Islamic Feminism and ISIS:

Counter Discourses for the Prevention of “ISIS Bride” Recruitment

By

Mykaela Isabel Aycocho

Danielle Berido

Kim Angeli Suarez

An undergraduate thesis presented to the

Department of International Studies

College of Arts and Sciences

In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Bachelor of Arts in International Studies

Miriam College

2019
 ABSTRACT

This paper analyzes how feminist Muslim narratives and ISIS’ recruitment narratives position
“ISIS brides” and Muslim women. The purpose of this paper is to know if feminist Muslim
narratives can be used as a possible counter-discourse to the “ISIS brides” recruitment of ISIS.
The recruitment narratives of ISIS are focused on filling the deprivation of Western women in
society and in their families while Feminist Muslim narratives are focused on emphasizing the
equality of women from men in society and their possibility of independence from their husbands.
The study concludes that the narratives of feminist Muslims can not be used as a counter-discourse
to the recruitment of “ISIS brides” because the recruitment narratives of ISIS is similar with the
teachings of the Qur’an and ISIS successfully uses Islam and Islamic teachings as recruitme nt
strategies. The narratives of feminist Muslims are also too broad and does not specifically regard
“ISIS brides” therefore there are no narratives that counter the recruitment of “ISIS brides”.
 CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Contemporary media portrayal of women as ISIS “brides” have progressed from women

seen as babymakers, to actual nurturers of the goals and aspirations of the The Islamic State of

Iraq and al-Sham (Greater Syria). Muslim women are made to believe that joining the organiza tio n

is an entryway to a utopia where they are able to practice their religion authentically–while serving

what they believe is their right and duty to Allah by being wed to a Jihadi militant. What many

people do not understand, and that includes many of the ISIS women themselves, is that these

women were conned into becoming concubines for militants and terrorists (Lucont, 2017). ISIS

effectively recruits Muslim women as their brides by;

First, displaying an Islamic utopian image of their life in Syria and Iraq in order to convince

western Muslim women who experience oppression [usually from a non-Islamic country] to join

their group to live a more “adventurous and meaningful life” (Ali, M., Bjørgum, Cervon, A.,

Peresin A., Speckhard, A). Second, ISIS followers court their potential victims and show them that

through joining ISIS as brides, they will be able to get everything they dreamed of: a perfect

romance with a perfect husband, children, a beautiful house and recognition as women warriors

fighting in the name of Islam (Ali, M., Kneip, K, Speckhard, A). Third, the Islamic terrorist group

justifies the violence done against Muslims from all around the world in order to generate anger

and sympathy, building up a narrative of “Muslim against everyone else” and the perception of

ISIS as a true Islamic society built on Sharia Law (Ali, M., Bjørgum, Cervon, A., Peresin A.,

Speckhard, A.). Fourth, ISIS uses Hijra (migration for the cause of Allah) as a way to convince

Muslim women that what they do is noble and for the cause of their religion (Ali, M., Bjørgum,

M. H., Kneip, K, Speckhard, A).

 The rising number of ISIS recruits in 2014 has about 550 European women (Neumann,

2015) and four (4) years after a total of 1,000 European were recruited (Sheldrick, 2018). It was

found that Western affiliates are generally younger than non-Western affiliates (Dearden, 2016).

The women who joined ISIS were mainly between sixteen and twenty-four and travelled to Syria

or Iraq without their parent’s consent (Sherwood et al., 2014). A study by Huey and Witmer

identified characteristics of “Fan girls”, meaning women who openly advocate ISIS in online

forums and blogs. The researchers also found that the average age was under 25, the youngest

being fifteen and the oldest thirty-two. The women were also mostly immigrants or recent converts

(Huey et al., 2016).

The study is notable for it will be the first study made in relation to “ISIS brides” by using

Feminist Muslim narratives as a possible counter-discourse to the growing number of recruitme nt

efforts done by ISIS. With this intention, the researchers’ principal goal is to effectively use the

opportunity to present Feminist Muslim narratives to counter “ISIS bride” recruitment. Noting that

previous studies lack in filling gaps of possible counter-discourse, the researchers have recognized

the importance of using Feminist Muslim narratives and the Qu’ran as possible sources, with the

help of Feminism as a lens on addressing the issue on women, since misuse of religion is one of

the recruitment methods used by ISIS. Feminist Muslim narratives play a significant role in the

study since ISIS militants use teachings from the Qu’ran and using even Allah’s name to recruit.

The primary goal of the study is to develop counter strategies against the recruitment of “ISIS

brides” using Feminist Muslim narratives as counter-discourse.

Feminist Muslim narratives, by definition, are gender sensitive interpretations of the

Qu’ran, which factually discusses historical bases for the inclusion of women in public discourse
and in public space. It is then important for the researchers to view this study not just as a gender

problem but also a political one. This would be made possible only if the researchers closely

examine the Islamic terrorist group’s narratives towards recruiting ISIS brides to which the

researchers have found;

The experienced frustration and pain of the women is exploited by the feared terrorist

organization and redirected into e.g. anger towards the own country or geopolitics (Ben Ali, 2017).

This is effectively used as recruitment strategy of ISIS by sending recruiters into two main

branches; one part addressed to Muslim countries and one addressed to Western, non-Muslim

countries. Correspondingly, ISIS makes use of a social media campaign with vivid pictures and

videos as well as on-site recruitment where recruiters appeal to the possible affiliates face-to-face

(Ben Ali, 2017). Recruiters are placed in Western countries to indoctrinate the women on-site.

While this necessitates an indirect or rather “gentle” process of recruitment, possible members are

made to be part of an integrated “youth community” with other men or women resembling the

“sisterhood” in the Caliphate. The majority of the recruitment is carried out online which is

particularly relevant for women as gender segregation in Islamic engagement may be prevalent

(Stenger, 2017).

Hence our research question, “How do Feminist Muslim Narratives position Muslim

women to counter “ISIS brides” recruitment?” The researchers aim to,

1. To present ISIS narratives directed towards recruiting ISIS brides;

2. To present how Feminist Muslim Narratives position Muslim Women;

 3. To identify and explain the positioning of Feminist Muslim narratives that could be used

as counter-discourse to prevent the recruitment of women as “ISIS brides” using

Positioning Theory.

The study will only be limited to academic journals, books, and ISIS self-produced

propaganda magazines regarding the recruitment strategies of ISIS. For the feminist Muslim

narratives, the literatures including books, interviews and journals were gathered from the website

Women Living Under Muslim Law. The gathered data for feminist Muslim narratives are only

limited to narratives that mention Muslim women, due to the lack of data found that specifies “ISIS

brides” and the literatures of Feminist interpretations of the Qur’an were too broad and only

pertains to Muslim women as a whole. ISIS however, is very specific on who they are pertaining

thus there were numerous studies and literatures gathered that mention “ISIS brides”. The

researchers then focused on written narratives because the time for conducting interviews for

feminist Muslim experts were limited.

Since ISIS brides are integral to the day to day operations of ISIS, finding ways to counter

such recruitment is of particular importance. The researchers firmly believe that various Feminist

Muslim Narratives play an integral role to counter such recruitment. That being said, the

researchers used Positioning theory to analyze themes found in narratives from both Feminist

Muslim narratives and ISIS recruitment strategies which will be discussed in the following

chapters of this paper. Positioning theory is a social constructivist approach (Slocum and van

Langenhove, 2003) that began to emerge in the 1980s primarily in the area of gender studies. The

development of this theory was pioneered by social psychologists Jonathan Potter and Margaret

Wetherell, psychologists Rom Harré and Bronwyn Davies, and sociologist Luk van Langenhove.
 CHAPTER II

METHOD

The researchers used a social constructivist approach as it examines how Feminist Muslim

narratives position “ISIS brides” in the world together with the rights and duties that shape their

position. The research fulfilled the definition of a social constructivist method which gives

importance to communication and spoken text in having an understanding to our world and

everything around us. Social constructivist method explained the importance of human interactio n

and how it molds a person’s perspective that can affect their development in society and as an

individual (Vygotsky, 1978). Galbin (2014) corresponds that our worlds are created based on our

individual perspectives. The construction of reality is based on the day-to-day interaction of people

and how they communicate with each other (Andrews, 2011).

