Center for Documentation and Information

on Minorities in Europe - Southeast Europe (CEDIME-SE)

MINORITIES IN SOUTHEAST EUROPE

Catholics of Albania

Acknowledgements
This report was researched and written by Rajwantee Lakshman-Lepain, Researcher of
CEDIME-SE. Panayote Dimitras, Director of CEDIME-SE and Nafsika Papanikolatos,
Coordinator of CEDIME-SE edited it. Mariana Lenkova and Ellen Slusarczyk, English
Language Editors of CEDIME-SE. CEDIME-SE would like to express its deep appreciation
to the external reviewer of this report, Krassimir Kanev, Chairman of the Bulgarian Helsinki
Committee, who, with his critical comments, contributed substantially to its quality. CEDIME-
SE would also like to thank all persons who generously provided information and/or
documents, and/or gave interviews to its researcher. The responsibility for the report’s content,
though, lies only with CEDIME-SE. We welcome all comments sent to:
office@greekhelsinki.gr

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 MAJOR CHARACTERISTICS
Updated September 2000
State Albania

Name (in English, in the dominant language, and –if different- in the minority’s
language)

Catholics

Is there any form of recognition of the minority?

Yes

Category(ies) (national, ethnic, linguistic or religious) ascribed by the minority and, if

different, by the state.

Religious

Territory they inhabit

Mainly in the North of Albania (Mirditë, Malësia e madhe, Tropojë, Shkodër, Lezhë), in
Central Albania (Durrës, Tirana, Fier) and a smaller minority in South Albania (Korçë,
Pogradec).

Population

There are no recent statistics. According to Mgr. Rrok Mirdita, Archbishop of Tirana-Durrës,
13 per cent of the Albanian population is Catholic. Old statistics from 1942 speak of 10 per
cent of Catholics (Albanian Human Development Report, 1996: 28). In 1996, Catholic sources
mention 216,300 baptized Christians and a total of 350,000-400,000 Catholic Albanians
(Rance, 1997: 445).

Name of the language spoken by the minority (in English, in the minority and -if
different- in the dominant language).

Albanian, which is the official language of the country

Is there any form of recognition of the language(s)?

Dominant language of the territory they inhabit.

Occasional or daily use of the minority language

Access to education corresponding to the needs of the minority

Religion (s) practiced.

Roman Catholicism

Is there any form of recognition of the religion(s)?

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According to the new Albanian Constitution, religious communities are legally recognized (Art.
10 (6)).

Communities having the same characteristics in other territories/countries.

Catholicism is one of the major religions of the world with believers on all continents. In 1989,
there were between 800 and 900 million Catholics throughout the world. In the Balkans, the
majority of the population of Slovenia and Croatia is Catholic. A Catholic minority can be
found in each of the following countries: Bulgaria, Macedonia, Greece, Romania and the
Former Yugoslavia (Bosnia-Herzegovina).

Population of these communities in the other territories/countries.

· North America - c. 100 mill

· Central America - c. 110 mill
· South America - c. 250 mill
· Europe - c. 260 mill
· Greece - 50,000 Greek Catholics and 150,000 immigrants living in Greece who are
Catholics (see report on Catholics of Greece, 2000)
· Romania - 5 per cent of the population (22.7 million) (Human Rights Without Frontiers,
1996:33).
· Magreb - c. 170,000
· West-Central Africa - c. 60 mill
· Eastern Africa - c. 16 mill
· Southern Africa - c. 15 mill
· Indian Ocean (Madagascar) - 3.3 mill
· Asia - c. 28 mill
· Australia - c. 6 mill

Most data have been borrowed from (Grigorieff, 1989:134).

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 PRESENTATION
1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

1.1. Important historical developments

The question regarding the introduction of Christianity into the territory of modern Albania
should be distinguished from the one on the Christianization of the Albanian people, which is
linked to the very origin of the Albanians. Many outside authors confuse the two issues, misled
by Albanian historians who assume continuity of population from the first centuries of the
Christian era to the days of modern Albania. Most western historians, especially in the past two
decades, have discarded such continuity. In this report, the discussion starts with the
introduction of Christianity in Albania and then the Christianization of the first Albanians is
discussed.

Introduction of Christianity in the territory of present-day Albania

From the 1st to the 5th century

The concept of “Albania” as such had no real reference at the time when Christianity was
introduced in the region. This region was a province of the Roman Empire, which changed its
administrative organization throughout its existence. It was part of a large province, the
province of Illyria, which included the entire eastern Adriatic coast - from the south of Trieste
to the north of Greece. Early Christian sources refer to this area as “Illyricum.” For this reason,
Catholic and non-Catholic sources alike confuse the history of the Illyrian territories with the
history of the Albanian people. This confusion is due to the fact that during Communism
Albanian historians supported the theory that modern Albanians are direct descendants of the
ancient Illyrians, who, however, had already disappeared when the Romans conquered the
region.

According to Catholic sources, which refer to the New Testament and traditions, Christianity
was introduced in “Albania” during the time of the apostles. Saint Paul is said to have spread
Christ’s message in South Illyria. According to Gregory of Naziance, Saint Andrea preached in
Epirus. Since 58 AD, the town of Durrës (Dyrrachium) has been an Episcopal See, with
Apollonios as its first bishop (Rance, 1997: 47-48).

At the end of the first century, the Christian communities of the Illyrian region gained authority,
a fact that drew the attention of the authorities. Persecutions started under Trajan (98-117).
According to the Catholics, one of the famous martyrs of the time was Saint Astio, Bishop of
Durrachium. His death is commemorated on July seventh. When Hadrien (117-138) came to
power, Saint Florin and Saint Laurin were executed in Ulpiana (today Prishtinë). In the
following years, Diocletien (284-305) almost exterminated the Christian community, which was
resurrected under the rule of the Christian Constantin the First (Rance, 1997: 48).

In 313 in Milan, Constantin and Licinius proclaimed officially the freedom of worship. This
seemed to be the beginning of a new revival for the Christians of Illyricum. As a consequence,
new bishoprics were opened: Diocleia (Podgorica) in Montenegro and Ochrida (Ohrid). In
387, Shkodra (Shkodër in the north of modern Albania) became an archbishopric. In 325,
Illyria was able to send several bishops to the Council of Nicée. The bishops condemned
‘arianism’ as a heresy and defined the Credo. The Credo reflects the influence of the Illyrian
Church at the time. The region was also touched by various religious cults condemned by
Rome.

4
In 395, following the division of the Roman Empire by Theodose, the Illyrian territories came
under Byzantine political rule. In terms of religious authority, they were still dependent on
Rome. This was an important factor for the future of the region. The border that first separated
the Western and the Eastern Empire, and subsequently, Catholicism and Christian Orthodoxy,
was a line through the present-day Albanian territory. This line was shifted a great deal during
the next millennium. Thus, the Albanian territories were for a while under Eastern (Byzantine)
influence, and then under Western influence. This explains why present-day Albanians do not
have either a strong Catholic or a strong Orthodox identity. Albania remains a land of several
faiths and religions where Islam co-exists with Christianity (Catholicism and Orthodoxy).
Albania has always been at the center of the conflicts of the two Churches. This also explains
the reason that Catholics are found exclusively in the north of Albania and Orthodox Christians
in the south.

Between the fourth and fifth centuries, all of the so-called ‘Albanian-inhabited’ areas had been
Christianized and fifty bishoprics were opened (Xhuxha, 1995: 128; Ramet, 1998: 202;
Poghirc, 1987: 178). Most probably, Christianity was widespread in the urban centers, whereas
paganism was still influential in the rural and mountainous areas.

From the 5th to the 11th century

In the fifth century southern Illyria became part of Byzantine, while the northern part
--Prevalitaine-- was included in an autonomous region under the jurisdiction of Nys. It was
only in 733 that the Catholic Church recognized Illyria under Byzantine religious authority
(Rance, 1997: 49). During this period Byzantine rule in the Illyrian territories was challenged
by many invaders: Visigoths, Ostrogoths, and Vandals.

In 547 and 548, the Slavs made their first incursions in the area of modern Kosovo and reached
Durrës. In 580, they reached the borders of today’s Greece. According to Malcolm, “by the
mid-seventh century, Serbs (or Serb-led Slavs) penetrated from the coastal lands of
Montenegro into northern Albania. Major ports and towns such as Durrës and Shkodra
withstood them, but much of the countryside was Slavicized, and some Slav settlers moved up
the valleys into the Malësi. By the ninth century, Slav-speaking people made up a large number
of the population in northern Albania, excluding the towns and the higher mountainous areas
(especially the mountains in the eastern part of the Malësi towards Kosovo). Slav-speaking
people lived in the lowlands of this area. By the Middle Ages, they had gradually become the
major component of the urban population as well” (Malcolm, 1998: 24; Nopcsa, 1912: 238;
Ducellier, 1981: 70, 196; Selishchev, 1931: 73-85).

In the ninth and tenth centuries, Bulgarians were the ones that launched violent raids on the
Albanian lands. Podgorica was destroyed and its archbishop was forced to take refuge in
Ragusa (Rance, 1997: 49). Later Venice, which had become the center of a prosperous
aristocratic Republic since the tenth century, took under its control a section of the region. In
the eleventh century, Venetians controlled the town of Shkodra and Lezhë while the Amalfi
power controlled Durrës. From 917 to 1019, the southern regions remained under Bulgarian
control, except for the coast, which was under Byzantine rule (Xhuxha, 1995: 128-129).

In 1054, at the time of the Great Schism, the Prevalitaine kept its closer connections with
Rome, whereas the south and the center, which were dominated by the Orthodox Christian
religion, remained faithful to Byzantine. During the eleventh century, Rome founded the
archbishopric of Antivari (Bar, on the southern Dalmatian cost), probably to compensate for
the loss of the bishoprics in the Albanian territories and to try to administrate from the north

5
the populations that had remained faithful to Rome (Rance, 1997: 49). Catholic sources claim
that a century later Benedictine and, later on, Basilian convents flourished in the area (Xhuxha,
1995: 129).

First Appearances of the Albanians: 11th – 15th century

It seems that the first ethnic Albanian homeland was formed in the period around the eleventh
and twelfth centuries in a region, which started from the south of present-day Montenegro
through the mountains on the rim of Kosovo and encompassed the southern region of Malësi
in Northern Albania (Malcolm, 1998: 38). The population living in the region was Catholic. In
the twelfth century, while Serbian domination extended to Albanian territories, a synod was
held. Albanian bishops faithful to the Pope most probably took part in the synod (Rance, 1997:
50).

Origin of the Albanian People

There are still uncertainties as to the origin of the Albanian people. Linguistic studies have
thrown some light on the question of their origins. However, it is not clear where and when the
first Albanians came in contact with Catholicism and why they chose that religion, even though
they were apparently surrounded predominantly by Christian Orthodox people.

It is important to mention that Albanians do not refer to themselves as “Albanians.” Like

“Illyria” or “Illyricum,” “Albania” was a name used by foreigners for obscure reasons. In the
second century, Ptolemy mentions a tribe called “Albanoi” and their town “Albanopolis”
located to the east of Durrës. It is possible that the name of that tribe was later used to
denominate the whole region. However, by that time this name, which has deep Indo-European
roots, was already widely used within the Adriatic region. All over South and Southeastern
Europe, there are areas, cities, mountains, etc., whose names are based on the root “alba”
(“white; dawn”). The best-known examples are the Alps and the city of Albani in Italy.

The name of the Albanians (Shqiptar) emerged for the first time only in the eleventh century, in
a 1043 historical record “when Albanian troops appear fighting alongside Greeks in the army
of a rebellious Byzantine general” (Malcolm, 1998: 28). The same name appears in texts from
1078 and 1081 “when they joined the Byzantine forces resisting an invasion there [Durrës] by
the Norman adventurer Robert Guiscard” (Malcolm, 1998: 28). Some scholars have suggested
that there is a link between the medieval Albanians and the tribe “Albanoi.” This connection,
however, is farfetched and cannot be supported by any historical documents since the Albanoi
had disappeared completely over a period of nine centuries.

By the end of the 19th century, the Albanians had already established their myth that they
originated from the ancient Illyrians. This myth was raised to the status of state dogma during
the Communist period (Pollo, et al., 1974: 36-40). Only Kosovar historians, who seem to favor
the theory that Albanians are of Thracian origin, criticized it. This interpretation goes back to
19th century history, as well as to interpretation of Greek sources of the period and
archeological findings from the early 20th century. The refutation of the Illyrian myth is
important for our purpose not only because its acceptance is a complete distortion of history,
but also because it has strong religious and ideological consequences.

If the Albanians are descendents of the Illyrians, it can be inferred that they are among the most
ancient people in the Balkans. If there is continuity between the Illyrians and the Albanians, the
latter must have received Christianity before all other people in the Balkans. That type of
Christianity had oriental origins. This means that the original faith of the Albanians was

6
Christian Orthodoxy (or to avoid any anachronism they were close to Byzantine rites) and
Catholicism was a foreign element introduced at a much later date. This too is another dogma
supported by Communist historiography, which goes on to say that Albanians were all
Orthodox Christians and that Catholicism and Islam were introduced much later, in order to
divide the population.

The Romans used the name “Illyricum” for a large territory spreading all over the East Adriatic
coast. This was the reason why all people from that region were called Illyrians, without any
distinction. The name Illyrians originated with the Greeks who had used it in the 5 th-4th century
B.C. to name a group of people living on their northwestern border. These people were divided
into tribes, of which at least three are known: the Taulantian, the Enkhelai, and the Piraei.
Much later on, Roman authors also mention the existence of an Illyrian kingdom in the same
region. By that time, the people identified by the Greeks had already disappeared. The
Dalmatians had replaced them. Greek sources use the names “Illyrians” and “Albanoi”
interchangeably. The name of one tribe was extended to other tribes and to all people living in
the same area. The question about the relationship between these people, as well as about the
similarity of their languages is still unclear.

Greek sources mention the names of a large number of tribes and people, but there is no
additional information on them. Most of the languages of the “Illyricum” have left no trace.
The Illyrian language has been preserved only in a few patronymes (Sergent, 1995: 102). The
existence of an Illyrian language, to which modern Albanian as well as a number of other
languages (e.g. Venetian and Messapian) were related, was one of the hypotheses of nineteenth
century linguistics and used by Albanian historians to nourish the myth of the Illyrian origin of
the population. Linguists such as Bonfante, Borgeaud, Pokorny, and Schwyzer used the so-
called “Illyrian” theory to explain the large number of Greek words that are not of Hellenic
origin. Pisani made the first refutation of the theory in 1937 and Wharmough followed in 1950.
A few linguists like Hans Krahe have upheld such theories well into the twentieth century and
extended the territory of the Illyrian language to Sicily, Southern Italy, and the Alps.

Today there are no serious linguists who still believe in the Illyrian hypothesis (Sergent, 1995:
103). Contemporary works (Radulescu, 1984, 1987, 1994; Katicic, 1966: 145-168) have
established beyond doubt the origin of the Albanian language. It belongs to a Daco-Mysian
group that came out of the Balto-Balkanic branch of the Indo-European language (Sergent,
1995: 88). Illyrian is related only indirectly to Albanian and was most probably closer to
Messapian (spoken in southwestern Italy). Illyrian, proto-Albanian, and Messapian are three
languages that may have the same origin (Radulescu, 1994: 335-339). The Thracian,
Dardanian, and Phrygian languages were also related (Sergent, 1995: 97).

A study of the toponimy of Albania shows that almost all names of Albanian towns, which are
not related to Greek, come from Slavic languages. This shows that Albanians reached Kosovo
and present-day Albania after Slavs had already established themselves in the region. From the
7th-8th c. to the 15th century, the population of “Albania” must have been made up either of
Slavs or of Slavic-speaking people. Since the territory was mainly rural, it is possible that a
small group of the Slav population established itself in the urban centers and thus caused a shift
in the culture throughout the whole territory. It is quite possible that we can extrapolate to the
Albanian territory what we know from Kosovo where the local population has changed its
identity several times - Serbianized Albanians and Albanized Serbs have changed identity from
one generation to another. In the case of central Albania, it seems that a large part of the
population came from an ancient Balkan background and spoke languages, which have left no
trace but which must have been connected to old Balkan languages such as Illyrian, Tracian,
Dardanian, et cetera.

7
These languages must have been close to proto-Albanian. Probably this common linguistic
relationship reflected a certain unity of culture, which explains why these tribes, after adopting
various Slavic languages as their first or second language, shifted so easily to Albanian. It also
explains the unity and the diversity of culture in present-day Albania. Although there are great
differences in the culture, social organization, customs, folklore, myths, etc. of the South and
the North, this diversity remains within the framework of one unique cultural paradigm
resulting from the aggregation of elements, which had a common origin in the late Neolithic
era.

It is possible that the ancestors of the present-day Albanians were living eastward in the region,
which is today’s Macedonia. The fact that Albanian is a Daco-Mysian language is now
established. Albanian is related to Romanian. The two languages have in common not only a
large number of words, but also very peculiar grammatical structures such as the same use of
the article, which is put after the name and not before the name as in other European
languages. These elements show that proto-Albanians and Dacians may have been living in
close vicinity at some point. The territory they most probably inhabited was much to the east of
present-day Albania. The period when these people moved westward cannot be established, but
it must have been after the Slavs had already established themselves in the region.

Other clues can be found in studying the relation of Albanian with Latin. Albanian has a lot of
borrowings from Latin, which seem to come from different periods of time. The oldest group
of Latin words comes from an oriental dialect of Latin, which became the basis of the proto-
Romanian language and must have been used to form the proto-Albanian language. This Latin
dialect reflected the standard Latin used by the Church after the ninth century. It can be an
indication that proto-Albanians were not Christian at least before the 9th-10th century.

What is important is that the liturgical vocabulary of Albanian comes from Latin and not from
Greek. The oldest document in the Albanian language is the so-called Baptismal Formula
translated from Latin by the archbishop of Durrës Angelus Paulus in 1462 (Robert, 1986: 4).
Malcolm deduces from that that “the Albanians acquired their Christianity from a Latin-
speaking teacher or teachers” (Malcolm, 1998: 36). It seems reasonable then to conclude that
the first Christian Albanians were not introduced to Christianity by missionaries from Greece,
or at least from the South. This would have been the case, if Christianity had been introduced
to them between the first and fifth century.

So far, no research has established how the first Albanians became Catholics. By the time they
arrived in the southern part of Montenegro and the mountains of Malësi, Orthodox Christians
were the dominant population there. That is why it is probable that this choice was a way to
differentiate themselves from the Slavs and to establish an independent identity. If such is the
case, the same argument could be used to explain why a majority of them became Muslims at a
later period. The only Catholic strongholds were on the coast far from their original homeland
where Albanians were most probably in contact with missionaries.

