Cities, Vol. 22, No. 2, p.

161–173, 2005
Ó 2005 Elsevier Ltd.
doi:10.1016/j.cities.2005.01.006 All rights reserved.
Printed in Great Britain
0264-2751/$ - see front matter

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City profile
Hanoi
Basil van Horen
Development Planning Program, School of Geography,
Planning and Architecture, University of Queensland,
QLD 4072, Australia

Hanoi is the capital of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, and is the political, economic and
cultural centre of the country. While Hanoi is an ancient city that will be celebrating its
1000th year of existence in 2010, archaeological evidence indicates that human habitation
on the site of present-day Hanoi dates back 10,000 years. HanoiÕs fabric has been shaped
by a variety of influences, including a thousand years of Chinese rule, indigenous Vietnamese
rule, French colonial rule, the American War, the Soviet era, and the current Doi Moi period.
Hanoi has a population of 3.1 million people, and the Hanoi General Master Plan aims to
develop the economy and society of the city with a view to being competitive with other large
cities in Asia. The plan aims to encourage foreign investment, make effective use of capital
resources, and improve economic conditions in the city. While governed by Communist struc-
tures, with PeopleÕs Committees managing the political affairs of Hanoi metropolitan area, its
Districts and Wards, the economy has reflected significant transformations where the policy of
Doi Moi signalled the opening up of the economy. Also significant is the recent shift from top-
down Master Planning to a more Strategic approach to HanoiÕs planning and urban manage-
ment.
Ó 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: History, planning, urban management, economic transformation, future development

Hanoi will celebrate its 1000th year of
existence in 2010. The city has an
extraordinarily rich history, with a mul-
titude of influences that have shaped its
fabric. These include the Chinese who
occupied the country for a thousand
years, the French colonial regime, the
American War, and the alliance with
the Soviet Union. Prior to the break-
up of the Soviet Union in 1991, Viet-
nam embarked on economic policies
aimed at greater integration into the
global economy. After the introduction
of the policies of Doi Moi in 1986, Viet-
nam has maintained a Communist
political structure of government, but
has opened up the economy with a view
*Tel.: +61-7-3365-6707; fax: +61-7-3365-
6899; e-mail: b.vanhoren@uq.edu.au
to becoming increasingly market-ori-
ented. This policy change is also re-
flected in changes in the systems of
urban planning and urban management
which have shifted from rigid, top-
down Soviet style Master Planning to
a more flexible Strategic Planning and
urban management approach that is
currently being implemented in Hanoi.
Historical growth and change
of Hanoi
Ancient period
Archaeological evidence indicates
that human habitation of northern
Vietnam dates back 500,000 years,
and habitation of present-day Hanoi
dates back 10,000 years. Settlement
in the city area dates back to the
Paleolithic and Neolithic Ages during
which human beings settled in lime-
stone hills, and in caves located near
rives and forests where fish and game
were plentiful. The first inhabitants
of present-day Hanoi comprised a feu-
dal society that initially depended on
hunting, fishing and gathering but sub-
sequently developed animal hus-
bandry and agriculture. In the 3rd
century BC, King Thuc Phan of the
Tay Au formed the kingdom of Au
Lac, and the capital was shifted to
Co Loa, which is only 20 km from Ha-
noi (Vien, 1993).
A thousand years of Chinese rule
(1st century BC–10th century AD)
As early as 214 BC, the Chinese set up
a military garrison near present-day

