.,i.11 ^') 1UdII.

A fi i"'1A 0/1(1 Asiant studies 6 (2007) _321-345

Dynamics of Ethnic Identity Among

the Siddis of Hyderabad

Ababu MindaYimene
Max-Planck Institute for Social Anthropology, Advokatenweg 36,
06114 Halle/Saale, Germany
E-mail: yimene@aeth.mpg.de

Abstract
The existing commercial contact between India and Africa since prehistoric times grew substan-
tially since the rise of Islam in the 7th century, leaped to its climax during the middle ages and
continued until the second half of the 20th century. This commercial relationship involved the
trade in humans from Africa to Asia. Many African war captives were sold as slaves in India to
serve as domestics and infantries among the aristocracy of rising Islamic kingdoms while some
emigrated by free will and settled in India engaging in various occupations. Descendants of
African slaves and immigrants, who are locally known as Siddis, presently live in various geo-
graphical pockets of India forming their own ethnic enclaves amidst their host societies. The
main Siddi communities in India are located in Gujarat, Hyderabad, Karnataka, in the Bombay
region and along the western coast, including Goa. 'Ihe Siddis of Hyderabad, like the other Siddi
communities are changing fast, yielding to modern demands and trends. National and global
pressures strongly militate against their tradition and change in their identity has I,. cn inevitable.
As a result of their intermarriage with other ethnic communities and adoption ,! either In,liaif
or Arab identities, today's Siddis have little resemblance to their predecessors. this st udy shos s
that the Siddis are moving in divergent directions of assimilation. Many Modem Siddis are
assimilating into the Yemeni Arab community of Hyderabad while Christian Siddis identify
themselves with the Indian Christian population. Moslem and Christian Siddis are accused by
each other as being pro-Pakistan Islamic radicals and `Hindu nationalism' adherents respectively.
The Siddis, although historically constituted a single ethnic community, are in the process of a
significant identity change by joining two ideologically differing groups.

Keywords
Siddi, Habshi, Afro-Indians, Ethnicity, Identity, Migration

Introduction
Africa, like all ancient civilizations, has been intimately connecr.d with the
history of slavery, both as a continent of slave holding societies and as a source
of slaves for ancient civilizations, the Islamic world, India, and t'ddc Americas.