Catholic Northern Albanians from the 12th century until the beginning of the Ottoman rule

The Albanian inhabited areas were divided in several principalities dominated by rival warlords.
The Dukagjine, Zaharia, Jonima, Shpan, Dushman, and at certain periods of time, vassals of
the Balsha family, whose center was in Shkodra, ruled the north. The Kastriote were in the
east, the Thopia - in Durrës, the Muzaka - in Berat, the Muzeqe and Comnène - in Vlora and
the Arianites - in the southeast. It is difficult to establish the identity of these families. They did
not speak Albanian at the time. Yet, some of them --the Dukagjin and the Thopia-- were

8
certainly not Slavs. Most of them used either Greek or Serbian in official communications, but
it is probable that in daily life they used local dialects, which were a mixture of Latin and old
Balkan languages that had a common origin with Daco-Mycian and proto-Albanian. The use of
local dialects would explain why most of the population shifted their identity to pure Albanian
during the following centuries. They were not Catholic like the first Albanian tribes, which
came later to the region. Rather, most of them were Orthodox Christians, who knew the Greek
language and civilization that dominated the area together with the Slavic cultural influences.
For example, the monastery in which the famous lord of Durrës was buried in 1388 had
inscriptions in Latin, Greek, and Slav languages (Intitut d’Histoire et de Linguistique, 1967:
59; Kaleshi, 1975: 125-138). These people had to fight the Venetians interested in conquering
the territories on the east side of the Adriatic and also the Ottomans, who initially had been
called by the locals themselves in order to help them deal with their traditional enemies.

It is within this context that the Albanians must have appeared around the 14 th-15th century.
Only a very close scrutiny of ecclesiastical Serbian sources might one day establish what really
happened. One possibility could be that the Daco-Mycian speaking population was already
present in the region mixed with other groups just as the Roma are today.

It is known that the proto-Albanians were close to the Vlachs, who also lived in symbiosis with
other people in the region. The proto-Albanians were probably shepherds who lived in the
mountains and moved easily from one valley to another. It is difficult to establish how and why
this population suddenly re-appeared in a small region between the south of Montenegro and
the mountains of Malësi. However, it is certain that at the end of the fifteenth century there
were no proto-Albanians anymore. The population had acquired a distinct Albanian identity
centered on a strong social and military organization and allegiance to the Catholic Church.
Albanian warlords emerged as the center of authority. They were competing for extending their
influence beyond their cultural homeland. Early on, they had attracted other non-Slav chieftains
who gradually fostered the Albanian identity.

In the second half of the fifteenth century, the Catholics of northern Albanian had a pivotal
balancing role between the Serbian kingdom and the Ottoman power. On some occasions, they
fought on the side of the Orthodox Serbs and sometimes on the side of the Muslim Ottomans.
The Albanian local chieftains had no state organization and no unifying political system able to
unite all Albanians. The Albanian Catholic identity was not very strong either. Even though the
Albanians were emerging as one people, they had not yet formed a nation. The question as to
the reasons why this population clung to its Catholic identity while surrounded by Orthodox
Christians is a mystery that faith alone cannot explain. The mystery becomes even deeper when
one looks at the numerous cases of dual identity, which mix Catholic/Albanian with
Orthodox/Serbian names from one generation to the other, or sometimes within the same
generation and the same family (Kaleshi, 1975: 125-138).

In most of the region, the Albanians lived in close contact with the Orthodox Slavs. There were
very few territories that the Albanians could claim as their own. They lived in the mountains,
making their living mostly as shepherds, while the Slavs lived in the plains and the valleys. The
two groups were involved in trade with one another. Quite often, there was identity confusion
among rich Albanians to whether they were Serbs or Albanians. Obviously, they were speaking
both languages and the same confusion existed in the matter of religion.

There were two attempts at the creation of a unified Albanian chiefdom. That happened only
after the Ottomans had established their presence in the neighborhood and already weakened
Slav political influence. Balshaj II (or Balsha) established the first chiefdom, Skanderbeg who
established the second (Institut d’Histoire et de Linguistique, 1967: 83). The Balshaj (or

9
Balsha) was an important family ruling over the northern Albanian territory from 1360 to 1421.
Balsha the Elder was a vassal of the Serbian lord Etienne Dusan. After Dusan’s death, Balsha
grew more independent politically and, after subjugating all the Albanian and Serb lords of
northern Albania and Montenegro, he created a vast chiefdom with Shkodra as its capital. His
three sons Strazimir (1362-1372), Gjergj (1372-1378), and Balshaj II (1378-1385) ruled after
him. Balshaj II was replaced after his death by his grandson Gjergj II (1385-1403), and then by
Rugine, daughter of Balshaj II, and Balshaj III (1403-1421) (Institut d’Histoire et de
Linguistique, 1967: 12-14, 17, 58-59, 61-62). They became rich through trade and marriage.
The principality of Shkodra reached the summit of its power under Balshaj II (Hutchings,
1996: 35; Institut d’Histoire et de Linguistique, 1967: 59).

Albanian nationalist historiography claims that Balshaj II founded the first Albanian national
state. This state is said to have controlled large territories including “Himare, Vlorë, and Berat
in the south down to the river Bune (in Montenegro) and to Prizren in the north” (Institut
d’Histoire et de Linguistique, 1967: 7, 59). It is also said that the territory was already known
under the name of Albania, “a country unified through its language, its traditions and through
its cultural and political links” (Institut d’Histoire et de Linguistique, 1967: 7). It is clear that
Albanian historians have tried to use the Balsha to assert the claim of modern Albania over
some Greek, Serb, and Montenegrin territories. Most probably, their authority did not reach
the south of Vlorë and, in the absence of an organized state, was purely nominal in many areas.
Catholic historiography is less ambitious and describes the chiefdom as covering only “half of
Albania unified for the benefit of Catholicism” (Rance, 1997: 50).

Reality is more complex. Balsha II was probably of ethnic Albanian origin, but a careful
analysis of his actions shows that his national consciousness was not well pronounced.
Certainly, he was a warlord who had been more successful than other warlords in expanding
the territories he controlled towards the Adriatic coast and towards the south. However, it is
difficult to speak of the existence of a ‘state,’ first of all because that entity had none of the
institutions of a state, such as a court, a government, a judicial system, a budget, et cetera. The
Kanun essentially ruled Balsha’s chiefdom. The second reason is that the sovereignty of the
Balsha’s chiefdom was limited by his status in terms of the Serbian rulers. He was an unreliable
vassal, but he was still a vassal nevertheless.

As far as the Catholic aspect of this chiefdom is concerned, it appears that it was related mainly
to Balsha’s Albanian identity. Although this Albanian identity was established by the mid-14 th
century, its origin raised many questions. Sufflay thought that the Balshas were of Vlach origin
(Sufflay, 1924: 204), while most probably they belonged to a clan with a mixed Albanian and
Vlach identity. Weigand discovered the presence of a Balsha family in a group of early Albanian
families in Romania (Weigand, 1927: 223). In the late thirteenth century, the Balsha family was
Serbianized to a great extent, so they started using the Serbian name of Balsic. For a long
period of time, they appeared to be fairly integrated into the Serbian political system. At that
time --early fourteenth century-- they were Orthodox Christians. It seems that when the
Nemanjid State collapsed, the Balsha family withdrew from the Serbian political scene and
went back to their Albanian Catholic roots.

Balsha II became a Catholic in 1369 (Jirecek, IAF: 239-240). Even though his whole family
had converted as well, it is difficult to estimate what it meant for him to be Catholic. Possibly,
he felt that Albanian Catholicism was part of his cultural heirloom. Catholicism was the religion
of the mountains, while Orthodoxy was the religion of the urban centers. Probably he was at
ease with both and saw no contradiction, due to his unawareness of the broader political
consequence of the theological debate.

10
The Balsha chiefdom had no organized clergy, no recognized ecclesiastic authority and no
specific religious policy. This is exactly the aspect that distinguishes him from Skanderbeg who
was the first Albanian chieftain who understood how to use religion for the furtherance of his
political objectives. The Balsha benefited from the breakdown of the Serbian state of the
Nemanjids under Dusan’s son, Tsar Uros. While still recognizing Uros’s authority, the ruling
Balsha managed to maintain substantial local independence.

In 1371, the Serbs were defeated by the Ottomans at the battle of Maritsa in Bulgaria and Uros
died childless. That was the end of the Nemanjid dynasty. The Balsha took advantage of the
vacuum to extend their territory eastward into southern Kosovo and to take control of Pec and
Prizren. That put Balsha’s chiefdom at the junction of two important Serbian states -- the state
of King Lazar and its rival kingdom of Vuk Brankovic -- who Balsha was trying to play against
one another. However, soon Brankovic drove the Balshas out of Kosovo and took control
over Pec and Prizren. The Balsha lord was obliged to negotiate a closer alliance with King
Lazar and married one of his daughters. In 1385, Balsha II was killed during a skirmish.
Already the Balsha’s chiefdom was under pressure from other Albanian warlord families such
as the Dukagjin and the Thopia of Durrës. This situation obliged his successor Gjergj II to seek
alliance to protect his southern border and become a Turkish vassal (Reinert, 1993: 170-179).

In 1388, the Balsha’s forces probably cooperated with the Turks in southern Bosnia. Although
nationalist Albanian historians claim that Gjergj II took part in the famous battle of Kosovo
Polje, it has been proven that on the day of the battle Gjergj II was in Ulcinj in southern
Montenegro (Islami, et al., 1967: 238; Pollo, et al., 1969: 222; Gelcich, 1899: 154-156).

Skanderbeg is often presented as a Catholic hero, as a champion of Christianity (Xhuxha,

1995: 131; Micunco, 1995: 33). Skanderbeg is an Albanian national hero and all Albanians are
convinced that he spent his whole life fighting the Ottomans (renamed Turks in Albanian
history). The real story is more complex and Skanderbeg’s Catholic identity, in the modern
sense, is questionable.

As a sign of the ambiguity of his situation, Gjergj Skanderbeg Kastriote had two names, one
Christian (‘Gjergj’) and one Muslim (‘Skander’), to which he added the Turkish title of ‘Beg’
(Lord). The Kastriote family was a feudal family of warlords, very much in the tradition of the
Balshaj. They had come from west Kosovo and established themselves in present north central
Albania in the migration wave, which shifted many Albanians southward. The exact date when
his family migrated is not known. It seems that Skanderbeg’s grandfather had already
established himself in the region. The Kastriote family probably did not migrate alone and one
can assume that their extended clan moved with them.

What exactly the population of north central Albania was at that time is also difficult to assess.
Albanians were newcomers to the region, which they were trying to colonize through slow
infiltration, rather than through violent warfare. The Ottoman rule, which had abolished
borders between chiefdoms, made that move easier. By the time of Skanderbeg’s grandfather,
the family was already fairly Ottomanized.

Skanderbeg’s father, Gjon (John), was already an established Turkish vassal who sent his
teenage son Gjergji to the Ottoman court as a ‘hostage’ (in fact, more as a sign of his
faithfulness). The name Gjon indicates that he was Catholic, but as a result of this alliance with
the Turks, most likely shifted his allegiances.

Gjergji Skanderbeg was raised as a Muslim in Istanbul and became an Ottoman familiar with
the Ottoman culture. At a much later period, he returned to Catholicism, mostly for political

11
reasons. Skanderbeg personal religion was probably more syncretic and it is most probable that
he believed both in Jesus and in Mohammed as many Albanians did at the time. However,
Skanderbeg had the genius to understand the political use he could make of his Catholic
identity.

While defending his chiefdom against the Ottomans, Skanderbeg wrote to the Pope and tried
to build a Catholic coalition presenting his fight as a fight of the True Faith (Catholicism)
against Islam. One always has to keep in mind that Skanderbeg has become a legend in
Albania, so it is difficult to restore the true story from the story presented by Albanian
historians. The legend tells that Skanderbeg received military education in the Turkish cavalry
and was sent to Serbia to take part in the defense of Nis in 1443. He deserted with all his
Albanian troops and went to the castle of Kruja, near present-day Tirana, which he stormed by
surprise and established himself as the ruler of the region (Institut d’Histoire et de
Linguistique, 1967: 23).

Ottoman sources tell a different story. It seems that Skanderbeg started his career as a trusted
Ottoman official. Documents show that as early as 1438 he was already in control of the castle
of Kruja, which must have been handed to him by the Sultan, as he was the Sultan’s
representative in the region. Skanderbeg used his official position to build connections with the
local population and other chieftains. He waited until 1443 to defy the Ottomans.

It seems that the Ottomans did not take his military and political power too seriously, because
they took years to react and to send significant forces against him. Skanderbeg took advantage
of the Hungarian invasion of Bulgaria and Serbia, which had mobilized all Turkish troops.
When, in 1448, Murat II sent his troops against him, the Hungarian king Hunyadi attacked the
Turks, preventing a successful campaign against Skanderbeg. However, Skanderbeg failed to
grasp the meaning of the political situation and did not join his forces with those of Hungary,
thus allowing the Turks to defeat it. For twenty-five years, until his death in 1468, he managed
to resist the Turks, who found a modus vivendi with him. It is probable that after the first
campaign to attempt to dislodge Skanderbeg from Kruja, the Ottomans thought that the price
would be too high for someone who was no threat to their overall domination of the region
and decided to keep a minimum of pressure on him.

The two episodes of Balshaj and of Skanderbeg are of tremendous importance both for the
formation of Albanian nationalism and of Albanian Catholic consciousness. These two episodes
have been obscured by the myths surrounding them. Modern Albanian historians try to point to
the chiefdoms of Balsha and Skanderbeg as the proto-states of modern Albania, showing that
the concept of an Albanian state already had substance before the creation of Albania in 1913.

Catholics tend to over-emphasize the Catholic identity of the two chiefdoms. This has
tremendous consequences to their political position in contemporary Albania. Using mythical
history, they have succeeded in making people forget the Catholics’ absence from the process
of political emancipation of the Albanians at the end of the nineteenth century and of the
formation of modern Albania. They largely ignore the fact that both Balsha and Skanderbeg
had a long tradition of cooperation with the Ottomans, irrespectively of their religious
allegiance. In reality, the Albanian Catholics had played the Turks against the Orthodox Slavs
and even against other Catholic Albanians (the Dukagjin, for example) and had become an
essential part of the Ottoman domination of the region.

Today, Catholics claim they are the true founders of Albania. They consider Orthodox
Christianity and Islam as foreign to the Albanian culture, which, according to them, has deep
roots in Catholicism. They have been rather successful in convincing other Albanians of their

12
version of history, to the extent that the modern Albanian writer Ismail Kadare, although from
a southern Muslim family from Gjirokastër, said that in order to achieve national unity, all
Albanians should convert to Catholicism.

For Catholics, Skanderbeg is not only a national hero; he is near saint. He is buried in the
Catholic Church of Lezhë, which at the time of the fall of Communism was in ruin. Nowadays,
Skanderbeg is a hero disputed between the Muslims, who see him only as a ‘national’ hero, and
the Catholics, for whom his Catholic identity is more important (Micunco, 1995: 33). A
monument of Skanderbeg also is in dispute between the two communities. The present
authorities, which are Muslims, deny the Catholic Church the returned custody of his shrine.

Catholics from the 15th to the 18th century

15th- 16th

By the fifteenth century, all Albanian-inhabited territories were integrated into the Ottoman
Empire and remained so for almost all of the next five hundred years. One important
consequence of this is that it opened southern territories to Albanian colonization. Gradually,
predominantly Slav territories became Albanian (Kaleshi, 1975: 125-138). At the end of the
nineteenth century, there were Albanian villages even in the outskirts of Athens. While the
territory of modern Albania was progressively Albanized, the local population shifted from
Orthodox Christianity and Catholicism to Islam, bringing a significant and definitive change in
the features of the Balkan population (Inalcik, 1960: 673). This process was very slow and
reached its peak only in the last two centuries.

Among the Catholic population of the Ottoman Balkans (Catholics of Ragusa /Dubrovnik,
Bosnia, Hungary, Bulgaria, and some Greek islands), the Albanian Catholics were the smallest
and weakest community. From the time of the conquest, their number started shrinking
progressively, especially between the fifteenth and nineteenth centuries, mainly due to wars and
political contingencies. In 1463, Mehmet II attacked Bosnia, which was one of the major
Catholic states in the area. The rebellious population was repressed and a number of Bosnians
and northern Albanian Catholics who had relations with them were imprisoned and later
enslaved in Istanbul. The majority of the population chose to emigrate (Frazee, 1983: 35).

The sixteenth century is one of the bleakest pages of the history of the Albanian Catholic
Church. The Catholic identity of the Albanians was only nascent at the time. They did not have
national clergy to organize them, so they were very dependent on foreign missionaries. Reliable
priests were hard to find from amongst the Albanians. That is why any endeavor had to be
organized by priests from bishoprics outside Albania, such as Dalmatia where there were not
too many candidates for the position.

Keeping this in mind, it seems that the Albanian population was Catholic probably just by name
as an accident of history. To consolidate that identity would have required a tremendous effort
that the Catholic Church did not make, since Albania was never among the Pope’s priorities.
There was severe lack of human resources for such a task at a time when the Church had many
other missionary projects. Ottoman-controlled Albania was difficult to reach. However, the
Holy See did not lose its interest completely. In 1593, Albania was put under the responsibility
of the Franciscan Order, but this did not produce any notable result. It is said that the
Franciscans have been established in the Albanian lands since the thirteenth century, but it is
unlikely that a continuity of the order existed there. (Hutchings, 1996: 94-95).

13
The political situation of the Catholics in the Albanian territories as well as in the rest of the
Ottoman Empire experienced a fundamental change in the second half of the sixteenth century.
On October 18, 1569, Paris and Istanbul signed a treaty, which was the first in a long series
called Capitulations. The treaty was renewed in 1597, in 1604 (after the war between the
Turks and the Habsburgs), and in June 1673. According to its main provisions, France became
an ally of the Turks against their common enemy, the powerful Catholic Habsburgs. In
exchange, the agreement recognized the Ambassador of France to Istanbul as the main
protector of the Catholic subjects of the Sultan. This meant that the French replaced the
Venetians and the Genoese, who had previously tried to reach a similar agreement. The
Capitulations had many important consequences, one of them being that the Catholic Church
was allowed to send missionaries to the Ottoman territories to consolidate the local Catholic
communities (Frazee, 1983: 68).

This important political decision was utilized very well by some feudal Albanian families, who,
aware of the geo-strategic importance of the region, tried in the late sixteenth century to use
the influence of the Christian European leaders for their own interests. In 1571, some Albanian
chieftains, encouraged by the victory of Juan of Austria against the Turks in Lepanto, decided
to rebel against the Ottoman authorities. Looking for a western leader who would be willing to
rule them, they turned to Charles Emmanuel I of Savoy (1562-1630) and to the Prince of
Parma (the duché of Parme-et-Plaisance was founded in 1545), but both refused the proposal
(Frazee, 1983:103).