161

Hanoi and went on to occupy the
kingdom of Au Lac. From the 1st cen-
tury BC to the 10th century AD, the
Han people occupied Vietnam. The
Chinese introduced many important
technological innovations, including
ploughs and irrigation systems, also
profoundly influencing Vietnamese
culture and structures of government,
especially through the introduction of
the teachings of Confucius. However,
resistance to Chinese rule was evident
on an ongoing basis throughout Viet-
nam. In the year 938, revolutionary
leader Ngo Quyen attacked and de-
feated the Chinese, and established
an independent Vietnamese state.
Vietnamese rule (11th–19th
centuries)
With the establishment of the Ly Dy-
nasty in 1009, the monarchy secured
its hold on power. In 1010, Emperor
Ly Thai To ordered the transfer of the
capital to Thang Long, which is the site
of present day Hanoi. During this peri-
od, Thang Long consisted of the Royal
City (Hoang Thanh) and the Common-
ersÕ City (Kinh Thanh). For the next
400 years, Thang Long served as the
administrative seat of government.
The Great Royal Enclosure, now the
cityÕs Old Quarter, was built, and the
nationÕs first university, the Temple of
Literature, was founded. In 1407, the
Chinese again captured Hanoi. How-
ever, the guerrilla tactics of Le Loi
Figure 1 The French-built governor-generalÕs palace.
162
City profile: Basil van Horen
resulted in the Vietnamese defeating
the Chinese and re-establishing inde-
pendence within 20 years of the initial
occupation. The feudal society built un-
der the Le kings in the 15th century
flourished for about a hundred years.
However, decadence manifested itself
during the 18th century, and in reac-
tion, peasant revolts spread and the
Tay Son ended the rule of the Trinh
kings, following an attack on Thang
Long in 1789 (Vien, 1993).
French colonial rule (1858–1954)
On 31 August 1858, a French naval
squadron attacked Vietnam, launch-
ing a war of colonial conquest. In
1867, the French invaded Vietnam,
establishing South Vietnam as a
French colony, and captured Hanoi
in 1874. In Hanoi, the French demol-
ished the ancient citadel, tore down
the imperial palace, and in their place
erected their own military headquar-
ters, Governor-GeneralÕs palace, and
ministry buildings (Logan, 1995). Ngu-
yen Tat Thanh, better known as Ho
Chi Minh, presented a plan for an
independent Vietnam at the 1919 Ver-
sailles Peace Conference, but this was
rejected by the French (see Figure 1).
In March 1929, the first Communist
Party cell was set up in Hanoi. In an
attempt to suppress the party, the
French used torture, imprisonment,
and the death penalty. Between 1929
and 1932, 775 Vietnamese people
were killed and 15,872 were detained,
but this did not hinder the growth of
the Communist Party which had
strong roots among the population.
In Hanoi, on 2 September 1945, Ho
Chi Minh declared the independence
of the Democratic Republic of Viet-
nam at Ba Dinh Square. War against
French occupation broke out on 23
September 1945. The first large battle
was for Hanoi in 1946, which the
French took two months to control.
On 7 May 1954, the Vietnamese con-
quered the French command centre
at Dien Bien Phu, and the French sur-
rendered. More than one million Viet-
namese civilians, between 200,000 and
300,000 Viet Minh fighters and
95,000 French troops were killed in
the war (Logan, 2000; Vien, 1993).
The American War (1954–1975)
After the 1954 Geneva Agreement,
which effectively divided the country,
the USA supported the regime of
anti-communist Ngo Dinh Diem in
the South, aiming to eliminate the
Communist movement in North Viet-
nam. The Vietnamese Workers Party,
based in Hanoi, specified that the
North should embark upon a socialist
path of development. The very back-
ward state of the economy––a legacy
of centuries of feudalism and colonial-
ism––was a major obstacle to the
establishment of socialism. The 3rd

Party Congress held in Hanoi in 1960
set down general guidelines for eco-
nomic development and the first five
year (1961–1965) plan for reconstruc-
tion of socialist infrastructure. How-
ever, undermining attempts to
stimulate economic development, in
March 1965, the USA started Opera-
tion Rolling Thunder, which involved
the bombing of North Vietnam. The
first bombs were dropped on Hanoi
on 29 June 1966, killing over 52,000
civilians. In November of the same
year, American President Johnson
authorised further bombing of the
city. Bombs hit commercial streets,
destroyed the Textile Mill, the Medi-
cine and Pharmacy Faculty, the Water
Conservation Institute, and obliter-
ated an entire block of 300 residential
houses in Hanoi. In March 1967, the
US resumed bombing of civilian tar-
gets. To minimise the impact of the
bombing, North Vietnam decentra-
lised its economy and evacuated large
numbers of people from Hanoi (For-
bes, 2001; Vien, 1993).
American bombing of Hanoi inten-
sified during the later 1960s. In 1968,
400,000 Communist Viet Cong troops
launched the Tet Offensive, involving
armed attacks and uprisings through-
out the South. American President
Nixon ordered another wave of bomb-
ing of North Vietnam in 1972, result-
ing in almost all towns being totally
or partially destroyed. HanoiÕs elec-
tricity plant, Radio HanoiÕs radio sta-
tion, the railway station, the Bach
Mai hospital, the Long Bien Bridge,
Figure 2 Ho Chi Minh Mausoleum adjacent to Ba Dinh Square.
City profile: Basil van Horen
and 17,000 houses were destroyed.
Approximately 720,000 people were
evacuated from the city (Thrift and
Forbes, 1985). Importantly, life in Ha-
noi during the bombing was under-
pinned by a conviction of residents
that they would ultimately defeat the
Americans, a conviction reflecting a
national psyche formed from a blend
of Buddhist stoicism, Confucian re-
straint and a patience born of a history
littered with wars, invasions and resis-
tance movements. The Viet Cong
launched an attack on American
forces in January 1975, and on 30
April 1975, the Viet Cong occupied
Saigon, bringing three decades of war
to an end. Two million Vietnamese
had died in the War, and the economy
was in disarray. In 1979, the Chinese
attacked Hanoi, but were repelled in
17 days of fighting (Vien, 1993; Logan,
2000).
The Soviet––Vietnamese linkage
(1950s–mid-1980s)
In the 1950s, Vietnam worked to
strengthen linkages with the Soviet
Union. This included economic aid
as per the Economic and Technical
Cooperation Agreement of 1955 fol-
lowed, in 1958, by a Trade and Mari-
time Agreement that specified the
system of exchange to be used in So-
viet––Vietnamese trade. Soviet assis-
tance declined during the 1960s and
1970s, but strengthened again after
the American War. In 1975, Vietnam
and the Soviet Union signed the
Treaty of Friendship and Coopera-
tion, which established a strong eco-
nomic relationship. Between 1955
and 1990, more than 22,700 students
were educated in the Soviet Union
(Vien, 1993; Logan, 2000).
In Hanoi, evidence of the Soviet
influence included numerous buildings
designed by Soviet architects. These
included the Soviet––Vietnamese
Friendship Cultural Palace, the State
Assembly Building, the Hanoi Peo-
pleÕs Committee Building, the Hanoi
Polytechnical Institute, the Hanoi rail-
way station, the Ho Chi Minh Mauso-
leum (see Figure 2), and Soviet-built
apartment blocks. The Soviets placed
a strong emphasis on providing hous-
ing for all Hanoi residents, building
numerous four and five storey walk-
up public housing blocks. However,
construction quality was not very
good, and maintenance problems soon
emerged. The construction process in-
volved the transfer of Soviet design
principles to Hanoi, whereby Soviet
architects and planners shaped Ha-
noiÕs townscape, thereby reinforcing
Soviet hegemony (Vien, 1993; Logan,
2000) (see Figure 3).
The Doi Moi (renovation) period
(1986-present)
Before the disintegration of the Soviet
Union in 1991, there was widespread
questioning of the value of Soviet
planning and design principles in Ha-
noi. By the mid-1980s, population
densities in the Ancient Quarter in
Hanoi had reached 1.5 m2 per person,
163