© Koninklijke I1ri11 NV, Leiden, 2007 DOT: 10.1163/15692090"X:.12_268


322 A. M. Yimene / African and Asian Studies 6 (2007) 321-345
Slavery is not uniquely African; all ancient civilizations had servile institu-
tions. What makes Africa a special case in point is the magnitude and close-
ness to the contemporary era. Many agree that the main source of slavery
among the peoples of sub-Saharan Africa were the prevalent wars among the
various peoples of the continent. "The tribe that mourns to-day the loss of its
young men and maidens, is ready on the morrow with heart and hand to carry
on amongst others the work of captivity; and the victor of one hour may be
vanquished in the next" (Harris 1968, vol. I: 388; vol. II: 322; Lovejoy 1983:
1, 20). Since prehistoric times, the war captives of the continent's existing
inter-group conflicts were enslaved, and were either retained to work for their
masters or sold to other parts of the world including India.
The earliest information concerning the slave trade on the East African
coast comes from The Periplus of the Eritrean Sea, which says that Ras Hafun
(present day Somalia) "produces better sorts of slaves" (Pankhurst 1972: 1). It
is presumed, with relative certainty, that an equal or probably even greater
slave trade than the transatlantic one was conducted across the Red Sea and
the Indian Ocean since the rise of Islam in the seventh century. Besides,b
whereas the Transatlantic Slave Trade took place roughly from 1440 to 1870,
the slave trade in the Indian Ocean probably went on for millennia (Lovejoy
1983: 21; Segal 2001: 61).
The trade in African slaves to India should be seen as a further continuation
of the general trade transaction that was going on between the two continents.
Gujarati merchants used to trade in Africa, selling Indian commodities and
buying in return African raw material that was required in India. The most
important item sought by Indian traders was African ivory. These traders had
difficulties in transporting the purchased materials from inland Africa to the
coast as much of the African terrain was inaccessible and very difficult for any
mode of transportation. Since African elephants produce huge tusks, trans-
porting the purchased ivory to the coast was a serious challenge. It was relatively
easier to buy slaves who would carry the ivory; and much profitable to sell
both, the carried and the carrier, when arriving at the coast (Segal 2001: 159).
As the demand for more labor grew in rising Asian empires, the trade in
humans became more lucrative than the trade in ivory or other items. The
profit margin of the slave trade increased tenfold in the 19th century. It was
much higher than the trade in any other commodity as it was possible to buy
slaves in the interior of Africa, in most cases, cheaper than most commodities.
As the incessant internal war among neighboring ethnic groups of Africa con-
tinued, the abundant supply of slaves could not be hindered. Both the demand
for and supply of slaves reached its climax when traders supplied war-mongering
groups with modern weapons, thereby fuelling the existing inter-ethnic
A. M. Yimene /African and Asian Studies 6 (2007) 321-345 323
clashes. In this way, the slave trade not only accompanied the trade in com-
modities but also gradually replaced it in many areas. The Indian Ocean slave
trade was part of the general commercial network of the region (Colomb
1968: 96; Toledano 1998: 69).
The profit margin of the female slave trade was more than that of the males.
In Moslem India, unlike in the case of the Americas, slaves were mainly needed
for domestic labor and concubinage and not for plantation labor. -1herefore,
female slaves had a higher demand than males. Besides, the slay` waders pre-
ferred female slaves because they were objects of sexual entertainment during
the long trek on the African terrain which in most cases took several months.
Women also serve the merchants in preparing their food along the journey.
Moreover, women showed less resistance than men who tried to escape along
the way. Therefore it is assumed that, whereas the ratio of male to female slaves
is two to one in the transatlantic Slave Trade, it is the other way round in the
Oriental slave trade (Segal 1995: 4; 2001: 61).
Although Africans have been crossing the Indian Ocean for over a millennium,
most of those who make up the Afro-Indian population in India came in the
-"past five hundred years. Not all of them were brought as slaves as India's caste
society provided ample cheap labor for the ruling elite. Some were free adven-
turers, midwives, herbalists, musicians, sailors, job seekers, merchants and
even conquerors. It is evident from 14th century reports that A(ricans were
soon prominent in several parts of India. The largest concentration of Africans
was found in the western part of India, particularly in and around port cities
facing Africa. It is reported that there were about 40,000 soldiers and 12,000
artisans of African origin in Delhi alone in the 14th century (Muthanna 1956:
57, 65).
Arab and European sources clearly show the selling of African slaves from
Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Zanzibar, Kilwa, and coastal towns of eastern Africa
to the Arab world and India, by Arabs and wealthy Gujarati trading castes one
of which is known as Bhatia. Muscat, the capital of Oman, was the trans-shipment
center of the slave trade, transporting slaves from these African coastal towns
and islands to the Arab countries along the coast of the Persian C :!IF and India.
Until the second half of the 19th century, thousands of Africans numbering
between 10,000 and 20,000 stemming from eastern and central Africa were
annually dispersed to Asian countries via the Red Sea, Tajura, Berbera, and
Zanzibar. A substantial portion of those Africans, whose descendants are pres-
ently known as Siddis, arrived in India through the ports of Gujarat and Bom-
bay (Base 1995: 44; 2001: 4). The commercial towns of Cambay, Cutch and
Mundra were major ports of the Sultanate of Delhi through which Africans
reached Indian soil.
3 24 A. M. Yinrene / African and Asian Studies 6 (2007),321-,345
As mentioned above, the main need for Africans in India was for domestic
work and concubinage but also increasingly as infantry for rising and expanding
Moslem kingdoms. India had always been a producer of cheap labor and there
was no need as such for additional African labor. Nonetheless, despite the
abundance of cheap labor in India, many still had Africans as domestic ser-
vants to display their wealth. Similarly, after the Portuguese conquered Goa in
the mid-16th century, they maintained a regiment at Diu, a port on the shore
of the peninsula of Saurashtra, consisting of 600 African soldiers (Colomb
1968: 23f, 50-2, 58, 85, 100f; Beachey 1976: 6, 48; Lovejoy 1983: 224; Manning
1990: 139; Harris 1996: 10).
Segal (2001: 71) estimates that about 250,000 descendants of Africans still
live amongst the Indian people, mainly in Ahmadabad, Surat, Cutch, Hyder-
abad, Goa, Bombay, Yellapur, and around Habshi Kot. They are a vast and
diverse population spread throughout India with separate histories and unique
roles within the Indian strata. Known as Siddis and Habshi (to mean Abyssinian
but the individual may not necessarily be so), Africans served as administra-
tors, military generals, soldiers, sailors and clerks. It is difficult to speak of the
Siddis as a singular group as they came from vastly different parts of Africa and
through many periods of history. Culturally, most Siddis, even if they maih- 1
taro some of their ancestral traditions, are integrated into the vast spectrum of
Indian society like many immigrant peoples ranging from the Jews who fled
Israel in the 2nd and 3rd centuries, to the Zoroastrians who fled Iran in the
advent of Islamic expansion. Most of these Africans were employed as soldiers
and bodyguards by the ruling elite of Indian society which enabled them to
play a decisive role in Indian political history. Since Siddis had very little con-
tact with their country of origin they naturalized themselves to Indian soil and
culture, and took active interest in the country's affairs. Most of them were
converted to Islam and became loyal soldiers and servants of India's Moslem
kingdoms. Several achieved positions of authority and became kings, generals,
rich philanthropists, administrators and ministers. In fact, some rose to the
highest authority and set up their own dynasties. Pankhurst (1972: 53), quoting
Ross, says, "Like the Turks who founded dynasties throughout the Moham-
medan world, these Habshis usually began as slaves, and seem to have shown
the same wonderful capacity, as did the Turks, for rising from slavery to the
highest positions".
Establishment of the African Cavalry Guards in Hyderabad
Hyderabad, the capital of Andhra Pradesh, is the fifth largest city in India with
a population of five million and an ancient culture and civilization . Hyderabad
A. M. Yimene /African and Asian Studies 6(2007)321-345 325
is proud of its wealth in varieties of cultures and the unique position it has in
the history of the country. This cosmopolitan city is known as the city of
minarets due to the presence of several mosques displaying huge minarets.
Art, architecture, culture, people groups, and religions form a unique blend in
Hyderabad. Over the centuries, this variety evolved into a great integrated
cultural landscape.
Driving on the main highway that cuts across the city, one takes to the city's
main business areas known as Mehdipatnam. Between Mehdip:itnam and
Lakdi ka Pul, one of the city's busy quarters, there is a newly constructed fly-
over highway and a reasonably modern hospital called Mahaveer Hospital.
Less than 100 metres away from the Masab Tank fly-over and chind the
Mahaveer Hospital is located the old military barrack of the Nizam of Hyderabad
State, which is known as AC Guards. The name AC Guards stands for the
former African Cavalry Guards of the Hyderabad State which was stationed
e-there since late 19th century.
The history of the African Cavalry Guards is scanty. Some of the available
information in the literature is not based on academic research but on per-
sonal conjecture. The Siddis themselves know very little about the history of
the army of which they were a part. One needs to depend mostly on the oral
accounts of the people themselves to learn about the coming of Africans to
Hyderabad. However, their oral descriptions seem relatively trustworthy
because they are validated by the scanty documentary information available.
Besides, the oral accounts I collected from different individuals are similar at
least on the main issues. Mr. Mohammood bin Farzullah, a Siddi of Zanzibari
origin, who claims to be more than hundred years old, is a respected elder by
the Siddis of AC Guards. He is one of the few Siddis who know their history
and of their military cantonment. He narrated their history in Urdu as fol-
lows, the English translation which was done by my assistant is as follows:
"My father was working on a certain British ship while he was in Zanzibar. He was
very young - not yet even married. One day, their ship came to Bombay for business.
My father and some of his friends decided to stay in Bombay rather than going back
home because they found life much better here than in Zanzibar.
"At that time, Mahboob Ali Khan, the ninth Nizam (king) and the fourth Asif Jah,
went to Bombay with his Hindu official whose title was Maharaja. Mahboob Ali
Khan saw some of the Africans in Bombay. After he came back to Hyderabad he sent
back his Maharaja to bring some of the Africans so that they would be his bodyguards.
Then the Maharaja brought twelve Africans, but the Nizrnn was discontent an,i
ordered him to bring more. Then the Maharaja (prime minister) brought three hun-
dred of them, of whom my father was one.
"hey were settled in Goshamel, a residence quarter specially prepared for them. It
was very close to the Nizam's palace. That was about 150 years ago. The Africans were
 326 A. M. Yimene /African and Asian Studies 6 (2007) 321-345
trained to be the Nizam's bodyguards and that was what they were doing until 1948.
Later on, AC Guards, the present cantonment, was established and the Africans reset-
tled there. I was born in AC Guards.
"Our forefathers didn't bring women with them. So, they had to intermarry with
the local people. When talking to their wives they used to communicate with signs
and picked up a few words since their arrival in India. They knew only some essential
words and phrases like, `give me food, come, how are you'. The Africans couldn't com-
municate among themselves either since they were from various African countries and
language groups. That is why they couldn't pass their culture to us properly. When we
buried our fathers we buried their culture with them and became Indians".
Mrs. Sharifa Bi, another Siddi elder, gave me a slightly different account of the
arrival of the Siddis. She believes that the Raja of Wanaparthy, a district ruler
under the Nizam of Hyderabad, brought fifty-two men and twenty-seven
women from Africa and gave them to the Nizam who made them his body-
guards. Hamad bin Abdullah, one of my informants, said that "the Raja of
Wanaparthy brought some twenty Africans and gave them to the Nizam. The
Nizam asked the Africans to go to their country and bring more of their peo-
ple. They went to `South Africa' (South Africa here means Africa in general)
and brought three hundred of them from different parts of the continent. But
since they lived together they all were known as either Siddis or Habshis. They
were tall, handsome and strong men. That was why they were presented to the
Nizam who made them his bodyguards". Mr. Feroz bin Abdullah, another
elderly person of the community, is knowledgeable of their history, but, his
version of their history slightly differs from the account of others.
"The Raja of Wanaparthy, who was ruling Mahboobneger under the government of
Hyderabad State had about twenty-five African bodyguards. They were known as the
African Body Guards (ABG). Some people asked the Nizam why he doesn't have
African bodyguards while his junior officials, the Raja and Sultan Newab Jung, have
their own. The Nizam asked the Raja about this. The Raja said, `Yes your highness, I
have African bodyguards whom I brought up as my own children'. Realizing the
Nizam's interest in the Africans, the Raja presented his own bodyguards to the
Nizam
including his own private land as their place of settlement on which today's AC Guards
is built. They became the Nizams bodyguards since then.
"Moreover, the Nizam asked Sultan Newab Jung to go to Africa and bring more
Africans for him. The Sultan went to South Africa (South Africa here means Africa in
general) and brought two hundred and seventy-five Africans from two places known
as Zanzibar and Zeila Mak'tal. That was some three hundred years agp. All were Mos-
lems excepting for five of them. My paternal great grandfather was among those Mos-
lem Africans who came at that time. His name was Iser bin Baqeeth. The Nizam
received the Siddis at Bombay and asked them what they wanted. They asked for
houses and were givien them straightaway. Later on, they joined the Nizams body-
guards and were given the quarters of AC Guards.
327
A. M. Yimene /African and Asian Studies 6 (2007) 321-345
"I do not believe that there were women who accompanied them. If there were
women who came together with our forefathers, today's Hyderabad would have been
full of Africans. We could also have kept our African culture and language. Our hair
would have been curly and not straight. Of course, there were a few Indian born
women who later on came from the Raja's place and joined them. But they were
descendants of Africans who have been in the country for a long time before our fore-
fathers arrived. The women were already like Indians both in appearance and culture.
"The Siddis' main assignment was to accompany and entourage the Nizain espe-
cially during his Salgira, the annual celebration of his coronation day. All the officials
of his kingdom used to bring tributes to the Nizam on his Salgira and it was the duty
of the Siddis to receive and put them in the royal treasury. It was also customary for
the Nizam to present gifts to his Siddi bodyguards on that day.
"Later on Siddis were trained in marshal arts and became a unit o; the Nizam
regular army, renamed as the African Cavalry Guards. The size of the Ali icon Cavalry
Guards was a fixed number of three hundred. They were recruited after much scrutiny
because physical strength was highly demanded. That was why only Africans could
join the unit. They were trained for six months in horse riding, trotting, galloping and
jumping. They were also trained to tame and massage the wild horses who the British
brought from Australia. The horses had to wear horseshoes. The Siddis used to pro-
duce the horseshoes and train the horses wear them. The members of this unit were
known as sepoy or line-boys. When one from the unit dies or is unable to continue,
his'son, who should not be less than sixteen years old, is allowed to join the unit and
support the family. The line-boys were paid, in addition to several kilos of rice, eight
Rupees a month for six months and fourteen Rupees after that. Harry Francis and his
son Ronald Francis were notable Christian Siddis among the early sepoy".
The coming of some of the Africans to Hyderabad has to do with the political
and economic relations of Andra Pradesh with countries of the Middle East.
For example, Maculla, which is situated on the seaboard midway between
Aden and Muscat, had strong trade relations with the Hyderabad State . This was
rnain due to the significant presence of mercantile Gujaraties working in
Maculla and many wealthy Arabs of Maculla in Hyderabad . Maculla had a
considerable African population working at its docks. Many of those Africans later
on emigrated to Bombay using Arab dhows . As Ali ( 1995: 193 ) notes, "We see
a large number of Negroes... There was a considerable importation of slaves".
In 1869, a British official reported that many African women slaves and,
men disguised as women, posed as wives and daughters of the dealers in order
to pass by the Bombay customs (Harris 1996: 101-2). Similarly, residents of
Hyderabad confirmed that a number of Africans were imported into the city
as domestics and that many Arabs returned from pilgrimage to Mecca, which
was one of the centres of the slave trade, with one or two Africans who posed
as members of the family.
However, the eyewitnesses did not agree that the Siddis were slaves in
Hyderabad or that they were brought from Arabia against their will. After
 A. M. Yimene l African and Asian Studies 6 (2007) 321-3-t5 329
328 A. M. Yimene /African and Asian Studies 6(2007) 321-315

