Escolar Documentos
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Bendt Alster
Journal of Cuneiform Studies, Vol. 28, No. 2. (Apr., 1976), pp. 109-126.
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Fri Nov 30 14:28:17 2007
ON THE EARLIEST SUMERIAN LITERARY TRADITIOK
B ENDT A LSTER
U NIVERSITY O F COPENHAGEN
1. See R . D. Biggs, The AbG Salabikh Tablets, JCS 20 (1966) 73-88. Cf. also hl. Civil and
R. D. Biggs, Notes sur des textes sumkriens archaiques, RA 60 (1966) 1-16.
2. A. Falkenstein, Zur Chronologie der sumerischen Literatur, CRRA 2 (Paris, 1951) 2:
"hlit der Feststellung eines regen literarischen Schaffens in der neusumerischen Zeit gewirint
nun das LI'ort von der neusumerischen Renaissance iiber den Bereich der politischen
Xlachtentfaltung, der Staatsorganisation, der architektonischen Leistung und der bildenden
Kunst einen neuen wesentlichen Gehalt." - Future studies will probably lead to the
conclusion that in reality it is most questionable whether it is justifiable at all to speak of
,\lesopotamian hlstory, the use of the Sumerian language versus the Akkadian was probably
a question of academic education much more than ethnic barriers. A somewhat similar
situation could perhaps b e found in the early history of Indian literature, where Sanskrit
continued as a learned, academic, and poetic language after the simplified language, Prakrit,
had become the daily spoken language. According to some scholars, even the huge Sanskrit
epics, the hlahabharata and the Ramayana, did not come into being until after Sanskrit had
ceased to b e a living language, a situation ~vhichprobably would correspond to the
Su~rlerianpoems which came into being in the early Old Babylonian period
3. See A. Falkenstein, SAHG p. 12
4 SAHG p. 19.
FC'hile these few instances are sufficient to prove that at least some
compositions known from the Old Babylonian period existed in
approximately the same form in pre-Old Babylonian times, there are hvo
Sumerian hymns, "Nin.me.'SBr.raMand "In.nin.'Si.gur,.ra," which are
ascribed to Enbeduanna, the daughter of Sargon, and thus, if the
attribution is genuine, go back to the time of the Akkad d y n a ~ t yNo .~
copies of these texts older than Old Babylonian times have as yet been
found, but in view of their in part unusual autobiographical contents, it
does not seem reasonable to consider them fictitious.
The discovery of the Sumerian literary tablets from Tell Abii $alabikh
has thrown unexpected new light on the oldest literary tradition. One of
the great surprises was the identification, by R . D Biggs in 1965, of an
early version of the wisdom composition "The Instructions of Suruppak,"
a didactic poem made up of proverbial material. An Old Babylonian
version of this composition is known from many duplicates. Furthermore,
a small fragment of an Early Dynastic version from Adab was identified
by M. Civil, and a fragment of a much later Akkadian translation had long
been known. In a recent edition and study of the history of the text,') I
have tried to show that, although considerable changes have taken place,
these can best be explained by the assumption of a continuous written
tradition which allows the scribes a certain freedom so long as they
remain in harmony with the poetic principles which were active when the
poem originally came into being, and these are likely to be oral in
character. LVhen seen in such a perspective, the development of the text
can be understood as a relatively transparent process, in the course of
which a poem which originally consisted of two contrasting "chapters,"
the first of them containing negative counsels, the second positive advice,
was expanded into a poem consisting of three "chapters." In the course of
this process, some entries were removed from their original position in the
first "chapter" and placed in a later position in order to form a contrast to
some elements already present there. New material was added, normally
in regularly balanced groups, and in a few cases some elements originally
present were omitted in the course of the tradition. It is remarkable that
the Early Dynastic version from Adab, which is not much later than the
Abii Saliibikh version, in general seems to represent an intermediary stage
between the two others,1° thus indicating that uniformity was reached
8. For an edition of "Nin.me.SBr.ra" see \V. Hallo and J. van Dijk, The Exaltation of
Inanna, YNER 3. "In.nin.SA.gur,.ra" will b e edited by A. Sjoberg. h'ote that \V. Hallo, On the
Antiquity of Sumerian Literature, JAOS 83 (1963) 167-76, has published a literary catalogue,
YBC 3 5 4 , which, judging from the orthography, dates from the Ur 111 period. It contains 42
titles of hymns, among which are some to the deified Sulgi.
