Running head: LANGUAGE POLICY IN IRELAND 1

Language Policy in Ireland:

The Future of Revitalizing Endangered Languages

Kieran Ryan

Global Studies and World Languages Academy at Tallwood High School

LANGUAGE POLICY IN IRELAND 2

Abstract

This paper discusses the topic of language vitality through the context of Irish language policy. A

number of scholarly articles and government documents that detail government actions and

public attitudes related towards the status of the Irish language are referenced within the scope of

this paper. Invaluable to the research is Brenzinger et. al’s (2003) ​Language Vitality and

Endangerment​, as it provides a solid framework adopted into Ireland’s language policy. Also

discussed is the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis which surmises an inherent link between language and

culture, heightening the importance of preserving language diversity. Additionally, this paper

examines the case of the Virginia Powhatan tribes and extinction of the Algonquian language as

a result of English colonization. It is concluded that Brenzinger et. al’s language vitality index

would contribute to the future of language policy abroad, but is impractical in some contexts.
LANGUAGE POLICY IN IRELAND 3

Within the next few decades, it is predicted that half of the world’s roughly 6,000

languages will become extinct, meaning there will be no more native speakers. This has

facilitated discussion regarding the importance of these languages and the cultural value in

preserving them at a time when language diversity suffers. Language loss and linguistic

homogenization has occurred primarily due to colonization and globalization in developing

nations. UNESCO measures a language’s vitality mainly by the extent of intergenerational

transmission, and the organization. The vitality of a language can be strengthened by

encouraging its use among native and non-native speakers, a component of UNESCO’s

Language Vitality model. Ireland believed that this model would appropriately address its own

context for language policy. UNESCO’s model for language policy, which achieved modest

success in revitalizing the Irish language, should be the framework used in future efforts to

preserve endangered languages.

Literature Review

The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization provides an online

interactive map of languages and their corresponding degrees of endangerment as an additional

resource to complement Moseley’s (2010) printed ​Atlas of the World’s Languages in Danger​.

Though the printed version was not used, the interactive online map provided statistics of

thousands of world languages, including number of daily speakers, collected by Moseley. It

defines several degrees of language vitality based primarily on whether a language is passed

from generation to generation. According to Moseley, Irish is classified as a definitely

endangered language with approximately 44,000 daily speakers. Because the Atlas does not
LANGUAGE POLICY IN IRELAND 4

include languages that have been extinct longer than 50 years, there is no data provided on the

Algonquian language.

Douglas Hyde, who would become the first President of the Republic of Ireland, was an

Irish scholar and advocate of Gaelic language and culture. In a speech addressed to the Irish

National Literary Society, Hyde (1892) called for a grassroots cultural movement to

de-Anglicize Ireland. To achieve this, Hyde encouraged the Irish people to embrace Celtic arts

and language which he perceived had been replaced by the English. Similarly, in his ​Notes on the

State of Virginia​, originally published in 1787, Thomas Jefferson expressed regret for the lack of

documentation of Native American languages. He suggested that, if their languages had been

preserved and studied, it would be the best evidence to confirm whether Native Americans had

migrated from Asia to North America (Jefferson, 2006). While both Hyde and Jefferson saw the

importance of preserving languages, their motivations were starkly different. Hyde viewed the

language as a tool to promote the Irish national identity. Jefferson, on the other hand, wished to

study Native American languages as an historical record of the people.

Brenzinger et al. (2003) establish nine factors that affect the overall vitality of languages.

This most importantly includes intergenerational transmission: the passing of a language from

one generation to the next, usually in the home. Two other important indicators of language

vitality are the absolute number of speakers and proportion of speakers within a certain

population. Perhaps the most challenging of these areas to address is the government and public

attitudes towards language policy. The difficulty lies in changing mindsets that have been shaped

by long-standing biases. These criteria have since been adopted by the Government of Ireland

(2010) as part of its ​20-Year Strategy for the Irish Language​ ​2010-2030​. The ultimate goal of
LANGUAGE POLICY IN IRELAND 5

this strategy is to increase the number of daily Irish speakers to 250,000. Using the framework

provided by Brenzinger et al., the Government of Ireland has adapted this to fit the local context.