Discourse analysis is a method of exceedingly looking at what is being said to find the real

motive behind a certain text. Discourse analysis deals with language and their constructio n,

although it does not give an answer to any problem. The researchers looked into documents that

contained Feminist Muslim narratives, specifically those that mentioned Muslim women in the

text. (Women's role in society, women's role in the household, women's equality with men). The

researchers also analyzed the author’s stand and context, including how they position Muslim

women into their narratives. That being said, it was easier for the researchers to identify the rights

and duties of the Muslim women to further understand how these narratives position them.

To add, the researchers looked into the statements of ISIS by looking into academic

journals, books, and self-produced propaganda magazines to understand their ‘position’, ‘speech
and other acts’ as well as ‘storylines’ regarding how they recruit Muslim women to become their

wives.

2.1 Data Gathering

The researchers ought to conduct personal interviews with feminist Muslim experts to gain

narratives first-hand to serve as counter-discourse. These feminist Muslim experts are renowned

keynote speakers regarding Muslim women’s human rights; including Dr. Azizah Y. al-Hibri,

founder of KARAMAH: Muslim Women Lawyers for Human Rights. Unfortunately, the

researchers met difficulties in contacting Dr. al-Hibri, which resulted to the research limiting its’

data gathering procedures. The researchers have resulted to looking for alternative data by looking

through academic journals, books, and dossiers as key sources for both ISIS recruitment narratives

and Feminist Muslim narratives. The researchers then filtered the sources by specifically looking

into literatures that mention “Muslim women” and/or “ISIS brides” for both ISIS recruitme nt

narratives and feminist Muslim narratives.

After filtering the sources, key sources for the narratives for the ISIS recruitment has been

collected wherein there were compilations of interviews of “ISIS brides”, academic journals and

books. Key sources for the narratives of feminist Muslim however were found and collected from

a website called Women Living Under Muslim Law, a website that compiles statements of feminist

experts, speeches, academic journals and studies that concerns Muslim women, the Qur’an, and

feminist interpretations. From the collected key sources, the researchers separated literatures that

fall under ISIS recruitment narratives and feminist Muslim narratives so it will be easy to cluster

narratives into themes. After separating the literature into two (2) categories, the researchers read

through the sources and filtered specific narratives from ISIS recruitment narratives and feminist
Muslim narratives that mention “ISIS brides” and Muslim women. After reading, the researchers

clustered the specific narratives into themes that was found in the data gathered.

A total of four (4) prominent themes were present in the ISIS recruitment narratives

namely: a sense of “community”, the importance of women’s roles, women’s representation

inside the caliphate, and a sense of “fulfillment”. And there were three (3) prominent themes

present in the feminist Muslim narratives namely: the equality of women with men, independence

of women from men and the rights of women. For both ISIS recruitment narratives and feminist

Muslim narratives, there were two-three (2-3) narratives present for each theme.

2.2. Data Analysis and Interpretation Procedures

For data analysis, verbatim attestations were grouped into themes. In this case, the differe nt

strategies that ISIS uses in order to convince Muslim women to become “ISIS brides” which were

drawn out from the narratives of ISIS from select academic texts. The researchers identified the

stand of Feminist Muslim narratives on how they positioned Muslim women in order to possibly

counter the recruitment done by ISIS and was then clustered into themes as well. A diagram of

themes were done to correspond with the tabular data, which was done to easily identify the

clustered themes that have been drawn out of both narratives.

In application to Positioning theory, the researchers identified the ‘storyline’ and ‘speech

acts’ in order to know how feminist Muslim narratives position Muslim women and the strategies

and narratives that ISIS use to recruit Muslim women in becoming “ISIS brides”. By definitio n,

‘speech acts’ are the words uttered with purpose and effect as the minimal units of human

communication. It is considered as the object’s perspective on specific issues or scenarios.

‘Storyline’ refers to the background or context of the narrative, ‘the study of how, why and when
people tell their and to whom (Harre, 2003). While ‘Rights’ are things that one is morally or legally

entitled to do or have (Collins Dictionary).

2.2 Analytical Framework

This study used Positioning theory, a social constructivist approach that began to emerge

in the 1980s primarily in the area of gender studies (Slocum and van Langenhove, 2003).

Moghaddam and Harré (2010: 2) stated that Positioning theory is about “how people use words

[and discourse of all types] to locate themselves and others”. Further, that “it is with words that

we ascribe rights and claim them for ourselves and place duties on others” (p. 3). Positioning has

direct moral implications, such as some person or group being located as ‘trusted’ or ‘distrusted’,

‘with us’ or ‘against us’, ‘to be saved’ or ‘to be wiped out’” (Moghaddam and Harré, 2010: 2).

Positioning is thus to be understood as a procedure of making determinate a psychologica l

phenomenon for the purposes at hand (1999: 17).

In 2012, Harré defined positioning theory as being: “…based on the principle that not

everyone involved in a social episode has equal access to rights and duties to perform particular

kinds of meaningful actions at that moment and with those people. In many interesting cases, the

rights and duties determine who can use a certain discourse mode… A cluster of short-term

disputable rights, obligations and duties is called a ‘position’”. (2012: 193)

Specifically, Davies and Harré (1999:37) expounds positioning as ‘the discursive process

whereby people are located in conversations as observable and subjectively coherent participants

in jointly produced storylines’. By ‘discursive process’, the authors mean individuals’ day-to-day

participation in communicative events involving one or more other persons, drawing not only on

language but also other forms of semiotic activity such as direction of gaze, posture, gestures and
other embodied behavior. Being ‘located ... as observably and subjectively coherent participants’

is about the kind of image management engaged in by participants in face-to-face conversatio ns

(Goffman 1981). van Langenhove and Harré (1999) states that any conversational act can be

framed as a mutually determining triad with each point impacting on the other two (see Fig. 1.1).

On the left side of the diagram is the “object” which refers to the subject or the main actor of the

study. Linked to it is the object’s ‘speech act’ and ‘storyline’, ‘speech acts’ are the words uttered

with purpose and effect as the minimal units of human communication. In that case, speech acts

are considered as the object’s perspective on specific issues or scenarios. While the ‘storyline’

refers to the background or context of a narrative, 'the study of how, why and when people te ll

their lives and to whom (Harre 2004). It emerges in the interaction between interlocutors,

understood to be ‘the conversational history and the sequence of things already being said’ (Harré

and van Langenhove 1999b: 6).

As a result of the object’s ‘speech act’ and ‘storyline’ is the ‘position’ which refers to ‘the

moral positions of the participants and the rights and duties they have to say certain things ’ (Harré

and van Langenhove 1999b: 6). It points out the person's moral or personal characteristics that

limits their ability to act in certain situations and affect how they act and interact in these social

episodes (Harre and van Langenhove 1999). Positions may be manifested in binary alternatives

such as ‘powerful or powerless, confident or apologetic, dominant or submissive, definitive or

tentative, authorized or unauthorized, and so on’ (van Langenhove and Harré 1999: 17).

