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Sarah Shaw
A policy brief submitted in partial fulfillment for the Master of Public Administration
COMPREHENSIVE SEXUAL HEALTH EDUCATION 2
Executive Summary
Sexual health education in the United States is inadequate. States choose what aspects of
outcomes, to vary greatly from state to state. Sexual health education is so controversial in some
motivated, moralistic agenda. Despite evidence that abstinence-only education is less effective
depth on a broader range of topics than any state currently mandates to improve sexual health
outcomes.
Starting in the early 1980s, federal legislation funded curricula created by religious
standards. Even as direct references to religion were removed, subsequent legislation on health
and welfare reform continued to fund abstinence-only education. The Affordable Care Act tried
bipartisan support. Changing sexual health education outcomes will require federal motivation
through policy action. Those actions can include some combination of shifting the department
curricula, and rewarding states with positive health outcomes. Funding for sexual health
education has existed since the 1980s and can be redirected to support better educational
standards. Overall, the goal of any policy change is to increase sexual health education standards
Table of Contents
Executive Summary 2
Table of Contents 3
Problem Statement 5
HIV Education 6
Sexuality Education 7
Policy Actions 11
Limitations 11
Evaluation Structure 13
Conclusion 14
COMPREHENSIVE SEXUAL HEALTH EDUCATION 4
Appendix – Tables 16
References 19
COMPREHENSIVE SEXUAL HEALTH EDUCATION 5
Problem Statement
Fragmentation comes from dividing the curriculum into specific subjects. Sexual behavior
education largely stresses abstinence until marriage, which does not educate students on forms of
stresses abstinence as a morally correct behavior. Sexual behavior education typically covers
biology and reproduction accurately but does not accurately represent the consequences of sexual
behavior. Sexuality is rarely addressed in sexual health curricula. HIV education is separate from
inconsistent because education standards are decided at a state level. Each state has autonomy to
choose what topics to teach within sexual health education (Table 1). Positive sexual health
outcomes are not maximized because the existing curricula do not match the comprehensive
Sexual behavior education refers to health education that addresses safe sex and
relationships. Broadly, there are two types of state-dictated curricula used in schools: abstinence-
only-until-marriage and abstinence focused (or abstinence-plus) (Barth, 2005). Both curricula
heavily emphasize that the only way to avoid teen pregnancy and sexually-transmitted infections
discuss contraception in terms of failure rates, and do not delay onset of sexual activity (Bridges
& Hauser, 2014). These curricula may legally present misleading or false information to support
their message of abstinence (Bridges & Hauser, 2014). Additionally, states with abstinence-only
COMPREHENSIVE SEXUAL HEALTH EDUCATION 6
curricula that do not cover contraceptive options see higher teenage pregnancies and birthrates in
addition to higher rates of STIs (Stanger-Hall & Hall, 2011). Programs that focus on mitigating
risk associated with sexual activity have more favorable health outcomes pertaining to uses of
contraception, number of sexual partners, and frequency of sexual activity (Santelli, et al., 2017).
HIV Education
HIV education focuses on reducing the spread of HIV/AIDS by reducing sexual behavior
and illustrating the consequences of infection. The HIV virus is spread through exchange of
bodily fluids by an HIV positive person to another person (How Is HIV Transmitted?, n.d.). At a
national level, the content of HIV education is evaluated by whether condoms and abstinence are
included in the curriculum (Sex and HIV Education, 2019). Studies show that students who
received medically accurate and age appropriate HIV education saw fewer related health
consequences and were also less likely to engage in risky behaviors like drug injection that also
relate to spreading HIV (Ma, Fisher, & Kuller, 2014). Sexual health education is typically
ineffective because, of the 39 states that require abstinence in the HIV education curriculum, 27
stress abstinence rather than broadly cover abstinence and contraception options (Sex and HIV
adolescent sexual behavior, and a major form of HIV transmission is through sexual contact,
abstinence-focused HIV education does not reduce the spread of HIV. HIV education can also be
legally supplemented with inaccurate information, which does not mitigate risky sexual behavior
(Sex and HIV Education, 2019). Curricula in Oklahoma mandates teaching “that among other
behaviors that ‘homosexual activity’ is considered to be ‘responsible for contact with the AIDS
virus’” (Sex and HIV Education, 2019). Oklahoma specifically attributes HIV and AIDS to
homosexuality and forbids educators from correcting the record or answering students’
COMPREHENSIVE SEXUAL HEALTH EDUCATION 7
spontaneous questions about sex and sexuality (Sex and HIV Education, 2019). Though HIV can
spread through non-sexual avenues, presenting accurate prevention information would actively
STI education refers to infections other than HIV spread through sexual contact. STI
education varies based on regional need, but broadly covers the contraction and symptoms of
gonorrhea, chlamydia, syphilis, hepatitis, herpes, and HPV (Breuner & Mattson, 2016). Students
who receive comprehensive STI education receive the same benefits as comprehensive HIV
education: better health outcomes and reduced instances of risky sexual behavior (Ma, Fisher, &
Kuller, 2014). Like with HIV, abstinence-focused education does not reduce the rate of STIs and
STIs are used as a source of fear in abstinence-only curricula to (unsuccessfully) delay sexual
behaviors (Barth, 2005). Shame and stigma surrounding STIs also motivates adolescents to
refuse screenings (Cunningham, Kerrigan, & Jennings, 2009). Students who are unaware of STIs
or choose not to get health screenings risk contracting and further spreading infection.