​ as created to
The Government of Ireland’s (2018) subsequent ​Action Plan 2018-2022 w

identify specific areas for language policy to better enforce its 20-Year Strategy. The Action Plan

explains that a lack of adequate resources held the 20-Year Strategy at a disadvantage and

therefore necessitated an outline of specific objectives to help accelerate the promotion of the

Irish language. Although the 20-Year Strategy alone is arguably ineffective, it remains a viable

source for Ireland’s language policy thanks to the Action Plan.

Discussion

Limitations of Research

Impact limitations. ​This paper focuses on language policy through the context of Ireland

and Algonquian-speaking Native Americans, limiting the generalizability of the research to only

those two populations. Research of Irish efforts to revitalize Gaelic is extensive, and the

language policy adopted by Ireland incorporates Brenzinger et. al’s (2003) UNESCO model for

countries to address language vitality. Although there is considerably less research available on

the Algonquian language, it was important in establishing a local context to compare to Irish.

Differences in the reporting of speakers. ​The total number of Irish speakers is reported

differently among various sources. For example, Moseley (2010) estimates that the daily Irish

speaking population to be 44,000. This number was used as a baseline for this paper. However,

Ireland’s 2011 census puts this figure closer to 77,000, not including those in primary and

secondary schools. Prior to the publication of the 2011 census data, the Government of Ireland

(2010) reported 83,000 daily speakers in its ​20-Year Strategy for the Irish Language 2010-2030​.
LANGUAGE POLICY IN IRELAND 6

These discrepancies make it difficult to pinpoint the actual number of Irish speakers, but the data

provide a reasonable range from which to measure success of the country’s language policy.

Varying definitions of Irish speakers. ​Various sources may interpret what constitutes

an Irish speaker differently. While not explicitly defined in any source, an Irish speaker could be

an individual who uses the Irish in daily aspects of their life, is a resident of the Gaeltacht, knows

the language without using it, or is actively learning the language. For the purposes of this paper,

an Irish speaker is defined as an individual that uses the language on a daily basis.

Lack of Algonquian perspectives. ​Virginia’s remaining Algonquian tribes are small and

dwindling, and research of these tribes and their language is minimal. The only relevant

documentation of the language is found in dictionaries of words and phrases written by William

Strachey and Captain John Smith in the 17th century. The research is therefore limited to the

perspectives to the European colonizers of Virginia rather than the natives themselves. This is

still valuable, however, because their works are firsthand knowledge of the Native Americans.

Defining Language Endangerment

There are about six thousand unique languages around the world. According to

UNESCO, roughly half of all languages are classified as endangered. An endangered language is

one that is threatened due to a decline of its speaking population resulting from lack of

intergenerational transmission (Fernando, Valijarvi, & Goldstein, 2010). Often an endangered

language will be spoken exclusively among older generations while youths no longer acquire the

language as a mother tongue (UNESCO, 2011). The term obsolescence refers to the process by

which informal spoken language, also known as vernacular language, is limited due to

demographic or cultural shifts and thus becomes endangered. This occurs primarily when a
LANGUAGE POLICY IN IRELAND 7

competing language flourishes in an area with speakers of smaller minority languages, or when a

speaking population disperses through migration (Swiggers, 2007). A language that is considered

safe by UNESCO (2011), contrarily, is one that is transmitted intergenerationally and spoken by

all age groups. Safe languages account for about half of all spoken languages (UNESCO, 2011).

Language Diversity, Perception, and Culture

Members of the UNESCO Ad Hoc Expert Group on Endangered Languages found that

only three percent of the world population speaks 96 percent of all languages, while 97 percent

of the world population speaks only four percent of all languages (Brenzinger et al., 2003). Most

of the world’s language diversity, then, is confined to a considerably small speaking population.

Significant linguistic heterogeneity could potentially be lost by the end of the 21st century when

Brenzinger et al. (2003) estimate that dominant languages will replace 90 percent of all current

languages. Early controversial linguists Edward Sapir and Benjamin Lee Whorf postulated that

speakers of different languages are predisposed to unique worldviews (Hussein, 2012). In other

words, they believed that perceptions of reality are inherently different among different speaking

populations. For this reason, the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis encourages understanding of various

perceived realities through language to better appreciate culture (Hussein, 2012).