their arrival in Hyderabad the Africans would leave their masters and work for Kharitabad 4 Lakdi ka Pul B,,r Ghar

others. They were satisfied family members of their masters. the Siddis were Lakdi ka
Pul
already arabized in their culture and claimed to be Arabs. Some Siddis of the
Nilofer -^
AC Guards still trace their origin to Maculla, Aden and other Arab port towns. 4 Kharitabad RAJ BAUAN ROAD Road
Nampallc
The Siddis were gradually employed in the armed forces of the Hyderabad
State.
It was the Raja of Wanaparthy who first collected and resettled a commu- I hummala
Basri Road
nity of Africans in his domain. Wanaparthy, located in Mahboobneger, which
Road Road
is some hundred kilometres far from the Hyderabad city, was a district of the
Hyderabad State and ruled by a dynasty of Rajas who were subjects of the AC GUARDS MAIN ROAD

Nizarn. Raja Rameshwar Rao I of Wanaparthy had a desire to build a disci-

plined army of African personnel. He collected the Africans available in the JNTU
Mahavecr
region and imported some from East African ports and organized them into Lane Marg
two regiments. One was known as the African Bodyguard, and the other, a
cavalry, the Wanaparthy Lancers, which later on was renamed as the Golconda Chirnal B
Bann A
Lancers. A cantonment at Makhtal in Mahboobneger district was established S
T
for them. During a conflict between the Raja and the forces of the Nizam, the I AC GUARDS
British intervened and helped them to sign a peace treaty in which the Raja M
M
A
presented his army to the Nizam while being assigned to the office of the N
Inspector General of the Nizam's armed forces. The Nizam also acknowledged R
the Raja's autonomy. After the death of the Raja, the African Cavalry and the 0 Veer Neger
A
African Bodyguards were merged to form what is known as the African Cav- D
T
alry Guards. The Makhtal cantonment was abolished and the establishment Prem
MR. SHYAM RAO NEGER Shansi
Dhobi Gha
was transferred to Lakdi Ka Pul or Kharitabad. Neger k Neger