Figure 3 Soviet-built state assembly building across from Ba Dinh Square.
poverty levels were high, and eco-
nomic conditions were worsening with
inflation running at 700% per annum.
The retirement from office of the
Ôold guardÕ and the accession to office
of reformist Nguyen Van Linh to the
position of Secretary-General of the
Communist Party signalled a shift in
government thinking. This resulted in
Doi Moi (renovation) policies being
introduced at HanoiÕs Sixth Com-
munist Party Congress in 1986.
Doi Moi meant severing the rela-
tionship with Russia, and increasing
linkages with western countries,
involving openness to foreign invest-
ment and private ownership. Doi
Moi has seen rapid economic growth,
the expansion of exports, inflow of
foreign capital, and integration with
economies in Asia Pacific. New poli-
cies also involved the abolition of
price subsidies, the privatisation of
some state enterprises, encourage-
ment of private investment, and
permission for the market-based
economy to grow outside the state
sector. Within Hanoi, economic re-
form resulted in the development of
a middle class, evidence of which is
provided by the emergence of private
shops, offices, guest houses, and the
emergence of an informal sector of
trishaw riders (xı´ch lô) and street
traders (Dixon and Kilgour, 2002;
Smith and Scarpaci, 2001; McGee,
164
City profile: Basil van Horen
1995; Forbes, 1995; Forbes and Le
Hong Ke, 1996).
The urban form of Hanoi
Hanoi is located in the centre of the
northern delta of the Sông Hô´ng
(Red River), occupying an area of
927 km2. It is situated in a climatic
zone where winter is cold and dry,
while from February to March, driz-
zles and monsoon rains are frequent.
It is hot from April to June, while
from July to September there are hea-
vy rains, resulting in frequent flooding.
Annual average rainfall in Hanoi is
1678 mm. Temperatures range from
lows of 6 °C in winter, up to 45 °C in
summer. Many rivers flow through
the city. The major river is the
1183 km long Sông Hô´ng (Red River)
that flows from its source in China
through to the Gulf of Tonkin. Hanoi
has many other waterways, and ponds
and lakes are also numerous in Hanoi,
including Hô´ Tây (West Lake), and
Hoàn Kiém Lake (Government of
Vietnam, 2004).
The current population of Hanoi is
3.1 million. The population growth
rate in the metropolitan area is
1.5% per annum, due to natural
population growth combined with rur-
al in-migration. Given the economic
transformation associated with Doi
Moi economic policies, which has re-
sulted in increased economic opportu-
nities in Hanoi, it is anticipated that
in-migration will increase to between
2% and 2.5%. In this context, projec-
tions are that the population of the
Hanoi Metropolitan Area will reach
5 million by 2020 (HAPI, 2004a,b).
Before describing some of the key
elements of HanoiÕs physical fabric, it
is important to note that understand-
ing the physical fabric of Hanoi re-
quires recognition of the influences of
Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism.
Taoism and Confucianism pre-dated
Buddhism, having been brought into
Hanoi by the Chinese rulers. Taoism
was originally derived from the philo-
sophical doctrines of Lao-tzu, center-
ing on the notion of peopleÕs oneness
with the universe. During Chinese
rule, Confucianism existed in a Bud-
dhist environment but had little influ-
ence on policy-making. It was not
until the 13th century that the influ-
ence of Confucianism, along with Tao-
ism, regained the dominant status that
they enjoyed before the rise of Bud-
dhism. By the fifteenth century, Con-
fucianism became dominant over
Buddhism. The relative strength of
Confucianism and Buddhism shifted
over subsequent centuries. From the
15th to the 17th centuries, Buddhism
declined and Confucianism became
more formalised. However, Buddhism
re-emerged during the 18th century.

