororo on the occasion of Dom Pedro’s visit. Other series of
pictures are devoted to an archery contest (Fig. 11f) and to fishing (Fig. 43), but many
of the images focus are specific depictions of a broad range of different activities,
including technological processes (Figs. 40, 58), economic activities (Fig. 60), healing
(Fig. 42), transportation, games, swimming (Fig. 41), or sleeping. Men and women are
portrayed individually and in groups, both in traditional and “civilized” dress, with spe-
cial attention to representations of women and children.
Fig. 43 Mario Baldi, Bororos Fishing, Meruri, 1936. Fig. 44 Mario Baldi, Girl with Parrot, Jarudori, 1936.
Museum für Völkerkunde Wien, F30896_03046. Museum für Völkerkunde Wien, F30896_ 02872.
The subjects most willing to be photographed turned out to be the children, who, “with
some gift, are grateful objects of our effort” (Baldi 1935b) and consequently are promi-
nently represented in Baldi’s photographs (Figs. 41, 44). There are also several village
scenes conveying an impression of the daily life in the communities (Fig. 39). The fact that
the presence of the Salesians and the nuns accompanying them is acknowledged derives,
of course, from the purpose of Baldi’s mission as a filmmaker for the missionaries, but is
nevertheless notable, since traditional ethnographic photography tends to focus on “tradi-
tional culture” and therefore often seems to deny the presence of processes of culture
change and its agents. The pictorial record produced by Baldi among the Bororo is, of
course, far from complete, but offers a rich and balanced view of various aspects of Bororo
culture in the 1930s.
In 1935, the French anthropologist Claude Levi-Strauss (1908–2009) selected as a
site for his ethnographic fieldwork the village of Quejare on the Rio Vermelho, because
it was considered to be more traditional, i.e., not affected by the Salesian influence.
Curiously enough, his main informant in Quejare had been educated by the Salesians,
who “had sent him to Rome, where he had been received by the Holy Father. ... This
papal Indian, who was now stark naked, ... was to prove a wonderful guide to Bororo
sociology” (Lévi-Strauss 1955: 225; 1976: 280).22
In part because of this choice of a “traditional” village, only three of the 78 pic-
tures currently preserved in the Musée du quai Branly in Paris23 show persons in
22
Although it would be tempting to think that this unnamed informant, who “was about thirty-five years
old, spoke Portuguese fairly well” and who had undergone “a spiritual crisis during which he was recon-
verted to the old Bororo ideal,” was no other than Tiago Marques Aipoburéu, his portrait taken by Lévi-
Strauss (1936: pl. XC [cropped]; 1957: pl. 13; 1994: 94–95) clearly shows him to be different person.
Also, he had been livin in Quejare for ten or fifteen years, while Tiago had been met by Baldus in Meruri
in 1934. He was too young to have been one of the three Bororos taken to Rome by Balzola in 1898
(Anonymous 1898), one of whom was living in Pobore in 1935 (Albisetti 1935: 25). Another young man
taken by Malan to Rome in 1906/7 had died in 1908 (Balzola 1907, Malan 1907, Anonymous 1908).
23
The Musée du quai Branly also owns the “French” part of Levi-Strauss’s ethnographic collection
from the Bororo; the “Brazilian” part is in the Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia in São Paulo
(Gruponi 2005). 14 of these photographs (some of them cropped, one in a variant take) were pub-
lished in Lévi-Strauss 1936: pls. VII–X. The French edition of Tristes Tropiques (1955: pls. 11–18)
includes eight Bororo images (three of them the same as in 1936, sometimes cropped differently,
including one credited to René Silz); the English edition (1976) has no plates. In a photo book, pub-
lished nearly sixty years after his fieldwork, Lévi-Strauss (1994: 88–105) reproduces fifteen of his
pictures, one of them a composite village view, and another one not found in the collection of the
museum in Paris (Lévi-Strauss 1994: 104–105). The illustrations in Lévi-Strauss’s publication are
from his own collection and not from that of the Musée du quai Branly. The present whereabouts
of the negatives is unknown.
“civilized” dress or otherwise indicate the results of contact with Brazilian society; they
were never used in the author’s publication. Like Baldi, Lévi-Strauss paid special atten-
tion to the funerary ritual—in this case, almost half of the photographs are devoted to
this subject. The second large group of images relates to houses (as the material cul-
ture of social organization and as such reflecting the second major interest of the
French anthropologist; cp. Lévi-Strauss 1936; Fig. 45), including village scenes, but
focusing on individual buildings and some of their features. A third group consists of
portraits, mostly of men; some of these follow the style of representing anthropologi-
cal types and are related to the anthropometric measurements routinely collected by
Lévi-Strauss in the course of his fieldwork. The only genuine portrait is that of his
informant. The remaining pictures show details of clothing (notably two prominent
depictions of the penis sheath, last illustrated by Natterer), two abandoned boats, and
his informant demonstrating the use of bow and arrows (Fig. 46). However, contrary to
other photographers, Levi-Strauss’s attention is focused on the position of the fingers
in relation to the bowstring, and thus indicates his awareness in the anthropological
interest in the distribution of the methods of arrow release (e.g., Kroeber 1927).