Although the precise date is not known for certain, the barrack is assumed R
to have been constructed more than 100 years ago. The old houses still retain Saifa Bad PG Science Road
U

Prem a
the roofs made of bricks indicating European, more precisely British, work- Negev d
manship. The original appearance of the quarters has changed through time 4-- BANJARA HILLS Millampally
because most houses have been rebuilt several times. Some of the present Road No 12

1s' Lancer / / 1" Lancer

houses were stables of the army horses. The entire AC Guards' neighbour- Road No.
Banjara Hills I„
12 Lancer
hood, which was a forest by then, is engulfed by the metropolis and has
become one of its busy mercantile areas. The quarters of the AC Guards are
permanently given to the African soldiers of the Nizam as their residence, free
Figure 1
of charge. AC Guards quarters include ten rows of houses, each row consisting
A map showing AC Guards and its' vicinities (Minda 2004: 137)
twenty quarters, ten of which face one direction and the other ten facing the
opposite direction.
The total number of the quarters is two hundred. However, the total size of known as Chintal Basti, Veer Neger, Dhobi Ghat, Mr Shyam Rao Neger, and
the households exceeds this number because some houses are shared by two or Lakdi ka Pul. Due to the continuous growth of the city and the subsequent
three households who have close relationships. Besides, some Siddi house- rise of house-rents in the area, the young Siddis are forced to lock for houses
holds reside outside the quarters, mainly in the surrounding neighborhoods in the nearby neighborhoods after they get married and have children.
 A. M. Yimene /African and Asian Studies 6 (2007) 321-345 331
330 A. M. Yimene /African and Asian Studies 6 (2007) 321-345