Evidence of these influences is pro-
vided by Buddhist pagodas that date
back almost a thousand years, includ-
ing the Kim Lien Pagoda on the banks
of Hô´ Tây (West Lake). Temples and
tombs such as Den Ngoc S
on at the
_
northern end of Hoàn Kiém Lake,
marked the influence of Confucianism
mixed with Taoist dynastic or ancestor
worship. Interestingly, the Den Ngoc
_
S
on temple reflects a combination of
Buddhist, Confucian and Tao ele-
ments (Vien, 1993; Logan, 2000).
Hanoi comprises seven urban Dis-
tricts and five suburban Districts. The
urban Districts are Ba D - ô´ng
- inh, D
-Da, Hai Bà Trúng, Hoàn Kiê´m, Câ´u
Giâ´uy, Than Xuân and Tây Hô´, the
first four of which form the core of
Hanoi. Within Hoàn Kiê´m District, is
Hoàn Kiê´m Lake, which is surrounded
by the Ancient Quarter. Immediately
to the south of the Ancient Quarter,
within Ba D - inh District, is the French
Quarter. Ba D - inh Square is located to
the north-west of the Ancient Quarter
and to the south of Hô´ Tây (West
Lake). On the periphery of Hanoi
are five suburban Districts––Gia
Lâm, Tú Liêm, Sóc Són, Thanh Trı̀
and D - ông Anh Districts. Within these
Districts are industrial zones, large
tracts of Soviet-built public housing,
and Wards that are currently being
transformed from what used to be pre-
dominantly agriculturally-oriented
Wards, to high-density urban residen-
tial Wards.
Hoàn Kiê´m Lake is the spiritual
centre of Hanoi, and is located in
the centre of the Ancient Quarter in
the centre of Hanoi. According to a
fifteenth century legend, a fisherman
from the village of Thanh Hoa by
name of Le Loi was casting his nets
into the lake when he caught, not a
fish, but a sword. Legend has it that
he used the sword to defeat the occu-
pying Chinese troops. Having made
himself king, he wished to return the
holy sword to the lake. As the ceremo-
nial cortege reached the lake, thunder
and flashes of lightning emanated
from the sword. The sword rose from
its sheath, transformed itself into a
jade dragon, and dashed into the lake,
thus giving the lake the name ‘‘Lake
of the Returned Sword’’. The area
around the lake is a gathering space
during festivals such as Tet, National
City profile: Basil van Horen
Day and New Year. In the mornings
people practice tai chi and jog around
the lake, while during the day, infor-
mal hawkers sell their wares. The lake
and its two islands, and their temples,
banks, trees and gardens have become
one of the most important heritage
conservation foci in Hanoi (Govern-
ment of Vietnam, 2004; Logan, 2000)
(see Figure 4).
The Ancient Quarter, or 36 Pho
Phuong (36 Old Streets Quarter), sur-
rounds Hoàn Kiê´m Lake and is the
historic core of Hanoi that grew out-
side the walls of the ancient citadel
during the ancient period. HanoiÕs
old districts are renowned for the
good quality of the built environment,
the lively and hospitable ambiance,
and the reflection that these areas
have of the cityÕs history (Parenteau
et al., 1995). The shop-houses, mar-
kets, temples and pagodas, and the
irregular road pattern date back to
the 15th century, while many religious
buildings date back to the 11th cen-
tury. Even though many of these shop-
houses have been modified and
renovated in recent years, and street
functions have changed during the
last century, they still bear the names
of the guilds that were housed in
each street centuries ago (e.g., Cotton
Street, Moneychangers Street, Silk
Street). Housing in the Ancient Quar-
ter are known as ÔtunnelÕ or ÔtubeÕ
houses, being no more than 2–4 m
wide, with depths varying from 20 to
60 m. The deterioration of housing
conditions is a function of the insecu-
rity of residents in terms of security
of tenure. State-ownership of housing
discourages tenants from carrying out
maintenance work. Repairs and
improvements are either undertaken
with the assistance of HanoiÕs City
Land and Housing Department, or
are undertaken by residents them-
selves, without any external assistance
(Phe and Nishimura, 2001; Luan, 2001;
Logan, 1995) (see Figure 5).
The importance of heritage assets
such as the Ancient Quarter and Hoàn
Kiê´m Lake are recognised by HanoiÕs
planning authorities as being crucial
not only to the maintenance of the
rich cultural heritage of the city, but
also to the maintenance of interna-
tional tourism. Conservation of these
ancient areas are reflected in urban
planning and management policy
(HAPI, 2004a,b). South of the An-
cient Quarter, the Hoàn Kiê´m pre-
cinct is carefully maintained both by
residents and HanoiÕs City Land and
Housing Department. The Chief
ArchitectÕs office has imposed height
restrictions on buildings constructed
around Hoàn Kiê´m Lake with a view
to retaining the attractive physical
attributes of the Lake area. Even so,
there is a rapidly growing concentra-
tion of shops that target young afflu-
ent Vietnamese and international
tourists around Hoàn Kiê´m Lake. A
risk arising from this orientation is
that HanoiÕs less affluent citizens will
become excluded from Hoàn Kiêm,
which is the traditional heart of the
city (Logan, 2000).
Located to the south of Hoàn Kiê´m
Lake, and contiguous to the Ancient
Quarter, the French added the ÔFrench
QuarterÕ to Hanoi after occupying the
city in 1874. The ÔFrench QuarterÕ was
established mainly for French resi-
dents, and continues to be character-
ised by wide avenues and boulevards.
Housing and buildings are both
publicly and privately owned. Most
of the private properties are managed
by the state given that owners left the
country––the French around 1954,
some Vietnamese during the Ameri-
can War, and Chinese around 1978.
Since these units are considered to
be abandoned by their owners, the
government did not nationalise the
units, but rather leases them to na-
tional or foreign citizens. Policy is in
place to ensure the renovation and
restoration of housing units in the
French Quarter. In this respect, Ha-
noiÕs Land and Housing Office has ta-
ken responsibility for the restoration
of the French Quarter, particularly
French villas dating back to the 19th
century (Koperdraat and Schenk,
2001; Parenteau et al., 1995). While a
few hundred buildings have been ren-
ovated, over 90% of the transforma-
tions have involved a change in
function, where residential usage has
been replaced by commercial, service
or administrative functions (see Fig-
ure 6).
Ba D- inh Square, which is located in
Ba D- inh District, to the north-west of
the Ancient Quarter and to the south
of Hô´ Tây (West Lake) demonstrates
165