The absolute lack of interest shown by the French anthropologist in the technologi-
cal processes and much of material culture (except for houses and the penis sheath and
various ornaments indicating clan membership) is as significant as is his emphasis on
“traditional culture.” With regard to the latter, he obviously shared Kroeber’s view that
“primitive societies in process of disappearance are ... usually full of maladjustments,
miseries, and unresolved problems. These sufferings stimulate students with philan-
thropic or reformist inclinations or those interested in social pathology, but tend to dis-
tract those whose interest lies rather in cultural patterns and their normal values”
(Kroeber 1948: §176). Thus, Levi-Strauss’s photographs are mostly related to the top-
ics of his research (with some second thoughts about some of the interests of a rather
traditional anthropology), and thus primarily illustrate the written information collected
during the fieldwork.
Little is known about Hans Morf, who photographed the Bororo in 1937, except that
he was a Swiss teacher, who in this year took about 700 photographs of different indige-
nous peoples in Brazil.24 A map found among his papers indicates that his encounter
with the Bororo probably occurred on the upper Rio Vermelho. His nearly 100 Bororo
24 Hans Morf’s photographs are preserved in the Ethnological Museum of the University of Zurich.
photographs were taken with two cameras, the 6 by 6 cm Rolleiflex shown in Fig. 47, and
a 6 by 9 cm camera, with which this photograph was taken. While some of his pictures
may best be described as snapshots of Bororo life, Morf follows the photographic canon
of “Indian photography” by illustrating, e.g., the use of bows and arrows (without atten-
tion to the “arrow-release”; Fig. 11g). His Bororo portraits show little of the fear to be
photographed (Fig. 50) that had been noted by Baldi, and his subjects willingly posed
for Morf with their ceremonial regalia (Fig. 48). Morf was interested in documenting var-
ious practices, such as body painting (Fig. 49) or basket making. But, as a comparison
with the photos of Baldi shows, he often chose a perspective that was more visually
attractive than helping the understanding of what was shown.
Fig. 50 Hans Morf, Smoking Bororo Man, upper Fig. 51 Hans Morf, Decorating Gourds with Down,
Rio Vermelho, 1937. Völkerkundemuseum der Uni- upper Rio Vermelho, 1937. Völkerkundemuseum
versität Zürich, 429.01.446. der Universität Zürich, 429.01.489.
Morf also photographed men making an arrow shaft and decorating gourds with
down (Fig. 51), details depicted by the Salesians, but not by other visiting photographers
of the period. In addition to general views of the village, Morf (like Petrullo before him)
shows the thatching of a roof with palm leaf. He also went with them to the river, where
he took pictures of various fishing methods (including the use of a fish trap), but also
Bororos swimming or taking a bath. During his visit, Morf recorded the activities of the
Salesians, or more specifically, of Father Albisetti who is, however, shown in only one pic-
ture interacting with the Bororo. All the other images depict Albisetti alone in the selva,
as if Morf was considering him not part of the Bororo world.
While the photographs are all of good technical quality and many of them show
interesting details, their subject matter is eclectic and limited by the short duration of
his visit. No rituals are shown, because none were apparently held during Morf’s stay.
Morf’s interest in traditional life was certainly helped by the more traditional life-style
of the community he was visiting. The lack of any accompanying written documenta-
tion is certainly regrettable.
The last group of photographs to be discussed was assembled between 1937 and
1937 by another man from Switzerland—Pietro Grisoni, who during these years had
served as a driver for the Salesian Fathers.25 While the cover of his album is graced by
a drawing entitled “Recordação do Brasil,” which assimilates the Indian to conventions
of depicting North American Indians, the contents are of substantial interest. The album
includes more than 800 images relating to life in Brazil, with a focus on indigenous peo-
ples (including the Karajá, Xavante, and Bororo). Judging by the quality and style, the
115 identifiable Bororo photographs are of heterogeneous origin. While some of the pic-
tures may have been taken by Grisoni himself, others were apparently made by the
Salesians, including photographs of Father Fuchs (himself of Swiss origin), who had
been killed by Xavantes in 1934, three years before Grisoni’s arrival in Mato Grosso. But
none of the pictures has so far been identified in Salesian publications.