In 1577, in the Orthodox Himara region (South Albania), thirty-eight chieftains who wanted to
prepare an insurrection against the Ottoman authorities appealed to Pope Gregory XIII for
help. They promised to recognize his authority and to accept Philip II of Spain as their
sovereign. However, because of the predominantly Greek environment around them, they
wanted their priests to preserve the Eastern Rites liturgical customs. As a result, Himarëns
formed a relationship with the Catholic Church. However, in 1685, after the departure to Italy
of the Orthodox priest Athanasios II of Ohrid, who was recognized as bishop of the region by
Rome, the link to the Pope was weakened (Frazee, 1983:104).

In general, many of the Albanian feudal families were quite satisfied with their position in the
Ottoman Empire as long as they did not feel too much fiscal or military pressure. However,
due to their tradition of internal unrest and independence, they were constantly fighting among
themselves to assert their family’s domination. The explanation of these rebellions may be in
the fact that due to their close contacts with Italy, the Albanian Catholic warlords had a better
understanding of how to involve the European powers in their internal fights. This was a
continuation of Skanderbeg’s policy, but on a much smaller scale. The Albanian leaders of the
time realized that the Catholic countries would not fight just to defend Catholicism. If the
Albanians wanted assistance from the western powers, they had to integrate the Albanian
territory into the western political system. This could be achieved only by offering the crown of
Albania to a western prince.

It is doubtful that the Albanians came to that idea themselves. It is almost certain that the
Italian Church inspired these ideas. The idea to bring a foreign prince to unify the Albanian
territory and to integrate it into the ‘concert of European nations’ became a powerful political
idea throughout the time of Ottoman domination and survived the Islamization of the country.

That idea became a reality only in 1912 when the German Lutheran Prince Wied became for a
short time King of the Albanians. During his rule, it was visible that there was a contradiction
in the idea of having a Christian sovereign rule over a predominantly Muslim country. The idea
resurfaced under a different form when King Zogulli tried to marry a European princess. All

14
this also explains why even today the monarchic idea is still powerful in northern Albania,
which is a predominantly Catholic region. This was shown very well in the 1997 referendum on
the restoration of the monarchy.

17th century

The seventeenth century brought major changes in the life of the Catholic population of the
Ottoman Empire. Until 1609, the Sultan had not distinguished among the different Christian
groups in his territories. The Catholics under the Roman Pope were integrated into the
Armenian Gregorian Orthodox millet. This, of course, was a cause for many conflicts (Kitsikis,
1994: 19-24). However, the increasing influence of the western powers on the dominion of the
Sultan forced him to recognize the independent Catholic millet under French protection.

The Albanian Catholics were part of this new millet (Rance, 1997: 51). Such status did not
only give them the right to practice freely their religion, but also gave them judiciary
prerogatives. Thus, Muslim law and Muslim tribunals did not govern the Catholics. They were
allowed to have their own tribunal and be judged according to their laws and traditions. In the
Albanian case, this meant also recognition of the Kanun, i.e. the traditional customary law.

Thanks to French protection, Catholic missionaries poured into the region. The seventh
century was a ‘Golden Age’ in their activities in the Eastern Mediterranean. They started
proselytizing among the Eastern Orthodox Christian communities. The goal at the time “was
corporate reunion of these churches but that proved unrealistic due to Turkish apprehension
over their subjects becoming Franks and due to the hostility of the local clergy (Frazee, 1983:
1-2). Later on, the missionaries focused their activities on making conversions “from among
individual clerics and laymen and women” (Franzee, 1983: 1-2).

In France, the influential French Capucin Joseph le Clerc du Tremblay (1577-1638) dreamt of a
crusade that would re-conquer the Orient for Christianity. As head of the expedition, he chose
Charles de Gonzagues, Duke of Nevers and member of a family in Italy, which had ruled over
Mantoue and the French duché of Nevers from the fourteenth to the eighteenth century. A
relative of the last Palaeologos, de Gonzagues was a potential competitor for the throne of
Byzantium. Both Albanians and Serbs welcomed the project. The Duke himself showed very
little enthusiasm and formed only a small organization called the ‘Order of the Christian
Militia.’ According to Frazee, he sent an expeditionary force to the Albanian territories in 1616,
but the Ottomans crushed the Militia very quickly (Frazee, 1987: 86).

Very soon after, the need to centralize the activity of the numerous Catholic missionaries in the
Ottoman territories was felt. Under the pontificate of Gregory XV (1621-23) the ‘Sacred
Congregation for the Propagation of Faith’ was created in Rome in order to reinforce the
efficiency of the Church’s missionary work (Frazee, 1983: 88). This organ exerted strong
influence on the development of the Eastern Catholic communities over the next centuries.
According to Frazee, “all missionary lands lacking resident bishops came under its jurisdiction
with the exception of Albania and the Greek islands.”

Throughout the seventeenth century, Latin and Eastern Rites Albanian Catholics remained
faithful to the Pope. After 1628, the first graduates of the College of the Propagation of the
Faith appeared in the Albanian vilayets (an administrative units) together with Basilian monks
from Italy, who were sent to strengthen the Albanian Catholic community. Their help was really
needed. The Albanian Catholics were in a bad situation, just like the Catholic Bosnians and
Macedonians. In 1610, the Bishop of Bar, Marino Bizzi, who was authorized by the Sultan to
visit the Catholics of the Balkans, presented a disastrous picture of the situation of the Catholic

15
community. According to the bishop, the Balkan clergy were ignorant and had concubines; few
native clerics could be found; bishops were absent from their offices; Orthodox Christians were
free to take Catholic Episcopal property; and many people were converting to Islam. In front
of so many challenges, Rome decided to allow special privileges to the Catholic missionaries
who were given the authority to help in the confession and the reconciliation of the Albanians
who had apostatized (Frazee, 1983:104).

The Franciscans remained very active during the century. In 1618 the first Catechism was
published in Albania, an event that showed for the first time the recognition of the Albanian
language by the Church. In 1635 was published the first Albanian Latin Dictionary by Frang
Bardhi. In 1638 the Franciscans opened a school in Pdhanë and by 1644 they had issued the
first Italian-Albanian dictionary (Daniel, 1990: 52). These events were quite important. They
give ground to the Catholics’ claim that they were the ones who founded modern Albanian
literature. Clearly, Albanian was first written and used by the Catholics to promote the work of
the Church.

The first serious move was the decision around 1635 to send a Franciscan mission to northern
Albania. Ten years later, friars were established in at least seven hospices. A bishopric was
created in Prizren. In this way the Albanians had their own bishop for the first time in many
centuries. Ndre Bogdani was appointed as the first bishop and was succeeded by his nephew
Pjetër after his death in 1677. Their family name suggests that they were not of Slavic origin,
although both of them were born in northwestern Albania. Ndre and Pjetër Bogdani played
leading roles in the foundation of Albanian culture (See I. Rugova, Vepra e Bogdanit, Prishtinë,
1990). Ndre published the first Albanian grammar and Pjetër wrote a theological treaty, the
first book written in Albanian.

Another important step was the foundation in 1574 of the first Illyrian College at Loreto near
Ancona and a second one in 1663 in Fermo where young people from “Illiria” --not only
Albanians-- were sent to be educated. The number of Albanian applicants remained extremely
low with rarely more than two Albanian students at one time. All these attempts at reforming
Albanian Catholicism did not produce very much. More importantly, these attempts were the
impetus for raising opposition in the local clergy. Many letters from Pjetër Bogdani to the Holy
See complained of the state of the Albanian clergy. A few visitors from the Franciscans describe
the appalling state of the Albanian clergy and see it as the main reason for conversion to Islam
(Malcolm, 1998: 126; Jacov, 1986: 345; Arnold, 1935:190).

All of Rome’s efforts to send missionaries did not stop the Albanians to convert to Islam.
According to Skendi, “it was only in the 1600’s that large-scale conversions to Islam began –
at first mainly among the Albanian Catholics” (Skendi, 1956: 312, 316). This assertion is
misleading. It seems that “large scale conversion” started as early as the 1600s, i.e. not long
after the Albanians had emerged as a separate ethnic identity. It certainly means that the
Catholic identity of the Albanians until then was not so strong and that the Albanian culture,
still in a phase of formation, was flexible enough to choose between one religious identity and
another. Ottoman registries state that by 1610 already 10 per cent of the population of northern
Albania was Muslim.

Islamization was not the only factor that caused the decline in the number of Albanian
Catholics in the second half of the seventeenth century. The political environment, specifically
the growing tension between Venice and Istanbul, was the main contributing factor. In 1645,
the Venetians tried again to convince the Catholics to rebel against the Ottoman power, but
withdrew their military support as soon as the Ottoman forces appeared in Albania after the
Cretan war. Many Catholic priests had to leave their homes. Again in 1689, when the Holy

16
Synod was at war with the Ottomans, a Venetian fleet cruised the coast hoping to stir up the
Albanian Christians but there was no reaction whatsoever (Frazee, 1983: 104).

At the time of the Cretan war (Creta fell to the Turks in the seventeenth century), the Albanian
Catholic community lost a sizable number of its members. Since they had supported the Latin
Archbishop of Bar in his attempt to betray the city of Shkodër to the Venetians, in retaliation
the Sultan’s forces repressed the Catholics. Three thousand Catholics are said to have fled to
Venetian territory while another sizeable group preferred to convert to Islam. It is speculated
that this large conversion was primarily due to fear from the Sultan in command.

Throughout history, people persecuted for their religion had preferred death to apostasy and
did not embrace the faith of their enemies so easily, even if the persecutions were harsh. For
example, during the seventeenth century, French Protestants chose death or exile to avoid
conversion to Catholicism. The interpretation of the Catholic Albanian’s conversion to Islam is
offered in Albanian books as a relation to the alleged intolerance of the Muslim Sultans
towards the Christians. The Albanians simply wanted to save themselves from being persecuted
by the Muslim controllers. However, this theory is not completely true.

The Ottomans were more tolerant towards the religious minorities of their empire than the
other European leaders within their kingdoms. Periods of persecution were scarce and were
always linked to political upheaval as in the case of Shkodra when the Albanian Catholics took
the side of the Venetians. That Albanians chose to change their faith shows that their Catholic
identity had already been seriously blurred and weakened. The power of the Osmanli dynasty,
the diffusion of Ottoman culture, and the development of the Ottoman administration had a
serious impact on the life of the local population, which became more prosperous than they
had ever been before. Some Albanian simply wanted to take advantage of such prosperity.
Ottoman sovereignty had many advantages and Ottoman culture had a lot of appeal.

At the end of the seventeenth century, free exercise of the Catholic religion in the Empire was
guaranteed, thanks to the 1699 Treaty of Karlowitz between Turkey, Austria, Poland, Russia,
and Venice. In this treaty, the French were removed from their privilege of being the exclusive
protector of the Christians of the Ottoman territories. However, since they had helped in
ending the Austro-Turkish War of 1739, in 1740 Mahmet I rewarded them with a renewal of
the Capitulations, which were reconfirmed in March 1802 after the end of the French-Ottoman
war (Frazee, 1983: 156).

The French had to share their privilege with the Habsburgs, who exercised their right over the
Northern Albanian Catholics only a century later. However, willing to strengthen their position
in the Balkans, the Austrians encouraged the Albanian Catholics --just what they had done with
Catholic Croats and Serbs-- to revolt against the Ottoman authorities. As a consequence of
their failure, the Pasha of Pec deported many of them to Serbia where they embraced either
Islam or Orthodoxy. This was a new blow to the Catholic community of Albania.

The 18th-19th century

The eighteenth century was not favorable to the development of the Balkan Catholic
communities. In 1773, Clement XIV started persecuting the Jesuits in Europe. This meant that
the local communities in Albania were no longer staffed with foreign missionaries. The French
Revolution and its ideology, as well as the rise of Napoleon were also detrimental to the
Catholic missionary activities in the Ottoman territories. This, however, was the point when the
process of Islamization was experiencing one of its best periods of development.

17
There were a number of changes in the Albanian inhabited areas. In 1700 Pope Clement XI
was elected. This event is very important for Albanian Catholic mythology (Micunco, 1995:
34). The new Pope --his secular name was Gianfrancesco Albani-- was born in Urbino in 1649
and died in 1721. His fame comes from the promulgation of the papal bull Unigenitus against
the Jansenists. Clement XI is important for the Albanians, because they consider him Albanian
(The New Encyclopedia Britannica, 1998: 373-374). His Albanian identity is proved in their
eyes by the fact that his family name was Albani. His family is supposed to have come from
Albania two centuries before he became a Pope.

Although Pope Clement the Eleventh’s Albanian affiliation is dubious, it is true that under his
pontificate, the Church started new missions on Albanian territory. In 1703, at the Saint John
Church of Mercinjë in the south of Shkodër, the Second Synod of Albanian Bishops was called
by the Archbishop of Bar and Apostolic Visitor of Albania, Vincenzo Zmajevic (the First Synod
is said to have taken place in 1199). The purpose of the synod was to take measures against
‘crypto-Catholics,’ people who behaved publicly as Muslims but followed Catholic rituals in
private. The decision was made that banned church access and communion (Holy Eucharist) to
these Catholics (Bartl, 1968: 31-36). The minutes from the Synod were published in Latin and
Albanian. The Concilium Albanicum is one of the first written documents available on the
history of the Albanian Catholic Church (Rance, 1997: 52-53).

During the mid-eighteenth century, northern Albanian chieftains were constantly fighting
against each other. The most powerful of them was the Lord of Shkodra Mehmet Bushati, who
sometimes was helped by Catholic tribes. In 1791 Austria became the protector of the Catholic
Mirdite tribes. This alliance was very favorable to Bushati as well. Bushati owned more than
half of the Albanian territory but lost it after the Russo-Ottoman war of 1828 because of his
weak support to the Sultan’s war and his opposition to Ottoman reforms in the area. The third
battle of Kosovo of July 16, 1831, in which Bushati and Hussein of Gradacac of Bosnia took
part, marked the end of chieftain rule in northern Albania (Malcolm, 1998: 183). In the
southern Albanian territories, in 1765, Basilian missionaries were expelled from Himarë and the
population returned progressively to Orthodox Christianity under the care of Catherine the
Great. (Frazee, 1983: 170).

Catholics during the 19th century

After a period of decline in the eighteenth century, the nineteenth century was a period of
Catholic expansion in the Ottoman Empire due to the initiatives of various popes at the time
(Pius IX, Leon XIII, Pius X, Benedict XV, and Pius XI). Missionaries were sent again in order
to re-conquer previously lost lands and regions. Due to successful missionaries, by 1900 the
Catholic Eastern Rites Churches and their institutions were consolidated unlike ever before,
but the union was torn asunder by effects from the First World War. In 1923, after the
foundation of the Turkish Republic, only weak communities of Catholics could be found in the
region (Frazee, 1983: 2).

The Albanian-inhabited areas followed a very similar evolution. They were divided into four
vilayets (which were composed of many other ethnic minorities): Jannina, Shkodra, Monastir
and Kosovo. The Catholic population was dominant in the northern vilayets, especially in the
mountainous areas, but could be found also in the central regions.

Since the ancient Indo-European tribal system was still surviving in this part of Europe, clans,
or fis, organized the Muslim and the Catholic groups in the north. Half of the existent sixty
clans had a majority of Catholics (98,000 people according to the Carte commerciale des
provinces d’Albanie et d’Epire, 1880-1885: 16). Among them, the Catholic Mirditë and

18
Malësore tribes were the most powerful ones. These communities applied the customary law
known as the Kanun, according to which blood feuds were allowed in order to save one’s
honor. The Kanun ruled the life of the tribes and contained rigid clauses, especially for women
(Durham, 1990: 431-454, 458-469). All men --Catholic and Muslim-- had guns. These tribal
traditions made the Christianization of the population more difficult.

The Albanian Catholic Church had an archbishop in Durrës and bishops in Lezhë, Shkodër, and
Pulaj (Frazee, 1983: 239). In 1886, Shkodër became the metropolitan See of the Albanian
vilayets with responsibility for all other bishoprics with the exception of Durrës (Frazee, 1983:
241). The bishops of the Albanian Catholic Church were foreigners, mainly Croats, whereas
the lower clergy was made of locals (Pederin, 1995: 47-61). The Ottoman authorities granted
berats (decree) to the Austrians, who were the main protector of the community, for the
appointment of Albanian bishops (Frazee, 1983: 241). According to Rance, due to the work of
the Franciscans and Jesuits, in 1866 five bishops were consecrated (1997: 55). Two synods
were organized in order to set matters on liturgy and organization of the church: one in 1871 in
Bar and one in 1895 in Shkodër (Bartl, 1968: 31-36).

The Albanian Catholic community was now firmly under the care of the Propagande Fide in
Rome. Many Jesuits and Franciscans together with nuns were sent to Albania and were
especially active during this period. They contributed to the foundation of a strong Catholic
organization and played an essential role in the education of the Albanian elite and the
development of Albanian literature. In 1841, Jesuits were allowed to establish themselves in the
Albanian vilayets as a result from the pressure that Austria exerted on the Ottomans. They
opened a seminary, Kolegja Papnore Shqiptare, in Shkodër in 1859 where the study of the
Albanian language was made possible. At the time, other religious institutions were teaching
only in Turkish Osmali, Arabic, or Greek. The same was done in the College of Saint Francis
Xavier (Saverianum), which they founded in 1877 (Ramet, 1997: 203; Siebert, 1993: 51). In
1876, the Jesuit press published a book on the Christian doctrine, which was the first volume
ever printed in the Albanian language. Some Albanian-language magazines followed, such as
Lajmtari i Zemrës së Krishtit (The Messenger of the Sacred Heart) and Leka (an abbreviation
of Lidhja, meaning ‘Union’) (Daniel, 1990: 52; Ramet, 1998: 203).

During the nineteenth century, the Franciscans were particularly active. They were among the
most successful order in the region and worked especially in the northern areas trying to
convert the popular and somehow pagan beliefs and practices of the Catholic mountaineers.
Some Franciscans were from the Arbëresh community in Italy and became completely
assimilated but the majority came from the locals. By 1906, four Franciscan monasteries and
twenty-five parishes existed in the region (Rance, 1997: 54). The Franciscans worked for
social reform. They wanted to limit the practice of the blood feud and also called “for
intellectual tasks such as recording the decisions of assemblies” (Hutchings, 1996: 94-95).