Figure 4 The Hanoi metropolitan area.
clearly how changing ideologies of
successive regimes have been mani-
fested in changes to this area. The
area was initially part of the ancient
Royal Citadel before it was demol-
ished by the French who then rede-
166
City profile: Basil van Horen
signed Ba D - inh Square, building the
French Governor-GeneralÕs palace
and ministry buildings. Under HanoiÕs
socialist government, Ba D- inh Square
was reshaped to reflect the socialist
political ideology. Particularly during
the period of Soviet influence, the
French structures were complemented
by a number of Soviet-designed struc-
tures that were erected on the edge of
Ba D- inh Square. These included the
Ho Chi Minh mausoleum, the Ho

Figure 5 HanoiÕs ancient quarter.
Figure 6 The Hanoi Opera house.
Chi Minh museum, the Lenin statue,
the State Assembly Building, the offi-
ces of the Vietnamese Communist
Party and the National Assembly and
State Council Buildings (Logan,
2000). Ba D - inh Square is relatively
safe from redevelopment given its sta-
tus as HanoiÕs monumental zone.
Annually, hundreds of thousands of
tourists visit the attractive architecture
located on the edge of Ba D - inh
Square. Ba D - inh Square will be one
of the foci of the 1000-year celebration
of HanoiÕs history in 2010.
City profile: Basil van Horen
Throughout Hanoi, Buddhist pago-
das have retained an important role,
not only as places of worship, but also
as hospices, retreats and training cen-
tres. They also serve as sites for tradi-
tional ceremonies and festivals,
helping to strengthen the solidarity
of local communities in times of war
and economic hardship. The decline
of Confucianism after the end of Chi-
nese rule, allowed a renaissance of
Buddhism. Kings and lords built Bud-
dhist pagodas, scholars entered
monastic life, and people sought so-
lace in the religion. These conditions
also turned some people toward Tao-
ism, which experienced a renewal.
Taoist temples (den) dot the cultural
landscape, alongside Buddhist pago-
das. In recent years, religion has re-
vived, with places of worship being
better attended and religious institu-
tions being more significant players
in HanoiÕs society and politics. This
has led to the restoration and renova-
tion of many churches, pagodas and
temples in Hanoi. Over time, many
residents of Hanoi have adopted a
167