9. B. Alster, The Instructions of Suruppak. Mesopotamia, Copenhagen Studies in
Assyriology 2. B. Alster, Studies in Sumerian Proverbs. Mesopotamia, Copenhagen Studies
in Assyriology 3.
10. B. Alster, Studies in Sumerian Proverbs pp. 76-81.
112 BENDT ALSTER
11. Many new duplicates have been identified slnce the publication of the edition by
Gene B. Gragg, in Ake LV. Sjoberg and E. Bergmann, The Collection of the Sumerian
Temple Hymns, TCS 3 155-88. For a number of valuable comments see now D. 0 . Edzard,
Zur sumerische Hymne auf das Heiligtum KeS, Or NS 43 (1974) 103-113,where in particular
the interpretation of the concluding lines is important.
12. R. D. Biggs, An Archaic Sumerian Version of the Kesh Temple Hymn from Tell Abn
Salabikh, ZA 61 (1971) 193-W7.
13. The opinion once held by the pan-Babylonists and still claimed by Mircea Eliade, that
the terrestrial temples are imitations of celestial archetypes, is not held in high esteem among
anthropologists, and is certainly an exaggeration. Nevertheless, in particular with regard to
the temples of Nippur, Eridu, and Kesh, there is no doubt that they are described as being of
cosmic significance. Cf. B. Landsberger, Monographs in History: Ancient Near East 1/2 5,
who ackno\vledges that kkur in h'ippur was the "cosmic world-mountain."
14. Th. Jacobsen, in E. I. Gordon, Sumerian Proverbs p. 530.
15. W . G. Lambert, Celibacy in the LVorld's Oldest Proverbs, BASOR 169 (1963) 63-64,
SCMERIAK LITERARY TRADITION 113
16. See hf. Civil and R. D. Biggs, RA 60 (1966) 5-7 and fig. 1.
17. Cf. A. Sjoberg, Or NS 37 (1968) 236, and B. Alster, Studies in Sumerian Proverbs p. 98
18. Now treated completely by B. Alster in the study mentioned in note 9.
114 BENDT ALSTER
texts: The signs are written in arbitrary order within each case, rare signs
with unknown readings are used, grammatical elements are often not
written at all, abbreviated writings occur, and at times signs well known
from later periods have readings not later ascribed to them. Therefore the
scientific interest in these texts does not rest so much on their existence as
an isolated phenomenon, as on the fact that their appearance has led to
the recognition of a larger corpus of hitherto overlooked and equally old
literary text sources from Fara previously edited by Deimel and Jestin. As
will appear from the list provided by Biggs, pp. 36-42, some of them are
duplicates to tablets from Abfi $a15bikh.19 It is the comparison of these
texts which, amazingly, were written in different cities at this very early
stage of the literary tradition, that may lead to successful results.20These
texts, which include both religious genres such as hymns and myths, and
non-religious texts such as proverb collections, are found together with
lexical texts which clearly serve a didactic purpose, so their existence is
probably due to a purely academic interest in literature and in scribal art.
There follow some comments on selected texts in the Abii $al%bikh
volume.
Nos. 112-254 belong to the genre which Biggs entitles UD.GAL.NUN
texts,21examples of which are also known from Fara. On p. 32, Biggs cites
some intelligible lines which mention the building of a temple and
libation of beer and wine. On this basis he suggests that the texts may
"have to do with temple rituals." A major question is of course what does
the frequently repeated UD.GAL.NUN mean. If one can accept his
reading of No. 142 xiv 11-12: u, 65-gal-nun al-dii "when(?) the great,
superb temple was built," with equal right one could read the signs
UD.GAL.NUN as u, gal nun "great, superb light." However, u,-gal could
also mean "great storm." It is most interesting that Biggs has observed the
variant dingir gal nun, in No. 129 x 4, for UD gal nun, in No. 142 xvi 7,
which might suggest that our texts describe gods visible as lights. In
addition to UD GAL NUN one often finds UD GAL UNU (e.g. No. 115
obv. vi 14 and 17), which unfortunately is not clear.