Corresponding to this ‘position’ are the ‘rights’ and ‘duties’ of the object.
 Fig. 1.1 The Positioning Triangle
(based on van Langenhove and Harré 1999: 18; Harré and Moghaddam 2003: 5-6)

2.3 Operational Framework

On the left side of the diagram (Fig 1.2), the Muslim women are the “object” of the study

for feminist Muslim narratives because there were not enough sources or literature that mention

“ISIS brides”, majority of the sources available only mention Muslim women as a whole and do

not have specific literature that focuses on “ISIS brides”. For the viewpoint of Feminist Muslim

narratives, the two boxes on the left side of the diagram shows ‘speech act’ and ‘storyline’.

According to Surah 29:13 “we are all children of Allah” which serves as the ‘speech act’ of the

Feminist Muslim narratives, the ‘storyline’ or the way the researchers interpret it is that men and

women are equal. Since Feminist Muslim narratives ‘position’ Muslim women equal to men

(Mernissi, 1991) because we are all children of Allah, Muslim women then have the ‘right’ to be

called children of Allah and their ‘duty’ as children is to obey Allah.

 Fig 1.2 Feminist Muslim Narratives [as applied]
(based on van Langenhove and Harré 1999: 18; Harré and Moghaddam 2003: 5-6)

The object in this diagram (Fig 1.3), is the “ISIS brides” for the ISIS recruitment narratives

since ISIS is very direct on their recruitment they chose to specify the role of Muslim women as

“brides” of ISIS and there were numerous studies and literatures found that mention “ISIS brides”

that fit well into the study. The objects were different because of the limited accessible sources for

“ISIS brides” in feminist Muslim narratives. The ‘speech act’ is that ISIS believes that “ISIS

brides” serve Allah by serving her family’s household (Kneip, 2016). The ‘storyline’ is that the

“brides” take care of the household and everything including the family which then gives the

position of the “ISIS brides” that they serve Allah by serving their home and their family. With

this, right of the “brides” is to be given a household so that she has the opportunity to serve Allah

by maintaining it (Kneip, 2016). Their ‘duty’ then is to serve Allah by serving the family and the

home.
 Fig 1.3 ISIS Muslim Narratives [as applied]
(based on van Langenhove and Harré 1999: 18; Harré and Moghaddam 2003: 5-6)

Moghaddam and Harré (2010: 2) stated that Positioning theory is about “how people use

words [and discourse of all types] to locate themselves and others”. Further, “it is with words that

we ascribe rights and claim them for ourselves and place duties on others” (p. 3). Positioning has

direct moral implications, such as some person or group being located as ‘trusted’ or ‘distrusted’,

‘with us’ or ‘against us’, ‘to be saved’ or ‘to be wiped out’” (Moghaddam and Harré, 2010: 2).

Positioning is thus to be understood as a procedure of making determinate a psychologica l

phenomenon for the purposes at hand (1999: 17).

Specifically, Davies and Harré (1999:37) expounds positioning as ‘the discursive process

whereby people are located in conversations as observable and subjectively coherent participants

in jointly produced storylines’. Discursive process is the individuals’ day-to-day participation in

communicative events involving one or more other persons, drawing not only on language but also

other forms of semiotic activity such as direction of gaze, posture, gestures and other embodied

behaviour. Being ‘located ... as observably and subjectively coherent participants’ is about the kind

of image management engaged in by participants in face-to-face conversations (Goffman 1981).

 CHAPTER III

RESULTS

3.1 ISIS Recruitment Narratives

This section presents the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (Greater Syria) recruitme nt

narratives from the perspective of “ISIS Brides” and gathered interviews from books, magazines,

and other literary works to display how ISIS position Muslim women as “ISIS brides”, as well as

the women’s rights and duties under the ‘caliphate’. The narratives have been divided into six (6)

themes based on the results the researchers extracted from ISIS recruitment texts produced by the

organization itself, namely: a sense of “community”, the importance of women’s roles, women’s

representation inside the caliphate, and a sense of “fulfillment”.

3.1.1 A Sense of “Community”

Al-Khanssaa Brigade, the author of the unofficial manifesto for a women’s Brigade in ISIS
calls for the rights and sisterhood of Muslim women in Syria. The manifesto states that (2017, pg.
5):
“You [Muslim sisters] are of us, and we of you.”

This statement from the manifesto calls on all Muslim women and “brides” to sisterhood

and that believing in one ideology and sharing the same practices keep the sisterhood or a sense of

“community” alive between each other. Having a sense of sisterhood is part of the recruitme nt

strategy that the organization uses to recruit Muslim women to become “brides”. ISIS has been an

image of acceptance and belongingness especially for women, they serve as a free space and a

space filled with opportunities (The Carter Center., Kneip, K., 2017). The women from the West

are deprived of liberty and having the sense of “community” or belongingness thus it has been

very appealing to Western women to move to Syria and become “ISIS Brides” (The Carter Center,

2017).
 Zahra Halane, a social media influencer continuously recruits other women from the West
to join the caliphate. In one of the profiles, it stated (2015, pg. 26):

In February of this year, Zahra published photos to Twitter purporting to show female
migrants being trained in self-defence – wearing Nike Air trainers and shooting rifles at
targets. Zahra describes this as a, “fun day training… with humble sisters”. The emphasis
placed upon the ‘sisters’ as a group highlights the importance of ‘sisterhood’ in luring
prospective migrants towards ISIS.

Zahra portrayed a different image of the “ISIS Brides” by posting a photo of them wearing

sneakers by a known brand and casually bonding as “sisters” through shooting practices and

labeling it as their “training”. Zahra emphasized their sisterhood bond showcasing how interesting

it is to live as a Muslim woman and become “brides” to fighters as she continuously recruit for

other women to join ISIS. She has also shared in one of her social media posts words of

encouragement or invitation to join the organization, the post stated (2015, pg. 26)

“My dear sisters come and join the caravan Bi’ithnillah...see the blessings that I see in
bilaad ash shaam!!!” [Omm Bakr #IS]

Zahra emphasized the blessings that comes with being a “sister” or a Muslim woman, she

shares how life will be filled with blessings from Allah if one joins the organization. The way she

encourages other people to join is simple yet the real motive seems pure which becomes a good

tactic for recruiting other women. Zahra keeps on using the word “sisters” in her posts emphasizing

the sense of “community” or belongingness inside ISIS and how appealing it sounds to people

outside of the organization. Being deprived of one’s rights and belongingness is difficult and

having a sense of freedom is what anyone would always look after. That is why this becomes a

vulnerable matter to the recruitment of these “brides”.

 3.1.2 The Importance of Women’s Roles

The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria has been very specific on what women can and should

do for the organization and those are to take care and manage the household and train other women

into the norms of the organization including the use of combat weapons (Kneip, 2016). To some,

these women become “ISIS Brides” because of their important role inside the organization and

how ISIS give these women a sense of importance that the West culture deprived them of.

In The Women in Daesh by The Carter Center (2017) emphasized the importance of

women and how they are seen and needed in the organization. Daesh or ISIS stated (2017, p. 5):

“You [women of Daesh] are the hope of Ummah” and “the Ummah will not rise without
your help”

This statement identifies ISIS women as the “hope” of their Ummah (Islamic community)

because of their role as mothers and primary teachers of the religion, and as it also becomes the

first step to building the next generation of fighters and Islamic leaders (Stacey, 2018). ISIS has

depicted the primary role of these women as shapers of the future generation thus they show a

great importance to women. Many Western women felt deprived of all of the opportunities they

can have and have not received a space to show their full potential (Kneip, 2016). And so they

used this deprivation as a tool to possibly recruit these women to becoming “ISIS Brides” as a way

for women to further see their significant role as women and at the same time for ISIS to further

grow as an organization (The Carter Center, 2017). However, ISIS did not just simply mention

Muslim women but specifically identified the mothers as their primary “hope” in the Islamic

community. Which leads to the Carter Center wherein they continue to emphasize the importance

of mothers in the Islamic community, they stated (2017, p. 7):

Mothers are seen as “guardians of the faith and protectors of the land that will emerge
from [them].”
 Since the role of women particularly mothers are to serve the household and become the

first teachers of the law, they also serve as preservers of Islam (Kneip, 2016). The role of “ISIS

Brides” become more important when they become mothers because they give birth to the next

generation and nurture them together with Islamic teachings. The statement explains that Muslim

women keep the religion from dying and it is their role to keep the faith going until the next

generations. ISIS do not just encourage women to be “ISIS Brides” and to eventually become

mothers for them to please Allah (Kneip, 2016), they encourage women to become “ISIS Brides”

because it gives them a sense of fulfillment and for them to see their real worth not just in the

household but in society that through them they can build an Islamic community and it is through

their contribution that they have raised the next Jihadi fighters.