History of the Irish Language

Ireland’s state agency Údarás na Gaeltachta (UnaG) (2019) provides an overview of the

Irish language, beginning with the spread of Celtic languages from mainland Europe to Britain

and Ireland more than 2,500 years ago. Evidence of Irish in its earliest form is found on fifth

century CE stone inscriptions known as Ogham (UnaG, 2019). Ogham inscriptions incorporate a

series of straight lines that resemble runes, often indicating one’s ancestry, memorial, or land
LANGUAGE POLICY IN IRELAND 8

ownership (Noble, Gordon, & Hamilton, 2018). The Roman alphabet was later adopted,

replacing Ogham before the seventh century (UnaG, 2019). The Irish language then experienced

minor changes through Scandinavian and Anglo-Norman conquests between 900 and 1200 CE,

borrowing loan words from both groups (UnaG, 2019). Despite the multilingualism resulting

from these conquests, Irish remained as the preferred vernacular and literary language (UnaG,

2019). By the 17th century, however, Irish diminished in popularity as the British possessed

overwhelming control in Ireland (McDermott, 2011).

Anglicization of Ireland

McDermott (2011) suggests that British imperialism was the impetus that caused Irish to

falter, bolstering the English language. From then, the Irish associated English with wealth and

power because of its predominant use in business and trade (Ó Ceallaigh & Ní Dhonnabháin,

2015). In 1649, Oliver Cromwell, Lord Protector of England, led a violent campaign through

Ireland. Leading several regiments on horse and foot, Cromwell spread a new English ruling

class who were granted ownership of agricultural land and control over Irish tenant farmers

(Braa, 1997). It is noted by Braa (1997) that traditional Celtic culture and community structures

were retained predominantly in the west of Ireland due to English pressures and high overall

population density in other regions. In fact, Ireland’s 1841 indicated a peak population of just

over eight million—66% of which relied on agriculture for sustenance (Braa, 1997). Roughly

one million Irish, with the financial support of their families abroad, emigrated to North America

and Britain to pursue manufacturing jobs (Braa, 1997).

The Great Famine

LANGUAGE POLICY IN IRELAND 9

The remaining Irish tenants were greatly dependent upon the potato because it could

support a typical family using only a fraction of land required to grow grains (Braa, 1997).

Despite how well the potato grew in the arid, rocky soil in the west, Braa (1997) says that the

crop failed due to the 1845-1849 blight that spoiled most yields. The fungus prolonged for

decades, and, in total, about two and a half million Irish starved or emigrated (Braa, 1997).

While this period of starvation is commonly referred to as the Great Famine, perhaps the more

accurate term is An Gorta Mór (literally translated from Irish as “the Great Hunger”). Although

Britain paid to import corn from America to feed the Irish peasantry, the export of grains that

could have been used to prevent starvation exceeded those imports (Braa, 1997).

Efforts to Preserve the Irish Language

Grassroots movements. ​Irish scholar and linguist Douglas Hyde, who would later be the

first President of the Republic of Ireland, delivered his ​Necessity for De-Anglicizing Ireland

speech to the Irish National Literary Society in 1892. Hyde (n.d.) states in his speech that the

Irish are becoming increasingly indistinguishable from the English and argues that in order to

differentiate themselves, it is imperative to maintain their unique Irish identity. To accomplish

this, Hyde and colleague Eoin MacNeill founded in 1893 the Conradh na Gaeilge (the Gaelic

League), a nationalistic society created to reinvigorate Irish culture by promoting the language

and encouraging community engagement in festivals and the arts (McDermott, 2011). The

organization was created essentially to counteract the effects of Anglicization and An Gorta Mór.

Early language policy. ​Conradh na Gaeilge alone was not fully successful in revitalizing

Irish language and culture, but it facilitated discussion about the future of Ireland’s language

policy (Mac Giolla Chríost, 2012). Mac Giolla Chríost (2012) credits Ireland’s 1922 Constitution
LANGUAGE POLICY IN IRELAND 10

for elevating the legal status of Gaelic. The Constitution declares the Irish language as the

nation’s first language while also giving an equal official status to English (Mac Giolla Chríost,

2012). In 1928, the Coimisiún na Gaeltachta, the government organization responsible for

Irish-language policy, first officially recognized predominantly Irish speaking areas known as the

Gaeltacht. Pressure was placed especially upon Ireland’s education system to raise new

generations of Irish speakers by requiring students in 1928 to take the language in order to

complete both the Intermediate Certificate and Leaving Certificate (Mac Giolla Chríost, 2012).