Apart from the duplications within the UD.GAL.NUN genre observed
by Biggs, I would point out that OIP 99 No. 163 is a duplicate to Deimel
Fara 2 SF 39 (with innumerable variants), and that OIP 99 No. 114 is a
duplicate to Deimel Fara 2 SF 37 and SF 38, the latter of which joins Jestin
NTSS 111+314, as pointed out by A. Westenholz. The conclusion of the
same text is duplicated by OIP 99 No. 248, and I would suggest that this
fragment joins OIP 99 No. 114.
19. Cf. also the information previously given b y Biggs, JCS 20 (1966) 78-81, and A.
IVestenholz, Old Sumerian and Old Akkadian Texts in Philadelphia, 1. Bibliotheca
Mesopotamica 1 11.
20. Cf., for instance, Biggs, JCS 20 80 n. 46.
21. Cf. previously Biggs, JCS W 81.
SUMERIAN LITERARY TRADITION 115
Noticeable is the mention of liver omens in OIP 99 No. 114 v 13: ma's Su
mu-gid, with which compare iii 2: ma5 Su nun gid, iii 15: mais nun me gid,
and iv 11: TUK NA, ma? Su me gid, and Deimel Fara 2 SF 37 iii 10, iii 13,
vii 5, vii 13, vii 18: mi5 isu mu-gid. Unfortunately the context is obscure,
but this sort of sequence, where the same phrase is repeated at regular
intervals, suggests a type of enumeration where the same action is
performed with reference to various objects, as often in Sumerian texts.
Some of the UD.GAL.NUN texts definitely seem to contain sequence$
of hymns, thus Deimel Fara 2 SF 18 iii 20: dinanna zag.me, iv 12: (dinanna.
. . ) zag.me, iv 21: dinanna zag.me, vii 7: dinanna zag.me du&(?), which
thus may be hymns to Inanna, and Deimel Fara 2 SF 36, which seems to
be a hymn to Sud (cf. v 15: zag.me dug,, and vii 9-10: dsud zag.me d u a -
ga) .22
In what follows I quote a particularly interesting passage from the
UD.GAL.NUN texts. The sources are: A = Deimel Fara 2 SF 39 vii 5-18, B
= OIP 99 163 viii 12 - ix 4:
A 5 nBm mu-rig,(KAB+DU)
B 12 [nun-LAGAB]
A 6 UNU TUR UD GAL NUN
B 13 [ . . . T ] ~ TGAL
R
A 7 nBm nu-ur,
B 14 nun-LAGAB
A 8 nanna NANNA Bb MUN
B 15 [ . . . ] X U 1(?) Bb si UD
A 9 nBm mu-rig,
B 16 nun-LAGAB
A 11 nBm mu-ur,
B 18 nun-LAGAB
A 12 Bb si UD UD
B [ . . . nun-LAGAB]
A 13 dnisaba UDU NAGA
B 9 dnisaba UDU NAGA 'xl
22. zag.me as an archaic phonetic writing of zag.mi was first discovered by Biggs, JCS 20
80 with n. 48. In her review of my book, Dumuzi's Dream, in \YO 7 (1974) 178-284,
commenting on line 118, G. Farber-Fliigge writes: "Zur Lesung munus des Zeichens SAL s.
B Landsberger, Festschrift David 95 mit Anm. 1: Die Lesung 'mi entbehre nach
Landsberger jeder Grundlage." Yet, even disregarding the indisputable evidence of the
writing zag.me, proof for the reading mi can be obtained from such writings as a.mi for &mi
(cf. Romer Konigshymnen p. 80). In her own edition of "Inanna and Enki," she does not
hesitate to use the value mi for SAL.
116 BENDT ALSTER
A 14 nfim mu-ur,
B 10 rxl nun-LAGAB
A 15 dgi-bil fib si ES
B 6 d g i . S si~ [x]
~
rxl
A 16 nfim mu-rig,
B 7 [ . . . nlun-LAGAB
A 17 da'sginir.gid.nun
B 3 da'sgigud nir.gid
A 18 nfim nu-ur,
B 4 rxl nun-LAGAB
There can hardly be any doubt that this passage describes various gods
being invested each with their insignia, so that, typologically speaking, we
have a forerunner to the list of the me, the divine functions and emblems
of Inanna, and for instance Enuma El6 V 16. We note that in the Fara text,
we can understand the verbal phrase nfim mu-ur, (and nfim mu-rig,),
either as containing the verbal prefix nam-, or as containing a phonetic
writing of the well-known idiom me m u - ~ r , .The ~ ~ reading of A 10:
dinanna UD UD SIG AN, as u, ~ , . s i , . a n , , ~ ~ e n d e r iusan
n g "evening light,"
is a guess. If correct it would refer to Inanna as the evening star, a topic
well known from later hymns.