According to one estimate, presently the number of Siddis of Hyderabad dialogue I had with my informant in Urdu shows the ambivalence and/or
residing in the AC Guards quarters are more than 3000 (Ali 1995: 199). elasticity of Siddi identity. I have done this dialogue several times with other
Excepting for about 20 Christian households, the others are Sunni Moslems. informants as well in which the results are always the same.
A Christian Siddi household is smaller than a Moslem one further enlarging
the demographic difference of the two Siddi communities. Researcher: Are you Siddi?
Since India's independence and the unification of the country's princely Informant: Yes.
Researcher: Are you African?
states, the Siddis of Hyderabad were relieved of their military assignments
Informant: Yes.
with pensions and gifts of free houses. Since then, India has seen a shift in the Researcher: Are you Indian?'
balance of power in which the minority Moslem ruling elites are replaced by Informant: Yes.
the majority Hindus and their rule. This shift of political power has gradually Researcher: Are you Bin?'
been followed by the shift of the economic balance as well. The Siddi ex-soldiers, Informant: Yes.
Researcher: Are you Somali?
like the Yemeni ex-soldiers stationed at Barkus, had neither wealth nor literacy
Informant: Yes.
by the time they were discharged from the army. The pension was not enough Researcher: Are you Habshij3
to sustain their growing family size. Subsequent to India's rapid advance Informant: Yes.
towards modernization, the changing circumstances of life procured a huge Researcher: Are you Arab?
section of social `misfits' out of the unwary Siddis and the likes of them. In Informant: Yes.
Researcher: Are you Negro?"
modern India, education is pivotal for a sound share of opportunities in life.
Informant: Yes.
The Siddi community of Hyderabad is one of India's non-literate societies that Researcher: Are you Yemeni?
stood on loosing economic grounds. Informant: Yes.
This reality has exerted pressure on the ethnic identity of the Siddis. They Researcher: Are you Black?
have slowly realized that they need to undergo cultural change in accordance Informant: Yes.
Researcher: Are you Chaushj5
to the needs and demands of modernization. They have learnt that their com-
Informant: Yes.
munity cannot live in isolation from or remain unaffected by the surrounding
circumstances of change. It is here that we notice the struggle between identity
Very few Siddis know for certain which part of Africa their forefathers came
maintenance and change. The forces of tradition are doing their best to hold
from. However, those Siddis whose roots are in Somalia know precisely not
on to old values while the new is adamant to change. It is interesting to see
only which country their ancestors came from but to which specific clan they
that both the values of cultural survival and of change are going hand in hand
belonged. Mr. Abdullah bin Mohammad, a Siddi of Somali origin of the
although the tide pushes more forcefully to the latter. The Siddis' songs, musi-
Haberyenus clan, narrated his descent as Abdullah bin Mohammad bin Hassan
cal instruments and dance, their traditional sports and games are examples of
cultural survival.
The immigrants came from various African countries and at different periods
of time. Some stopped over in other countries and even stayed there many ' If I ask the Siddi whether they feel they are Indians or Africans some say they are Indians
while others say they are Africans.
years before they arrived in India. Some came to India from Somalia and Zan-
2 Bin which means "son of" is used in Siddi naming, like Mohammad bin Hussein. This is
zibar via Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Bahrain, Oman, Iraq and Pakistan. They lived one of the things that they have in common with their Arab colleagues. The Siddi are proud to
in those countries for a considerable time working mainly in port cities. They introduce themselves as bin which means "I am Arab, or at least, Arab-like".
and their children spoke Arabic and naturalized themselves to the culture and This refers to a Siddi of African origin and not necessarily to a Siddi of Ethiopian origin.
This word is not at all derogatory among the Siddi. They are proud to call themselves
the country of their transit led their descendants to wrongly assume that their Negroes as they are proud to call themselves Arabs. It is widely used in India by the Siddi them-
forefathers were originally from those countries. Moreover, since their arrival selves and others.
in India, they lived and worked with other Arab immigrants to the extent that 5 Chaush is a name given to the Yemeni communities living in Hyderabad. [bee are proud to
they were considered as landsmen and assimilated by the latter. The following call themselves Chaush. I was told that the word is used to denote mercenary solders, some of
332 A. M. Yimene IAfrican andAsian Studies 6(2007) 321-345
bin Farah bin Ismail bin Abdullah bin Osman bin Shire bin Shirdon bin Abane
bin Burare. Another Siddi of Somali origin, who belongs to the Sayed Garha-
gis clan, said he is Omar bin Ali bin Hassan bin Qothah bin Fahiye bin Guled
bin Mah bin Belle bin Ugadyan bin All bin Musse bin Ismail bin Are.
Mr Mohamood bin Farzullah knows that his father came from Zanzibar. It is
easier for him to know his origin because it was his father who was the immi-
grant unlike others whose forefathers have been in India for three to seven
generations. Mr Feroz bin Abdullah, another Siddi of Zanzibari origin, told
me that his father used to greet his friends with the following Swahili words:
Jambo? (How are you?)
Sana (fine)
Haber ghani (formal greeting `How are you?'), or Haber ingema (a corrupted form or
a dialectal variation of the same.)
Historical accounts indicate that most of the early Siddis were devout Mos-
lems. It was the first Siddi settlers of AC Guards who built the biggest mosque
of the community known as Bilal Habshi Mosque. Five other mosques have
been built in AC Guards since then. On Fridays most Siddis go to Bilal Hab-
shi and Rahmania mosques, the two prominent mosques of the community.
The elderly Siddis observe the dietary rules of fasting on Fridays until namas
prayers are over at 2:00 pm. However, young Siddis are not known for their
religious strictness. The local Moslems often accuse them of religious leniency,
drunkenness, homosexuality, adultery, sexual indulgence, excessive appetite,
idolatry, notoriety, laziness, untidiness, begging and immorality. According to
the state-owned newspaper Express Newsline (December 12 1996), "The Siddi,
brought from Africa centuries ago, are in the web of illiteracy, alcoholism and
poverty". In order to relieve themselves of such prejudice, some Siddis have
relocated to other areas while few well to do families sent their children to
modern schools in foreign countries.
Christian Siddis of AC Guards
The Christian Siddis are less than 150 in number. The only church of AC
Guards is known as the Shrine of Our Lady of Health. It was built in 1903/04
by the Christian Africans of the Nizam's army who, according to a recent bul-
whom belong to the Yemeni community. The Siddi like to be regarded as Chaush, like their
Yemeni neighbors. The etymon of Chaush seems to be the English chausses which refers to armor
for the legs and feet used in Medieval times. The word might have been used to refer to the
Yemeni army of British India whose military uniform included chausses.
A. M. Yimene /African and Asian Studies 6 (2007) 321-345 333
letin of the church, were in the 3rd Battalion of the infantry. I was told that
the Christian and Moslem Siddis helped each other in the construction of the
church and a mosque named after Bilal Habshi, the Abyssinian muezzin of the
Prophet Mohammad. A new octagonal church was built attached to the original
whose foundation stone was laid by the Nizam of Hyderabad, Mr Osman Ali
Khan Fateh Jung on 27th December, 1954 and was inaugurated five years
later on 8th February, 1959 by the same Nizam.
Some Moslem Siddis come to the church either to ask for help from the
parish priest or to attend Mass. A young Siddi of Moslem parents is a member
of the church choir while at the same time claiming to be a Moslem. The boy
There are
also visits mosques and Moslem shrines known in Urdu as durgha.
some intermarriages between the Christian and the Moslem Siddis. Intermar-
riage is mainly between Christian Siddi women and Moslem Siddi men in
which the former converted to their husband 's religion . There are also some
Christian Siddi men who married Moslem Siddi women but are living together
maintaining their respective religions.
In the past, Christian Siddis married mostly from their Moslem constituen-
cies than they did from Christians of Indian origin. However, the trend is
changing now because young Christians of African descent have begun iden-
tifying themselves with the Christian population of India and less so with
the Moslem Siddis. Young Christians of both African and Indian origin are
moderately influenced by European culture as a result of European missionar-
ies' activities in their churches and schools. English is spoken together with
to speak in
Hindi as a mother tongue. In fact, some of them find it easier
English than in the local languages . Christians of both African and Indian
origin have a common life style. As a result, Christians of African origin are
gradually detaching themselves from the Siddi community and assimilating
into India's Christian society through relationships of various kinds including
intermarriage.
The Christian Siddis live in AC Guards dispersed among the Moslem Sid-
dis. Some Christian and Moslem Siddis invite and socialize with each other
during holidays. The Christians invite the daffparty, a traditional music band
of the Moslem Siddis, when they have an occasion of festivity though they
don't participate in the dance. A Christian Siddi known as David, who studied
some Latin, told me that he has Moslem Siddi friends with whom he goes on
pilgrimage to Moslem shrines known as durgha. Although the Christian Siddis
do not frequent durghas like the Moslem Siddis, they have made their own
durgha inside their church. When Father Xavier Rock, a respected Malaysian
priest of the church whom they believe is a saint, died in 1974 they buried
him inside the sanctuary of the church, forming a small Christian dzrrgha of
their own. They still pray towards his grave. The practice of keeping a durgha
 334 A. M. Yimene /African andAsian Studies 6 (2007) 321-345
shrine is adopted from the Moslem Siddis with whom they are closely in
touch. These and other syncretistic practices indicate the existing constant
interrelationship between the Christian and Moslem Siddis.
During the British occupation of India a number of British soldiers and
laborers had married local people. Half-caste descendants of these intermar-
riages, who are still found all over India, are known as Anglo-Indians. Some
British officials and soldiers also married wives from the African community
of India. Besides, some African women had children from British men outside
legally binding marriages. Their descendants are also known as Anglo-Indians'.
A few of these Anglo-Indians' still reside in the AC Guards' neighborhoods.
'Anglo-Indians' keep their distance from Siddis because they don't want to
be considered as part of them. Neither do they consider themselves as local
Indians. Instead, they claim to be Indians of British descent and are also con-
sidered by their neighbors as such. In fact, some of them told me that they are
European and do not have any Indian parentage. A group of women told me
that they are born of British and Portuguese parents and should not be called
Anglo-Indians. However, their physical appearance makes their African descent
obvious. Other anthropologists from the Central University of Hyderabad
who have conducted a survey of the area also agree that they are not of Indian
and British, but of African and British descent.
The Anglo-Indians' of the AC Guards culturally differ from their Siddi
neighbors since they are influenced by the European cultural etiquette. Their
dietary norm is liberal enough to allow them to eat pork while living in a
society where eating animal flesh is vehemently rejected. They wear European
dresses which is rare among the women of Hyderabad. They speak English
with a British accent and are Christians. They give due concern to modern
education. An elderly lady, who claims Irish descent, said that her father fought
in both World Wars and was awarded medals of the Order of the British Empire
(OBE) and of the Order of British India (OBI).
When I attended Mass in the local church of the Siddis, the priest was
preaching on the need of sending out missionaries for global evangelism. He
gave examples of the many courageous European missionaries who went to
Africa for this purpose. He said, "Anyone who goes to Africa knows that after
a couple of years he will be no more. Africa is infested with diseases, malaria
and cannibalism. Malaria kills nine out of ten missionaries in Africa. Its climate
is inhospitable. Despite such fatal threats many missionaries went to Africa for
the sake of the Gospel and sacrificed their lives".
The result of such a description of Africa to Indians of African origin is
obvious. Understandably, they conceal their African identity and claim to be
of British and Portuguese descent. This ambivalence of identity on the part of
Christians of African origin leaves them on the borderline of Siddi identity.
A. M. Yimene /African and Asian Studies 6 (2007) 321-345 335
No group identity can have a clear demarcation between the insider and the
outsider. There is always a grey area. It is not different among the Siddis. If
Siddi identity needs to be rated one puts the Moslem Siddis first, then the
Christians of African origin, and lastly 'Anglo-Indians'. However, I abstain
from calling the 'Anglo-Indians' Siddis, because, for an ethnic group to be as
such, it should ascribe itself as that ethnic group and should also be ascribed
by others as such. In the case of the Anglo-Indians', neither do they consider
themselves as Siddis nor are they considered as such by the Siddis. On the
other hand, I do not want to exclude them from the discussion altogether
because they have African roots and are considered by some researchers as Siddis.
(The following diagram shows the `degree of Siddiness' of the three communi-
ties of African origin. Those African-Indians that fall in the darker region are
more Siddis than those who fall in the fairly shaded region.) Generally speaking
about 80 percent of them are Moslem Siddis, 15 percent are Christian Siddis
while the remaining 5 percent are Anglo-Indians.
A B C
A = Moslems of African Origin (Siddi)
B = Christians of African Origin (Partially Siddi)
C = 'Anglo-Indians' (Rarely Siddi)
Figure 2
Degree of Siddiness (Minda 2004: 142)
Whether the early African settlers were already Moslems and Christians before
they reached India is still contentious among the Siddis. Those whose forefa-
thers came from Somalia and Zanzibar claim that they were already Moslems
before they came to India. On the other hand, some Siddis told me that their
forefathers used to worship "tribal deities" until they came to India and were
converted to Islam or Christianity by their masters and European missionaries.
It is highly probable that those who came from Yemen, Oman, Somalia, Zan-
zibar and other Islamic countries were Moslems before they reached India.
Socio-Economic Status of the Siddis
Historically, the Siddis were economically and socially better off compared to
many autochthonous Indians. Since the Police Action of 1949-5 1 the Nizinis
army and princely states were dissolved and power was taken over by the
 336 A . M. Yimene /African and Asian Studies 6 (2007) 321-345
Indian Union Army. The African Cavalry of the Nizams army was also banned
from military activities after the Nizam consented to surrender the State to the
Union Army. The soldiers were made to retire with pensions, a drastic change
which they were ill-prepared for.
While India vigorously attempts to join the bandwagon of industrialized
nations and the urban economy is subsequently transformed, the living stan-
dard of Siddis stagnated for the lack of modern education and marketable
skills. Most have no skills other than martial arts for which there is very little
demand, Moslem Siddi girls are not motivated to pursue education because
they know they will be forced to quit school once they reach "nubility."
Women, who are more than half of the Siddi population, could have substan-
tially contributed to the ailing income of the community if they were allowed
to pursue modern education and gain employment. The Christian Siddis are
relatively better in this regard. Like most of the neighboring Hindus, they
have smaller families. Their children, including girls, are sent to schools of
English instruction. Women are also encouraged to work outside the house
and are significantly contributing to the household's economy.
Especially for the Moslem Siddis, financing children's education is difficult
given the low income of a Siddi family. As a result many children are forced to
work instead of going to school, aggravating the economic situation and per-
petuating the status quo for generations. The economy of a Siddi family having
several daughters will be further strangulated when the girls marry because of
the increasing demand of dowry payments.
Early marriage, which leads to the procurement of several children, affect
their economy in a similar manner. The Moslem Siddis believe that the pro-
curement of children is a divine blessing and therefore have a bigger family
size than most other Indians. Family planning or any attempt to limit the size
of one's family is considered an intervention in divine matters.
A Moslem Siddi father has more mouths to feed from his meagre income
than the average Hindu father. For example, Abdullah bin Murjhan, who has
twenty-eight children and five wives, doesn't have a permanent job other than
the daffparty he owns. He is expected to feed at least thirty-four people. Sim-
ilarly, Mujahidin Mamu, who is better known as Bill Clinton, has three wives
and several children but no job to sustain his family. Mr Bill Clinton has never
bothered to work because his father did not want him to do so. His father
promised to provide whatever his son and his family needed and, for that
reason he earned the name Bill Clinton. (People gave him this name because
they thought he leads a luxurious life as a result of his father's financial assis-
tance.) Unfortunately, his father died. Bill Clinton was not prepared for any
job as he has no education or skills. Therefore, his family has been in great
A. M. Yimene /African and Asian Studies 6 (2007) 321-345 337
anxiety to the extent that his wives are forced to look for jobs. It is humiliating
for a Moslem Siddi man that his wives work because it implies that he is
unable to feed his family. Bill Clinton was unable to bear the guilt and decided
not to go home. He lives inside one of the AC Guards' mosques.
Since the Moslem versus Hindu conflict of Gujarat, the scat d most of
India's industries, the entire nation's economy was radically altered. Several
companies came to a halt, at least for a period of time, which led to the loss of
jobs not only in Gujarat but also across the country. It was the wage laborers,
including the Siddis, who were mostly affected. Besides, the subsequent uneasy
relationship between Moslems and Hindus in Hyderabad left the former
unable to apply for jobs whose employers are Hindus. The Siddis fecl that they
are alienated from the equitable share of the country's benefits and that they
will not cope with the situation unless they are given reserved seats for educa-
tion and job opportunities like most scheduled tribes and castes.
Most Siddis do not wish to move to other cities and states even if jobs are
available. In fact, some young men unequivocally told me that they prefer
their present life of poverty in AC Guards than enjoying a better life elsewhere
detached from their ancestral homeland. AC Guards is their heritage where
the roots of identity go deep into several decades of history and abandoning it
is not possible without much emotional pain.
However, since the handing over of political power to the Indian Union
Army, the politically disenchanted Siddis have been migrating to countries of
{ the Middle East due to the presumed absence of an equitable share of political
power and economic benefits in the `new India'. The Siddis working in those
Arab countries have significantly improved their living standards and some are
able to relieve their family members from the economic quagmire that many
are still engulfed in. In doing so, they have become an inspiration for young
Siddis who emulate them in emigrating to those countries.
This trend of emigration to the nearby Arab countries in search of jobs and
better livelihoods has gained momentum in recent years. The Siddis working
in the Arab countries come to Hyderabad once a year to visit their remaining
relatives and friends. The Christian Siddis, on the other hand, aspire to emi-
grate to English speaking countries such as America, Australia, New Zealand
and the UK. However, only few Siddis are able to do so. This divergent aspiration
of emigration is the result of differing ethnic identification and subsequently
of dissimilar orientation of life which in turn results in further distancing one
Siddi community from the other.
Some Siddis entirely depend for their living on presumed benefactors of the
community and roam around the neighborhood asking for alms. A sizeable
number of the Siddis own small shops, groceries, pun (Urdu word for a chewable
338 A. M. Yimene /African andAsian Studies 6 (2007) 321-345 I A. M. Yimene /African and Asian Studies 6 (2007) 321-345 339
tobacco) shops, teashops, small restaurants, butcheries and bakeries. Some are
taxi drivers, barbers, grave diggers (a profession which they are uncomfortable
to be known by), plumbers, electricians, cooks, hairdressers, mehendi design-
ers (decorating women's hands with a plant extract of reddish brown color
known as henna), amateur video and photo cameramen. A considerable num-
ber of them either own or are employed by music bands known as daffparty.
One family owns a high school while another has an Internet cafe. A few are
employed in government offices as military and police personnel, office clerks,
nurses, and drivers. Some are employed in private enterprises as guards, mas-
sagers, janitors, and messengers. A few young boys who are skilled in Cricket
or Hockey are employed by the sports' teams of the State's Bank, Railway, Post
and other departments.
Identity Maintenance and Dynamics
The sociocultural sphere of the Siddis is not only declining but also gradually
yielding to the transforming power of modernization and globalization. This
transformation has not always taken place willingly and smoothly. There are
conflicts of interest between old values and new trends. While trendy change
agents shun away from old values, those nostalgic of the past think and behave
otherwise. There are also ambivalent groups oscillating between the old and
the new values unable to come up with a firm conclusion as to how to behave
in a hitherto unknown situation. Some cultural elements have struggled hard
against the tides of change and proved their stalwartness. Identity is not a mal-
leable wax that it easily yields to every demand of change. Siddi identity has
been as maintained as it has been changing.
One of the main factors responsible for the survival and dynamics of Siddi
identity through time is their intensive interaction among themselves and
with members of other communities. The Siddis' interaction among them-
selves is multi-faceted. First, there is an intensive interaction among the Mos-
lem Siddis who constitute the majority of AC Guards' population. The
Moslem Siddis are an intricately interrelated and intensively interacting sec-
tion of the whole Siddi community. They are extensively intermarried which
resulted in the formation of a web of kinship relations. One is related to the
other through double or triple kinship lines. To give a simple example, a certain
Ahmed is Hussein's maternal uncle, a husband of his paternal aunt, and his
father in-law at the same time. Such multi-faceted kinship relations have
resulted in the formation of a uniquely solid community which functions as
an extended family.
Moslem Siddi men cordially interact everyday when they meet for prayers
in mosques. Their relationship in the mosques is like family members bound
to each other by higher order creeds. Important communal issues are dis-
cussed and resolved in mosques. One does his best not to break promises and
agreements made there by solemn vows. The mosques are communal grounds
where one renews his allegiance to his fellow Siddis and the community at
large. Ritual observations conducted during annual holidays, initiation cere-
monies and other public festive occasions bring the Moslem Siddis together,
renew their communal spirit and cement their identity.
There is an intensive interaction between Siddi residents of AC Guards and
those who reside in Chintal Basti, Veer Neger and Irrum Manzil. These neigh-
borhoods are extensions of AC Guards resulting from a natural growth in size.
Siddi residents of these neighborhoods visit AC Guards at least a couple of
times a week since some of their family members reside there. Polygamous
men who have wives in AC Guards and other Siddi neighborhoods live alter-
nating their residences frequently. Whenever Siddi residents of these other
neighborhoods are asked the whereabouts of their addresses they say that they
live in AC Guards.
There is occasional interaction between Siddis and those who once were
residents of Siddi neighborhoods but later on joined the Yemeni community
of Barkus due to intermarriage, long years of residence in the community, or
residence in Yemen which ended up in cultural assimilation. Both communities
adhere, at least in principle, to strict observance of Islam. Members of the two
v communities are known as bin (the Arabic word for `son of' but used here to refer
to people of Arab origin), chaush and Arabs. Members of both communities are
the descendants of foreign immigrants and ex-military personnel whose resi-
dences are military barracks. Many members of these communities feel they
are sidelined by the Hindu majority government from sharing the economic
and political privileges of the land and consider themselves as uninvited guests
in India. Some have a sense of solidarity with Pakistan and the people of Kashmir
which raises the eyebrows of neighboring Hindus who see them as potential
threats to the country's political stability. These and other conununalities
between the two communities converge them to create a sense of belongingness
with each other. Cultural similarities of the two communities allow their
members mutual identification and easier integration.
Secondly, there is considerable interaction between Moslem and Christian
Siddis in spite of the obvious religious difference. Sometim es the cord of eth-
nicity that binds them becomes stronger than the blade of religion dividing
them. There are also intermarriages among them in which the partners main-
tain their respective religions. Thus, the two religions have co-existed within a