Contrarily, in the National School system, created in 1831 prior to the establishment of the Irish

Free State, the language was not taught (McDermott, 2011). McDermott (2011) points out that

even Catholic schools left Irish out of their curriculums due to its low status, enforcing corporal

punishment for students who spoke the language to one another.

Official Languages Act of 2003. ​To encourage the use of Irish, the Government of

​ hich mandated that public

Ireland (2015) published the ​Official Languages Act of 2003 w

services, documents, and signage be available in Gaelic. Additionally, should signage be

bilingual, both Irish and English writing are to be equally legible with the former appearing first

(Government of Ireland, 2015). In court, one may choose to have their hearing in either Irish or

English, depending on whichever language they understand best; however, if multiple parties

speak different languages, the court is obligated to provide an interpreter (Government of

Ireland, 2015).

20-Year Strategy for the Irish Language. ​The Government of Ireland (2010)

formulated the ​20-Year Strategy for the Irish Language 2010-2030 ​in an effort to increase the

number of daily Irish speakers to 250,000 by 2030. The strategy essentially aims to make
LANGUAGE POLICY IN IRELAND 11

choosing to speak Irish on a daily basis a practical decision for all citizens, thereby further

encouraging the use of the language. The plan is explicitly derived from Brenzinger et. al’s

(2003) factors that influence language, addressing Ireland’s own context such as the existence of

the Gaeltacht. However, the 20-Year Strategy is at a disadvantage due to a lack of resources

needed to attain its goal by 2030. The Government of Ireland (2018) addressed this issue by

creating the ​Action Plan 2018-2022​ to accelerate the implementation of language policy outlined

in the 20-Year Strategy.

Visibility of the Irish Language in the Media

Raidió na Gaeltachta. ​On Easter Sunday in 1972 the first government-funded

Irish-medium radio station, Raidió na Gaeltachta, debuted (Mac Giolla Chríost, 2012). Although

the impact of the radio station has not been evaluated, Mac Giolla Chríost (2012) suggests that

its creation has been pivotal in connecting geographically isolated Irish speakers. It has also

created job opportunities in technology and communications that were not previously available

to native Irish speakers (Mac Giolla Chríost, 2012).

Teilifís na Gaeilge. ​Created in 1996, the Irish-medium television channel Teilifís na

Gaeilge, now known as TG4, is funded to provide entertainment and news for native Irish

speakers (Mac Giolla Chríost, 2012). According to TG4 (2019), the channel reaches about

650,000 daily viewers across Ireland, indicating that the channel has relatively significant

viewership. The channel receives public funding, having been appropriated 32.79 million euros

by the government in 2017, and generates additional income by selling advertisements to

sponsors (TG4, 2019). The channel’s programming includes news, documentaries, dubbed

international films, and original series that have been recognized abroad (TG4, 2019). Kids’
LANGUAGE POLICY IN IRELAND 12

entertainment and educational programs are available on Cúla 4, the channel aimed towards

children and operated by Teilifís na Gaeilge (TG4, 2019).

Attitudes Towards the Irish Language

Irish attitudes. ​McDermott (2011) suggests that Ireland’s focus on language policy

within the Gaeltacht is misguided. These communities already consist of many native Irish

speakers, so the efforts to revive the language should instead be directed towards urban areas

outside of the Gaeltacht. Recent measures, however, indicate that the government is

appropriately expanding the extent of its language policy. As part of its ​Action Plan 2018-2022,​

42 Gaelscoileanna outside of the Gaeltacht will be established in the near future (Government of

Ireland, 2018). Gaelscoileanna are schools at which all subjects are taught in Irish. As for

teaching Irish in English-medium schools, M. Ní Ghráinne argues that the curriculum is geared

towards native speakers rather than non-native learners (personal communication, April 21,

2019). The curriculum, as described by M. Ní Ghráinne, “[focuses] on grammar a lot which can

be very daunting for students.”