Some texts appear to have nearly identical conclusions. They are:
nisaba EZENXAN
EZENXAN EZENXAN
mul.an
dinanna zag.me d u g ( ? )
nisaba EZENXAN
EZENXAN EZENXAN
mul.an-zu,(MI)
Deimel Fara 2 SF 56 r, x:
dnisaba zag.me
nisaba EZENXAN
EZENXAN EZ[ENXAN]
mul. [an]-zu,(MI)
23. Cf. "Nin.me.BBr.ra"8, W. Hallo and J , van Dijk, The Exaltation of Inanna, p. 14.
24. One may suggest the reading an, for EZENXAN considering that EZENXBAD is
bad, and E Z E N X K ~in, the text cited below, n. 44, is probably ku,.
SLTXJERIANLITERARY TRADITION
innin ~ . G E S T U ~ . ~ N I S AISa-ge
B A gi5
dug,
kur-kur-ra ad.5a4gi-ga-gi
28. The point is here the establishment of a world order where the stars emerge every
evening from the subterranean ocean of Enki. In my opinion Enki's role as the giver of the
cosmic measures (me) goes closely together with the concept that light arises from his ocean.
Therefore, when it is said in the Collection of the Sumerian Temple Hymns 16 that Enki's
Ziggurat is the "place where (he) calls upon the Sun," and in "Enki and the \Vorld Order"
(which in my opinion is a very distant forerunner to the Journey of the Argonauts) 76 that
Enki obtains the control over the "fixing of the terms at the place where the Sun rises," this is
not just words, but key-points with regard to the understanding of Sumerian mythology.
LVithout entering a detailed discussion of very complicated phenomena, I would mention
that a somewhat similar concept of cosmos can b e decoded in the Rigveda, according to an
outstanding study by F. B. J . Kuiper, The Ancient Aryan Verbal Contest, Indo-Iranian
Journal 4/4 (1960) 217-81. He writes (pp. 225-26): 'Usas is born from the darkness of the
nether world . . . This is not contradicted by the passages which state Usas to come from the
sky . . . or to b e the daughter of Heaven. . . The most fundamental misunderstandings about
Vedic mythology have arisen from the fact that the mythical identity of the nocturnal sky
with the nether world has scarcely ever been clearly stated . . . The nether world (that is, the
subterranean waters and the nocturnal sky) is Varuna's realm and here is the seat of Rta,
which is 'hidden where they unharness the horses of the Sun' (RS. V. 62.1). Now LT$as,the
kinswoman of Varuna (I. 123,5), is born from Qta . . . and is said to awake from Rta's abode."
\V. von Soden, ZA 64 (1975) 35-37, denies that evidence is sufficient for comparing Rta with
me, referring to H. Luders' study Varuna (I-II), where Liiders obstinately insists on
translating Rta as "Wahrheit," since in later Sanskrit it has this meaning and it was translated
by aletheia by the Greeks. However, as far as the use of the word in the Vedas is concerned,
few scholars would agree to Luders opinion today. It was rejected in the most competent
manner by the late Prof. Kaj Barr, in a paper read to the Danish Academy of Science in
March 1961. This paper has unfortunately remained unpublished, but a brief summary was
given in Kgl. Videnskabernes Selskabs Oversigt 1960-61 58.
29. A. Sjoberg, TCS 3 48.
30. Nisaba's function is here similar to that of Thoth, the Egyptian scribe of the gods, cf.
E. A. Wallis Budae, The Gods of the Egyptians 1 400-415.
SUXIERIAN LITERARY TRADITION 119
132, and of the entry mu1 d5ul.gi, "the star of Sulgi," in hlSL 11 133 viii 41. Also according to
A 2 kur ki UD-kam,
B 3-4 nam x UD-kam,
A 3 kur an UD-kam,
B 5 kur an [ . . . ] rxl rxl UD-kam,
A 4 kur UAR UD-kam,
B ...