Two Franciscans became particularly famous in that period: Shtejfën Gjeçovi (1873-1929) and
Gjergj Fishta (1871-1940). Gjeçovi was a scholar who studied in Austria and devoted his life to
northern Albania and Kosovo. During his lifetime, Gjeçovi produced many works on Albanian
folklore and archeology and is especially known for collecting the laws of the Kanun of Lekë
Dukagjini (Hutchings, 1996: 52). Fishta studied theology and philosophy in Bosnia. He was
known as a poet and one of the important writers of prewar Albania (Hutchings, 1996: 42). He
found the secondary Illyrian school in Shkodër, which was the first school to give lectures in
the Albanian language. Fishta participated in the Congress of Monastir of 1908, which
accepted his proposal for an Albanian alphabet that would use the Latin characters (Hutchings,
1996: 42). This was one of the main accomplishments of the Albanian Catholic Church at the
time.

19
However, despite these improvements the consolidation of the Albanian Catholic institutions
presented some challenges. The Catholic authorities, like the Orthodox Christian authorities,
were confronted with the delicate question of the Islamic conversion by a number of their
believers. Conversions happened very often and to all vilayets. The scale and the pace of the
conversions are difficult to assess. However, Christian authorities exchanged intensive
correspondence between the Ottoman authorities and the diverse religious institutions in the
Albanian vilayets as a result of the conversion phenomenon.

The Albanian State Archives have many documents regarding this phenomenon, which
concerned also other religious communities. The Muslim Sheriat courts of the Albanian vilayets
were in charge of registering conversions of Christians to Islam. One document from the
archives shows the Administrative Council of the Sandjak of Elbasan giving authorization to a
Christian believer to convert to Islam (F. 113, D. IX-66, p. 1, 1901). Other cases can be found
in archival Document F. 132, D. 15, p. 1-5, 1857 or F. 128, D.7, p. 89. Sometimes conversions
from Catholicism to Orthodox Christianity --and vice versa-- were possible, but this was not
true when it came to Islam. A report dated March 29, 1900, written by the Austrian Consul in
Monastir refers to the conversion of forty Orthodox Christian families to Catholicism (AIH, vj.
8-68, 1900).

Rivalries and intolerance between Catholics, Orthodox Christians, and Muslims were another
widespread phenomenon. The two main religious communities of Albania --Christian Orthodox
and Catholic-- were recognized officially by the Sultans and were allowed to rule their
respective communities the way the Muslims did (i.e. in separate millets). However, believers
from the different communities distrusted each other and had problematic relationships,
especially in the northern vilayets. These conflicts have been described by many nineteenth
century travelers (Lakshman-Lepain, 1997: 147-175; in the ASA see examples: Fondi 139, D.
3, 1853; F. 132, D. 7, 1864, p. 86-89, which is about problems created by Muslims in order to
prevent Catholics to make a pilgrimage to the ruins of an old church; or F. 132, D. 22, p.1-45
about the claim on one and the same church by both Catholics and Orthodox Christians; see F.
132, D. 19, p. 1-42, 1859, F. 132, D. 19, p. 1-10, 1860, F. 132, D. 18, p. 1-12 about acts of
Muslims at the destruction of Christian religious places of cult, or violation of the sanctity of
Catholic graves by Orthodox Christian believers and vice versa).

Despite these problems, the existence of the millet system and of a popular form of faith
prevailing among the Albanians, created a status quo between the different religions. The
coexistence of Islam, Orthodox Christianity, and Catholicism was institutionalized in the
Albanian vilayets. At the different levels of the provincial Ottoman administration --the council
of vilayet or the council of sandjak (smaller administrative units) -- Christian representatives
sat next to Muslims representatives.

The Tanzîmât reforms

The nineteenth century brought into the life of the Christian and Muslim subjects of the Sultan
many changes, which were not easily accepted. Because of the decline of the Empire, Mahmut
II started a program of reforms known under the name of “Tanzîmât,” which lasted until 1875.
The purpose of the reforms was to save the empire from disintegration by the creation a
modern state based on the model of the European states with a centralized and efficient
administration served by honest bureaucrats (Jelavich, 1983: 282).

Two important documents produced during the reform period were the imperial prescript of
the Gülhane of November 1839 and the Hatti Humayun of 1856 (Jelavich, 1983: 282, 284;

20
Mantran, 1989: 457, 508). They both were determinant for the life of the Christian population
of the Empire. Changes according to the documents were many: taxes imposed on the
agricultural produce were abolished; military recruitment was done on an equal basis; equal
security and legal rights were guaranteed to all subjects regardless of their religion; full equality
of rights was declared for both Muslims and non-Muslims; full freedom of religion and making
apostasy from Islam none punishable (Malcolm, 1998: 185; Shkodra, 1959: 33-35). Each
community was also authorized to set up public schools and, according to the School Law of
1869, teaching in the local language was allowed. The Catholics schools were the only ones to
offer studies in Albanian.

However, the Albanian Christians and the Albanian Muslims did not equally welcome these
reforms. Both groups wanted to keep the advantages of their status and remain unequal, as
they had been until then. The Christians were not interested in having the same military duties
as the Muslims. The conservative mentality of the population of the Ottoman provinces, and
not the lack of will and power of the Ottoman authorities, was responsible for the weak
implementation of these reforms. The Albanians were especially militant against the modern
governmental organization and preferred to keep their old way of life and traditions. Especially
violent was the reactions of the northern Catholic Malësore. Until the declaration of the
reforms, that population had enjoyed their traditional right of virtual self-government, due to
the fact that the northern Albanian warlords were the first to recognize submission to the
Ottoman forces at the time of the conquest. Local chiefs ruled the population. Their
Bajraktars were empowered to gather military forces for the Sultans at time of war. After the
new reforms, the Malësore refused to pay new taxes, to welcome Ottoman officials, and to be
integrated into regular troops (Malcolm, 1998: 218). Actually, both Muslims and Catholics still
wanted to serve under the Ottoman Sultans.

Albanian historians have interpreted the numerous nineteenth century rebellions against the
Ottoman authorities as an expression of the population’s desire to be free from Ottoman rule.
The last century was a century of ‘National Renaissance’ (RiIindja Kombëtare). The ‘national
liberation movement’ was presented as resulting from the political and military consensus
among Albanians, which was constant through history and had one aim - independence.
Actually until 1878 most of the insurrections were reactions to the Tanzîmât reforms and
should not be interpreted as the first expressions of Albanian nationalism --or consciousness--
as Albanian historians do (Instituti i Historisë, 1978: 3-12).

The Question of the Conversion of Albanians to Islam

Official Albanian historiography finds two main reasons for the conversions of the Albanians,
and specifically of the Catholic Albanians, to Islam. The first one is the tax levied on non-
Muslims and the second one is the alleged persecutions by the Ottomans. Albanian scholars
usually add that the conversions were not sincere. Catholic historians also support this theory
(Micunco, 1995: 33-34). They emphasize on the existence of the crypto-Catholics, i.e.
Catholics who converted to Islam but kept many Catholic practices. The problem of the
conversion of the Albanians to Islam cannot be separated from another problem: the
assessment of the relationship of the Albanians with the Ottomans.

According to official historiography, after the death of Skanderbeg, the Albanians never ceased
fighting against the Ottomans. Albanian historians have extolled ‘national insurrections’
(kryengritje) which in fact were related to the traditional unrest in a country that had never had
an established political authority. The relationship between Ottomans and Albanians was very
ambivalent. In practice, the Albanians put up with nominal Turkish sovereignty very easily, as
long as it did not infringe on their traditions. In the beginning, the Ottomans did not even levy

21
taxes on the Albanian population. They usually negotiated agreements with local chieftains in
case of war (Inalcik, 1960: 672). It is with the help of the Albanians that the Ottomans
established their administration in the towns where most of the population was not Albanian
(Kaleshi, 1975: 125-138). Albanian warlords also sent troops with the Ottomans against Slavs
such as the Bosnians and the Bulgarians.

The situation of the Albanians was better than the situation of the Slavs, who were subjugated
through the use of troops. The Albanians were integrated into the Ottoman army through the
devshirme (‘collection’) system like other parts of the Empire (Inalcik, 1960: 677). Every
seven years, the Turkish army forcibly recruited young Christian boys to enroll them in the
Janissary corps, the Sultan’s personal army. The boys were taken off to Istanbul and Anatolia,
given Turkish education and prepared for their military mission. Oftentimes they were
converted to Islam. The impact of the devshirme system is not known. As far as its application
in Albania is concerned, it has not been studied well.

It seems that the Albanians were drawn into the devshirme system when they started moving to
the urban centers and to colonize southern Albania, in other words when they became
themselves more Ottoman. It was because they were becoming more ‘Ottomanized’ that they
were drawn into the devshirme system, and not the other way around (that the devshirme
system made them more Ottomanized). The Christian faith of the Albanians did not appear to
have been an obstacle. Very quickly, the Albanians provided the majority of the Janissary
troops (Goodwin, 1997: 32-53; Inalcik, 1960: 677).

The disproportional ratio between the Albanians’ demographic weight in the Empire and their
number of troops enrolled in the army shows that they had a special status. They embraced the
military career willingly, most probably as a way to escape the poverty of life in the Albanian
mountains (Inalcik, 1960: 672). Due to the lack of fertile soil --before the swamps near the
coast were drained-- the Albanian land was able to sustain only a limited number of people, so
immigration quickly became the only option open to a growing Albanian population. Military
enrolment offered the best opportunity for a quarrelsome population, which had always had the
love of arms.

Most probably this situation is not the reason why the Albanian population converted to Islam.
After going to the army, the vast majority of the Janissaries never returned to Albania.
Moreover, when the Janissaries converted to Islam, it was to its Shi’a Bektashi version, not to
the officially sponsored Sunni denomination, which was the type of Islam to which the majority
of Catholic Albanians converted. It was when the Janissaries were disbanded in 1826 that many
ex-soldiers retuned to Albania and settled in southern and central Albania where they
established Bektashism, which became a ‘national’ brand of Islam for the Albanians. It is quite
significant that the Bektashi presence is almost non-existent in northern Catholic Albania (See
CEDIME-SE Bektashis of Albania).

Relations between Catholics and Ottomans were not always good. Inevitably, there were some
Catholic families who resented the obligation to send their children to the army or to have to
pay taxes to the Ottoman authorities. Normally religion was not involved in such conflict,
except when conflicts were generated through outside influence. Venice had strong influence in
the region and saw the Albanian Catholics as potential allies. Moreover, the Catholic Church
had not given up on the Albanians and tried to keep them under control through the Bishopric
of Bar in Montenegro, which had authority over northern Albania.

Bar was taken over by the Ottomans in 1571 after a fierce battle that caused much resentment
on the part of the Muslims and sparked general repression against Catholics in the whole

22
region. The Bishop of Bar might have been unaware of local Albanian politics but he was
playing another game using high-level diplomacy that involved all European powers of the
region. In the second half of the seventeenth century, the Bishop of Bar tried twice to organize
conspiracies to deliver the Albanian town of Shkodra in the hands of the Venetians. That was
the most serious attempt to overthrow Ottoman rule. However, it is uncertain whether the
Albanians organized it although it is known that some of them were involved.

The Ottomans had a growing feeling that the Christian population was unreliable. There were
many other attempts by the Catholic Church to put the Albanian land under the control of a
Catholic power. In 1610, one such attempt involved the Albanian Catholic bishop Nikoll
Mekajshi who wrote to the Pope suggesting that the King of Spain conquer Albania with the
help of the Catholic Albanians. There were numerous similar plans throughout the seventeenth
century (Malcolm, 1998: 124).

Although in the sixteenth century the Ottomans discouraged conversions --mainly for fiscal
reasons-- the policy changed in the mid-seventeenth century and conversions were encouraged
by a harsher treatment of the Christians (Goodwin, 1998: 28). On many occasions, fights
broke-out between Albanian chieftains and Ottoman troops, but those fights had no national or
religious underpinnings. They were caused by other reasons such as the threat that some
Albanian tribes put on caravans that were often plundered, or that Albanians organized raids
against towns of the Empire (Inalcik, 1960: 673).

Another reason that has been given for the conversion of the Albanian Catholics to Islam is tax
pressure. In all Muslim lands, non-Muslims occupied an inferior position. They enjoyed Muslim
protection and were not levied almes, which are essential for Muslim finance. In exchange they
had to pay a special tax (haraç). Nationalist historians, who generally are rather anti-Muslim,
claim that other discriminatory taxes were the main reason for conversion. If such were the
case, one would expect that conversion would have been proportional to the level of tax
pressure.

Interestingly, in general the proportion of Catholics who converted to Islam was much higher
than the proportion of Orthodox Christians (Malcolm, 1998: 128). In many areas, especially in
the mountains, the Turks did not levy taxes until the eighteenth century. According to an
Ottoman document dated 1496, the Klementi tribes were exempt from taxes in exchange of
controlling passages in the mountains (Inalcik, 1960: 672).

In any case, the level of fiscal pressure in the Ottoman Empire remained constantly lower than
the fiscal pressure in Western Europe (Malcolm, 1998: 118). Last but not least, there is no
example in religious history of one people converting from one religion to another for tax
reasons only.

The conversion of the Albanian Catholics to Islam was most probably provoked by some other
dynamic of the Albanian Catholic structure. Unfortunately, there is no general study of
Catholicism covering the period from its origin in the first Albanian homeland in Malësi to the
end of the nineteenth century. In fact, written documents on the issue are scarce. Most of
written documentation comes from travelers and mostly from the second part of the nineteenth
century. However, some evidence does exist that proves that what was true during the
nineteenth century must have been also true centuries earlier.

Traditional Form of Religiosity

23
Albanian Catholicism during the period that Albanians call the ‘Middle Ages,’ ending in 1844
with the ‘Albanian Renaissance,’ was not comparable to Catholicism in the West. It had many
characteristics specific to Albania. Most importantly, it was part of the Albanian religious
system that is organized in two levels: the traditional level and the social level.

The traditional level involved the ancestral conception of the world of the Albanians. It is a
supra-confessional level, shared by all Albanians, irrespective of their religious affiliation. At
that level, Albanians recognized the existence of One, Mighty God that is outside of mortal
human affairs. Their traditional vision of the world and death is very pessimistic. There is no
hope for individual salvation, with no desire to pray to such a god. Life after death does not
give any hope (Lakshman-Lepain, 1996a: 39-59).

Regarding this belief, Albanians are closer to the ancient Greek tradition that describes the
human state after death as a world of slumber and lethargy, and the remains of man survive in
the obscurity, the dust, and the cold. The Albanian traditional belief does not put faith in the
spiritual world after death, but rather in the present physical world ruled by spirits and demons.
It involves many rituals for the appeasement of benevolent spirits and the deterrence of the evil
ones. There is also a strong belief in ‘fate.’ Some people have a good fate (fatmirë) others have
a bad one and actions of an individual can influence the person’s fate. This was very much
linked to the Kanun (i.e. the written and unwritten tradition), which is very much involves the
issue of honor.

The belief that one should live in honor and die in honor is held even today, as the author
witnessed in interviews made in 1996 with Catholics of the Nikaj region in northern Albania.
Paying respect to holy people or to their grave is a way to propitiate fate. Albanians strongly
believe in holy shrines, sanctuaries, and springs that bring good fate to people, irrespectively of
their official religious affiliation. Historically, Albanians have strongly believed in magic and
miracles. When they had illness in the family, they visited shrines to find cures. On other
occasions, they used their religion to assure a good harvest, thereby relegating religion to a
‘magic’ level. This ‘belief’ turned different denominations into a ‘miracle’ competition, of sorts
(Lakshman-Lepain, 1996a: 39-59). Many travelers have mistaken these interfaith practices for
syncretism (See the study of P. Bartl, 1968: 87-98). This is not syncretism, per se, because the
practice operates at an archaic and pagan belief system.

Official affiliation is situated at another level. Albanian culture recognized the utility of religion
for the social well-being. The Church’s existence was to take care of the spiritual and material
needs of the believers. This care-taking was done through the powers of the priest through the
sacraments and their custodial role regarding the social traditions. Priests were the mediators in
honor-based conflicts and they were also in charge of education. They were people of
knowledge and this knowledge had to be put in the service of the community (Lakshman-
Lepain, 1996a: 39-59).

The early Catholic Church in Albania must have been almost pagan. Nineteenth century
travelers described the Albanian Catholic priests as completely ignorant of the Catholic dogma.
The rank and file Catholics, on the other hand, did not know what exactly it means to be a
‘Catholic’ beyond the administration of baptism and a few pilgrimages and celebrations, such
as the Christmas Mass in the Church of Shkodra. This is the impression the reader gets from
reviewing the very interesting memoirs left by the French Consul Degrand in Shkodër at the
end of the nineteenth century regarding the faith of the northern Albanians.

Visible Catholic Albanian relations with Rome or with non-Albanian bishoprics were very
scarce. Until the second half of the nineteenth century, the clergy had no seminaries or training.

24
Observance of the Catholic rules and ethic was very poor. Many priests simply did not know to
read and write. Undoubtedly, throughout the so-called ‘Middle Ages,’ the prestige of the
Catholic clergy was very low -- lower than the prestige of the Orthodox clergy, which was
quite severe, and no match for the Muslim clergy, which was very rich and literate. The
complete dereliction of the Catholic Church from the sixteenth century to the eighteenth
century is certainly one of the main factors that led to the conversion to Islam (Bartl, 1968: 31-
36). It seems that even the Orthodox Church won many converts during that period for the
same reasons. There were many instances that a community left with no priest or religious
leader joined the Serbian or the Greek Orthodox Church. For that reason, the Catholic Church
had to fight not only Islam but also Orthodox Christianity, especially against the Serbian
Church.

In northern Albania, Orthodox Christians and Catholics lived in close proximity. Attending
ceremonies of one church did not prevent people from attending other churches, especially in
the urban centers where traditions were not as influential. The Orthodox Church was richer
and much more attractive than the Catholic Church. A strong Greek religious institution
supported the Orthodox Christians and a learning system already established in the second half
of the eighteenth century. The Orthodox Patriarch maintained a close relationship with the
Ottoman political authorities, which from early on had the tendency to favor Orthodox
Christianity over Catholicism (Inalcik, 1960: 673). There were a few cases when Orthodox
bishops plotted for control over the Catholics, or tried extortion from the Catholic community
for their protection. The Church in Rome was not unaware of this situation, so it made many
attempts to re-organize --or organize-- Catholicism in Albania.

One interesting phenomenon is that of the pseudo-Catholics (Bartl, 1968: 87-98; Rocco, 1994:
24-26). Catholic historians present the pseudo-Catholics as people who had been forced to
convert to Islam under pressure, but who preserved their Catholic faith in their hearts. This
explanation, however, is a distortion of the facts as they were.