syncretic attitude, combining all three
doctrines––Confucianism, Buddhism
and Toaism––in a reasonably success-
ful synthesis (Logan, 2000; Vien,
1993).
A number of Soviet-style industrial
zones and residential neighbourhoods
were constructed on the periphery of
Hanoi during the 1970s and 1980s. By
1985, nine industrial zones had been
built on the periphery, each compris-
ing about 150 state run factories
(Khue, 2001). Linked to the industrial
development, were the development
of Soviet-style residential neighbour-
hoods in the vicinity of the industrial
zones, to accommodate workers from
the manufacturing plants and offices.
Residential blocks of public housing
were very homogenous in appear-
ance, and were organised according
to Soviet urban development princi-
ples, with living quarters containing
four of five-storey walk up public
housing blocks that were located in
close proximity to shops, schools,
and recreation areas (Quang and
Kammeier, 2002). Problematic is that
they were designed for nuclear fami-
lies, rather than extended families
which are more common in Hanoi,
resulting in serious space constraints
within units. Many of these public
housing blocks are currently run
down, dilapidated and experience
serious maintenance problems (see
Figure 7).
Figure 7 Soviet-built public housing block.
168
City profile: Basil van Horen
Wards on the periphery of Hanoi
are experiencing the pressures of
urbanisation. Wards on the northern
periphery have undergone rapid trans-
formation in recent years as increasing
land values have prompted them to
convert agricultural land to urban
uses. For example, villages of Phu
Thuong, Y^ en Ph u, Quang An, and
:
Nhat Tan that have long histories of
producing flowers and ornamental
trees (especially for the annual Tet
Festival), are all being transformed
from agricultural land to high-density
urban areas. Three, four and five sto-
rey houses are being built in all these
Wards. Adjacent to Wards on the
periphery are agricultural fields which
have long provided the livelihoods for
the villagers of the Wards. Contiguous
to Hô´ Tây (West Lake), are fields
have recently been designated as the
site for ‘‘Ciputra West Lake City’’, a
new development which is planned
to house 80,000 residents when it is
completed in 15 years time. In 1996,
the Vietnamese government approved
a US $2.1 billion project for West
Lake city. This residential area is
planned around a golf course, with
lavish recreation, hotel and conven-
tion facilities, and a series of office
and commercial facilities. Being an
up-market development, this residen-
tial neighbourhood will target foreign
expatriates and some Hanoi residents.
After the Asian financial crisis of
1997, the project was scaled back,
but plans for construction have now
been reactivated, which will have a
major impact on the social and eco-
nomic fabric of contiguous Wards.
(Leaf, 2002, 1999; Phe, 2001; Khue,
2001) (See Figure 8.)
Key urban issues
Political structures of government
in Hanoi
Government authority at the level of
the municipality of Hanoi is vested in
two key institutions. The first is the Ha-
noi PeopleÕs Council, which is elected
every two years. The PeopleÕs Council
in turn elects the Hanoi PeopleÕs Com-
mittee (see Figure 9). In Hanoi, the
relationship between the Communist
Party and the municipal government
is crucial in that the Communist Party
is the most critical source of power
within Vietnamese society. The Com-
munist Party of Vietnam (CPV) com-
prises two elements. First, the CPV at
the municipal level consists of a party
bureaucracy that mirrors the bureau-
cratic structure of local government.
Second, Party Congresses are the for-
mal means of drawing together Party
members, making decisions on policy
and plans, and electing members to sit
in the next Party Congress (which are
held at provincial, city, district or pre-
cinct, village, township and ward lev-
els). In this context, a key issue
 City profile: Basil van Horen

Figure 8 Phu Thuong Ward on the periphery of Hanoi adjacent to agricultural land (left) and new housing construction
within the Ward (right).

Figure 9 Current arrangement of Hanoi City Administration Source: HAPI (2004a, 2004b).

169

concerns leadership. Responsibility for
running a major metropolitan area
such as Hanoi is often seen as a step-
ping stone toward significant national
level responsibility, either in the Com-
munist Party, or as a member of gov-
ernment (Forbes and Le Hong Ke,
1996).
Answering to the Hanoi PeopleÕs
Committee are the PeopleÕs Commit-
tees of the CityÕs 12 Districts, as illus-
trated in Figure 9. Also reporting to
the Hanoi PeopleÕs Committee are
fifteen departments, indicated in the
right column of Figure 9 (HAPI,
2004a,b).
Urban planning in Hanoi
Most political leaders and urban plan-
ners and managers in Vietnam were
educated in Eastern Europe, and have
maintained close links with those
countries. During the 1954–1985 peri-
od, Hanoi adopted its own version of
a centrally planned economy, follow-
ing the Soviet model. Planning in-
volved allocating resources into
national priorities including rapid
industrialisation, with a commitment
to set up a system based on state-
owned enterprises and collectives
(Quang and Kammeier, 2002). Re-
sources were consequently allocated
according to plan directives rather
than market demand, resulting in seri-
ous market failures. The 1970s Master
Plan for Hanoi was drafted at the
Leningrad Scientific Research Centre
for Urban Planning and Construction
in the Soviet Union. However, the
plan was never implemented because
it was designed on an overly ambitious
scale, required much more land than
was available, and had the characteris-
tics of a Soviet planning style that
indicated a lack of familiarity with
economic conditions and the social
fabric of Hanoi (Forbes and Le Hong
Ke, 1996). Until 1990, the top-down
planning process followed a Soviet
model, with five types of plans: (1)
economic––technical feasibility study;
(2) general plan; (3) development plan
for the first stage of implementation;
(4) a detailed implementation plan;
(5) an execution plan. It is important
to note that information in respect of
Master Plans for Hanoi was inaccessi-
ble until the late 1980s (Forbes, 1995).
170
City profile: Basil van Horen
Since the introduction of Doi Moi
in 1986, Vietnam has shifted away
from a command economy structure
toward a more market driven system
in which resource allocation is deter-
mined by a mix of market mechanisms
and some state control. The 1990 Mas-
ter Plan for Hanoi was formulated by
the National Institute of Urban and
Rural Planning in the Ministry of Con-
struction and the Hanoi Institute of
Urban Planning. Gaining endorse-
ment of the plan involved extensive
consultation with the Hanoi PeopleÕs
Council, the Hanoi PeopleÕs Commit-
tee, the Ministry of Construction,
and the Political Bureau of the Com-
munist Party of Vietnam. The plan
emphasised protecting the historic
parts of the city, improving the envi-
ronment, allocating new land for hous-
ing construction, and improving
infrastructure for the reconstruction
of industrial zones (Forbes, 2001; For-
bes and Le Hong Ke, 1996). In 1992,
the government enacted Decree 91
with a view to improving plan imple-
mentation under a market-oriented
economy. The five-stage Soviet plan-
ning process was replaced by a two-
stage process, comprising only two
plans: Master Plans and Detailed
Plans. Master Plans were prepared
for periods of 15–20 years, with up-
dates every five years. Detailed Plans
were formulated in accordance with
the Master Plan (Quang and Kamme-
ier, 2002).
In the last three years, planning in
Hanoi has reflected a significant shift
away from old-style Master Planning
to a Strategic Planning approach.
The shift is evident in the Strategic
Framework for Socio-economic
Development for Hanoi for the period
2001–2010, formulated by the Hanoi
Authority for Planning and Invest-
ment. The aim of this framework is
to strengthen planning development
strategies, investment cooperation
and the coordination of socio-eco-
nomic development in the northern
region, of which Hanoi is the centre.
Urban management of Hanoi
Implementation of the Strategic Plan
requires the active collaboration be-
tween HanoiÕs authorities and govern-
ment ministries and departments with
a view to speeding up administrative
reform, building joint ventures, and
ensuring cooperation with other con-
tiguous regions––all with a view to
strengthening the socio-economic and
cultural development of Hanoi.
Organisationally, the strategic frame-
work aims to improve horizontal and
vertical coordination among govern-
ment departments, and to strengthen
linkages with external agencies
(HAPI, 2004a,b). A significant shift
with respect to information availabil-
ity is the ease with which planning
and management documents can now
be accessed, many of which are now
available on the internet.
In order to develop the city as a
leading business centre, the aim is to
build Hanoi as a centre of wholesale
market services, exports and as a ser-
vice centre. This will require an
improvement in product quality, and
strengthening linkages with foreign
markets with a view to stimulating ex-
ports. HanoiÕs economic achievements
over the past five years have been
impressive. HanoiÕs contribution to
national GDP over the past five years
has been 10.2%, while the average an-
nual economic growth rate has been
6.7% in the rest of the country. For-
eign direct investment is becoming
increasingly important for HanoiÕs
economy. By the end of 1999, Hanoi
had benefited from total investment
capital of US $8.64 billion––amount-
ing to 24% of total FDI flows into
the country. The aim is to achieve
US $7 billion in exports by 2010. Ha-
noi has constructed five new industrial
zones in three outer districts (Gia
Lâm, Sóc Són and D - ông Anh), all
equipped with modern infrastructure
and technology (Nguyen and Amin,
2002; Mai, 2002). One of the implica-
tions of increasing linkages with for-
eign markets has been a reduction in
the role of central government, and
the development of more localised
power structures (Dixon and Kilgour,
2002; Smith and Scarpaci, 2001). Also,
stronger and more effective legal and
administrative reforms are necessary
for the reform to keep up its current
momentum (Han and Baumgarte,
2000). At the local government level,
budget formulation for Hanoi is
implemented so that taxation revenue
is collected by the Hanoi administra-

