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notes that the term mulatto was used far less frequentlyin the
early development of North America than in the Spanish and
French settlementsand even the English colonies of the Carib-
bean. Jordan concludes that "mulattoes [in North America] do
not seem to have been accorded higher status than Negroes in
actual practice."2
Focusing on the nineteenth century in Roll, Jordan, Roll,
Eugene D. Genovese suggests that the South's mulattoes were
more numerousthan officially reportedin the censusreturns,and
he shows that some mulatto house servants, urban slaves, and
freedmen exhibited snobbery toward the darker Negroes. But
Genovesesees the South's two-part,white-blackracialsystemas a
formidable obstacle to the mulattoes' class aspirations. Whites
usually considered a mulatto to be "just another nigger" and,
consequently, "drove the mulattoes into the arms of the blacks,
no matterhow hardsome triedto build a make-believethirdworld
for themselves."3RobertWilliamFogel and StanleyL. Engerman
are less criticalof the censusreportsin Timeon the Cross. Observ-
ing that mulattoes representedonly 7.7 percent of the slaves in
1850and 10.4 percentin 1860, they attributeearlierestimatesof a
largemulattopopulationto impressionabletravelersin the South.
These visitors spent most of their time in the cities, where mulat-
toes were concentrated,Fogel and Engermanmaintain, and the
travelersdid not get adequatefirsthandknowledgeof conditions
in the countryside,whereNegroesmade up 95 percentof the slave
population. Fogel and Engermanalso give little attention to re-
ports of preferentialtreatmentfor mulattoes.4
CarlN. Degler'sexcellentcomparativestudy, NeitherBlack nor
White, is particularlyrelevantto an examinationof attitudesto-
ward the mulatto. Degler observesthat in Brazil mulattoeswere
importantboth in terms of numbersand social privilegesbut that
this patterndid not develop in the United States. Deglercarefully
identifies judicial rulings of the slavery period that show some
Americanswanted to give mulattoes favored treatmentover Ne-
groes, but he finds these cases very irregularand not representa-
tive of the prevailingview. Discussingthe implicationsfor modern
times, he says, "There are only two qualitiesin the United States
racialpattern:black and white. A personis one or the other;there
is no intermediateposition."5
2 Jordan, White over Black: American Attitudes Toward the Negro, 1550-1812 (Chapel
374.
dence and Journeying in Eleven Southern States. . . (Rochester, 1856), 322-23 (quota-
tions); John Lawrence, The Slave Question (4th ed., Dayton, Ohio, 1857), 212-13; Horace
Greeley, ed., The Writings of Cassius Marcellus Clay: Including Speeches and Addresses
(New York, 1848), 181.
17 William G. Brownlow, Ought American Slavery to be Perpetuated?A Debate Between
Rev. W. G. Brownlow and Rev. A. Pryne Held at Philadelphia, September, 1858 (Philadel-
phia, 1858), 222.
daughter?'Garrisonrepliedthat 'Slaveholdersgenerallyshouldbe
the last persons to affect fastidiousnesson that point, for they
seem to be enamouredof amalgamation.'"18
Abolitionists eagerlypublicizedreportsabout slave concubines
in the South. They cited familiarstories concerninglight-skinned
mistresseswho servedas regularpartnersto southernwhites, and
they showed particularinterestin the quadroonballs of New Or-
leans, where gentlemenarrangedliaisons with beautiful women.
Abolitionists likened the mistressesto expensiveprostitutes, but
there was an importantdifferencein the slaves' case: these "pros-
titutes" were involuntaryparamours.They were not free to give
up their profession. Abolitionist propagandacontainedmany re-
ports on the rearing of young mulatto girls for forced sale as
concubines. They reminded readers that the pretty ones com-
manded high prices on the slave market for sordid reasons.'9As
an anonymouswriterrecalled,in an auctionof "niggerwenches"
slave traders unabashedlypresented the victims as "warranted
virgins," excellentas potentialconcubines,and valuablefor "the
manufactureof light colored slaves."20
These commentarieson licentiousnessunder slavery also ap-
pearedin popularliterature.Antislaverynovels developeda subtle
form of racial appeal. They encouragedreadersto identify with
slave heroinesby describingthem as whitelikein appearanceand
manners. As Jules Zanger has shown, the "Tragic Octoroon"
often figured as a central characterin antislaveryfiction. The
octoroon (seven-eighthswhiteby ancestry)appearedas a beautiful
young womanwith only the slightestevidenceof Negro forebears.