Pseudo-Catholicism was actually a transitional stage of conversion to Islam when the believers
behaved as Muslim in public, even though still practicing some of the Catholic traditions like
the baptizing of their children. This opinion is shared by the Albanian historian Ferit Duka in his
study, “A Survey on the Evolution of the Processes of Islamization of the Albanian Population
in the 15th–18th century.” In actuality, nothing had changed at the ‘traditional level’ of Albanian
religiosity. They could easily practice two religions to get different social advantages. They
could do this without seeing any contradiction in the beliefs, because neither of the two
religions affected their archaic level of their belief structure.

The Catholics and the Nationalist Movement

Those who were dreaming of an Albanian State independent from Ottoman rule, were mainly
émigré intellectuals influenced by the nationalist movements in the Balkan Christian states.
Most of the people did not consider total independence, but rather an autonomous Albanian
region still linked to the Sultans (Malcolm, 1988: 219).

After the Russo-Turkish war of 1877, the Treaty of San Stefano of March 1878 planned to
create a Greater Bulgaria and to give to Serbia Nis and the districts of Vuçitërn and Mitrovica.
Major parts of the Albanian inhabited areas were included in the treaty. The Great Powers
contested the treaty and the Congress of Berlin revised it. Instead of Gusinje, the Albanian
inhabited district of Ulcinj was given to Montenegro.

25
In 1877-1878, the situation in the territories taken by Serbia, Bulgaria, and Montenegro
deteriorated immensely. Relations between Muslims and Christians in the Kosovo vilayet
deteriorated as well, due to the mass expulsion of Muslim Albanians. The giving away of
Albanian populated territories provoked heated reactions among the émigré Albanian
communities, who took actions to oppose the annexations. As a result, the Albanian Liberation
Movement was founded in Kosovo and mainly included Albanians from the northern areas.

One of the nationalist Albanian intellectuals, Abdu’l Frashëri (1839-1892), became the leader
of the Albanian autonomist movement. He established several Albanian committees to promote
his ideas on the unification of the Albanian population in a single vilayet free from direct
Ottoman rule (Pollo, et al., 1974: 146-147). The committee he created in Istanbul was
composed of Muslim, Orthodox and Catholic intellectuals and politicians (Frashëri, 1997: 88-
89).

On June 10, 1878, Frashëri organized an assembly of Albanian delegates of vilayets in Prizren.
The purpose was to decide on actions to oppose the decisions of the Congress of Berlin. Most
of the participants were from Kosovo and the Malësi, rather than from all the vilayets. Only
five of the participants were Christians (Malcolm, 1998: 221). The assembly was divided
between those who opposed separation from the Sultan, and those who followed Frashëri. It
decided to create a League, which would pledge loyalty to the Sultan, would be based on the
Sheriat, and would oppose occupation of Albanian territories by foreign forces (Külçe, 1944:
249-50; Pollo, et al., 1978: 18-19). A number of small committees were created outside
Kosovo whose members were closer to the ideas of Frashëri, especially in the committee of
Shkodra, in which Muslims and Mirdite Catholics took part.

After a new meeting in Didra at the end of 1880 at which this group proclaimed itself ‘the
provisory government of Albania,’ in 1881 the Ottoman forces crushed the League of Prizren,
founded by Albanian intellectuals, and Frashëri was imprisoned (Pollo, et al., 1974: 150-151).
According to a League member, Ali Draga, the organization had three members with fifty of
them representing Catholic clans. The League, still Muslim in character, was faithful to the
Sultan. The members worked for the interests of their own vilayets and wanted to be
responsible for their own defense (Malcolm, 1998: 224).

The involvement of the Catholic Church in the Albanian nationalist movement was rather
limited. The most serious action was taken in 1877 when the Catholic clans, in particular the
Mirdita tribes led by their chief Prenk Bib Doda, started an unsuccessful rebellion against the
Ottomans. The insurgents wanted to create an autonomous or a fully independent Catholic
Albanian principality. They were supported by Prince Nikola of Montenegro, who was
interested in conquering the Albanian inhabited areas, and by the Italians and the Austro-
Hungarians, who were the protectors of the Catholic minorities in the Ottoman Empire
(Malcolm, 1998: 218). In April 1880, a gathering of Muslims and Catholics in Shkodra stated
that their aim was to achieve autonomous principality status (Malcolm, 1998: 224).

In present-day Albania some people say that the Albanian Catholics have not been patriots,
since they served only to the Italian interests. As a reaction to this allegation, Bishop Zef
Simoni tries to demonstrate in his book, ‘Portrete Klerikësh Katolikë’ --published on the
occasion of the Great Jubilee-- that since the nineteenth century, the Catholic clerics have made
a major contribution to the development and consolidation of the Albanian nation. For him the
Catholic faith cannot be separated from the notion of patriotism. Clerics like Zef Juba, Ndre
Mjeda, or Mgr. Preg Doçi are said to “have worked for religion and religion shapes one’s
consciousness. Their love for their motherland was pure and disinterested. Their sense of what
was right and wrong stated that people should live like brothers in their own country, with

26
equal rights and freedoms. They were very skillful in trying to form society’s character and to
bring to it intellectual and family values” (Simoni: 5). Zef’s book intends to demonstrate that
the Catholic Church should be given credit for the cultural advancement of the Albanian nation
and for its integration into the western civilization. “The Catholic Church has opened the door
to the civilization of the western world” (Simoni: 5). This assertion rules aside any similar role
on the part of the Muslim community.

Independent Albania: 1912-1939

In 1912 --officially in 1913-- Albania became independent from the Ottoman Empire, and the
country was placed under the care of an International Control Commission. The self-
proclaimed provisional government of Ismail Qemal in Vlorë did not receive the general
approval of the public and different forces from within the country (e.g. by Esad Pacha
Toptani) contested the provisional government's status (Swire, 1929: 183-184). Since that
government was unable to control the country, in 1914 the foreign powers invited Prince
Wilhelm de Wield, the grand nephew of Wilhelm II of Germany, to become the King of
Albania.

The Lutheran Wield, however, was unable to find any support from the Catholics, the
Orthodox Christians, or the Muslims. While the Muslims saw him as Christian, the Catholics
and the Orthodox Christians rejected him because he was Lutheran. The well-organized
Catholic Church found a Lutheran prince unacceptable and was very vocal rejecting Wield
(Fischer, 1984: 8-9). Wield failed to establish his authority and had to leave the country after
six months. However, this event gave the Albanians the first taste of monarchy. Over the next
twenty years, many intellectuals said that Albania had missed this opportunity to integrate itself
into the European political system.

Already in 1920, Muslim Ahmad Zogulli appeared as one of the most important contenders for
power. He dominated the Congress of Lushnjë, which opposed the pro-Italian government of
the time and ruled on the formation of a High Regency Council composed of a Bektashi, a
Sunni, a Catholic, and an Orthodox Christian member. Zogulli was instrumental in the
November 20, 1920, ousting of the government of Suleman Bey Delvina.

Delvina was replaced by Vrioni, a representative of a powerful family of beys (lords) from
central Albania. Two political parties emerged: the Progressive Party led by Shevket Verlaci,
the richest land owner in the country and a strong supporter of the Prime Minister Vrioni, and
the Popular Party, which included Ahmad Zogulli (Zog), a local chieftain of northern Albania,
and the Orthodox Archbishop Fan Noli. The two parties had no specific objectives and their
political ideology was almost the same. The only thing that distinguished them was their
political will for control in the region.

The Progressive Party was dubbed the Beys’ Party. Its political basis was in central Albania and
was, in spite of the name of the party, rather conservative. It appealed to the rich Muslim
landlords. The Popular Party was a more eclectic coalition uniting former nationalist leaders,
northern Muslims and southern Orthodox Christians. That party was considered more
progressive and more open to western influence than its conservative counterpart. It was
widely speculated that if the Popular Party seized power, it would be able to keep the southern
intelligentsia under control and reduce local tribal tensions with the aim of creating a unified
Albania. Neither of the parties had anything to offer to the northern Catholics (Fischer, 1984:
27-28).

27
In the beginning, Ahmad Zogulli was merely a minor leader. However, he made an alliance with
the Kosovar leaders Bajram Curri and Hasan Prishtina, in order to counterbalance the influence
of southern leaders like Eshref Frasheri. From the very beginning, the Catholics were uneasy
with his ambition. While Zogulli was unwinding his political machinery, the Catholics tried to
ignore the Popular Party, which they saw as a representative of the Muslim power. There was
already some tension between the Catholic population and the new political forces on the
Albanian political scene. It was clear that a strong national government in the hands of the
Muslims would automatically curtail the influence of the Catholic leaders.

This situation pushed some of the Catholic leaders to make their own bid for power. They
started a campaign against the political leaders to try to convince the Catholic population that
the government was about to launch repressive measures against them. In July 1921, Mark
Gjonmarkaj united the Mirdite tribes in a rally and proclaimed itself the Mirdite Republic with
the probable assistance of the Serbian government. Serbia showed its support for the young
Catholic republic by immediately sending troops under the command of General Wrangel, a
hero of the Russian White Army who had successfully resisted the Communists before taking
refuge in Serbia (Fischer, 1984: 28-29). The Russian-Serbian army, combined with the two
thousand fighters of Gjonmarkaj, represented a formidable force with the ability to defeat the
government army and take control of Tirana.

The Serbian government was interested in creating a ‘buffer state’ that would isolate Kosovo
from Albania. They feared that a nationalist government, possibly headed by Zogulli, could stir
agitation in Kosovo and strengthen the influence of nationalist leaders such as Bajram Curri
and Hasan Prishtina. Italy also supported the Mirdite Republic, which it saw as an agent for
furthering Italy’s interests in the Balkans. However, the Gjonmarkaj revolt only helped
strengthen Zogulli’s power. He seemed to be the only person able to defend the Albanian
government. Although his troops were few and ill equipped, he somehow managed to seize the
capital of the Mirdite and defeat the rebellion, regardless of the outside support.

The defeat of Gjonmarkaj was also a defeat of Serbia. However, it helped in strengthening the
influence of Italy, who became the only supporter of the Albanian Catholics. In Luigi Gurakuqi,
one of the leaders of the Democratic or Popular Party, Italy found a new champion of its cause,
so it funded him generously. The actions of the Mirdite Republic strained the relations between
the Catholics and the Albanian Republic for the next fifty years. The Orthodox Christians
appeared to be loyal citizens and had patriot leaders such as Fan Noli, whereas the Catholics
were unable to accept the idea of living in a country led by the Muslim majority. The Catholics
had become an obstacle to the Albanian unity and a door to foreign influence. To protect their
threatened traditions and power-holds, the Catholics were prepared to forgo nationalism and
itself to support from foreign powers such as Serbia or Italy.

This attitude caused the Catholics to be branded as ‘unpatriotic’ until the end of the
Communist regime. One may argue that Communists were much harsher with the Catholics
than with they were with Orthodox Christians because of the short-lived existence of the
Catholic supported Mirdite Republic.
In the 1920s, Albania was a young and unstable state that controlled only a small part of the
Albanian-speaking lands. More Albanians live outside of Albania than inside the country, so the
idea for the creation of a number of homogeneous smaller states was not out of place. The idea
had potential for success, so one has to be careful not to be misled by the position of the
Albanian historians who label the Catholic leaders as traitors. After all, the Albanians living
within Albania were the first to betray the Kosovar Albanians, because the two groups had
conflicting interests.

28
One way or another, the days of the Vrioni government were limited. This explains Zogulli
departure from Popular Party to head a much broader coalition, The Sacred Alliance, which
attracted most of the Popular Party’s leader and a number of chieftains. Zogulli was now in the
position to make his bid for power. Surprisingly, his own ranks formed opposition against him.
The leaders of that opposition were Hasan Prishtina and the Muslim Regent, Aqif Pasha, who
feared Zogulli’s growing influence in the region.

The formation of the new government of Pandeli Evangjeli was the compromise struck
between the two factions. Zogulli assumed the position of Minister of War, which was a key
position on account of that the Mirdite Republic incident was still an issue for the government.
Zogulli gradually marginalized Aqif Pasha’s supporters and forced them to resign. He was now
able to oppose any decision by Evangjeli who had to submit to him any new ministerial
appointment. On December 11, 1922, Aqif Pasha attempted a coup and Evangjeli was forced
to resign under the pressure of Aqif Pasha’s supporters who took to the streets. Zogulli,
however, managed to suppress the coup, and negotiations were started. Zogulli got the
resignation of Aqif Pasha and the three other regents who had been discredited, especially the
Catholic Regent, Mgr. Bumci, who had had a very ambiguous attitude during the Mirdite crisis
(Fischer, 1984: 31-33).

Zogulli became Prime Minister and Interior Minister on December 16, 1922, and slowly
consolidated his power. There existed, however, a strong opposition against him and it was
manifested in assassination attempts and local unrest, especially in the Catholic north. Fan Noli
withdrew his support. In 1924 an insurrection started in the north with the support of Gurakuqi
and the former Kosovar allies of Zogulli. Gurakuqi published a manifesto, which was signed by
the northern Catholic deputies. Colonel Rexhep Shala --a Muslim-- proclaimed a state of
emergency and called for an assembly in Shkodra. Shala rallied Zogulli’s opponents Elez Jusuf
and Bajram Curri. It seemed that the northern region was making an attempt for independence
yet again. In the south, Colonel Kiafzezi, Noli’s Military adviser, declared martial law. Zogulli
was forced to take refuge in Yugoslavia and Fan Noli was proclaimed Prime Minister. Noli,
however, was not recognized either by the League of Nations, or by any neighboring countries.
Political chaos ensued. Zogulli returned with the Yugoslav army in December, while Noli fled
to Vlorë. For Serbia, Zogulli now became an ally against the Kosovar separatists, who were
fighting on the side of the Catholics (Fischer, 1984: 61).

Zogulli re-assembled the 1923 Parliament and out of the 103 members of parliament in Tirana,
64 voted to elect him as President. On November 20, 1926, a new upheaval started in the
north. The demonstrations were a serious threat to the Albanian Republic and to the Zogulli
regime. Once again the Catholic chieftains led the upheaval, which was supported financially by
the Italians. Zogulli crushed the rebellion and started severe repression of the population. A
number of priests who had taken arms were arrested and sentenced to death, an action that
started a new crisis in the relations with the Vatican.

Zogulli was in a dilemma. On the one hand, he could not reverse the death sentences of the
priest because a number of Muslim leaders had been already executed, and he did not want to
appear to be under foreign interference. On the other hand, however, he wanted to avoid a
major crisis with Italy and the Vatican. The dilemma was resolved in a rather cruel way - one
priest was hanged, while the sentences of the others were changed (Fischer, 1999: 54-55).

The following year, Zogulli launched a new appeasement policy. He needed to rally support
from northerners to avoid keeping his army permanently engaged in the region. The Muslim
chieftains were easier to persuade than the Catholic ones: the Catholics seemed entrenched in
their traditional opposition to the regime. However, by offering money, food, honors, and even

29
guns to the Catholics, Zogulli managed to influence many the Catholic leaders and even the
archbishop of Shkodër. Only the lower Catholic clergy and the papal delegate remained
strongly opposed to him (Fischer, 1984: 119-120).

Zogulli hesitated on deciding the form of government he would adopt. The republican
constitution with its provisions for strong parliamentary powers was not good for his political
ambition. At the same time there was already a strong monarchic party in Albania. Monarchy
was a way to integrate Albania into the European family of nations. By modeling the Albanian
institutions to that of the western monarchies, it would open up a possibility for matrimonial
alliance with the western powers.

Keeping all this in mind, Zogulli started looking for a western princess to make his wife to gain
membership in the ‘club’ of the European royal families. He first tried to marry a princess from
the Savoy family, but lowered his ambitions and married an Austro-Hungarian countess with
royal blood. On August 30, 1928, he was proclaimed the King of all Albanians under the name
of Zogulli the First.

Although creating a monarchy may seem strange, it was a general tactic used during this
period. In 1914 the Western powers integrated the territories recently liberated from Ottoman
dominance through establishing new monarchic courts in the liberated regions. This policy had
succeeded in Romania, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia, but failed in Albania in the 1910s. The reason
for this failure had been that Prince Wied could not reconcile the tension between the Christian
monarch and the Muslim-dominated country. However, by 1928, the Wied monarchy still had
its supporters in Albania. Therefore, the timing was correct for establishing a monarchical
government to unify the majority of Albanians. However, it also showed Zogulli’s dated and
limited vision of Europe. He failed to consider the changes in regional politics that had
occurred since 1914.

Zogulli’s reign lasted until the Italian invasion of April 7, 1939. His political legacy is still
difficult to assess easily. During the Communist regime, official propaganda tried to vilify his
name and deny him any sort of achievement. Historians and scholars were discouraged from
studying this period of history and everything that was written was based on ideology, which
presented Zogulli as the agent of the international bourgeoisie and reactionary forces, and who
had already sold Albania to the Italians before coming to power. They present him as a puppet
of beys and landlords who wanted to keep Albania in a state of backwardness.

However, the reality of Zogulli’s regime is more complicated. Zogulli certainly was a ruthless
dictator, but he was also a genuine nationalist. As a dictator he used political assassination as a
tool for power. However, he was not a fascist and never tried to operate a secret police force
or to promulgate laws as the Italian fascists or the German Nazis. He shared with his
opponents the same culture of violence. As a dictator he never enjoyed absolute power, since
he had to confer with a number of local chieftains and beys who made-up his natural
constituency. Albania’s backwardness made it impossible for him to control the population
efficiently. As a nationalist, Zogulli genuinely worked for the unification of Albania. He tried to
find support in the Orthodox south, the Muslim north, as well as among the beys of central
Albania. He never identified himself with his tribe or with his northern roots.

In terms of ideology he was very close to Turkey’s Ataturk and wanted to modernize Albania.
However he did not have the education that allows for an understanding of the position of
Albania on the political map of Europe during a time when Fascism and Communism
threatened the continent’s democracies. Moreover, he did not have the capacity to draft an
efficient economic program needed to get Albania out from underdevelopment. In his effort to

30
modernize the country, he signed a number of agreements with the Italians, which,
unfortunately, merely paved the way for the Italian invasion. In his vision for Albania that was
very influenced by the Young Turks, Zogulli saw religion as a reactionary force impeding the
state’s development. Like the Young Turks and Kemal Ataturk, one of his first reforms was to
introduce a Civil Code with provisions for civil marriage and divorce. Naturally, this reform
was strongly opposed by the local Catholics and by the Vatican. Zogulli also developed an
important network of state schools.