More than any other group of photographs of the 1930s, including those by Baldi,
the images of the Grisoni album document the work of the Salesians and its effects
25
The Grisoni album is in the collection of the Museum of Cultures, Basle.
on the Bororo. There are several pictures identified as showing “Bororos cristianos” or
“Bororos civilizados” (Fig. 52). But there are also pictures showing the reverse
process—the pride of some of the Salesians to learn about Bororo culture and even
to become Bororo themselves,26 while at the same time undermining the basis of tra-
ditional Bororo life (Fig. 53).
As in Baldi’s pictures, the portraits in the Grisoni album illustrate the coexis-
tence and even blending of tradition and change, which are recognized as not being
merely alternative choices, but opportunities for selective adaptations in a changing
social and cultural environment.
Children, which hardly make their appearance in the photographs by Petrullo,
Baldus, Lévi-Strauss, or Morf, are as prominently featured in the Grisoni album as in
Baldi’s pictures. They are shown both as students of the Salesians and as young
Bororos learning traditional practices, but also as children engaging in swimming or
wrestling (Fig. 54).
While traditional ceremonial life hardly appears in the album, there is an unusual
series of images depicting different stages of the jaguar hunt. Whereas these pictures
were apparently especially staged for the photographer (Fig. 55), other images of
Bororo cultural practices show the whole range from spontaneous snapshots to care-
fully arranged compositions. Thus, the image showing women carrying palm leaves for
thatching was taken in a real-life context, but the women were obviously asked to stop
and face the photographer, when the picture was taken (Fig. 56).
The similarity of subject matter and time period permits a closer comparison of
related images in the Grisoni album and the Baldi photographs. In the Grisoni picture
showing fire making, e.g., the three young men apparently attempt to produce fire to
light their cigarettes (Fig. 57). While Baldi comments that this was a major purpose for
drilling fire (“Notwithstanding your ‘Excellent Civilization’ you will never get around to
smoking, while the Indian has his fire within 1½ minutes”), his picture has more the
appearance of a staged and decontextualized demonstration (Fig. 58). The Enciclopedia
Bororo, by the way, only illustrates a fire drill, but not the process of making fire
(Albisetti and Venturelli 1962: 904).
26 That this attitude was not shared by all Salesian missionaries is indicated by Baldus (1937: 308),
who reports having met veteran missionaries who openly confessed their aversion against the
Bororo.
Similarly, in the two pictures showing girls working at the mortar, the Grisoni picture
is more spontaneous, while Baldi’s picture has a better composition and is technically
superior (Figs. 59, 60). The images are also interesting for documenting different types
of mortars. The Enciclopedia illustrates neither mortar and pestle, nor the process
(Albisetti and Venturelli 1962: 701, 702).
Both Baldi and Grisoni show girls with domesticated pet parrots, which relates to
a traditional Bororo practice obviously compatible with the adoption of Christian civ-
ilization. The same is true of fishing, except that being dressed in Western clothing,
the men are no longer standing in the water to shoot at the fish, as in Petrullo’s pho-
tograph, which is not only much better composed, but underlines the traditional
nature of Bororo society (Petrullo 1932: pl. IV, fig. 2).
Fig. 58 Mario Baldi, “Making Fire,” Sangradouro, 1934. Museum für Völkerkunde Wien, F30896_02839.
Fig. 61 Anonymous, “Harvesting Beans,” before 1939. Museum der Kulturen. Basel, (F)IVc7408R.
Fig. 62 Anonymous, “Harvesting Manioc,” before 1939. Museum der Kulturen. Basel, (F)IVc7485R.
Except for one photograph by Savage-Landor (Fig. 22), the Grisoni album is the
only source showing a range of agricultural activities—the harvesting of sugar cane,
manioc, rice, and beans—in which the Bororo were engaged as wage labor for the
Salesians (Figs. 61–62)—a practice discussed but not illustrated by Herbert Baldus
(1937: 283) and one that was basic to the Salesian philosophy of cultural conversion
(Vangelista 2011: 54–56).
Like Baldi, the Grisoni album illustrates various Catholic Bororo practices from
mass to processions. “Housekeeping School” (Fig. 63) provides an interesting view of
an outdoor village school, in which sewing and other handicrafts as well as reading and
writing are taught by the Catholic nuns. The unusual photograph entitled “Urbani-
zation in the Forest” (Fig. 64) depicts the construction of a drainage system, under-
taken by communal labor in order to increase hygiene in a Bororo village. (In 1934,
Baldi had already photographed a drainage system in operation in Meruri.)
Based on a two years’ acquaintance with the Bororo and his close association with
the Salesians, the album put together by Grisoni thus provides by far the best visual
overview of cultural pluralism in Bororo society and the range of cultural interaction
that could be observed especially in those Bororo villages, where the Salesians had
firmly established their presence.