Sexuality Education
established curricula address sexual behavior in terms of health and reproduction but do not
address sex as a part of relationships. Curricula have not been evaluated nationwide because
states have not set standards for incorporating sexuality into school curricula (Sexuality
Research shows that parents and students in schools with sexuality incorporated in to the sexual
health curriculum are more satisfied with the school overall than parents and students in schools
that do not address sexuality and that and that adverse sexual health outcomes for non-
COMPREHENSIVE SEXUAL HEALTH EDUCATION 8
heterosexual students decrease when sexuality is a part of the curriculum (Sexuality Education as
sexuality curricula will improve sexual health outcomes for all people, not just those who fit in
Quality sexual health education should have seven key components: gender, sexual and
reproductive health and HIV, sexual rights and sexual citizenship, pleasure, violence, diversity,
behavior, HIV and STIs, and sexuality education and promote overall physical and emotional
curriculum does not encompass the seven key components outlined, it should emphasize sexual
behavior in terms of human sexuality, develop healthy attitudes and communication skills, and
encourage responsible choices and risk mitigation in sexual relationships (History of Sex
Though there were advocates for sexual health education in public schools in the 1960s
and 1970s, “the goals of social hygiene and moral purity activists eclipsed broader sexual health
concerns in the public arena” (History of Sex Education in the U.S., 2016). Sexual health
education was nationally introduced into schools in the 1980s following a period increased
teenage pregnancy and spread of HIV/AIDS (History of Sex Education). The dominant
curriculum for early sexual health education argued that teaching adolescents about sexual risk
COMPREHENSIVE SEXUAL HEALTH EDUCATION 9
reduction would increase sexual risk-taking behavior (History of Sex Education in the U.S.,
2016). Evidence emerged that curricula focusing on risk mitigation were more effective than
abstinence-only curricula (Santelli, et al., 2017), but by the time the evidence emerged, schools
were invested in the abstinence-only program (History of Sex Education in the U.S., 2016).
The Adolescent Family Life Act, enacted in 1981, was the cornerstone of “chastity laws,”
which gave federal funding to support sexual health education. The act was Title XX of the
Public Health Service Act and received more than $200 million dollars from the Department
Health and Human Services from its passage until 2010 when federal discretionary funding for
Only-Until-Marriage Programs, n.d.). The act funded programs promoting self-discipline and
moral purity as established by churches and religious conservatives (History of Sex Education in
the U.S., 2016). The ACLU challenged the act in court calling it a Trojan horse for religious
doctrines, in violation of the separation of church and state (History of Sex Education in the U.S.,
2016). In 2003, the Supreme Court finally ruled that federally funded programs could not have
direct references to religion, but by the time the ruling passed, the largest funding recipients had
already gotten schools to adopt conservatively motivated curricula (History of Sex Education in
the U.S., 2016). The curricula did not change; text that directly referenced religion were slightly
modified to comply with the court ruling (History of Sex Education in the U.S., 2016). The
Adolescent Family Life Act ultimately gave religious institutions indirect control over sexual
health education.
COMPREHENSIVE SEXUAL HEALTH EDUCATION 10
In 1996, Bill Clinton signed the Welfare Reform Act, which was designed to reduce the
number of people dependent on welfare (Office, HHS Press, n.d.). The act contained a provision
in the miscellaneous title to provide $50 million per year in funding for abstinence-only
education (Haskins & Bevan, n.d.). The idea was that reducing adolescent sexual behavior would
reduce the need for federally funded health and family services. The funding for abstinence-only
education was maintained through the Bush administration and ultimately expired in June 2009
(Office, HHS Press, n.d.). The Obama administration chose not to renew services under the
Adolescent Family Life Act or the Welfare Reform Act as many items would be redundant under
the Affordable Care Act (Office, HHS Press, n.d.). By 2010 many states had rejected federal
funding because evidence showed the supported curricula were ineffective, so the previously
allocated funds had gone unused (Office, HHS Press, n.d.). Though abstinence-only education
was not the Welfare Reform Act’s focus, it supplemented the Adolescent Family Life Act
funding and inadvertently helped implement religiously motivated curricula in public schools.