In 1927, Zogulli signed a Concordat with the Holy See. However, in 1933, he ordered all
Catholic and other private schools to be closed, in order to reduce Catholic cultural influence
on the Albanians. These schools were authorized to reopen in 1936 (Ramet, 1998: 212).
Despite this action, the Catholics continued the development of their religious institutions. In
1922, the Jesuits in Shkodër opened the Sacred Orphanage and in 1932 they founded an
apostolic preparatory school. A year later they founded the Jesuit alumni association called
‘Don Bosco’ in Shkodër. This was followed in 1941 by the consecration of the Sacred Heart
Cathedral in Tirana (Ramet, 1998: 212). In the interwar period, Catholic priests contributed to
“the development of Albanian literature, poetry, historiography, musical life and philosophy.”
Among the most well-known were the Franciscans Vinçenc Prennushi, Anton Harapi, Bernadin
Palaj, Martin Gjoka, Pal Dodaj, Justin Rrota, Luigj Marlekaj, Gjon Shllaku and Paulin
Margjokaj (Ramet, 1998: 212; Malaj, 1990: 29).

King Zogulli also tried to reduce the influence of the Kanun, the customary law of the northern
Albanians (Catholics and Muslim alike). He targeted specifically the tradition that gave
husbands the right to kill their wives for committing small ‘crimes.’ He also tried to reduce the
lawlessness of the northern region by disarming the tribes, something that was rather
unpopular.

As a modernist, Zogulli thought of religion as a conservative force that had to be kept in

control. As a nationalist, he did not want to see foreign countries using religion to influence his
policy. In 1923, Albanian Sunni Islam --re-organized along nationalist lines-- was proclaimed
independent from the type of Islam practiced in Turkey. Zogulli also continued Fan Noli’s
policy to free the Orthodox Albanian Church from the influence of the Greek Patriarchate.
Regarding the Catholic Church in Albania, however, there was no way to create a Church
independent from Rome. To this reaction, Zogulli always remained suspicious of the Catholics.
He thought that the Muslims and the Orthodox Christians could make good Albanian
nationalists, but he did not trust the Catholics because he believed they were tempted to give
priority to their Catholic identity. This view was colored also by local tribal politics. Zogulli
came from a northern Muslim tribe that had always lived in close, competitive contact with the
Catholic tribes of the Malësi area. The Catholic Malësi chieftains were his natural rivals, and he
was right to think that they might seek foreign assistance --possibly from Italy or Austria-- to
overthrow him.

Albania: 1939-1945

The Italian invasion was yet another trial for the Catholic community. The clergy sympathized
with the Italians while the ordinary people were undecided with their support. The Italians
made efforts to attract the northern Catholic Albanians, because they were seen as natural allies
due to their shared religion. Particular attention was given to the powerful Catholic Mirdite
tribe. Their chieftain received the title of Prince and other chieftains were given titles of honor,
as well as financial support (Fisher, 1999: 63). Communist historians quickly branded this
action as collaborationism, however it should not be easily seen in this light. Although the
Catholics accepted the ‘gifts’ from the Italians, their reaction certainly was not unique in

31
Albania. Many of their countrymen responded similarly to the reforms of Italy. Conversely, the
Albanian Catholics feared that the modernization of the country would destroy their tradition.
They did not like the idea of positioning Albanian currency with the Italian lira. Their greatest
concern was the increase of Muslims and their reduced demographic power due to the Italian
idea of extending the frontiers of the country to create a Greater Albania. The concerted effort
by the Italians to coerce the Catholic chieftains is an indication that the chieftains were not
easily attracted to the Italian regime.

In the summer of 1940, Catholic Mirdite tribes performed one of the first acts of resistance
against the Italian occupation. The rebellion had no nationalistic underpinnings. It was
provoked by the fear that the Italians were going to enlist young Albanian men as conscripts
and send them to fight in North Africa (Fisher, 1999: 101).

After the Italians were forced out of the country, the Germans experienced the same
difficulties. They tried to control the Catholics by manipulation. They formed the Council of
Regency where the Catholics were represented by the Prior of the Franciscans in Shkodra,
Father Anton Harapi, who was thought to be close to the Germans because of his education in
Tyrol (Fisher, 1999: 172). The Germans had nothing tangible to offer to the northern Catholics
because their policy was more pro-Muslim than that of the Italians. Quickly, the Germans
became so unpopular that the Catholics managed to unify the resistance parties. At the same
time, the Catholics vehemently opposed the Communists, a ‘mistake’ that Enver Hoxha
remembered during his communist regime.

The Communist Period

On the eve of Communism, the Albanian Catholic Church was well organized and had about
124,000 registered believers (a few hundred of those were Catholics of the Eastern Rites) for a
population of one million (Rance, 1997: 67). There were two archbishoprics, one in Shkodër
and one in Durrës, bishoprics in Pult, Lezhë, and Sappë. Central and southern Albania were
under the care of an apostolic administration. The Mirdite zone had an Abbat Nullius based in
Orosh. Statistics on the Catholic clergy in the pre-Communist times differ from one source to
another. According to Galter, in 1945 there were 7 bishops (6 were Albanians), 93 priests, 94
friars (63 were Albanians), 239 nuns, and 231 parishes. According to Rance, there were 131
parishes, 187 priests (half of them were friars) and 240 nuns (Rance, 1997: 69). Most of the
friars were Albanian, while half of the nuns were Italian. Three female orders were represented:
the Stigmatics had settled in Albania since the end of the nineteenth century; the Salesians and
the Ancelles of the Charity came in 1924. This complex organization was wiped out under
Communism.

In 1944, the dictator Enver Hoxha came to power. Applying his extremist vision of Marxism-
Leninism, he planned the progressive eradication of religion and religiosity in the country.
Muslims, Orthodox Christians, Catholics, and Bektashis suffered years of harsh persecution,
the intensity of which was probably higher than similar campaigns in the other East European
countries. The first attacks against the Catholic community go as far back as 1944, but they
were not direct attacks against religion as such. Hoxha tried to use nationalist themes instead.
He denounced the Catholics as “anti-patriotic” and “a-national,” because of their allegiance to
foreign states (i.e. Italy and the Vatican). He directed his first campaigns not against the
believers but against the institutions of the Church -- the bishops, the Jesuits and the
Franciscans. The bishops were presented as “enemies of the people,” “supporters of the old
corrupt regime of Zogulli,” and “collaborators” of the Italian Fascists and German Nazis
(Gardin, 1988: 71). The Jesuits and Franciscans were targeted because of their role in the
education of the Catholic youth. The Communists insisted that the Catholics religion was

32
incompatible with the life of the nation and that it was basically a foreign organization used by
foreign powers to influence the Albanian population (Rance, 1997: 82).

This first campaign was not based on ideological ground, but soon was lead in this direct
action. Jesuit buildings were searched for evidence of the allegations of collaboration with the
fascist powers. The Catholic Action Association was banned. In December 1944 the Catholic
publications were forbidden and the three Catholic printing houses were closed. March 1945
saw the first trial of Catholic priests. Five of them were sentenced to death and executed,
among them the Catholic poet Ndre Zadeja. The Italian Bishop De Negris was sent back to
Italy. In May, all Catholic kindergartens were closed down and in June all non-state schools
were banned.

The campaign against the clergy took a more systematic approach. A lot of priests were
arrested on the accusation of spying, sabotage, and conspiracy with foreign powers. All foreign
priests, nuns, and friars were expelled (Rance, 1997: 87). In March 1945, Jesuits were banned
and their property confiscated. The Franscicans were allowed to operate only until January
1947.

The persecution provoked the Catholic Church to go underground. A secret synod took place
in Shkoder in September 1945 and the Bishop Fran Gjini was appointed to start talks with the
Communist regime. These talks did not yield any substantial results. In January 1946, forty-
three friars and nuns were arrested under the accusation of being ‘agents of the Vatican.’ All
bishops were put under house arrest. In 1946 Mgr. Thaçi, Archbishop of Shkoder, passed away
and was replaced by Mgr. Vincent Prennushi as head of the Albanian Catholic Church. In
January 1948, he was arrested and soon after died in prison (Rance, 1997: 90).

The year 1948 saw a new attitude in the agenda of persecution of the Catholic Church. The
objective became the complete eradication of the Church. By the end of the year, all churches
and other religious building were confiscated and transformed into public buildings such as
cinemas, coffee shops, and warehouses. Most of the clergy were in prison and only a handful of
priests were allowed to go on with their ministry under the close scrutiny of the Sigurimi, the
secret police. By the end of 1949, the Communist regime had reached its objective and
eliminated all Catholic activity.

The next ten years produced much less spectacular results. There was even a period of
relaxation in the persecution, especially after 1949, when Albania severed its relations with
Yugoslavia and the Albanian Communists became isolated from other regional communist
countries. The experience of both external and internal difficulties explained the Communists’
desire to find a modus vivendi with the Church. However the Catholic Church’s hope was to
be soon disillusioned.

The basic legal relationship between the Catholic Church and the State was established in
January 26, 1949, with the Decree No. 743, “On Religious Communities”. It provided for a
recognition based on statutes designed by the religious communities and approval by the
government. The four religious communities of the country – the Muslims, the Orthodox, the
Bektashis, and the Catholics - were given three months to draw up their statutes. None of them
was able to meet this deadline. As a result, on May 4, 1950, the government, by special
decrees, supplied the statues of the Muslims, Orthodox, and the Bektashis and leaving out the
Catholics. Meanwhile the negotiations with the Catholics continued and dragged on another
eighteen months. Eventually, Hoxha appointed Tuk Jakova to seek an agreement with Mgr.
Shllaku (Sinishta, 1976: 56). Following the negotiations, the Catholic statute was decreed on
July 30, 1951. According to the agreement signed between the Church and the authorities, the

33
State would recognize the decreed entitlement for the Catholics leaders to keep links with the
Vatican. However, the decree did not provide for ‘special relationship’ with the Pope, as it had
to, given the special nature of the Catholic faith (Ramet, 1990: 232-250; Prifti, 1978: 150-166;
Mojzes, 1992: 115-132). The decree effectively nationalized the church, as it was not allowed
to maintain organizational and other relationships with the Pope (Tonnes, 1982: 249). Mgr
Shllaku was beaten into agreeing to the condition. The Church made an official protest, which
was to no avail. Priests who publicly denounced the violation of the agreement were arrested.
Some of them were tortured and died in prison (Rance, 1997: 97). By 1959, there was not a
single residential bishop left in Albania. The Church operated underground with three apostolic
administrators appointed by the Vatican: Mgr. Çoba in Shkodër, Mgr. Troshani in Lezhë and
Mgr. Fishta in Pult. By that time, there were only fourteen priests free. These events show that
the tendency of the Communist regime to be more oppressive towards Catholics than the other
religious communities of the country.

The turning point of the religious persecution came with Enver Hoxha’s speech on February 6,
1967, in which he ‘declared war’ to all established religions. Religion was officially banned
from social life and Albania was proclaimed the “first Atheist State in the world.” In the next
few months, all religious buildings, mosques, churches, and Bektashi tekkes were partially
destroyed or razed to the ground. According to official statistics at the time, in eight months,
2,169 places of worship, including 327 churches, chapels and nunneries, were closed down
(Ramet, 1998: 217). All priests who were still free were arrested and sent either to jail or to
labor camps. On November 22, 1967, the State Gazette (Gazeta Zyretare) promulgated Decree
No. 4337, which cancelled all previous agreements or legal documents granted to religious
organizations. The performance of religious rituals became a criminal offense. In 1975, official
Decree No. 5339, promulgated in the State Gazette, prohibited the use of any religious names.
The ban on religion was incorporated into the new Constitution of 1976 (Arts. 37 and 55). The
Penal Code also had provisions on the punishment for those who infringe on the Law on
Banned Religions. This policy was fully implemented during the reign of Enver Hoxha (Ramet,
1998: 217).

Ramiz Alia replaced Hoxha after his death in 1985 and there was no sign of change in policy in
the first few years. The Communist regime was going through tremendous economic
difficulties due to the absolute lack of investment and the total isolation of twenty years. In
1987, Albania tried to start contacts with the West. The Bavarian leader Franz Joseph Strauss
was one of the first western political leaders to visit the country. As a good will gesture, Ramiz
Alia freed five priests.

Albania towards Democracy

More signs of change came in 1990 when appeared to foreign observers that the days of the
Communist regime in Albania were limited. The government gave some superficial signs of
liberalization. On May 8, 1990, the Parliament reduced the number of capital punishment
offenses with some religious offenses included in the reduction. Religious propaganda was
once again allowed, and more priests and friars were set free. On March 20, 1991, a high level
delegation from the Vatican arrived in Tirana to negotiate the official recognition of the
Catholic Church and on August 7, 1991, a document was signed reestablishing diplomatic
relations between Albania and the Vatican. At the end of October, the Vatican appointed Ivan
Diace as the Apostolic Nunce in Albania (Xhuxha, 1995: 147). The same month, a pontifical
seminary was opened in Shkodër, where Father Ndoc Nodaj published the first monthly
Catholic review called Our Future. The ‘resurrection’ of the Catholic Church in Albania was
thus started.

34
By April 1992, twenty-four churches had been re-opened and twenty-six priests were returned
to their parishes (Rance, 1997: 129). After the visit of the new democratic President Sali
Berisha to the Holy See, the Albanian government decided to restitute the properties to all
religious communities. On December 25, 1992, Pope John Paul II nominated three bishops to
the archbishopric of Tirana-Durrës, the archbishopric of Shkodër and of its auxiliary, the
archbishopric of the northernmost part of Albania. He also appointed an Apostolic Nuncio
administrator of the Catholics of southern Albania and an Ambassador of the Vatican. On April
25, 1993, John Paul II made an official visit to Albania. In 1996, the Catholic Church
registered 135 parishes, 55 churches and another 14 churches were under construction
(Catholic Statistic Year Book, 1996).

1.2. Economic and demographic data

There are very few demographic and economic studies on the Catholic minority in Albania.
According to statistics dating from 1942, there were 10.3 per cent or 113,897 Catholics in
Albania (La Documentation française in Clayer, 1995: 299). Other sources put the number at
116,259 Catholics (Skendi, 1956: 58). In 1996, according to Catholic sources, there were
213,300 baptized Christians, out of a total of 350,000- 400,000 people (Rance, 1997: 445).
According to the official census figures, there are 130,000 Catholics in the north of Albania
(Rance, 1997: 439).

According to Mgr Rrok Mirdita, the majority of the Catholic population is located in northern
Albania, especially in the town of Shkodër. Less numerous communities reside in central and
southern Albania. Nearly all Catholics are ethnic Albanians. However, there are some Roma,
who are simultaneously Christian and Muslim (the Laç, for example). There is no information
available on the economic welfare of the Albanian Catholics.

1.3. Defense of identity and/or of language, and/or of religion

Throughout most of its history, the Catholic community of Albania did not need to defend its
identity, its activities, its traditions and doctrines. Only under the Communist regime did the
community suffer, just like all other religious groups. Priests were persecuted while most of the
property of the Church was expropriated.

In 1996 and 1998 the archbishop of Tirana-Durrës, Mgr Rrok Mirdita, stated that ever since
1990, the Catholics of Albania had not felt the need to defend their religious identity in public.
They did not have much property for restitution. Catholic organizations, which have a rather
prominent place in Albania, dedicate their activities to humanitarian work and religious
training. The economic and social support they bring to the Albanian people is well appreciated
and the religious community is respected.

Oftentimes, political parties have contributed to the community’s efforts in strengthening its
position within the country. The government of the Democratic Party, which was in power
from 1992 to 1997, developed a close relationship with the Catholic authorities as one can
detect reading articles in some Catholic magazines, which present views in favor of the former
president Sali Berisha (Lakshman-Lepain, (1996f)). Rilindja, the official newspaper of the
Democratic Party, has published several articles in that vein. Albanian national television
programs of the period show clearly that Catholic representatives were taking part in the
Democratic Party’s political campaign. In 1991 there was even an attempt to create a political
party called Catholic-Islamic Popular Party, but the Court of Cassation, which forbids political
parties based on ethnic or religious criteria, banned the initiative. The fact that Catholics have

35
an established presence in the country explains why the defense of the minority’s identity is not
a major issue.

1.4. Relations between the regions inhabited by the minority and the central authorities

2. ETHNIC OR NATIONAL IDENTITY

2.1. Describing identity

2.1.1. Cultural characteristic(s) differentiating it from the dominant group
2.1.2. Development of the minority’s awareness of being different
2.1.3. Identifying this difference as ethnic or national

2.2. Historical development of an ethnic or a national identity

2.2.1. The minority’s resistance to or acceptance of assimilation
2.2.2. The minority’s resistance to or acceptance of integration
2.2.3. Awareness of having an ethnic or a national identity
2.2.4. Level of homogeneity in the minority’s identity

2.3 Actual political and social conditions

2.3.1 Relations with the state
2.3.2. Relations with the dominant ethnic/national group in society
2.3.3 Relations with other minorities, if any
2.3.4. Relations between the regions inhabited by the minority and central
authorities

3. LANGUAGE

3.1. Describing the language

3.1.1. Linguistic family
3.1.2. Dialects and unity; linguistic awareness
3.1.3. Instruments of knowledge: description of the language and norms (history
of the written form and of its standardization)

3.2. History of the language

3.2.1. Origins
3.2.2. Evolution
3.2.3. Cultural production in the language (literature, oral tradition)

3.3. Actual socio-linguistic data

3.3.1. Territory in which the language is used
3.3.2. Number of persons using this language (in territory and among emigrants)

3.4. Freedom of expression in the minority language

3.4.1. Level of acceptance or resistance to the minority’s language
3.4.2. Ways in which the state protects or impedes the use of the minority
language

4. RELIGION

4.1. Identifying a religious minority

36
According to old statistics from 1942, since they were 10.3 per cent of the entire Albanian
population, the Catholics formed the third largest religious group of the country after the
Muslims (68.9 per cent, or 763,723 Muslims people), and the Orthodox Christians (20.7 per
cent, or 229,080 people). However, if the Muslim population were separated into the Sunni
Muslims and Bektashis (the latter are 21.5 per cent of all Muslims, or 164,199 people), the
Catholics become the fourth largest religious group of Albania (Notes et Etudes, 2 mars 1954
quoted in Clayer, 1995: 299). The Albanians usually refer to the Catholics before the Bektashis
as the third religion of the country (See the presentation of the Albanian religious landscape by
the Albanian Human Development Report, 1996: 28).

Although the Catholics form a ‘minority,’ they are not listed among the 120 religious minority
movements that have come to Albania since the collapse of the Communist regime (Albanian
Human Development Report, 1996: 29). The Catholic religion is definitely considered one of
the ‘traditional’ religions in the country, together with Islam and Orthodox Christianity and, as
such, it has a special position. The term “minority” is irrelevant in the context of Catholics,
because to Albanians, this term is associated with the term “religious sect” or “newly
established religious movements.” Even if numerically the Catholics form a minority, in the
mind of the Catholic Church as well as for the population, the Catholics are ranked among the
major religions of the country. Furthermore, the term “minority” is used in the Albanian
Constitution only in reference to the country’s “national minorities” and ethnic communities,
not for the religious ones (in Albanian “pakica kombëtare,” Art. 20).