A magazine named Dabiq became a platform for ISIS recruitment wherein it also features

a segment addressed for Muslim women, the section is named “To Our Sisters” which shows

accounts of women and their experience inside of the organization. One of the main purpose of

the segment is to share the good experiences of the women or share other member’s experience

and somehow recruit other women into joining ISIS. Dabiq stated (2015, p. 44):

“O sister in religion, indeed, I see the Ummah of ours as a body made of many parts, but
the part that works most towards and is most effective in raising a Muslim generation is
the part of the nurturing mother.”

Dabiq has given a different explanation on how important the roles of women are, the

magazine used an illustration that the Muslim women’s roles are mothers serve as the vital

“organ” in the body and that without it the body would not be able to function well and

effectively. The statement affirms the role of Muslim women and how they are needed in the

Islamic community and as stated above they are the first ones to shape the children inside the

household. This idea also cancels out the “stereotyped idea” of ISIS wherein they torture and kill
their “brides” or wives, ISIS has clearly depicted an illustration that they treat women well and to

what they are deprived of in the West.

“ISIS Sex Slavery: Interviews with The Sex Slaves and War Brides of Isis Milita nts ”

written by Nicolas Lucont are shared accounts of Muslim women who became “ISIS Brides” or

sex slaves, including one of Fairuzza which stated (2017, pg. 281):

“I was doing my duty to Allah and to the army and I was there to be married again.”

Fairuzza is facing the death of her husband fighter however she still wants to continue

serving Allah by a new marriage to another fighter. One of the roles of women is to continue on

being a mother and a “bride” to Islam and that they should continue serving Allah through serving

the family. Fairuzza’s ideology on her reason for remarriage is for the purpose of pleasing Allah

and doing her role as a Muslim woman. Muslim widows are allowed to remarry after a certain

time for them to be given another opportunity to serve Allah and the Islamic community (Saltman,

E. and Smith, M., 2015).

3.1.3 Women’s Representation Inside The Caliphate

The West as mentioned by ISIS has deprived women of their rights and numerous women
wanted to experience liberty that Syria has been offering. The Women in Daesh or ISIS stated
that (2017, pg. 3):

“[W]omen [in Daesh] now go to courts and openly talk of their issues. They find that they
are listened to and their issues are dealt with, without a need for bargaining or bribery.”

One of the primary goals of ISIS is to let Muslim women feel their worth by giving them

more opportunities in society including the use of their voice and let them feel that their

contribution to society is vital and significant. ISIS also make Muslim women feel that there is

equality between women and men in the Islamic society by giving both a voice that is able to be

heard by those in authority. They are also given a platform that they are valued in society and that
their concerns will be heard without a doubt and without any struggles ahead.

An account shared in The Carter Center is from a Spanish mother wherein her children

resettled to Syria, her daughter became an “ISIS Bride” to an ISIS fighter and gave birth to a son.

The daughter continued to make contact with her mother and continuously encouraged her

daughter to go back to their family but the daughter stated (2017, pg. 4):

“You should make hijra here!”Aisha told her mother that she had independence and
purpose in her life—Daesh provided her with a house, a stipend, and a way to be involved
with the building of something of world-historical importance. Aisha felt empowered by
her involvement in Daesh’s so-called caliphate and had taken to advising other female
migrants in Syria.”

The daughter shared how well-off her life is inside the Islamic community, that her life is

not difficult although she lost her husband. The “bride” explained to her mother how ISIS gave

her everything she needed in life for her son and how ISIS gave her a house. The daughter also

shared how ISIS gave her a sense of empowerment and how her involvement in the organiza tio n

gave her purpose in life. Since the daughter has experienced a different life outside of her old life

she has then become so sure of being a recruiter of other women to become “brides” for them to

experience the relief and good treatment of the organization to Muslim women (The Carter Center,

2017).

Salma and Zahra Halane are the so-called “Terror Twins” in the ISIS community and are
known to be social media recruiters specifically in twitter. Their dummy accounts stated (2015,
pg. 25):

“Amazing how dawlah provides for the Shuhadah wifes” (Umm Handhila)

“The Islamic State treats us soooo full with love and respect” (Bakr Britaniya)

The twins pose an image that ISIS takes good care of their “brides” and of Muslim women

noting that specifically in marriage the “bride” is taken care of, provided for and taken care of.
Since Western women are again not treated to what they are suppose to, ISIS gives them what they

are looking for and to the fullest gives them what they are in need. However, the twins have

important roles to attend to in the organization as that is to be “brides” to their husbands and do

their duty as recruiters of other women to become “brides” as well (Saltman, E. and Smith, M.,

2015).

3.1.4 A Sense of “Fulfillment”

Zehra Duman who moved to Syria from Australia has been a new Muslim convert and

recruit, her story was not different from other female converts in Syria. After the death of her

husband, she has been very present in social media, she stated in one of her posts (2015, pg. 32):

“Till we reunite in Jannatul Firdaws my dearest husband. You won the race! Heart of a
green bird insha’ Allah habibi”

From her post it can be seen that she is still looking forward to joining her husband when

she dies and there is no sign of regret. Zehra also stated that even though her husband died she

does not feel alone because she has friends or “sisters” inside the organization that serves as a

comfort for her whenever they’re in her home (2015, pg. 33). Although she experienced loss,

Zehra continues to recruit women to become “brides” and other Australians to convert and make

hiraj, she also supports the idea of matchmaking Muslim women with ISIS fighters for them to

experience the life in Syria and for them to understand themselves better (Saltman, E. and Smith,

M., 2015).

Fadyaa corrected some ideologies people often think of in pertaining to “ISIS Brides”
specifically in terms of marriage, she was another woman interviewed by Nicolas Lucont. Fadyaa
stated (2017, pg. 183):

“People think that we were forced into marriage but that’s not true. I was very excited to
become a wife to an ISIS man. I had already passed numerous exams on Islam, had my
religious virtue vetted, and had my commitment to Islam tested. I had memorized a whole
 plan on how I was going to keep house for a soldier, I had learned how to nurse war
wounds, and I had even learned how to clean rifles and guns.”

Fadyaa did not feel any embarrassment in sharing how the process of being chosen to

become an “ISIS Bride”. She was very keen on sharing the details on how she studied for the exam

on the religious texts including how to maintain the household and how she felt before the briefing

until the whole process of getting picked. She is one of the women who sees marriage to an ISIS

fighter an honor especially when he becomes a martyr and has proven that marriages in the Islamic

community is not forced, and that it has a process or certain measures to consider before becoming

a “bride” (Saltman, E. and Smith, M., 2015).

3.2 Feminist Muslim Narratives

This section focuses on how feminist Muslim narratives position Muslim women that could

be used as counter-discourse to prevent the recruitment of “ISIS Brides”. The feminist Muslim

narratives were gathered from Feminist Muslim experts and writers specifically from the website

Women Living Under Muslim Law with Muslim women as their object. The themes were selected

based on the texts or data collected from feminist Muslim narratives and are clustered into three

(3) themes namely: equality of women with men, independence of women from men and the rights

of women.