tion on behalf of government. Taxes
are passed on to central government,
which then allocates up to 2/3 of col-
lected taxes back Hanoi (Government
of Vietnam, 2004).
An implication of the rapid eco-
nomic growth in Hanoi has been a
notable improvement in residentsÕ so-
cial conditions. In 2003, HanoiÕs hu-
man development index was 0.798,
which was the highest in Vietnam. In
order to support economic develop-
ment, attention is directed in the Stra-
tegic Plan toward building a strong
knowledge and skills base. This in-
volves strengthening human re-
sources, including the capacity of
City and District level civil servants
by 2005 and down to the communal le-
vel by 2010. Vocational training strat-
egies are being implemented, and the
labour force is being restructured by
increasing levels of university, college
and vocational training for workers.
Scientists, business managers and
technicians skill levels are also being
enhanced with a view to diversifying
and improving the quality of their
skills base (HAPI, 2004a,b).
Related to the building of human
capital, there is a strong focus on pre-
ventative health care in Hanoi, and
implementation of community level
healthcare programs. The strategy
aims to reduce the percentage of mal-
nourished children to below 10% by
2010, increase household access to
clean water and health services
to 100% by 2010. Hanoi intends to
implement social insurance, a health
insurance policy (especially for elderly
people, children and low income
households), and ensure close coordi-
nation between modern health care
services and traditional medicine
(HAPI, 2004a,b).
HanoiÕs urban management struc-
ture was organised into a set of spa-
tial units. The municipality is divided
into Districts (huyen) and urban pre-
cincts (quan). City precincts are di-
vided into Wards (phuong). Wards
are divided into neighbourhoods
known as cum. The rural districts
surrounding the municipality are di-
vided into villages (xa), townships
(thi xa) and some towns (thi thran)
(Forbes, 2001; Forbes and Le Hong
Ke, 1996). The spatial structure of
Hanoi has been transformed as a
City profile: Basil van Horen
consequence of Doi Moi policies.
After 1986, industrial zones located
on the peri-urban regions emerged,
resulting in irregular expansion into
suburban villages. Due to the expan-
sion of the city centre, and the devel-
opment of peri-urban industrial
zones, there have been a number of
impacts on the cityÕs spatial structure.
First, there has been a diversification
of housing types and settlement pat-
terns. Single storey housing is
increasingly being replaced by two
to five storey housing (Quang and
Kammeier, 2002). Suburban districts
that used to have a strong agricul-
tural economic base have been trans-
formed into high density urban areas,
as landowners have realised that
increasing land values provide an
opportunity for income generation
(Leaf, 1999, 2002). The linkage be-
tween industrial and residential link-
ages has broken down whereby
residential development is shifting to-
ward vacant land inside old villages
and what used to be peri-urban areas
where land is less expensive, which
are spatially disconnected from
industrial zones. Finally, commercial
development in the central area has
grown rapidly, but increasing density
in central areas has led to overcrowd-
ing, traffic congestion, loss of open
space and damage to some of Ha-
noiÕs heritage buildings (Logan,
1995).
Hanoi is linked to other parts of the
country via an efficient transportation
and communication system. It is possi-
ble to fly from Noi Bai airport to inter-
national destinations or from Gia
Lam, Bach Mai and Hoa Lac airports
to domestic destinations. Hanoi is a
railway junction for both domestic
and international rail throughout
Vietnam, and to neighbouring coun-
tries including China. Regarding road
transportation, the aim of the Strate-
gic Plan is to upgrade existing roads,
and to construct three circular ring
roads through Hanoi, as well as new
bridges across the Sông Hô´ng (Red
River). This will address the increas-
ing pressure on HanoiÕs transport
infrastructure, which is very congested
by large numbers of motorcycles and
cyclists, and where many cyclists often
ignore traffic regulations (Forbes,
2001). Hanoi aims to build a modern
telecommunications system by 2010,
involving upgrading of the existing
system and building a new transmis-
sion system. Hanoi also aims to reach
36 telephones per 100 persons by
2010 (HAPI, 2004a,b).
Regarding water supply and drain-
age, the aim is to improve water qual-
ity available to Hanoi residents,
including the construction of new
water supply factories, expanding the
water supply system, especially to sub-
urban Districts. To deal with the fact
that parts of the city are susceptible
to regular flooding, the intention is to
improve rivers, drainage channels,
and drainage systems. The local gov-
ernment will install a new drainage
system for areas that are currently
not properly served, and also con-
struct a waste water treatment station
for all parts of Hanoi by 2010 (Gov-
ernment of Vietnam, 2004; HAPI,
2004a,b).
The aim is to increase housing
floor space in Hanoi by 13 million
square metres by 2010. The average
living space was 5.5 m2 per person
in 2000, and the aim is to increase
this to 8.0 m2 by 2010. Local govern-
ment aims to reduce dangerous and
dilapidated apartments in Hanoi, with
a view to ensuring satisfactory shelter
for residents (HAPI, 2004a,b). Subsi-
dised housing has been abandoned
and replaced with a new market-ori-
ented system of housing supply (see
Figure 10). Housing production is
now characterised by state sponsored
businesses, private, welfare and infor-
mal housing construction. Self-con-
structed housing by the private and
informal sectors is becoming increas-
ingly significant, and has created
diversity in the quality, scale and cost
of housing (Phe, 2002; Boothroyd and
Nam, 2000). There are 1600 illegal
dwellings in Hanoi (Forbes, 2001).
While informal settlements and ille-
gal squatting is an embryonic prob-
lem in Hanoi, it is important that
mechanisms be put in place to ensure
that the problem does not get out of
control, as it has in many other Asian
cities (Harnois, 2001; Evertsz, 2001).
In this context, what still needs to
be put in place is a management sys-
tem to guide this spontaneous hous-
ing construction process. Without
this, there are few mechanisms in
171