Mr. Lekë Tasi, a member of the State Secretariat of Religion says in this respect that,
“Albanians traditionally make a difference between the old religions that have been long
established in Albania … and the other religious movements, which have been created recently,
or which came to our land not long ago. This difference is manifested in the feelings and
memory of the Albanians, as well as in the special respect and sympathy for religions that are
traditional for Albania. This is too natural: it stems from the confidence, which something
familiar inspires, something that already has a place of its own in our psychology, whereas the
new religions that enter our territories are unfamiliar and evoke different feelings” (Lakshman-
Lepain, 1996c: 13-14).

This explains why the Albanian population describes their motherland as a country of three
religions: Muslim, Christian Orthodox, and Catholic (Albanian Development Report, 1996: 28;
IHF, 1997: 10). They are proud of this situation, which they consider unique within the Balkan
Peninsula. Actually such specificity comes from the Ottoman millet system, which recognized
only these three communities. Therefore, it seems that the quantity of believers is not relative
to status. If a religious minority has a long-standing presence in the country, it enjoys the
privileges of the major religions regardless of the size of membership.

The Catholics do not need to make a special effort to be admitted or recognized as a religion.
They have their own religious institutions with Tirana as their center, many religious
educational centers for children and for the training of staff (See 6.5.1, 6.5.2, 6.5.3). Therefore,
they do not have any claims for specific religious liberties (See 4.1.4).

This situation is surprising when one considers the nature of the Catholic identity. Most
Albanians do not know the difference between Orthodox Christianity and Roman Catholicism,
and have very little knowledge of the specific doctrines of these religions. The same remarks
hold true for differences among the various Muslim believers. Observations in 1996 of Catholic
rituals during the Feast of Saint Michael in the northern mountainous regions (e.g. the area of
Nikaj) show that the Albanian Catholics disregard the basic dogmas of their religion. Their
belief patterns might as well be characterized as ‘pagan.’ People do not understand a number of

37
simple theological concepts like “soul,” “grace,” and “theology.” However, such religious
ignorance does not stop people from declaring themselves Catholic, Muslim, or Orthodox
Christian (Lakshman-Lepain, 1996a: 39-59). This phenomenon was also observed prior to the
Communist regime in Albania (Degrand, 1901).

In Albania, it is not necessary for an individual to practice rituals or to master dogmas to feel
part of a religious community. Adherence to a community is sociological rather than spiritual.
Religious identity is something that comes from one’s family. Being part of a religious group is
to belong to a specific social group with its own culture, traditions, and signs of recognition,
which are said to differ from another religious community. The religious faith of the believers is
nonetheless true and sincere.

Albania has claimed another interesting phenomenon that is observed to some extent in other
parts of the Balkans. According to this phenomenon, which is a remnant from the past, official
religious doctrines are superceded by idiosyncratic acts such as supernatural powers, holiness
of babas, devils, talismans, et cetera. In a way, these popular beliefs link Catholics, Muslims,
and Orthodox Christians regardless of the doctrinal differences between them. This explains
why a Christian can visit a Bektashi türbe (Bektashi shrine) and ask for intercession of the holy
babas for the resolution of his/her personal problems. This primitive type of religiosity still
exists strongly in Albania (Lakshman-Lepain, 1996a: 39-59).

However, Albanian religious identity is now challenged by a modern, more western approach
to religiosity. Since the fall of communism, new religious movements have spread throughout
Albania and numerous conversions have occurred. Adherence to the traditional “religious
community” (in Albanian, fe) needs to be differentiated from the essence of “individual belief”
(in Albanian besim). A recent Albanian convert, when asked about his/her religion, may say that
his/her fe is Muslim, while his/her personal besim is Evangelical. Thus there is no direct link
between the cultural identity of a community and the personal religious belief of a believer
(Lakshman-Lepain, 1996a: 39-59).

With the birth of a new pluralistic society, a new concept of religious identity is emerging. This
identity may come as a result of a personal spiritual quest and theological acceptance rather
than as a result of family heritage. Catholics are less exposed to this phenomenon than Muslims
maybe because the Catholics are less numerous and are located mainly in the northern
mountainous areas. Albanian intellectuals are aware of the change. They see the advent of a
pluralistic society as a threat to what they call the “traditional spirit of tolerance” --explicitly
mentioned in the preamble of the new Albanian Constitution-- in Albania and the position of
the oldest religions of the country (Albanian Human Development Report, 1996: 28).

In summary, it is difficult to determine the exact number of an Albanian religious community,

since ones individual beliefs sometimes differ from ones traditional religion, and the knowledge
of one’s own religion could differ from the religious doctrines. An individual’s self-identity
becomes therefore the only true criterion for the definition of a minority. This is why in the
2001 censorship, the Albanian government chose not to include a question both on religious
and national identity in order to maintain the myths about the existing religious and
ethnonational minorities.

4.1.1. Religious freedom enjoyed

The Catholics of Albania practice their faith without any restrictions. Article 10 (6) of the new
Albanian Constitution officially recognizes the existence of the Catholics of Albania and states
that they should enjoy complete religious freedom.

38
4.1.2. Relations with the dominant religious community and the other communities

In a 1996 interview, Mgr. Rrok Mirdita said of the relations among religions “are very cordial
and harmonious. There is no tension. We take part in each other’s religious ceremonies.” The
Catholic community does not seem to be discriminated against by the dominant religious
groups of the Sunni Muslims and the Orthodox Christians. Since the three communities are
considered the oldest religions in the country, they enjoy a special position and are given
similar advantages by the State (See 5.1 and 5.2). In this way, any competition among them is
balanced.

This peculiar religious situation is also explained through history. Catholics, Sunni Muslims,
and Orthodox Christians were the only communities to be officially recognized during the long
Ottoman rule (i.e. the millet system). Thanks to the tolerant attitude of the Sultans, the
coexistence of the three religions did not present any conflicts. The importance given by the
Albanians to the unity of God rather than to theological divergence is also responsible for the
positive behavior of the different religious communities.

However, the status quo between the major religious communities excludes any other religious
groups. The three major groups indirectly collaborate in the protection of their respective
communities from the increasing influence of new religious groups, which have flourished in
the country after the collapse of Communism. The Catholics, Orthodox Christians, and
Evangelicals, for example, have gone so far in this tradition of mutual support as to create a
common organization with the aim of defending the interests of their communities from fast
growing movements like the Mormons and the Jehovah’s Witnesses.

In an October 10, 1998, interview, Thoma Dhima, the editor in chief of the Christian Orthodox
newspaper Ngjallja, said that the Catholics, Orthodox Christians and Evangelicals of Albania
had created an Albanian Biblical Society. The Chair of the Society is the Catholic Archbishop
Rrok Mirdita, its executive director the Orthodox Archbishop Janullatos and the secretary a
member of the Albanian Evangelical Union. The Society promotes the Bible and other Holy
Scriptures whose translation has been approved by the three communities. Some of the active
Christian denominations in Albania are said to use an altered version of the Bible.

Despite the collaboration Catholics have with Protestants, their relations cannot be described
as especially friendly. This could be described rather as an unavoidable union, since the
Protestants have become a large religious minority. In an interview, the Archbishop of Tirana-
Durrës criticized the active proselytism of groups such as the Jehovah’s Witnesses and the
Evangelicals. He went so far as to deny the relevance of these movements to Christianity. The
Catholic authorities fear that their own believers not familiar with the Catholic doctrines may
be pushed in the ‘wrong direction’ by the teachings of these “self-proclaimed Christian
groups.”

The Archbishop of Tirana-Durrës stated:

As far as our relationships with other Christian movements are concerned --and I think you
mean the Protestants-- we have seldom had the opportunity to meet them. Their faith is
spread very quickly in Albania. As to whether all religious movements should be recognized
as religions, I would tell you my feelings about these things. In my opinion, some religious
movements in Albania are practicing very aggressive proselytism. They take advantage of the
ignorance of the people, of their poverty and of their desire to go abroad. They create some
confusion in the minds of the people who think that they are talking to Christians, while they

39
actually receive leaflets with a totally different message. We --Catholics and Christian
Orthodox-- do not practice door-to-door preaching to people. I believe that the adoption of a
law that would put all religions on an equal footing is a necessary prerequisite in a pluralistic
society. However, this does not mean tolerance for proselytism of the type currently observed
in Albania.

4.1.3. Ways in which the state protects or impedes minority religious activities

Until the adoption of the new Albanian Constitution in November 1998, minority religious
protection was based on two articles: Article 18 of the Fundamental Constitutional Provisions
on “Freedom of Conscience and Religion” and Article 39 of the Civil Code on “Associations”
(Lakshman-Lepain, 1996e: 12-13). However, these provisions were very general. Article 39
had yet another deficiency, namely the fact that it was inappropriate for religious organizations
(IHF, 1997: 10).

The Albanian State tends to protect, rather than impede the activities of the Catholic
community. Since the collapse of Communism, the Catholics have been addressed by the State
as one of the official religions of the country. They were --and are still-- invited to State
ceremonies, together with the two other major religions of the country (Sunni Muslims,
Orthodox Christians and sometimes Bektashis). They were not obliged to register like other
religious minorities in order to receive full recognition. As the Archbishop of Tirana-Durrës,
Mgr Rrok Mirdita, said in his 1996 interview in Tirana, although the Catholics had no de jure
recognition, “in practice we enjoy all possible rights” (Lakshman-Lepain, 1996b: 17-18). Their
status is now officially recognized in the new Albanian Constitution (See point 5.2).

Catholics enjoy various unrestricted social situations. They have easy access to the media,
receive building permits for religious monuments, and they can be a party to real estate
transactions. However, regarding the latter, the Catholic Church does not have much property
for restitution from after the Ottoman rule, and from the Communist regime only a small part
of that property survived. According to Mgr. Mirdita:

However, even the little property that we have today has not been restituted. This is not due to
the lack of good will from the government. There are objective problems. Today Albanian
families inhabit the few dilapidated buildings that are our property. This is a very delicate
situation for us. The government gave us the right to reclaim this property, but we cannot
force the people to leave just like that. At present, there is an acute housing problem and the
government is unable to cope with it. Nevertheless, they showed us good will by offering
compensation. For example, we were given land on which to establish new churches, if we
were not able to reclaim the old ones (Lakshman-Lepain, 1996b: 17-18).

Nevertheless, the Catholic Church has had problems with the State regarding the use of some
monuments. A January 8, 1996, decision of the Council of Ministers forbids religious
ceremonies in St. Stephen’s Catholic Church in Shkodër on specific days according to the
calendar of the Ministry of Culture because St. Stephen’s is classified as a “national
monument” (Lakshman-Lepain, 1996b: 17-18). This law affects the other religious
communities as well. Another monument, claimed both by Catholics and Muslims, the burial
edifice of the Albanian national hero Skanderbeg in Lezhë is another “national monument.” The
Catholic authorities abide by the law, but do not agree with it. Apart from these problems, the
Catholic authorities declare that their relations with the State are satisfactory. In a November
1998 interview, Mgr. Mirdita declared that his community has no specific demands, but that the
religious organization of the Catholics would like to have tax exempt status in church
construction and in the import of materials needed for their religious activities.

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5. GENERAL LEGAL STATUS

5.1. Past

During the first centuries of Ottoman rule, the Albanian Catholics were not recognized as an
autonomous community. They were integrated into the Armenian Gregorian Orthodox millet,
while all Catholics of the Empire submitted to the Pope in Rome. Starting in the sixteenth
century, and with the increasing influence of the western Great Powers, the Sultan was forced
to recognize a separate Catholic millet under French protection (Kitsikis, 1994: 22). A 1609
firman was sent to Archbishop Marinus to guarantee such status to the Albanian Catholics
(Rance, 1997: 51). However, the new millet, which was the result of the western colonization
of the Empire, cannot be considered at the same level as the four original millets: the Turkish
Sunni millet, and the non-Muslim millets - Greek, Armenian and Jewish (Kitsikis, 1994: 22).

In the Ottoman Albanian vilayets, the Catholics took part in the administrative system. The
coexistence between Christianity and Islam was institutionalized and two representatives of the
Catholic and the Christian Orthodox minorities were accepted as members of the
Administrative Council of vilayets together with two Muslims (Lakshman-Lepain, 1997: 157-
158). The Catholics, who had the right to have their own schools and monasteries, were
subjected to the authority of the Holy See through the Congregation of Propaganda Fide in
Rome. After the creation of the Albanian State in 1912, the political situation became unstable
and the status of the religious communities was somewhat blurred.

In theory, State and Church were separated. In practice, however, the millet spirit among
believers of all recognized religions did not disappear. The symbiosis between spiritual and
temporal powers survived in different forms in political life. For example, the 1920 High
Council of Regency, which had been formed after the Congress of Lushnjë to oppose the “pro-
Italian government” of the time, was composed of a Bektashi, a Sunni, an Orthodox Christian,
and a Catholic (Popovic, 1986: 14). This shows that Islam, Catholicism, Orthodox Christianity
and Bektashism --just to a certain degree for the latter-- were considered as traditional
religions of the country.

Under Zogulli, separation between Church and State was officially proclaimed in the
Constitution of 1920. There was no official state religion. Nevertheless, the State tried to
control the religious communities by encouraging the Parliament to adopt restrictive laws on
religious freedom and on the relation between religious and non-religious communities. Several
unsuccessful draft laws on Church-State relations were followed on July 16, 1929 by a decree
on the constitution of officially recognized religious communities (Della Rocco, 1994: 133).
Much unlike the Muslims and the Orthodox Christians, the Catholics refused to abide to the
law, which they considered as restricting their freedom. That is why the Albanian State at the
time considered the Catholic Church as an illegal organization deprived of any legal
recognition and rights to receive State subsidies. The Catholics continued to perform their
religious activities, to keep relations with Rome, and to receive financial support from there,
despite the fact that they were an illegal entity until the end of Zogulli’s regime in 1939 (Della
Rocca, 1994: 141-142).

During the Communist era, the Catholics were persecuted like all other religious communities
and lost nearly all their priests and property (see section on The Communist Period pp.33-36).
On November 22, 1967, a decree canceling all existing religious charters and agreements
between the different churches and the Albanian State was promulgated in the State Gazette.
Sacraments, rituals, prayers, and religious names were forbidden. The 1976 the Albanian

41
Constitution made these decrees binding to all citizens and the 1977 Criminal Code specified in
details the corresponding punishments. These two legal instruments were in force until 1991
(Rance, 1997: 100, 107-108).

When the Communist regime collapsed in 1991, there was almost no legislation on religion.
Albania had no juridical references to this matter and the only real experience the country had
was its religious organization in the past. Sunni Islam, Orthodox Christianity, and Catholicism
have been the three traditionally recognized religions of Albania and were thus able to
reestablish their position in society. In August 1991, a decree of President Ramiz Alia
established the State Secretariat of Religions under the Ministry of Culture. The three largest
religious communities of Albania were authorized to nominate their own religious
representatives for the State Secretariat. The Muslim representative was designated the
chairman of the Secretariat and the two Christian representatives were subordinated to him.
According to a representative of the State Secretary of Religions, Mr. Lekë Tasi (interviewed
in 1996) and to Mr. Vassilaq Kureta (interviewed in 1998), Counselor for Social, Religious and
Cultural Affairs with the Council of Ministers, who is also responsible for religious issues in
Albania, there are no official documents defining their competencies and the limits of their
authority (Lakshman-Lepain, 1996c: 13-14; Prendi, Koha Jonë, February 13, 1998).

In the beginning, the main activity of the State Secretariat was to register all religious groups
entering Albania but later on, that activity was transferred to the courts of justice. Since a legal
recognition could be acquired only through the registration as a “religious association”
(according to Article 39 of the Civil Code), the Secretariat had extraordinary prerogatives in
that matter (IHF, 1997: 10-11; Lakshman-Lepain, 1996e: 12-13). Some religious minorities
have had problems with getting official recognition by the State Secretariat of Religions (e.g.
the Evangelicals). This institution has the authority to allow or ban any religious community
that is not desired to hold legal activities in the country (Lakshman-Lepain, 1996d: 19-20;
Quanrud, 1996: 18-19).

In 1993, the State Secretariat became directly responsible to the Prime Minister, thus acquiring
an even more prominent position. The power of the members of the institution lies in its
authority over those religions not represented in the Secretariat. For example, it may refuse to
grant permission for the purchase of land, for the construction of places of worship, et cetera.
Such cases have occurred in the past, although most religious groups in Albania have
developed freely. Members of religious minority groups show that sometimes the Secretariat
favors the development of one religion over another despite the fact that its mission is to
provide equal help to every religious community. The Sunni Muslims, for example, have been
authorized to build mosques all over the country, while the Evangelicals have had problems
even to purchase land for their religious monuments (Quanrud, 1996: 18-19). According to the
Albanian lawyer Ms. V. Mecaj interviewed in 1996 in Tirana, the State Secretariat of Religions
is in direct opposition with the principle of separation between Church and State, as stated in
the “Fundamental Constitutional Provisions of Albania” (a corpus of articles replacing the old
Albanian Constitution) (Mecaj, 1996).

As far as the three main communities are concerned, their position of “old religions” has
absolved them from the registration requirement. This was confirmed by Mr. Lekë Tasi, the
representative of the Christian Orthodox community, in a 1996 interview in Tirana (Lakshman-
Lepain, 1996c: 13-14). Mgr. Rrok Mirdita, Archbishop of Tirana-Durrës, also interviewed in
1996, said:

“Our legal status is not clear. We have been recognized as a Catholic Church and as a
juridical person, but this is only de facto. In practical terms, we enjoy all possible rights. We

42
can buy and sell real estate … we have the same legal status as the Muslims and the
Orthodox Christians. Nevertheless, we would have liked our status to become official under
the law, because every religion would like to be recognized as a juridical person.”
(Lakshman-Lepain, 1996b: 17-18).

After the collapse of Communism and the establishment of the government of the Democratic
Party (1992-1997), the Catholic authorities had no difficulties to revive their community.
Although they were not a juridical person de jure, the Catholics were allowed to claim the
restitution of old property lost during Communism (Lakshman-Lepain, 1996b: 17-18). The
Berisha government negotiated an agreement on these issues, following the visit of the former
President of Albania to the Holy See. The Albanian Catholics have developed good relations
with the government whose policy was to work at reinforcing the status quo between the three
main religious communities (Rilindja Demokratik, the newspaper of the Democratic Party,
“The Muslim Faith Together with the Orthodox and the Catholic Faiths Are Part of the
National Consciousness,” January 15, 1995). The religious situation of Albania cannot be
understood well, if one ignores the traditional link between the three main religious
communities of the country and the State (and the link between the concept of faith and
patriotism) (Lakshman-Lepain, 1996a: 39-59).