340 A. M. Yimene /African and Asian Studies 6 (2007) 321-345
Key
A = Ahmed (black)
A = Hussein (gray)
Figure 3
Multiple consanguinity of two individuals (Minda 2004: 292)
single family for decades. Ethnicity, neighborhood and intermarriage have
contributed to enable Siddis of both religions to co-exist in relative tolerance.
Of course , their relationship was not always harmonious . There were times in
which the Moslem Siddis rampaged and desecrated Christian religious icons
in their zeal to `safeguard ' the Islamic tradition of the AC Guards.
Nowadays however, Moslem and Christian Siddi children are developing
different attitudes to life as a result of their differences in the level of literacy
and living standard. Christian Siddis appear to be more liberal and `Western'
while the experiences of Moslem Siddis are confined to local matters. The
growing ideological differences and the resulting difference of experience and
attitude to life are leading young Siddis of the two religions to dissociate them-
selves from each other. In fact, some young Christian Siddis feel awkward and
unbecoming of their reputation to associate themselves with Moslem Siddis.
Thirdly, Siddis do not live in total isolation from their Hindu neighbors.
There is a degree of interaction between individuals of the two communities -
A. M. Yimene /African and Asian Studies 6 (2007) 321-345 341
even though cautious and often for pragmatic reasons. Their relationships are
not cordial but a fact of life marred by historical feuds and conflicts. Threats
and counter threats are often heard . Normally, they avoid walking through
one another's neighborhoods - the only observable tolerance being in the area
of business. There are some occupations which are solely owned by lower caste
Hindus and their services are required by Siddis . In such conditions , religious
norms are loosened to allow smoother interaction . In most cases , it is the visi-
tor of the ` other's' territory that makes religious concessions by loosening the
standard of `purity' and `impurity' so as not to stand on the toe (,f' the other.
The Siddi and Hindu communities of AC Guards' neighborhoods, though
wary of each other, yet interact and co-exist. These interactions result in both
the maintenance and change of Siddi cultural elements.
Intermarriage
There is a considerable degree of intermarriage between the Siddi and non-
Siddi residents of nearby neighbourhoods because many Siddis would like to
assimilate to the general society and relieve themselves from the awkwardness
of being treated as strangers. My informants have told me th:t they are
offended when Indians treat them as foreigners because of their darker com-
plexion. Therefore, there is an observable and deliberate attempt to.change the
physical looks of their posterity through intermarriage. Some young Siddi
men are not willing at all to marry a Siddi girl of darker complexion because
of the prevalent color prejudice. As long as racial discrimination persists it will
be a driving force for many Siddis to further intermarry with the Yemeni
Arabs and other Indians. Presently, many Siddis are somatically indistinguish-
able from the general Indian or Arab population as a result of years of con-
tinuous intermarriage with them.
While Moslem Siddis do their best to intermarry with Hyderabad's Arabs,
Patans and Khans (Moslems who identify themselves as such to refer to their
descent), Christian Siddis on the other hand are assimilating to the general
Christian population of India. (There is not a single case of intermarriage
between Siddis and Hindus in Hyderabad.) Since Christian and , uslem Sid-
V dis are integrating to different societies they are moving in differe:u directions
of assimilation. This has a direct effect on the future demography of the Siddis
and the relationship between the Christian and Moslem Siddi communities. r
The Siddis who assimilate to India's Moslems, and the Christian Siddis who
assimilate to Christians of Indian origin will not be people of the same ethnic
,group. A significant number of the former group have a sense of solidarity with
Pakistan, the people of Kashmir and India's disfranchised Moslems while the
latter ones join pro-Hindustan nationalists . These Siddis, who once considered
342 A. M. Yimene / African and Asian Studies 6 (2007) 321-345 A. M. Yimene /African and Asian Studies 6 (2007) 321-345 343