3.2.1 Equality of Women with Men

This section explains women’s equality with men in terms of being the head of the family

and the equality that needs to be seen inside the household. Ziba Mir-Hosseini, the author of

“Stretching the Limits: A Feminist Reading of the Shari’a in Post-Khomeini Iran”, the book

focuses on re-reading scriptures from the Qur’an without gender biases. Together with other

contributors she shed a light on numerous claims in Islam that roles of women are limited to the
household and Muslim women’s dignity reflect on how they serve their husbands. Shokufeh

Shekari and Sahereh Labriz (1997, p. 7) who are contributors of the article shared that:

This headship does not imply that a man has an absolute and despotic rule in
the family according to which the wife is required to slavishly follow him;
but it entails a certain authority defined by law and custom. A woman is not
her husband’s mere subordinate but his partner, companion and aide.

The two authors emphasized that the role of Muslim women is not limited to being wives

but also being their husband’s equals wherein they too also have equal rights and privileges. The

authors continue to emphasize how men are stereotyped as the head of the family and that they

have full authority over the household where in fact they added that men and women are both

human therefore they should be considered as equals. The authors noted that the superiority of

men over women are not written in the Qur’an or are not because of Islamic influences but because

of history and repeated practice over the years (p. 8).

Mina Yadegar Azadi, a contributor to “Stretching the Limits: A Feminist Reading of the

Shari’a in Post-Khomeini Iran” stated that gender should not be a classification on rights and duties

inside and outside of the household since both men and women are considered equals then both

should have a sense of responsibility (p. 10). Mina also argued that the Qur’an has not written

anything about locking women inside the house and/or are obliged to do household works,

therefore the idea of women being household workers are not stated in the Qur’an or are influe nced

of it rather it is because of the radicalized interpretations of the scriptures.

The Oslo Coalition’s “Justice Through Equality: Building Religious Knowledge for Legal
Reform in Muslim Family Laws” (2013, p. 21) stated that:

If men have authority “...according to what they spend from their wealth ...” (4:34), it might
be argued that women, too, are the protectors and heads of their families when they make
 the money and contribute to family upkeep. The women’s groups and studies surveyed
here, however, are not calling for a reversal of gender roles, based on the same old qiwama
postulate that ties power in the household to ability to pay. Rather, they want the law to
place spouses on a footing of equality and mutual responsibility, reflecting the “love and
mercy” that the Qur’an says God has placed in their hearts (30:21).

The statement stressed the equality of the husband and the wife in the family regardless of

the financial capability of either one. The authors explained how flexible the title “head of the

family” can be, if the husband receives wealth or provides for the family then he can claim the

headship however if the wife then provides for the family then she can have the right to become

the head of the family.

Lily Zakiyah Munir wrote “Islam, Humanity and Equality for Women” wherein she

discussed numerous misconceptions regarding Islam and its relationship with humanity and

equality for women. In a section in the article, Munir discussed that after the jahiliyya period or

the period “where ignorance, lack of moral values, licentiousness and corruption prevailed in the

society”, Islam ended the atrocities directed to women, women were granted full human being

status and placed them equal to men (Munir, L.Z., n.d.). As stated, in the Qur’an, “women and

men are created equally from a single soul (nafs) as depicted in Surah al-Nisa’ (The Women) verse

1, “O mankind, reverence your Guardian Lord who created you from a single nafs ...fear Allah,

through Whom you demand your mutual (rights)...”, and based on QS al-Dzariyat/51:49 women

and men were created to be equal parts of a pair, “And everything We have created pairs …”

(Munir, L.Z., n.d.). Munir clarified that even though Islam may have practiced oppressive and

abusive laws directed to women during the pre-Islamic Arabia or the so-called jahiliyya period,

modern day Islam does not condone any form of inequality towards women. As it is stated in the
Qur’an, men and women were created to be equal pairs of one another, without any dissension

from one another (Munir, L. Z., n.d.).

On the subject of adhering to the Five Pillars of Islam, Munir further explained the equality

and equal responsibilities of men and women in the Islamic context, emphasizing that men and

women were sanctioned equal status as creations of God, and acquire equal rights and rewards as

expressed in QS al-Tawbah/9:71, “The believers, men and women, are protectors of one another;

they enjoin what is just, and forbid what is evil; they observe regular prayers, practice regular

charity and obey Allah and His Messenger. On them will Allah pour His mercy….” (Munir, L. Z.,

n.d.).

3.2.2 Independence of Women from Men

Ziba Mir-Hosseini then continues on the topic of sharing women’s independence wherein

she stated (1997, p. 14-15):

Money is the root of all good as much as it can be the root of absolute corruption. If a
woman were an (economically) independent legal person (in marriage) and did not have
to depend on her husband for nafaqa (maintenance), she would not put up with the
indignity of an unjust tamkin (obedience) and a thousand and one other hardships; this is
what frightens men. If humanity ruled, irrespective of being wealthy or not, a woman
would be her husband’s partner and aide. Did Khadija not spend her large wealth for the
Prophet? Was she not wealthy and powerful? Why did she follow him and remain loyal
to him?

Mir-Hosseini explained that whether or not a Muslim woman is married or unmarried but

is financially stable, she will not have to be considered undignified and is not required to depend

on her husband. She also added that this certain phrase is a threat to Islamic men because ISIS still

believes that women needs men to feel protected and that women are made for men therefore

should be with men. Ziba continues by saying that marriage should not be about domination but

see that women’s obedience in marriage is not because of men’s superiority but because of so-
called humanity and their choice (p. 15). Feminist Muslim narratives or feminist interpretations of

the Qur’an gives a clear understanding that when Adam ate the fruit Eve was not responsible for

his choices rather they were both held accountable to the sin (2:35). Eve did not show dependency

on her husband when she decided to eat the fruit and both were held accountable to their sin and

not just Eve, this shows that both are individuals and do not have to depend on each other for their

actions and that Allah disciplines his people accordingly to their actions.

Native feminist Iranian Afary (1998, p. 14) talked about how men and women were created

for each other and that Allah does not rely on the gender of the person but on who deserves to be

recognized by him, she stated:

To prove their point they turn to chapter 49/verse 13 of the Qur'an which
says: "O mankind, surely We have created you from a male and a female
and made you tribes and families that you may know each other. Surely
The noblest of you with Allah is the most pious of you..."

The Qur’an looks at men and women on the same starting position, Allah looks at them

with independence from the other. Women are usually seen as weak, no use for society and do not

deserve to be seen without their husbands however Allah will look at them as individuals and will

give more importance to someone who deserves it and to someone who is very knowledgeab le

about the Qur’an. Not all men are worthy of Allah’s privileges and not all women are unworthy

of it, thus it all depends on how knowledgeable the person is. This falls under the independence of

women from men because it emphasizes that women since the beginning of their birth are their

very own persons, that they can provide for themselves and do not need to fully depend on their

husbands when they can provide for her and her family’s well-being.
 Asghar Ali Engineer is a well-known writer that is known for his knowledge on religio n

and is a known scholar of Islam. He wrote the “Women’s Discourse in the Qur’an - rights based

or duty based” (2007) he briefly separates the rights and duties of women based on the scriptures

of the Qur’an. He stated (4:1),

Also, to consolidate her dignity Qur’an made it clear that Allah has
created both men and women from a single being.

Engineer cleared out based on what the scripture said that even though Adam and Eve were

created from one they were both considered as separate or independent beings. Eve was not made

for Adam wherein she becomes inferior to him and her only role is to satisfy and provide for his

needs but Adam and Eve were made from one life, no superiority with it but they are made for

each other and are both under the responsibility of one another.