A 5 kur igi UAR UD-kam,
B 7 kur igi UAR UD-kam,
A 8 a nimgir UD-kam,
B 10 a [ . . . ] A UD-kam,
A 1 sipa UD-[kam,]
B 1-2 sipa UD-kam,
C 7 sipa U D - ~ ~ ~ , ( S A R X D I S )
A 2 udul UD-[kam,]
B 3 udul UD-kam,
C 6 udul PA U D - ~ ~ ~ , ( S A R X D I S )
the hymn C T 36 33-34, AmauSumgalanna was born as a star every month in a cycle
corresponding to the phases of the moon, cf. S, N. Kramer, Iraq 36 (1974) 98 n. 32. This latter
text is certainly to b e compared with "The Hymn of the Hoe" 81-82: bul.gil u,.na-a dumu
gi5.al-me-e5 u,.si.du&-ga-ta an-ta d.tu-me-eS "the evil, on the day when the moon
disappears, become children of the hoe, on the day when the moon reappears(?) they are
A 4 dam.rgar1 KU UD-kam,
B 6 dam KU SU UD-kam,
The collection of temple hymns from Abii Sal~bikh has been
reconstructed on the basis of Nos. 257-77, on pp. 46-56 in the volume
under discussion. Although some expressions are intelligible and the
majority of the gods mentioned are known, the style is so laconic that very
little information can be obtained from them. It is noticeable that the
archaic version, in contrast to the Old Babylonian one, starts with a hymn
to Enlil instead of Enki, who is not directly mentioned in the archaic
collection. The first hymn I would read and translate as follows:
1. uru an-da mu
2. an-da gu-18
3. dingir nibru.ki
4. dur.an.ki
5. den.lil kur.gal
6. den.lil en nu:
7. nam.nir
8. en dug,-ga
9, nu-gi,-gi,
12. ki mu-gar-gar
13. dingir gal gal
14. zag.me mu-dug,
1. City, grown together with heaven,,
2. embracing heaven,
3. god of Nippur,
4. "Bond of heaven and earth,"
5. Enlil, "great mountain,"
6. Enlil, lord
7. Nunamnir,
8. whose command
9. is irrevocable
10. whose . . . cannot be . . .
11. Enlil who placed the Anunna gods
12. below earth,
13. the great gods
14. spoke his praise.
If it is justifiable to translate "who placed the Anunna gods below
earth" (lines 11-12), there is probably a connection with ideas contained in
122 BENDT ALSTER
35. Courtesy of J. van Dijk, who will publish the text in AOAT 25 125ff.
36. Cf. J. van Dijk, AcOr 28 (1965) 40.
37. Therefore J. van Dijk's translation of NBC 11108:l: an en-ne an mu-za[lag] ki mu-gi, . .
"An, (&ant) Bd, faisait resplen[dir] le ciel, la Terre etait dans l'obscurite," and of Ckg. 15 i
3: ki-e gal,.IjUB-na dalla ba-mu-aka-e, "Que la terre fasse resplendir son sein(?)," are not
convincing. In both cases the point is rather the opposite, that there was no light at all.
38. I would further suggest that in Sumerian mythology the wagon of Ninurta is a symbol
of thunder, as is the wagon of Thor in Nordic mythology. This is hinted at in "The Hymn to
the Hoe" 59, where it is said about Ninurta: lugal gi5.al Sed-da us-e u, zal-e, "king, who
counts the hoes, who flashes in their track."
39. A. Westenholz, Old Sumerian and Old Akkadian Texts in Philadelphia 1 No. 4 p. 124.
40. A. Falkenstein's explanation of the Anunna gods, in his lengthy study AS 16 127-40,
that they are a designation of the entire pantheon, has generally been accepted, but is at any
rate unjustified. The Anunna and Igigi gods are different groups of gods, as are the Asura
and Deva gods in Indian mythology, and the Asa and Vana gods in Nordic mythology. The
important point is that the Anunna gods, as are the Titans of Hesiod, are the children of
Heaven (An, cf. Ouranos). The question whether Hesiod's concept of the Titans has been
influenced by Oriental sources is outside the scope of this study, but the Hurrian-Hittite
myth of Kumarbi seems to provide a link. Of the major Sumerian gods it is certainly Enki
who is the leader of the Anunna gods. Accordingly he is said to be the oldest son of Heaven
(dumu.sag an ku-ga, cf. A. Sjoberg, HSAO 215).
