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Introduction
p. 9
Previous studies have showed tightening relationship between union and church leadership
1976-83
Ideological evolution of union leadership towards social doctrine sustained by the
episcopate?
Common political projects?
What were common interests?
What were the implications for trade union and church grassroots?
p. 10
Two hypotheses
Chapter 2 – The Catholic Church: Sociopolitical Tendencies and Attitudes of its Hierarchy
p. 31
p. 32
o “the bishops today are closer to the Army and its anti-subversive struggle”
Iron will to preserve institutional unity – fragmented sectors chose
p. 33
strengthen the institution, and so conservatives and soft reformists accepted
leadership of the “integrists” and those with a crusading mentality
pp. 33-34
pp. 35-55
pp. 56-86
1) Participationism
a. Objectives: Considers task of unions to defend professional interests
b. Tactics: Vis-à-vis adverse governments, tries to negotiate survival of union
organization and improvements for workers through a certain integration
into the political system
c. Institutionalised through Comisión Nacional de Trabajo (CNT) from 1978;
Grupo de los 20 in 1979; and finally in the CGT (on Azopardo) in May 1982
with adhesion of the first two
d. This sector maintained a “dialoguist” position with the regime – CNT did not
support strikes of April 1979 and July 1981, nor the Plan de Movilización
Pacífica in 1981-2 that was repressed
2) Vandorismo
a. Objectives: Holds that unions must adhere to Peronism, and has as its
objective its own development and strengthening
b. Tactics: Alternates negotiation with frontal struggle against adverse political
systems – “strike and negotiate” or “negotiate and strike”
c. Identifies with justicialista ideas
d. Since many of the key unions were led by Vandoristas, this sector found
many of its notable figures imprisoned during the dictatorship – finally
decided to keep them alive and tolerate certain strictly union activities
e. Lorenzo Miguel, the main figurehead, imprisoned and released in 1980 – but
the CGT and UOM had been dissolved, while other large unions intervened or
divided
f. This sector agreed to reinstall the 62 Organizaciones Peronistas in November
1980 – maintained a position equidistant to participationists and
confrontrationalists
g. Miguelismo and los 25 adhered to formation of the CGT at the end of 1981
3) Confrontationismo
a. Objectives: Opposes project of the proceso
b. Tactics: Takes up vandorista strategy of “strike and negotiate” – a “renewed”
vandorismo since it recaptures its confrontationist stage (1955-1964)
c. Led by Ubaldini
d. Despite repression, organized certain acts of resistance that gradually
became more frequent
e. Consisted of unions that had not been intervened, led by diverse figures in
Peronism – old vandoristas and participacionistas, orthodox and verticalist
and some combativos – this heterogeneity was projected onto formation of
“los 25”
f. After trying to mobilise with growing success from April 1979, the
Commission of los 25 managed to refloat CGT at the end of 1980 – Lorenzo
Miguel supported, but the CNT did not yet support
g. With the demonstration of 30 March 1982, the division of organized labour
accentuated, and the CGT (calle Brasil) was strengthened – Ubaldini
appeared to be the figure capable of uniting opposition to the regime
(Malvinas War changed the political course of events, as the regime suddenly
lost credibility)
h. Different internal factions
i. Ubaldinismo – developed in opposition to regime’s economic policies,
close to certain Church sectors but not allied to CLAT (Central
Latinoamericana de Trabajadores, a social-Christian union federation)
ii. Los 25
1. Christian sector – unions and groups connected to CLAT, grew
significantly after 1976, acted as a bridge between trade
unions and social-Christian Church sectors from 1979,
emerged as an influential forces at heart of the new CGT at the
end of the dictatorship
2. Social Democratic sector – developed closer links with CIOSL,
mostly Peronists (which presented a new experience given the
traditional Peronist rejection as “imported” of social
democratic unionism)
4) Combativismo
a. Objective: Revolutionary class-based struggle against the system
b. Tactics: Grassroots activism and unrest
c. Hardest hit by the genocidal dictatorship – many disappeared (René
Salamanca and Jorge Di Pasquale) or exiled (Raimundo Ongaro)
d. Integrated by left Peronists and diverse range of Marxists – developed in
union bases and the interior
e. Expressed the emergence of a new working class emergent in the 1960s –
mostly youth who had not known the popular-nationalist state and therefore
saw the state as an antagonistic social actor
pp. 87-104
Political objectives of each sector do not strictly correspond – but there exists a relative
symmetry, in which certain union sectors are more inclined to dialogue to particular church
sectors
Participationists => Integrists
Vandoristas => Conservatives
Confrontationists => Modernists
Combativos => Progressives
1976-1978 the majority of episcopate abstained from contact with moderate CGT leaders,
suspected of corruption
However, likely that Italo Di Stefano (Equipo de Pastoral Social) had contact with
unionists, probably from CLAT
After Malvinas War defeat, a difficult transition towards democracy generated new
attitudes in the union and church leadership
Church hierarchy tried to bring together the position of the military governors and
the political parties – attempt to prevent any new military putsch with a clear
pronouncement in favour of democracy 30 June 1983
Church was silent on the Documento Final and the Amnesty Law, with which the
armed forces tried to draw a veil of forgetting over the past
Equipo de Pastoral Social (now led by Laguna) tried to mediate between businesses,
workers and the government of Bignone – a clear confluence between points of view
of bishops and CGT leaders
CGT leaders during this “social dialogue” delivered an economic proposal to the
episcopate who would communicate to the Unión Industrial Argentina, the
Multipartidaria and the Government itself
This exchange did not alter economic policy during the proceso but helped to
reinforce civil society and generate a propitious social climate to ensure the
transition
Above all, the CGT (both calle Brasil and calle Azopardo) were reunited with the roles
they had lost in 1976, and reinforced the image of a conciliating church sensitive to
social problems