Figure 10 New housing construction in the old quarter (left) and in a suburban district (right).
place to ensure satisfactory construc-
tion quality or adherence to building
standards and regulations (Luan,
2001; Phe, 2001).
Finally, the strategic framework
aims to promote the non-material cul-
ture of Hanoi residents. The aim is to
promote participation in sports, im-
prove health care and promote lon-
gevity for residents. The strategy
aims to ensure that Hanoi remains a
safe, stable metropolitan area, retain-
ing high levels of security and social
order (HAPI, 2004a,b).
Concluding comment
Over the past 10,000 years, HanoiÕs
physical and social fabric have been
shaped by Chinese, Vietnamese,
French, and Soviet influences, wars
with the Chinese, French and Ameri-
cans, and the current implementation
of Doi Moi policies. In addition to
these foreign influences, understand-
ing the built form of Hanoi requires
an understanding of the complex
interplay between Confucianism, Bud-
dhism and Taoism, the Communist
structures of government and recent
Doi Moi economic policies, all of
which have contributed to shaping
the city fabric. Hanoi is a very safe city
that enjoys a stable political system,
and increasing economic growth rates
under current Doi Moi policies that
have involved opening up markets
and strengthening global economic
linkages. Hanoi has made a significant
transition from rigid top-down Master
Planning where information about
172
City profile: Basil van Horen
planning and urban management was
largely inaccessible, to a more Strate-
gic approach to planning and urban
management which is impacting posi-
tively on the future planning and man-
agement of the Hanoi metropolitan
area.
Acknowledgements
Many thanks to Professor Do Hau
from Hanoi Architectural University
and an anonymous referee, for helpful
comments in respect of an earlier ver-
sion of this paper. Any errors are my
own.
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