SC'MERIAN LITERARY TRADITION 123
2, answered:
8, inim mu-gi
9. ku.li-mu UM.EN
10. ni.rzul . . .
3. UD.NUN.MUD, d o not demand
4. t h e . . . men!
6. UD.NUN.MUD answered UM.EN:
9. My friend UM.EN,
10. you, yourself . . .
Later in the text the talk is about going to a specific country (v 4-5: . . .
kur dagal / nam-ma-gin). UD.NUN.MUD gives an answer to another
person (vi 7-8). The deity Nin.ur4, in the archaic texts connected with
Urnrna,,l is mentioned (vii 3), and a promise to build a temple is uttered: k
ku za.gin-zu ga-du (vii ll-12).42Later it seems that various groups of
g ~ ( ~ ~ ~ + mu-dug,
a S ) 4
9
ne m u - ~ ~ - s u ~ , ( M u N ~ u B )
dumu 7 AS mu-tu
7 ti-kam, SUR(?)
ama dumu-da
: mu-da-dib
a
When . . . had intercourse with f i n a n
the mother
dnin.?jur.sag-ra
gi'j mu-ni-dug,
ne mu-ni-sub,
a ma's(?) imin
".
sa mu-x-ru51
with Ninhursaga,
he(?)52had intercourse.
49. For the sign SAL+G'IS see B. Alster, The Instructions of Suruppak p. 118.
50. Cf. J. van Dijk, AcOr 23 36-38.
51. Is the sign x not simply the infix -na-ni- written with a ligature?
52. J . van Dijk, AcOr 28 38, takes it for granted that it is Enlil who has intercourse with
Ninhursaga, but is this absolutely certain? The continuation of the Barton Cylinder, ii 13,
mentions a personification of the "Huge River" (id.mah), who is also mentioned in another
early text, the Istanbul fragment published in photograph by S. N . Kramer, From the
Tablets of Sumer p. 106 fig. 6a (cf. also p. DO), col. i 6. This text tells a story about Gkur, the
son of Enlil, who was kept back in the nether world, but the fox proposes a plan by means of
which he must be expected to have been rescued (cf. iv 13: ka,.a). The fox plays a very
similar role in the later myth of Enki and Ninbursaga. This proves that the idea of the fox as a
very clever animal goes back in time to the beginning of literature. For a later expression of
this idea see the proverb cited in Harper, ABL 555 r. 3-6 (cf. W. G. Lambert, BWL 281): etlu
Sd si-bat nd-Si iS.-bat-u-niina Mri it-tu-bu Sd si-bat Se-li-bi iS.-bat-u-niu-se-zib,"The man who
seized the tail of a lion sank in the river. He who seized the tail of a fox escaped." The
implication is here that the clever person (symbolized by the fox) prevails over the strong
one. Cf. the German proverb "Was der Lowe nicht kann, das kann der Fuchs," and the
Greek an he leonte me eksiketai ten aldpeken prosapson, "if the hide of a lion doesn't d o it,
take the hide of a fox" (cf. Paul Martin, Studien auf dem Gebiete des griechischen
Sprichwortes, Plauen i.V. 1889, p. 21). The closer study of the Barton cylinder is outside the
126 BENDT ALSTER
en kul.aba
men-gim sag il
h6.ghl kalam
ki dar rxl
The expression "wore like a crown on his head" occurs also in the Abii
Salabikh version of the Kesh Hymn: k& men-gim / sag m ~ - g h l . ~ ~
At the present time one might say that disappointingly little of the
literary sources from Abii Salsbikh is intelligible, but many problems will
undoubtedly be clarified in the future, and the publication of these
sources may justly be said to be a real pioneer work.
scope of this study, but note that in v (copy xiv) 11, gir.malj is a phonetic writing for
gir,.mah, the huge oven of the gods. Cf. also B. Alster, The Instructions of Suruppak p. 107.
53. For ma's cf. perbap: Gudea's Cylinder B xi 11: dumu ma's imin dba.U-me"the seven
twin(?) daughters of Ba-U."
54. See Biggs, ZA 61 200:7.
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[Footnotes]
1
The Ab# #al#b#kh Tablets. A Preliminary Survey
Robert D. Biggs
Journal of Cuneiform Studies, Vol. 20, No. 2. (1966), pp. 73-88.
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NOTE: The reference numbering from the original has been maintained in this citation list.