themselves as the same people group are now moving in divergent directions
of assimilation. This trend may result in the polarisation of their relationship
because they are entangled in the current Moslems versus Hindus politico-
religious rift.
Intermarriage with non-Siddi people reduces the Siddis' demography tre-
mendously. When a Patan or a Khan marries a Siddi woman the children
belong to their father's ethnic group irrespective of their sexes. They will be
either Patan or Khan depending on the identity of their father. Therefore, the
children of a Siddi woman who marries a non-Siddi will not be a Siddi. A
Siddi who marries either a Patan or a Khan woman could have Siddi sons but
not Siddi daughters since the latter take their mother's identity. In intermar- Key
riages with non-Siddis only a Siddi man has the ability to have a Siddi child.
A A Siddi man
The Siddis' intermarriage with Patans and Khans reduce their population.
Had it not been for the presence of intra-communal marriages Siddis would A Siddi woman
have become a community of men only after some decades of intermarriages.
Q A non-Siddi man
The feeling of belongingness within a family of a Siddi husband and a non-
Siddi wife is not as strong as in a Siddi family of intra-marriages. Because, in 0 A non-Siddi woman
the case of such intermarriages, whereas the sons feel and act as Siddis their
sisters shun the cultural tradition of their brothers claiming that they do not Figure 4
belong to the group. The family constitutes people of two ethnic groups whose Intermarriage and its effect upon Siddis (Minda 2004: 266)
sense of belongingness is loose.
In intra-marriage the Siddi are patrilineal while in their intermarriage with
the Siddis and Africa, excepting few Somali students who occasionally meet
non-Siddi communities they follow both patrilinealiry and matrilinealiry at
the Siddis of Somali origin. The Hyderabad Chronicle (February 14, 2001)
the same time depending on the gender of their progeny. Figure 4 illustrates
states, "None of the Africans here, known as Siddhis, remember from where
this well.
their ancestors might have come. Tanzania, Kenya and Ethiopia are some of
Figure 4 shows the numerical decline of Siddis in succeeding generations
the names they have heard over the years". Therefore, it is practically difficult
caused by their intermarriage with non-Siddi groups. If the intermarriage con-
for Siddis to identify themselves with any single African country and its culture.
tinues in the second generation and the Siddi husband fails to have a son,
there will be no Siddis in the third generation. Due to the strict patrilineality
which excludes female descendants from perpetuating their descent group,
Conclusion
and the preferential rule of endogamy, Siddis will gradually reduce in number.
However, intra-Siddi marriage will not be avoided altogether despite the ten- The identity of the Siddis of Hyderabad has been changing since their arrival
dency towards intermarriage. Those Siddi parents who are unable to pay the in India and their subsequent settlement in AC Guards as soldiers of the
dowry to marry off their daughters to Indians or Arabs find it relatively easier Nizam government. This change of identity is going on unabated till today. In
to get them husbands among their `own' people because Siddi men do not fact, due to national and global events that militate against their culture and
demand a large dowry. If some Siddi women are not married as first wives they traditions they are forced to change even faster than they could c ,e with. ;As
will be taken as second and third wives by their `own' people just to ensure that a result, today's Siddis have little resemblance with their predecesors. There
every woman has a husband. are also trends that indicate their future will be different from the situation
Moreover, the absence of a single African country, people group and culture today. Many Siddis, who now consider themselves as African-Indians, may not
to identify with led some Siddis to take Arab or Indian societies and their cul- do so in the future as a result of their adoption of either Indian or Arab identi-
tures as their pictures of identification. There is no significant contact between ties. There is strong evidence to argue that many Siddis will, in the foreseeable
344 A. M. Yimene / African and Asian Studies 6 (2007) 321-345
A. M. Yimene / African and Asian Studies 6(2007) 321-345 345