3.2.3 The Rights of Women

Islamic scholar Asghar Ali Engineer stated, “The Qur’an gives her right to property, which

she enjoys untrammelled (4:32)” (Engineer, 2007) he quoted a scripture from the Qur’an indicating

that women have the right to own property. He also added that in today’s time women have the

ability to earn for themselves and as long as they can earn for themselves they cannot feel infer ior

to men because they have the same privilege and opportunity given to them by Allah.

In addition, Engineer (2007) quoted a story from the Bible and the Qur’an, the story of

Adam and Eve:

The story of Adam and Eve has been narrated in Qur’an in a way that does not
hold Eve responsible for inducing Adam to eat fruit of the banned tree but both
are held responsible and Satan leads them astray together (2:35).

Engineer’s interpretation of the story states that women have the right to not be accountable

for men’s actions or mistakes, he cleared out that since both are created equal and seen as partners
then both have the same level of consequences or responsibilities for their mistakes. It is then noted

that women have the right to be counted as an individual and responsible for their own mistakes

and not of their husband’s. Lily Munir added that in the cosmic drama of Adam and Eve, the

pronoun huma has been used frequently which emphasized that there were two actors who both

equally committed the original sin, opposing the Bible and placing an equal blame on Adam and

Eve for their mistake (Munir, L. Z., n.d.). This further supports the feminist Muslim argument that

there is no hierarchy between men and women when it comes to their relationship with Allah. As

stated in the Qur’an “and for women are rights over men similar to those of men over women”

(QS al-Baqarah/2:226) as both sexes are given an equal amount of reward for their good deeds and

equivalent punishment for their misconduct (Munir, L.Z., n.d.).

Riffa Hassan has written numerous articles which articulated a progressive understanding

of Islam to influence Muslims around the world, one of her works “Equal Before Allah? Woman-

man equality in the Islamic tradition” comprehensively tackled the origin of the subordinate image

of Muslim women and the truths and misconceptions about the topic. Hassan (1988) analyzed the

origin story of Adam and Eve in the Qur’an, acknowledging that the origin story of Adam and Eve

has been the primal basis of the lesser image of women in the eyes of Muslim men, as most

Muslims assumed the following:

(1) that God’s primary creation is man, not woman, since woman is believed to
have been created from man’s rib, and is therefore ontologically derivative and secondary;
(2) that woman, not man, was the primary agent of what is customarily described
as man’s Fall or man’s expulsion from the Garden of Eden, and hence “all daughters of
Eve” are to be regarded with hatred, suspicion, and contempt;
(3) that woman was created not only from man but for man, which makes her
existence merely instrumental and not of fundamental importance.
 Hassan stated that these assumptions are greatly misinterpreted as the origin story of the

Qur’an has never mentioned Eve being created from Adam’s ribs, and this idea has only been

derived from the Bible (Hassan, R., 1988). Furthermore, another significant misunderstand ing

according to Hassan is the belief that Adam was the first human being created by Allah and he was

a man, however the Qur’an doesn’t have a categorical statement mentioning this fact rather the

name ‘Adam’ has frequently only been used to refer to one or two human beings and to symbolize

human beings with “self-conscious, knowledgeable and morally autonomous humanity” (Hassan,

R., 1988). This is important to point out because the origin story of Adam and Eve have an

immense impact in the ongoing issue of inequality between men and women in Islam. As stated

by Muhammad Iqbal “(I)n the verses which deal with the origin of man as a living being, the

Qur’an uses the words Bashar or Insan, not Adam which it reserves for man in his capacity of

God’s vice regent on earth... The word Adam is retained and used more as a concept than as a

name of a concrete human individual” (Hassan, 1988). The narratives of these authors give a clear

idea that women are not below men but they are considered as equals and should be given the same

respect, rights and duties as their husbands, that Islam is a religion that practices the principles of

equality amongst human beings.

Finally, this chapter is focused on statements from accounts or profiles and interviews of

“ISIS Brides” that has been recruited by ISIS. The most common theme present was the importance

of women’s roles, there were a lot of statements that fit under the theme and it is the most

prominent topic shared by the “brides”. Narratives from feminist Muslim were from feminist

Muslim interpretations of the Qur’an and of experts wherein the object of their narratives are the

Muslim women. For the Feminist Muslim narratives, majority are statements focusing on the

equality of women and men in terms of roles in society and in the family. Feminist Muslim
narratives continuously emphasize the importance of understanding the equality of women with

men no matter their status in life.

CHAPTER IV:

DISCUSSION

Throughout history, women have played a significant character in society as they produce

the succeeding generation of people. But for the militants of the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham

(Greater Syria), they prefer their “brides” not to bear children [through usage of birth control pills]

because of the thought that if their soldiers had children, they would want to settle; become farmers

and raise families (Lucont, 2017). Comparatively, Islam forbids the use of birth control pills.

However, its use is allowed due to religious edicts issued by mullahs (religious Muslim trained in

religious law and doctrine) permitting it to be used by the jihadists. The rationale being; by not

having children, the “brides” are ‘fulfilling Allah’s wishes to have their husbands stay in the

battlefield’ (Lucont, 2017).

Contrary to what numerous studies found regarding this topic, “ISIS brides” are not

recruited to become part of the organization to give birth a new generation of jihadists. These

women are kept to run the households of soldiers fighting in the name of Allah, for when they

come home from a hard day’s work of killing, they would return home and have access to home -

cooked meals prepared by their wives, among other things. Equally important, is how the ‘brides’

are given to jihadists as a sexual token. Provided with “wives” whose only duty was to sexually

entertain them in their breaks from the battles, and were even given full fledged sex slaves for

them to use and abuse as desired (Lucont, 2017). “ISIS brides” committing to stay part of the

terrorist organization is not by force or coercion, but through ideological means.

 Once the “brides” are convinced that the purpose of the organization is solely for being of

service to Allah, they willingly comply. The “ISIS brides” are indoctrinated to the ISIS’

interpretation of the Qu’ran and thus they way of life of ISIS. These brides are therefore not forced

nor live by fear, but rather obey because they are brainwashed.

This chapter provided an in-depth analysis of how ISIS recruitment narratives and Feminist

Muslim narratives position muslim women in application to van Langenhove and Harre’s

positioning theory. Specifically, the variables are changed to the data collected and is then

explained further on how both ISIS recruitment narratives and Feminist Muslim narratives position

Muslim women.

Majority of the data collected under the ISIS Recruitment Narratives section show that ISIS

has been filling deprivation gaps that Western women face. It has been evident from the article of

the Carter Center (2017) that ISIS has used the deprivation of women’s rights and equal

opportunities in the West thus it became an easy target for ISIS to recruit women to become

“brides” and serve as producers and nurturers of the future generation Islamic fighters. Narratives

from Feminist Muslims however continuously use the Qur’an as a basis of their argument that

women are equal to men and deserve equal opportunities because “we are all children of Allah”

(Surah 29:13).
4.1 ISIS Recruitment Narratives

4.1.1 A Sense of “Community” (For diagram, see Appendix A)

The statement “You [Muslim sisters] are of us, and we of you” from The Carter Center

(2017) serves as the “speech act” it shows how they promote unity and a sense of having a

“community” that makes women more comfortable and empowered to be surrounded with women

or to be in a society wherein they share the same values and beliefs. The “storyline” is that there

is unity and sisterhood between Muslim women specifically “ISIS Brides” because of their shared

roles in society and at home. It becomes a strong point for ISIS recruitment because women from

the West are deprived of the feeling of being significant in life and in society, wherein ISIS

promotes a sense of belongingness which becomes a tactic for them to recruit more women to

become “brides”. ISIS “positions” “ISIS brides” that they belong to a community because they

are Muslim women and “brides” of Islamic fighters. Thus it is their right to be treated as “sisters”

because they are all chosen as “brides” to serve Allah and society and in addition to becoming

“ISIS brides” it comes with being treated as “sisters”, their duty is to be part of the ‘sisterhood’ in

the organization because of their role as “brides”.