In the familiar plot she grew up in her white father's household
and received a good education, but her father's death led to a
chain of tragedies:sale into slaveryand victimizationat the hands
of a cruel and lustful slave traderor overseer. Readerswere out-
ragedby the sexual abusescommittedagainstthese fictionalocto-
roons, identifying emotionally with the nearly white characters
who suffered the double crimes of slaveryand rape.2'
Proslaverywritersrespondedto attacksagainstthe "morals of
slavery" with confusion and uncertainty.They could not decide
whetherto denouncethe accusationsof promiscuityor to rational-
18 Ronald G. Walters, The Antislavery Appeal: American Abolitionism After 1830
Southern States . .. (Charleston, 1852), 44; Harper, "Slavery in the Light of Social Eth-
ics" in Cotton is King, and Pro-Slavery Arguments ... (Augusta, Ga., 1860), 582-83; see
also William Gilmore Simms's arguments in The Pro-Slavery Argument, 228-30, and in his
anonymous, Slavery in America, Being a Brief Review of Miss Martineau on That Subject
(Richmond, 1838), 40.
25 [Simms], Slavery in America, 38-40; quotation on p. 40.
33 Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, Written by Himself (New York,
1941), 71-72. Douglass reports that he learned afterward that the help had really come
from Wilks's friends in Baltimore and Annapolis.
34 Silvia Hoffert, "This 'One Great Evil'," American History Illustrated, XII (May
1977), 38.
35 Frazier, The Negro in the United States, 274-76; Johnston, Race Relations, 293.
36 Long, Pictures of Slavery in Church and State ... (Auburn, 1859), 22-23.
37 Tocqueville, Democracy in America, I, 379.
(Cambridge, Mass., 1962), quotations in order are on pp. 8, 7, 15, 271, 15, 15. Slave
narratives gave similar stress to the attractiveness of near-white slaves. See for example
William W. Brown, The Narrative of William W. Brown, a Fugitive Slave (Reading, Mass.,
1969), 11, 63; Running a Thousand Miles for Freedom, or, The Escape of William and
Ellen Craft from Slavery, in Arna Bontemps, ed., Great Slave Narratives (Boston, 1969),
271-72.
47 Berlin, Slaves Without Masters, 196; Long, Pictures of Slavery in Church and State,
24; Johnston, Race Relations, 185. For related discussions concerning the whites' lack of
trust in mulattoes and "town niggers" see George Fitzhugh, Cannibals All!, or Slaves
Without Masters, edited by C. Vann Woodward (Cambridge, Mass., 1960), 200; Edward
A. Pollard, Black Diamonds Gathered in the Darkey Homes of the South (New York,
1859), 57-61.
48 Johnston, Race Relations, 298.
49 Ibid., 300-301.
Natural Condition (New York, 1861), v-vii, 17-38, 125-67; first quotation p. 146, second
on p. 161, third on p. 167; fourth on p. 163.
55 Ibid., 17-33, 144-45, 161-63. For other examples of interest in the debate over hybrid-
ity see James A. Stewart, Powers of the Government of the United States ... (Washing-
ton, D. C., 1856), 15; De Bow's Review, X (March 1851), 364. Frederick Law Olmsted
showed his curiosity about the issue by asking residents in the lower South about the
longevity of mulatto families in the area. The residents' comments did not appear to
support the sterility theory. See Olmsted, Journey in the Back Country, 90-92.