future, identify themselves with different ethnic communities after assimilat- Manning, Patrick. Slavery and African Life: Occidental, Oriental, and African Slave Trades.
ing through intermarriage and cultural integration. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990.
Many of their traditional practices have become `incompatible' with the Minda, Ababu. An African Indian Community in Hyderabad: Siddi Identity, Its Maintenance and
expectations and demands of modern life. Dynamism is the order of the day. Change. Goettingen: Cuvillier Verlag, 2004.
-Muthanna, I.M. Indo-Ethiopian Relations for Centuries. Addis Ababa: Artistic Printing Press,
No society, however it may be considered `closed' remains isolated from chang-
1956.
ing circumstances. The Siddis are no exception to this fact. It is more probable
Pankhurst, Y.ichard. The History of Ethiopia's Relations with India Prior to the Nineteenth Centurt-.
that those young Siddis who emigrated to Middle Eastern countries in search Paper presented to the Fourth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies. Rome, 1972.
of jobs will identify themselves as Arabs rather than Africans. However, iden- Segal, Ronald. The Black Diaspora. London: Faber and Faber, 1995.
tification with Africa and its people will still continue among Siddis who still . Islam's Black Slaves. New York: Ferrar, Straus and Giroux, 2001.
physically resemble Africans. This endogamous section of the community Toledano, R. Ehud. Slavery and Abolition in the Ottoman Middle East. Seattle: University of
does not or cannot identify itself as anything other than African. This situa- Washington Press, 1998.
tion indicates that members of the Siddi community are moving in divergent
directions. Some identify themselves with India, some with Europe, others
with Middle Eastern countries and still others with Africa. The only spot
where these diverging sections of the community converge is when they come
to their residence quarter - AC Guards - which ties them to the traditions of
their African ancestors. A sense of commonality and solidarity is always
renewed and strengthened in AC Guards.

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