Although sexual health was not the primary public concern in passing the Affordable
Care Act, there are stipulations addressing sexual health. The Personal Responsibility Education
Program (PREP), a part of the Affordable Care Act, allocated $75 million dollars annually for
Partnership for Women and Families, 2014). PREP funds were used to teach adolescents about
abstinence and contraception at an age-appropriate level to prevent teen pregnancy and STIs
(National Partnership for Women and Families, 2014). In order to garner support for the
Affordable Care Act, the provision creating PREP, which is administered by the Department of
COMPREHENSIVE SEXUAL HEALTH EDUCATION 11
Health and Human Services, also renewed the $50 million of annual funding for states to spend
on abstinence-only educational programs (National Partnership for Women and Families, 2014).
While the Affordable Care Act took measures to promote comprehensive education, partisan-
Policy Actions
Limitations
While federal mandate requires sexual health education in schools, the specific curricula
are established at a state level. The Constitution of the United States lays out the enumerated
powers of the federal government, including the power for the legislature to act for the general
welfare of the people (U.S. Const. Article VIII). The General Welfare Clause refers specifically
to the ability to tax and spend tax money. Mandating curricula could be considered infringing on
personal liberties rather than promoting general welfare. Further, the 10th amendment reserves all
non-expressed powers to the states (U.S. Const. Amend X). Federally motivating quality sexual
health education must happen within the scope of federally enumerated powers.
The federal funding to support states’ sexual health education as allocated in the
Affordable Care Act should be administered through the Department of Education. The
Affordable Care Act administers PREP through the Department of Health and Human Services
(Zief, Shapiro, & Strong, 2013). Though it may change under the Trump Administration, the
program’s goals are to provide evidence-based programs providing education on abstinence and
contraception and educate youth on adulthood preparation subjects (Zief, Shapiro, & Strong,
2013). PREP is made of educational programs funded by grants. The Department of Education
already distributes grants for other specific educational purposes (Department of Education
COMPREHENSIVE SEXUAL HEALTH EDUCATION 12
Fiscal Year 2020 President's Budget, 2019), so the funding infrastructure is already in place.
Shifting departmental administration for sexual health education can reshape the content
discussion to address educational value and diversity rather than focusing on the moral health
Sexual health outcomes will only improve if people have the information to minimize
sexual risk-taking. Evidence shows that adolescents who receive comprehensive sexual health
education, focusing on mitigating risks have better sexual health outcomes (Santelli, et al., 2017).
As noted, the Affordable Care Act allocates $75 million annually to support PREP education
(National Partnership for Women and Families, 2014). Maintaining this funding and supporting
established that there is more to sexual health education than information on sexual activity (A
Definition of Comprehensive Sexuality Education). States should be made eligible for scaled
funding based on the comprehensiveness of sexual health education provided. Curricula focusing
on risk mitigation education would be able to receive funding, and larger grants would be
available for curricula that covers all seven key points of education as outlined in Table 2.
Improving sexual health outcomes through education does not solely rely on creating an
effective curriculum; ineffective curricula also need to be removed from circulation without
removing sexual health education from school curricula. Rather than fully renewing the
provision of the Affordable Care Act that allocated $50 million annually to abstinence-only
education (National Partnership for Women and Families, 2014), the funding could be scaled
back over several years. Schools have educational materials in place and scaling back funding
COMPREHENSIVE SEXUAL HEALTH EDUCATION 13
would decrease reliance on federal support for abstinence-only education while giving states
time to modify their curricula. Scaling back federal funding for abstinence-only curricula could
also free a source of funding for more effective education programs. States would be motivated
curricula.
States with a significant religiously conservative population are more likely to reject
factors would help with implementing comprehensive curricula across the nation. The overall
goal of comprehensive sexual health education is to create improved sexual health outcomes and
states should be rewarded for achieving positive outcomes. Since sexual health is most easily
measured by adolescent pregnancy rates and spread of STIs (Stanger-Hall & Hall, 2011), states
that showed decreases in both categories would have improved health outcomes. Non-
comprehensive and abstinence-focused curricula are less effective at improving sexual health
outcomes (Stanger-Hall & Hall, 2011). Better educated people also have better health outcomes
overall (Ma, Fisher, & Kuller, 2014). To motivate implementation of a comprehensive sexual
health education, states that implement comprehensive curricula and show improved sexual
health outcomes over a time would be able to use the same pool of grant funding for general
education purposes.