Although produced in the 1940s, it may be permitted to end this survey of Bororo
photographs of the 1930s by briefly presenting another group of related images in
the photo collection of the Museum für Völkerkunde Wien, produced by Wanda Hanke
(1893–1958), an amateur anthropologist who held three doctorates (in philosophy,
Fig. 64 Anonymous, “Urbanization in the Forest,” before 1939. Museum der Kulturen. Basel, (F)IVc7420.
medicine, and law). At the age of 41, Hanke went to South America with the intention
to study “biographies in the Mato Grosso” and traveled for two year in Argentina and
Paraguay. After a brief return to Vienna in 1936/7, she returned to do fieldwork in the
Chaco, after 1940 moving back and forth between Paraguay, Argentina, Bolivia, and
Brazil, where (except for a year in Bolivia) she conducted research in the Mato Grosso
and Amazonia until 1955. She revisited to Europe for a second time in 1955/6, but
returned to Brazil, where she died in 1958 (Liener 2010).
It seems that most of her work among the Bororo was carried out in 1949 at the
Posto Galdino Pimentel on the Rio São Lourenço. Her only publication relating to the
Bororo is a section in a longer essay on “Drawings of Primitive Peoples in South
America,” which is accompanied by five Bororo photographs (Hanke 1956: 153–169).
During the time of her second visit to Europe, Hanke deposited a large number of neg-
atives at the museum in Vienna. 39 of them were catalogued at that time, another 28
(which apparently had been sorted out as being of poor quality or marginal interest)
were recently rediscovered and added to the collection. They include portraits (some
of them identified by name in her publication, some of these and others catalogued
as “anthropological types”), ceremonial dances, Bororos working at the workshop of
the post, and non-Indian employees of the post (Figs. 65, 66). Despite the fact that
the negatives must have suffered badly prior to their arrival in Vienna and that many
of the photographs are of poor technical quality, some of the material is not without
merit. Four other Bororo portraits taken by Hanke were found by Stefanie Liener
(2010) at the Museu Paranaense in Curitiba; they differ significantly in style from the
material in Vienna and may have been taken at a different time.
Conclusions
In 1956, when Robert Lowie published his sketch of the Bororo in the Handbook of South
American Indians, he used 22 photographs (in addition drawings of artifacts taken from
von den Steinen 1894 and Colbacchini 1925) to illustrate his account. 13 of these were
from those produced by the 1931 University of Pennsylvania Museum Matto Grosso
expedition, the other nine had been taken in 1935 by Claude Lévi-Strauss. To Lowie,
who does not discuss culture change, these images appeared to be the best represen-
tation of “traditional” Bororo culture available at the time. They show villages and hous-
es, shooting with bow and arrows, the “Mariddo,” the Bororo da Campanha jaguar
dancer, and individual and group portraits, ranging from an “anthropological” profile
view to elaborately decorated faces. Indications of the embeddedness of the Bororo in
twentieth-century Brazilian society are limited to a few items of clothing. Lowie cites
Baldus (1937) on population figures and the antiquity of Bororo agriculture, but none
of his images are used. None of the other photographs of the 1930s were known to
Lowie, and none of the earlier illustrations of Bororo life are shown.
Our survey has introduced a corpus of more than 500 photographs relating to the
Bororo in the 1930s, mostly from European repositories and excluding the unpub-
lished material produced by the Salesian Fathers and the Brazilian administration. Of
this body, less than 100 have been published, one third of these exclusively in popu-
lar media. Even their use by scholars has generally not been as sources of ethnograph-
ic or historical information, but merely as illustrations of texts. The major reason for
this state of affairs is not hard to guess and lies in the limited interest of many anthro-
pologists in material aspects of culture, an area in which images usually supply data
far superior to verbal descriptions. While it is true that images are in need of addition-
al verbal information to place then in space, time, and specific contexts, information
about material forms and their use is far better encoded in pictures than in words. At
the same time, images themselves supply a useful context for the appreciation of
decontextualized museum specimens, which reflect an even stronger bias toward tra-
ditional forms than the written sources.
Today, nobody would be naive enough to mistake photographs (or films) for reali-
ty, but they are nevertheless a very powerful form of reflection about reality. Looking
separately at the work of the different photographers of the 1930s presented above,
one might come to the conclusion that they are representing different realities. With
the exception of Herbert Baldus, the perspective of the anthropologists (whose
27 Little is known about Professor Erich Freund, except that in 1941 he visited Tori-paru, perhaps
on the advice of Herbert Baldus, and donated a small Bororo collection to the Museu de Museu
de Arqueologia e Etnologia in São Paulo (Gruponi 1991).
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