Global attitudes. ​Irish is typically not acquired as one’s second language. Li, Cathal, &

Gallagher (2017), however, point out that there has been a recent increase in the number of Irish

learners in North American and European higher education. Li et al. (2017) credit the

language-learning platform Duolingo, which has about two million users learning Irish, for

facilitating global awareness and scholarly interest in the language. Outside of Ireland, Irish

learners perceive the language as a repository of culture whereas Irish citizens tend to associate

the language with passionless, compulsory learning (Li et al., 2017).

Anglicization of the Powhatan Tribes

LANGUAGE POLICY IN IRELAND 13

British colonization. ​In 1607, Captain John Smith and other English settlers in Virginia

managed to establish Jamestown, the first permanent English settlement in America. Several

Powhatan tribes existed along the James River and other tributaries of the Chesapeake Bay, but

their de facto possession of the land was not honored by the colonists (Horn, 2018). Following

both a devastating drought and period of starvation, Lord De La Warr arrived in Jamestown in

1610 in an attempt to boost morale in the settlement (Horn, 2018). Accompanied by hundreds of

troops, Lord De La Warr pillaged villages, indiscriminately killing natives, seizing crops, and

burning dwellings (Horn, 2018). These actions are compared by Horn (2018) to Cromwellian

tactics used in colonizing Ireland. The British had previously expressed distaste for the methods

used by Spanish conquistadors in South America, but the English seemed to emulate a similar

level of violence under Lord De La Warr (Horn, 2018).

Religious conversion. ​Horn (2018) establishes that Protestant evangelism and the “Law

of God” antagonized the Native Americans. The Powhatans were perceived as savages, and, in

order to assimilate to English society, were obliged to convert to Christianity and follow the

doctrine of the Church of England (Horn, 2018). Horn also notes that considerable efforts were

focused on converting Powhatan children since they were adaptable and could impart their

Christian faith upon future generations. Virginia’s General Assembly mandated that “the most

promising young boys” from local tribes be educated at institutions that were intended to convert

the natives (Horn, 2018, p. 149).

Reconstructing the Algonquian Language

Director Terrence Malick of the 2005 film ​The New World ​wanted to dramatize the

events surrounding the Jamestown colony with as much authenticity as possible. To accomplish
LANGUAGE POLICY IN IRELAND 14

this, he sought the help of linguist Blair Rudes to translate dialogue in the film’s script to

Virginia Algonquian, a language that has been extinct since the 19th century (Rudes, 2011).

Small collections of anglicized Algonquian words and phrases, recorded by both William

Strachey and Captain John Smith, provide Rudes (2011) with basic vocabulary to begin with.

Assuming that Eastern Algonquian languages, such as Munsee Delaware and Natick, sound

similar to Virginia Algonquian, Rudes used their phonetics and borrowed words not found in the

dictionaries written by Smith and Strachey. He recorded himself reading aloud the translated

script, approximating what the dictation should sound like in order to help the actors portraying

the Native Americans practice the dialogue (Rudes, 2011).

Challenges Faced by Powhatan Tribes

Rudes (2011) acknowledges the difficulty in motivating Native American tribes to

revitalize the languages within their communities due to an underestimation of time and effort.

Tribes are further hindered by burdensome costs and obligations associated with tribal

membership (Rountree & Turner, 2005). As a member of a Native American tribe, Rountree &

Turner (2005) explain that one must usually pay dues and is expected to attend meetings on

reservations. Additionally, some members may be obliged to serve as an unpaid diplomat at

other tribes’ cultural events, namely powwows, to represent their own tribe (Rountree & Turner,

2005). For these reasons identified by Rountree & Turner, the thousands of Virginians who are

genealogically linked to these communities choose instead to maintain their convenient urban

lives.

Conclusion
LANGUAGE POLICY IN IRELAND 15

Brenzinger et. al’s (2003) UNESCO framework for language vitality has been effective

in identifying important areas for future language policy. Ireland has seen modest success in

implementing policies to fit its local context using these guidelines in their ​20-Year Strategy for

the Irish Language​. The flexible nature of the framework has allowed for ease of adjustment to

address weaknesses in Irish language policy. It is both reasonable and feasible to apply the

concepts outlined in the framework to many unique local contexts in the future, provided that

there is a large enough speaking population to facilitate growth: a virtually impossible task for

the remaining Powhatan tribes due to the lack of social capital.

LANGUAGE POLICY IN IRELAND 16

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