Evaluation Structure
The goal of changing sexual health curricula is to improve sexual health outcomes over
time. To establish if policy changes are effective, the quantitative variables measured will be
number of states drawing federal funding for comprehensive education, rate of adolescent
COMPREHENSIVE SEXUAL HEALTH EDUCATION 14
pregnancies, and reported cases of STIs. The independent qualitative variables will be majority
religious and political affiliation in each region. The dependent qualitative variable will be type
comprehensive). States drawing federal funding and religious and political affiliation are the
independent variables used to see if health outcomes and increased funding are enough to
motivate change in sexual health education. For states that implement risk-mitigation or
comprehensive curricula, pregnancy rates and STI cases reported are the measure of sexual
health outcomes. Legislators and formal evaluators would determine appropriate benchmarks for
Conclusion
cover many critical aspects of sex and sexual behavior that impact sexual health. Furthermore, in
legislation, seemingly inadvertently, gave religious institutions control of sexual health curricula
and has supported abstinence-only education well beyond the point when evidence clearly
showed the curricula were ineffective. Because abstinence-only education is so engrained in state
education systems, federal policy change would be more effective in implementing effective
include shifting the department that administers federal funding from the Department of Health
education, minimizing ineffective education, and rewarding states that show positive sexual
health outcomes with broader funding options. These alternatives can be implemented
COMPREHENSIVE SEXUAL HEALTH EDUCATION 15
independently, concurrently, or sequentially and will still have positive implications for sexual
health outcomes.
COMPREHENSIVE SEXUAL HEALTH EDUCATION 16
Appendix – Tables
References
Institute: https://www.guttmacher.org/sites/default/files/report_downloads/demystifying-
data-handouts_0.pdf
AOUM-Funding.pdf
Barth, R. (2005, October). Sex Education in the Public Schools. Retrieved from AMA Journal of
Ethics: https://journalofethics.ama-assn.org/article/sex-education-public-schools/2005-10
Breuner, C., & Mattson, G. (2016, August). Sexuality Education for Children and Adolescents.
http://pediatrics.aappublications.org/content/138/2/e20161348
Bridges, E., & Hauser, D. (2014, May). Youth Health and Rights in Sex Education. Retrieved
Cunningham, S., Kerrigan, D., & Jennings, J. (2009, December). Relationships Between
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4334654/
Department of Education Fiscal Year 2020 President's Budget. (2019, March 11). Retrieved from
National Partnership for Women and Families. (2014, August). Why the Affordable Care Act
Matters for Women: Comprehensive Sex Education for Teens. Retrieved from National
COMPREHENSIVE SEXUAL HEALTH EDUCATION 20
work/resources/health-care/comprehensive-sex-education.pdf
Haskins, R., & Bevan, C. S. (n.d.). Abstinence Education Under Welfare Reform. Retrieved from
HHS Press Office. (1996, September 1). The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity
responsibility-and-work-opportunity-reconciliation-act-1996
http://www.futureofsexed.org/background.html
History of Sex Education in the U.S. (2016, November). Retrieved from Planned Parenthood:
https://www.plannedparenthood.org/uploads/filer_public/da/67/da67fd5d-631d-438a-
85e8-a446d90fd1e3/20170209_sexed_d04_1.pdf
Ma, Z.-q., Fisher, M., & Kuller, L. (2014, January 7). School-based HIV/AIDS education is
associated with reduced risky sexual behaviors and better grades with gender and
https://academic.oup.com/her/article/29/2/330/625227
Santelli, J., Kantor, L., Grilo, S., Spizer, I., Lindberg, L., Heitel, J., . . . Ott, M. (2017, May 18).
https://www.jahonline.org/article/S1054-139X(17)30260-4/pdf
Sex and HIV Education. (2019, January). Retrieved from Guttmacher Institute:
https://www.guttmacher.org/state-policy/explore/sex-and-hiv-education
COMPREHENSIVE SEXUAL HEALTH EDUCATION 21
https://www.apha.org/policies-and-advocacy/public-health-policy-statements/policy-
database/2015/01/23/09/37/sexuality-education-as-part-of-a-comprehensive-health-
education-program-in-k-to-12-schools
Stanger-Hall, K., & Hall, D. (2011, October 14). Abstinence-Only Education and Teen
Pregnancy Rates: Why We Need Comprehensive Sex Education in the U.S. Retrieved
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3194801/
Zief. S., Shapiro. R., Strong. D. (2013, October). Launching a Nationwide Adolescent Pregnancy
https://www.acf.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/opre/prep_eval_design_survey_report_102213