4.1.2 The Importance of Women’s Roles (For diagram, see Appendix B)

Nicolas Lucont (2017) emphasized the importance of women’s roles and how it is

important for them to fulfill their service to Allah by marriage or by being “ISIS Brides”. This

statement from Fairuzza, one of the “ISIS Brides” from his interview states: “I was doing my duty

to Allah and to the army and I was there to be married again.” and it serves as the ‘speech act’.

The “storyline” is that although Fairuzza became a widow she still showed devotion in serving

Allah and is willing to marry again. ISIS “positions” Fairuzza and “ISIS brides” that in serving
Allah there should be devotion and willingness to continue on the role in society including a new

marriage. The right of “ISIS brides” present in this narrative is that they have the right to remarry

although not by force, they should be willing and it should be voluntary. Their duty as “ISIS

brides” is then to be of service to the next man whom she will be remarried to because by doing

this they are doing their role as “ISIS brides” and doing their service to Allah.

4.1.3 Women’s Representation Inside The Caliphate (For diagram, see Appendix C)

“[W]omen [in Daesh] now go to courts and openly talk of their issues. They find that they

are listened to and their issues are dealt with, without a need for bargaining or bribery.” (The Carter

Center, 2017) this text serves as the “speech acts” it states how women’s voices are heard simply

because they have the right to be heard and do not deprive them of anything includ ing

representation in courts and in society. The ‘storyline’ is that “ISIS brides” are given the platform

to be heard in society and that their issues will be surely be addressed and attended to. ISIS then

‘position’ “ISIS brides” that they have the opportunity to speak when they need to and to be heard

when they speak. The ‘right’ of “ISIS brides” present here is the right to go to courts or high

officials and let them raise their concerns and/or issues without negotiations. The ‘duty’ of “ISIS

brides” is to address their concerns in the Islamic community without hesitations because ISIS has

given them the power and opportunity to do so.

4.1.4 A Sense of “Fulfillment” (For diagram, see Appendix D)

The “speech acts” in this section is from a statement of Fadyaa, “People think that we were

forced into marriage but that’s not true. I was very excited to become a wife to an ISIS man. I had

already passed numerous exams on Islam, had my religious virtue vetted, and had my commitme nt

to Islam tested. I had memorized a whole plan on how I was going to keep house for a soldier, I
had learned how to nurse war wounds, and I had even learned how to clean rifles and guns.”

(Lucont, 2017). The “storyline” is that Fadyaa voluntarily joined the organization with no second

thoughts, is just thrilled going through the processes and examinations and actually studied the

religion for better qualifications. Although she knows she had to undergo a process to be a “bride”

she still wholeheartedly accepted the process and still showed excitement. ISIS “positions” Fadyaa

or “ISIS brides” are capable to decide whether to join or not join the organization. It is then a

“right” of “ISIS brides” to to participate in the selection process of brides. Lastly, it is a “bride’s”

‘duty’ to be knowledgeable of the responsibilities being a wife to an ISIS militant.

4.2 Feminist Muslim Narratives

4.2.1 Equality of Women with Men (For diagram, see Appendix E)

Ziba Mir-Hosseini (1997). The statement shows that there should be no hierarchy in the

family specifically between the “brides” and their husband fighters and serves as the ‘speech act’

for this diagram.. Including headship of the family, it does not depend on the stereotyped gender

roles rather the “bride” is seen as an equal and a companion with the husband (Mir-Hosseini,

1997). The “storyline” is that women and men share the same status and level inside and outside

of the household. Feminist Muslim narratives position Muslim women as an equal to her husband,

they are not lower than him nor even seen a servant but an equal to which she should possess the

same respect and opportunities. The right of Muslim women is to be called a partner and an equal

to their husbands and not a subordinate. Thus their duty is to fulfill her duties as a companion and

aid for her husband.

 4.2.2 Independence of Women from Men (For diagram, see Appendix F)

The storyline is “If a woman were an (economically) independent legal person (in

marriage) and did not have to depend on her husband for nafaqa (maintenance), she would not put

up with the indignity of an unjust tamkin (obedience) and a thousand and one other hardships; this

is what frightens men” (Hosseini, 1997) which means if a woman is stable on her own even if she

is married she can be then considered independent from her husband. Although they both live

under the same house, the Muslim woman cannot be put to shame or be treated unjustly because

she herself has the capability to provide for herself and for her family. Muslim women can gain

independence even within marriage if they are financially capable serves as the “storyline ”.

Feminist Muslim narratives ‘position’ Muslim women as a free person and an equal to her husband

if she is financially stable. It is then the ‘right’ of Muslim women to be financially stable inside

and outside of marriage and they have the ‘duty’ to be independent if they are financially stable

and do not have to be ashamed of being capable.

4.2.3 The Rights of Women (For diagram, see Appendix G)

The “speech act” is a scripture from the Qur’an saying “and for women are rights over men

similar to those of men over women” (QS al-Baqarah/2:226) which means that both sexes have

the right to have equal punishment for good and bad deeds. As what is seen in the story of Adam

and Eve, God did not just punish Eve for eating the fruit but He also punished Adam because he

too has the right to be responsible for the actions of his wife (Genesis 3). This has given women

the right to be treated equally to men, to be given opportunities similarly available to men and to

be punished equally like men. Since both are children of Allah both are then given the right to be

called children of Allah and to experience Allah’s blessings equally. The “storyline” here is that

there should be equality in giving rights because both men and women are children of Allah (Surah
29:13) Feminist Muslim narratives positions Muslim women into having rights similarly to men
and that they should have those rights because they too are children of Allah. The “right” of Muslim
women is to have rights exactly like men and their “duty” is to make sure that no one is above the
other especially when it comes to their rights.
4.3 Themes of Narratives
THEME ISIS Recruitment Narratives
A Sense of “Community” “You [Muslim sisters] are of
us, and we of you”
The Importance of Women’s “I was doing my duty to Allah
Roles and to the army and I was
there to be married again.”
Equality of Women with Men “[W]omen [in Daesh] now go
to courts and openly talk of
their issues. They find that
they are listened to and their
issues are dealt with, without
a need for bargaining or
bribery.”
A Sense of “Fulfillment” and “People think that we were
Willingness forced into marriage but that’s
not true. I was very excited to
become a wife to an ISIS man.
I had already passed numerous
exams on Islam, had my
religious virtue vetted, and had
my commitment to Islam
tested. I had memorized a
whole plan on how I was
going to keep house for a
soldier, I had learned how to
Feminist Muslim Narratives
“A woman is not her
husband’s mere subordinate
but his partner, companion
and aide ” “A woman is not
her husband’s mere
subordinate but his partner,
companion and aide ”
“and for women are rights
over men similar to those of
men over women”
“If a woman were an
(economically) independent
legal person (in marriage) and
did not have to depend on her
husband for nafaqa
(maintenance), she would not
put up with the indignity of an
unjust tamkin (obedience) and
a thousand and one other
hardships; this is what
frightens men”
 nurse war wounds, and I had
even learned how to clean
rifles and guns.”