5.2. Present
In 1991, the Albanian Parliament passed the Law on the Major Constitutional Provisions that
--in a very inefficient manner-- regulated the constitutional affairs of the state. It was amended
in the form of 4 Constitution Drafts of 1993, 1994, 1995 and 1998, which finally led to the
adoption of the 1998 Constitution by a referendum (http://www.urich.edu/~jpjones/confinder/
alban.htm). Since many of the principles of minority rights are formulated in international
legislation, the basic law with its article 8 stipulated that “the legislation of the Republic of
Albania considers, recognizes, and observes the principles and norms of the international law
generally accepted” (Albania, Law on the Major Constitutional Provisions, http://www.uni-
wuerzburg.de/law/al00000.html ). Nevertheless, in Albania, the Constitution is ranked above
the international legislation. Article 4 of the 1998 Constitution declares that it is the “highest
law in Albania”, while article 5 stipulates that Albania “applies international law that is binding
upon it”.

At present, Albania is part of the basic international treaties concerning human and minority
rights. In 1991, it has ratified the UN International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights. This
universal treaty guarantees ethnic, national and religious minorities the rights to organize on a
cultural, religious and linguistic basis, among other civil and political rights (Burgenthal and
Alexandrov, 1997:34). In 1996 Albania has ratified the Council of Europe’s Convention for the
Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and its protocols 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8 and
11, providing for the respect of minority rights on an individual basis. During the same year, it
has also ratified the European Convention for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or
Degrading Treatment and Punishment and its protocols 1 and 2. In September 1999, it has
ratified the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, which entered
into force by January 2000. This convention has some minority-specific clauses, such as
education in the minority-language in the state-schools and minority-language transmissions in
the public media. Nevertheless, Albania has not yet signed and ratified the European Charter
for Regional or Minority Languages, which was opened for signature among the members of
the Council of Europe since November 1992 (Council of Europe, 1999,
http://www.coe.fr/eng/legaltxt/ratstates/eratalb.htm). Nevertheless, the new Albanian
Constitution addresses more principles concerning human and minority rights than the basic
law drafts of the 1990s. (Albanian Constitution, 1998, http://www.urich.edu/~jpjones/

43
confinder/Alb-oct21.htm). It is worth noting that the Constitution makes an explicit reference
to an international document something that is not a usual practice in the constitutions of the
Balkan states. Article 17 stipulates that the limitations of the laws and rights can be done “by
law for a public interest or for the protection of the rights of others.” However, it “may not
infringe the essence of the rights and freedoms and in no case may exceed the limitations
provided for in the European Convention on Human Rights” (ibid).

In November 1998, the new Constitution was adopted. According to Article 10 (6), “religious
communities have the status of juridical persons.” But it also says: “relations between state and
religious communities are regulated on the basis of agreements entered into between their
representatives and the Council of Ministers. These agreements are ratified by the Assembly”
[Art. 10 (5)]. The article is very ambiguous about the status of the Catholics and all religious
communities since it implies that a religious community acquires a juridical person status only
upon ratification of the agreement, not before. Presumably such agreements would differ from
church to church to address their specific problems. It is very doubtful that any such
agreements between the government and the churches have been made yet. A new draft-law on
religion is under preparation. It is expected to clarify the situation of the religious communities
in Albania and their relation with the State.

In several interviews in 1998, Mr.Vassilaq Kureta, the Counselor for Religious, Social and
Cultural Affairs of the Council of Ministers, said that a State Committee of Cults would be
created to replace the State Secretariat of Religion, but the ambiguous relations between State
and Church would remain.

6. AVAILABILITY OF EDUCATION FOR THE MINORITY

6.1. Brief history of the education system in relation to the minority

Historically, the Catholics have not been prevented from opening schools and religious
institutions for the training of their priests. They are said to have played an important role in
the education of the Albanian people, especially in the education of the intellectual elite
(Kasoruho, 1995: 135-140). The Franciscans and the Jesuits have been particularly active.
Their schools were as well known as the Greek schools.

Under Ottoman rule, in 1859 the Jesuits founded in Shkodra the Pontifical College for clerical
education (Rance, 1997: 55; Micunco, 1995: 34). On October 17, 1877, the technical and
commercial sections of the St. François Saverio Institute for laymen were opened. Soon after,
a gymnasium and a lyceum were opened as well (Micunco, 1995: 34; Kasoruho, 1995: 138).
The Jesuit Colledgium Xavieranum in Shkodër was known for its high level of education
(Rance, 1997: 55).

The Franciscans opened two schools in 1861 (known as the ‘schools of the Friars’) and a
school for girls in 1878. On November 14, 1882, “the first Franciscan college for seminarians
was founded in Troshan and, in 1897 Shkodra opened its own similar college, which was to
become a beehive for the formation of leaders of this order and one of the most famous
schools of classical learning in all of Albania” (Kasoruho, 1995: 137).

In 1879, the Stigmatine Sisters opened the first school for girls, an orphanage, a preparatory
college, a school and a workshop in “which girls were taught manual activities” (Kasoruho,
1995: 138). In 1898, they founded a kindergarten in Durrës (Micunco, 1995: 34). Kasoruho
claims that the kindergarten was opened in 1890. In 1907, the Sisters opened an elementary
school. In Shiroka near Shkodra, they founded another elementary school and a kindergarten.

44
In 1920, a second kindergarten was founded in Shkodra and four years later they established
an elementary school in Dajç (near Shkodra) and other infant institutions (one in Nënshat). In
1930, an elementary school and a school for tailors were opened in Tirana. Shkodra benefited
from the foundation of a school for teachers. Other Catholic orders --the Salesians and the
Servite Sisters-- continued the development of the educational infrastructures (Kasoruho,
1995: 138-139).

However, in 1932 Zogulli launched a campaign for putting all religious and private schools
under state control. In April 1933, the Albanian Constitution was modified and as a result, in
1934 all schools were placed under state administration. “Twenty-three private and religious
schools, as well as fifty-seven schools of the Greek minority in southern Albania were closed”
(Kasoruho, 1995: 140). According to Rocco, that situation lasted until 1936 (Della Rocco,
1994: 142-162). Zogu was forced to revise his policy for two reasons. First, his kingdom being
in a bad economical shape needed some financial support that he could get only from Italy. In
1936, he signed new political agreements with Mussolini, which obliged him to make reforms
in the field of education. Second, with the support of the Greek diplomacy, the League of the
Nations and the Permanent Court of International Justice of Hague condemned Zogu’s
educational policy towards the Greek minority of Albania on April 6, 1935 (Della Rocco, 1994:
146-147). The Communist regime, which was established soon after, did not plan to let private
religious school to flourish. Gradually, as seen in Section 1.1, the authorities launched a severe
persecution against religious educational institutions until all were closed down. In 1991, the
Catholics were allowed to reestablish their educational institutions.

6.2. Availability of teaching material for the minority

The Catholics are not prevented from having their own teaching material. Although there is no
subsidization by the State, the Albanian Catholic community receives large support from the
Catholic community of Italy.

6.3. Official position

According to Vito Lacirignola, “the concept of free or private schools was unknown in Albania
and had to wait for the new legislation in the summer 1995” (Lacirignola, 1995: 143). The
Catholic educational institutions fall under various jurisdictions of the State: the Ministry of
Education, the Ministry of Labor, and the Ministry of Health. Catholic, Christian Orthodox and
Muslim children attend Catholic schools. The structures and the buildings of the Catholic
schools are the property of the Church. “The teachers have official Albanian degrees,
enrollment is free to all, and the teaching programs are those established by the Albanian
Ministry of Education” (Lacirignola, 1995: 143).

6.4. Activists’ initiatives

6.5. Present situation at different levels

6.5.1. Nursery school and primary education

The Catholics have ten kindergartens (among them the Kindergarten of the Apostolic Sisters of
the Sacred Heart in Dajç, the Kindergarten in the Zadrima area and the Imelda Lambertini
Kindergarten in Elbasan). There is an elementary school (Vinçenc Prennushi) in Durrës (The
Albanian Catholic Statistics Year Book of 1996; Lacirignola, 1995: 148-149, 167).

6.5.2. Secondary education

45
There is a secondary Catholic school in Korçë (Christian Doctrine Society of Malta), a Jesuit
secondary school in Shkodrë (Pjetër Meshkalla). There are also professional schools:
Professional Training Courses by the Salesian Fathers and Sisters Daughters of Mary Auxiliary
in Tirana (for electricians and masons), the Elena Gjika School of Nursing in Elbasan, and the
Professional Training Courses of Fier (Josephite Fathers of St. Leonard of Murialdo)
(Lacirignola, 1995: 151, 159, 162).

6.5.3. Higher education and research

The Catholics have a Jesuit National Seminar for priests in Shkodër, a National Catechism
Institute in Shkodër and the Sanguis Christi International Study Center in Durrës (Lacirignola,
1995: 170). Since October 1997, a project to create a Catholic University has been discussed
by the highest Catholic authorities in Rome and the Albanian President Rexhep Meidani. The
local Catholic authorities and the government have followed up with specific initiatives, but it
seems that the lack of precise legislation on the issue of private schools and universities is
blocking the process. There is a need for negotiations with the Albanian government on
different aspects of the project proposed by the Catholics. The nature of the obstacles to an
agreement is not exactly known. The university project was suspended until the new
Constitution came into force (Kisha dhe Jeta, January-June 1998: 12).

7. COMMUNICATION AND AUDIOVISUAL MEDIA

7.1. Legal situation

There are no laws on the relations between the different religions and the media. The new
Albanian Constitution does not make any reference to this point. The Catholics, just like the
other ‘traditional’ religions of the country, have limited access to the national TV and radio
stations. Other minority religious groups face more difficulties in getting their activities
covered by the media. Until a law on the matter is passed, the chair of the religious department
of the national TV would have unlimited authority.

7.2. Press

The Catholics have no specific problems with the press, which regularly covers their activities.
Regarding their own printed media, the different archbishoprics of Albania have their own
magazines - Kisha dhe Jeta, Ylli i Dritës and Kembana së Djelës.

7.3. Radio

The Catholics do not have a private radio station.

7.4. Television

The Catholics do not have a television station.

7.5. Internet

The Catholics have no web sites.

8. CONCLUSION

46
Like other religious minorities in Albania, the Albanian Catholics need to be researched in more
detail. According to 1942 statistics, approximately 10 per cent of the Albanian population is
Catholic. The Catholics are the fourth largest religious group in the country after the Sunni
Muslims (55 per cent), the Orthodox Christians (20 per cent) and the Bektashis (15 per cent).
The minority is located mainly in northern Albania, especially in the mountainous areas. Less
numerous communities live in central and southern Albania. The Catholic Church is organized
into four archbishoprics: Tirana-Durrës, Shkodra and its auxiliary archbishopric, northern
Albania and the Apostolic Nuncio responsible for the southern regions of Albania.

Catholics were recognized under the Ottomans as separate millet. Their independent status
was established completely after the creation of an Albanian state in 1912. The Franciscan
monks and the Jesuits were instrumental in the strengthening of the community. Under Zogulli,
the Catholics lost their legal status. During the Communist regime, they suffered heavily from
persecutions and many priest were killed and real estate lost. However, after 1991, the
community developed quite well and the building of churches was made possible thanks to the
support of the AED (Aide à l’ Eglise en Détresse), the OPM (Œuvres Pontificales
Missionnaires), and some bishoprics in Italy.

Until the new Albanian Constitution was adopted in 1998, the Catholics --together with the
Sunni Muslims and the Orthodox Christians-- enjoyed a de facto recognition. They were one
of the three religious communities authorized to have a religious representative within the
State Secretariat of Religion. Article 10 (6) provides an ambiguous recognition for the
“traditional religious communities” in Albania, without specifically mentioning them. A draft-
law on religion is under preparation that should identify those agreements between the church
and the government that will guarantee their juridical person status. Once it is passed, it would
clarify the situation of the religious communities in Albania.

The Catholic authorities do not have specific grievances against the State. They are still
waiting for the return of their property expropriated by the Communist regime. The main
concern of the Catholic Church for the moment is the execution of a project for the opening of
a Catholic university in Tirana. Negotiations with the highest Catholic authorities that started
more than a year ago are now blocked for unclear reasons. The lack of a precise law on the
private educational institutions is considered to be the main obstacle. Nevertheless, the
Catholics have enjoyed until now the right to open several schools all over the country.

The Catholics are unlikely to have any major difficulties in the future. Being among the oldest
religions of the country, their relations with the authorities and their position within the country
are not problematic. However, other Christian groups active in the country have challenged the
consolidation of the Catholic community. Since the collapse of the Communist regime in 1991,
the country experienced a spectacular religious outburst, after nearly twenty-five years of
strong atheist policies. A large number of religious movements developed quickly and became
more successful than old religious communities such as the Catholics.

While the country gradually re-Islamized by rich Muslim countries, the resurgence of
Christianity was undertaken more actively by a minority of Christian groups such as the
Evangelicals (with 65 missionary organizations and 400 missionaries), Mormons, Jehovah’s
Witnesses, Adventists, et cetera. The large Christian communities of the Catholics and the
Orthodox Christians were left out of the process (Rance, 1997: 448). The small Christian
communities benefited from important financial and human resources from abroad. They are
serious competitors to the Catholics and the Orthodox Christians, who can deal with them only
by associating their mutual interests. Thanks to their intensive proselytism, small Christian
groups have succeeded in attracting new followers. Nowadays, conversions tend to be done on

47
a theological basis and religious identity is less and less the result of family heritage (i.e. the
‘millet identity’ as a social community tends to be reduced).

Most of the Albanian Catholics, like the members of the other old religious communities, have
preserved their Catholic identity despite the fact that their knowledge and understanding of the
Christian doctrines is very limited. The religious identity at least of the Catholics in central
Albania is now in the process of gradual consolidation under the active care of Catholic
missionaries. However, a lot is still to be done. Meanwhile, the severe competition and
intolerance are increasing. If competition among religious denominations is the natural result of
a real pluralistic society, intolerance is now becoming a serious problem in Albania.

Apart from the problem of the increasing number of religious movements in the country, the
main challenge for the Catholic Church is the large number of atheists in the population
(Rance, 1997: 450). According to statistics quoted by Catholic sources, the number of
believers belonging to the three main communities of the country is less than what old statistics
present. There are less than 20 per cent of Muslims in the country, 6-7 per cent of Orthodox
Christians and a little more than 5 per cent of Catholics. Two thirds of the population are
atheist or indifferent to religion (Rance, 1997: 451). For the Catholic Church, Albania presents
a large mission field (Rance, 1997: 452).

48
 ADDRESSES
1. Cultural institutions and/or associations founded by the minority
Association of Albanian Catholic Intellectuals ‘Kultura Katolikë’(Tiranë)
No address was given by the Catholic authorities

2. Minority institutions and/or associations concerning education

Arqipeshkvia Durrës-Tiranë
Bulevardi Zhana D’Ark
Tirana – Albania
Tel.: +00-355-42-320-82

3. Political parties and/or associations founded by the minority

Catholics have no political parties since the Albanian legislation does not allow the constitution
of a political party on basis of religion or ethnicity. However, an attempt to create a Catholico-
Islamic Popular Party was made in 1991 a few months after political pluralism was allowed in
Albania. Initiated by a minor group the Albanian courts rejected the proposal.

4. Minority media
Radio Stations
Newspapers
Magazines

‘Kisha dhe Jeta,’ magazine of the Archbishopric of Durrës-Tiranë

Bulevardi Zhana D’Ark
Tirana-Albania

‘Ylli i Dritës’’ and ‘Kembana e së Djelës’

Television Stations
Internet Web Sites
Publishing Houses

49
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Albanica, Vol. 19, No. 2, July 2-5, 1982, p. 193-211.

Swire, J. (1929). Albania, the Rise of a Kingdom (New York: Arno Press & NY Times)

Tirta, Mark (1981). ‘Croyances futiles populaires en Albanie et leur extirpation après la
Libération’, Ethnographie Albanaise, Vol. 11, 1981, p. 183-215.

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Treptow, Kurt W. (1994). ‘The Role of Religion in the Development of the Albanian Nation-
state,’ Ukrainian Quarterly, 40(3), automne 1994, p. 270-282.

Tönnes, B. (1978). Albanien, des erste atheistiche Staat der Welt (Küsnacht ).

Urosevic, A. (1956). ‘Jz zivota katolickih gradjana Janjeva, Letnice, Novog Brda, i Trepce u
XVI veku’, Glasnik Muzeja Kosova i Metohija, I, 1956, p. 239-243.

Vogel, C. (1978). ‘La fin d’une Eglise autocéphale,’ L’Année Canonique, Vol. XXII.

Whitaker, I. (1968). Tribal structures and national politics in Albania, 1910-1950 (London:
).

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 GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY
Daniel, Odile (1985). Albanie, une bibliographie historique (Paris: CNRS).

Legrand, E. (1912). Bibliographie albanaise, complétée et publiée par H. Guys (Paris: Guys).

Kersopoulos, J. G. (1934). Albanie, ouvrages et articles de revue parus de 1555 à 1934

(Athènes: Flamma).

Young, A. & Hodgson & Young, N. (1997). Albania Bibliography (Oxford: Clio Press)

Magazines including articles on Albania and Catholicism:

Chrétiens de l’Est, Mareil-Marly

L’Eglise en Détresse dans le Monde, Mareil-Marly

Keston News Service, Oxford

Religions in Communist Lands, Oxford

Religion, State and Society, Oxford

Catacombes, Courbevoie

Conscience et Liberté, on ‘La Liberté religieuse en Albanie,’ Berne, 1993

L’Ethnographie, on ‘L’Albanie,’ Paris, 1989

Autrement, Albanie utopie, Paris, 1976

Albanian Catholic Bulletin/Buletini Katolik Shqiptar, 1980 à 1994, Vol. I à Vol XV.

Archives d’Etat Albanais de Tirana:

See the ‘Katalog sistematik nga 1832 deri 1912 on the Catholic Church, Vol. II., C- VII-4 and
on the relations between the different religious communities C–VII-6. The ‘catalogue
sistematik’ after 1912.

Documentation Centers and agencies:

AED Info (Centre de Documentation AED France, Mareil-Marly)

KIN Infodienst (Centre de Documentation AED International, Königstein/Taunus)

APIC (Geneva)

BESA (Rome)

EGLISI (Braine-Le-Comte)

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Video films:

‘Albanie – Calvaire d’un peuple,’ 34mn, Aide à l’Eglise en Détresse, BP1 – 78 750 Mareil-
Marly.

MAIN LITERARY WORKS OF DIFFERENT PERIODS

Robert, Elsie (1950). Dictionary of Albanian Literature (New-York).

Fishta, P. Gjergj (ed. 1997). Lahuta e malcis (Shkodër: Shtypshkroja Franceskane).

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