This chapter focused on the ‘rights’ and ‘duties’ of “ISIS brides” in the ISIS recruitme nt

narratives and the ‘rights’ and ‘duties’ of Muslim women in feminist Muslim narratives. From a

broad set of themes, this chapter has specified narratives or texts that are used to be applied in the

framework to better understand how ISIS recruitment narratives and feminist Muslim narratives

position “ISIS brides” and Muslim women. The table presents the counterpart of ISIS recruitme nt

narratives and feminist Muslim narratives to analyze the counter-discourse available. Based on the

table, the narratives do not clash with one another but possess similarities in context therefore

feminist Muslim narratives cannot be used as counter-discourses to the recruitment of “ISIS

brides”. The narratives of the feminist Muslims are too broad and do not mentio n “ISIS brides”

while the narratives of ISIS are very particular thus it cannot be countered.
 CHAPTER V:

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Feminist Muslim narratives and the way they position Muslim women can not be used as

a possible counter-discourse in the recruitment of “ISIS brides”. Although Feminist Muslim

narratives presented numerous arguments which emphasized the rights and real status of Muslim

women under Islam, it was not able to challenge specific ISIS’ beliefs and ISIS recruitme nt

narratives. The Feminist Muslim narratives was not able to showcase how ISIS misused the

teachings from the Qur’an as well as its abuses towards the rights of the “ISIS brides” because the

possible counter-arguments presented were too broad and was not specific on ISIS and “ISIS

brides”. ISIS were able to successfully portray the beautiful life waiting for the Muslim women

when they become “brides”. ISIS appropriates and aligns their teachings to the Qur’an and the

feminist Muslim narratives which serves as a justification for the treatment of “ISIS brides” that

becoming a “bride” is fulfilling their right and duty in serving Allah and ISIS as the true Islamic

caliphate.

The ISIS recruitment narratives position “ISIS brides” in a platform that these “brides” can

enjoy equal opportunities with men and that they will not experience subordination but a life

beautifully lived. The “ISIS brides” are given the right to be involved in the Islamic community, a

right for their voices to be heard in times of crisis, and ISIS makes them (the “brides”) feel that

their involvement or presence in the caliphate is significant. The narratives of feminist experts in

a broad setting state that Muslim women can also enjoy equal opportunities with men to the point

that the narratives of ISIS recruitment and feminist Muslim experts are similar and aligned. The

‘rights’ and ‘duties’ of “ISIS brides” in the context of the recruitment narratives of ISIS and the
‘rights’ and ‘duties’ of Muslim women in feminist Muslim narratives show similarity in context

and does not oppose the ideas.

5.1 Significance of Results

There is no clash present in the analysis of ISIS recruitment narratives and feminist Muslim

narratives. Feminist Muslim narratives is a weak counter-discourse because ISIS has successfully

used the teachings of the Qur’an as a recruitment strategy for “ISIS brides”. The themes of feminist

Muslim narratives were presented in a general form since literature or statements regarding “ISIS

brides” were not available and feminist Muslim experts generally pertain to these women as

Muslim women and not “brides”. Although Feminist Muslim narratives regarded numerous

arguments which emphasized the rights and duties of Muslim women under Islam, it was still not

able to counter the recruitment strategy of ISIS. Based on the analysis of the of the narratives using

Positioning Theory the ‘rights’ and ‘duties’ of the recruitment of ISIS and of feminist Muslim

narratives are similar although feminist Muslim narratives present their interpretations in a general

view, they still did not counter the recruitment narratives of ISIS.

In addition, the recruitment narratives of ISIS are aligned with the feminist interpretatio ns

of the Qur’an because both present that Muslim women have equality with men and both narratives

promotes women empowerment. Therefore, there is still a gap between the recruitment of “ISIS

brides” and how it can the recruitment be countered. Seeing that both narratives of ISIS and of

feminist Muslim narratives agree with each other and possess similarity, this can be problematic

and alarming for feminist Muslim experts because ISIS is continuously using religion and no gaps

are seen because ISIS fits into the ideology of Islam.

 As students of International Studies, this study encompasses both the International Politics

and Gender studies track. On one hand, this study is significant in the field of International Politics

as it raised the issue of “ISIS brides” recruitment which is a humanita rian and international security

issue currently faced by the international community that is constantly being challenged by milita nt

groups such as ISIS. On the other hand, this study also contributes in the field of Gender studies

as it attempted to curate a counter-discourse to the recruitment and involvement of Western women

in Syria as “ISIS brides” which used Muslim women and “ISIS brides” as the main object of the

study to aid in to broadening the understanding of the roles of women in the Islamic society.

5.2 Future Research

The researchers recommend to have further studies to better understand the status of

Muslim women specifically “ISIS Brides” within ISIS territory and to understand more how the

recruitment process is being done. Previous studies has pointed out that there are Western women

who are being recruited easily by ISIS because of the deprivation being experienced in their homes

or countries and there are certain reasons that have not yet identified. There are numerous cases of

young women leaving their families without enough explanation on why they chose to migrate to

Islamic territory that also becomes a problem of the State because of the unexplainable exit of their

citizens to a dangerous territory that can be alarming to State security.

Due to the lack of counter-discourses for the “ISIS brides” recruitment, the researchers

emphasize the need to prioritize in undertaking studies which could counter the narratives of ISIS

on the topic of “ISIS brides”, as there are no available counter discourses specifically done on the

topic. The researchers also recommend to interview Feminist Muslim experts to experience first

hand the collection of data and to possibly have clarifications and better understanding. In addition,
the researchers recommend those who are interested in using this topic as their future research to

look for more accounts on the lives of “ISIS Brides” or those who were recruited or even ran away

from the ISIS community.

 APPENDIX

Appendix A.

ISIS Recruitment Narratives: A Sense of “Community”

Appendix B.

ISIS Recruitment Narratives: The Importance of Women’s Roles

Appendix C.

ISIS Recruitment Narratives: Women’s Representation Inside The Caliphate

Appendix D.

ISIS Recruitment Narratives: A Sense of “Fulfillment”

Appendix E.

Feminist Muslim Narratives: Equality of Women with Men

Appendix F.

Feminist Muslim Narratives: Independence of Women from Men

Appendix G.

Feminist Muslim Narratives: The Rights of Women

 DEFINITION OF TERMS

Allah – Aramaic term for God; the supreme being

Bilaad ash shaam – literally: land of the north; land on the the left-hand

Bismillah – literally: in the name of God, the merciful and compassionate

Daesh – acronym for the Arabic phrase al-Dawla al-Islamiya al-Iraq al-Sham (Islamic State of

Iraq and the Levant)

Dabiq – a town in Northern Syria; an Islamic self-produced magazine by ISIS

Discourse analysis – analysis of elements of a language that extend or operate beyond the sentence

Duties – are tasks or responsibilities; moral or legal obligations of an individual

Feminist Muslim Narratives – are the teachings, interpretations of Feminist Muslims on the

Quran and the applications of it in their everyday lives.

Hijra – migration for the cause of Allah

ISIS Brides – are women who are recruited by ISIS and who are married to a member of the

organization; serves as the subject of the research

ISIS – is the Islamic State of Iraq and al Sham (Greater Syria); a jihadist militant group that is

known for recruiting women to become their “brides.”

Jihad – a fight against the enemies of Islam

Jihadi – an individual fighting in the name of Islam; an Islamic militant; a reformer

Mullah – a religious Muslim trained in religious law and doctrine

Positioning Triangle – is a representation of the relations of position of speech and other acts, and

storyline. The triangle shows how speech and other acts together with storyline affects the position.

(van Langenhove and Harré, 1999)

Position – is the factor wherein rights and duties are dependent on (Harré and Moghaddam, 2003)
Qu’ran – is the central religious text of Islam and basis of Feminist Muslim narratives.

Rights – are things that one is morally or legally entitled to do or have

Surah – literally: “chapter” [usually from the Qu’ran]

Speech acts – words uttered with purpose and effect as the minimal units of human

communication. Considered as the object’s perspective on specific issues or scenarios (van

Langenhove and Harre, 1999)

Storyline – refers to the background or context of the narrative, ‘the study of how, why and when

people tell their and to whom (Harre, 2003)

Ummah – literally: the Islamic community

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