Queering la Familia : A Phenomenological Study

Reconceptualizing Familial Capital for Queer Latino Men

Antonio Duran, David Pérez II

Journal of College Student Development, Volume 58, Number 8, November

2017, pp. 1149-1165 (Article)

Published by Johns Hopkins University Press

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/csd.2017.0091

For additional information about this article

https://muse.jhu.edu/article/678951

Access provided at 12 May 2019 20:13 GMT from Bowling Green State University
Queering la Familia: A Phenomenological
Study Reconceptualizing Familial Capital for
Queer Latino Men
Antonio Duran   David Pérez II
Using data from the National Study on Latino
Male Achievement in Higher Education, we
add to the scholarship on queer students of color
by exploring how queer Latino men expand
on familial capital in college. Specifically, we
utilized phenomenology to understand how
participants decided whether to disclose their
sexual orientation to family. In addition, we
explored how students queer familial capital by
connecting to peers, faculty, and administrators
at higher education institutions. This research
illuminates how professionals can support queer
Latino men as they navigate issues of family,
highlighting the responsibility of staff and faculty.
Despite the proliferation of empirical studies
on LGBQ students in higher education, there
is a dearth of research that focuses on the
experiences of college students who identify
as both queer and people of color (Renn,
2010). Researchers have begun to explore
the intersections of race and sexuality over
the past decade with notable studies focusing
on Latino/a (Peña-Talamantes, 2013), Black
(Strayhorn, Blakewood, & DeVita, 2008), as
well as Asian American and Pacific Islander
college students (Narui, 2014). The extant
literature focuses primarily on the ways
queer students of color experience intensified
marginalization and harassment due to
their multiple oppressed identities (Misawa,
2010). Furthermore, scholars consistently
document the homophobia that exists in
communities of color, as well as the racism
Antonio Duran is a doctoral student in the Higher Education and Student Affairs program at The Ohio State University.
David Pérez II is Assistant Professor of Student Affairs in Higher Education at Miami University.
November 2017  ◆  vol 58 / no 8 1149
often present in queer spaces (Misawa, 2007,
2010). While these scholarly contributions
are necessary to comprehend the experiences
of students who identify as queer people of
color (QPOC), few scholars have centered
queer Latino men specifically (Eaton & Rios,
2017; Rios & Eaton, 2016).
In critically examining current under­
standings around queer Latino men, most
perspectives highlight how these individuals
are often disowned by their families and com­
munities (Ryan, Huebner, Diaz, & Sanchez,
2009). Consequently, they are less likely to
disclose their sexual orientation, or come out,
to family members in comparison to their
White peers (Moradi et  al., 2010; Wall &
Washington, 1991). The difficulty in coming
out becomes increasingly troubling when
formative identity development models—
rooted in Whiteness—underscore the impor­
tance of divulging one’s sexuality to families
and coming out as a queer offspring (D’Augelli,
1994). This emphasis on family relationships
also emerges in models such as Yosso’s (2005)
community cultural wealth (CCW) framework
that stresses how family systems provide much-
needed support for students of color to thrive
in higher education settings.
Among the six forms of capital students
of color employ during their time in higher
education, Yosso (2005) acknowledged the
presence of familial capital or “those cultural
knowledges nurtured among familia (kin)
that carry a sense of community history,

memory and cultural intuition” (p. 79).
This form of capital emphasizes the positive
influence that familia, or family systems, has
on Latino individuals and their academic
success (Marquez Kiyama et al., 2015). While
familial capital most strongly emphasizes
the role of immediate family, it can also
encapsulate kinship connections with friends
and groups that are present in queer and
trans* communities (Nicolazzo, 2016; Weston,
1991). Consequently, though queer Latino
youth are more likely to lose ties with their
related family members (Ryan et  al., 2009),
they may still be able to create family-like
systems during their time in college.
Thus, the purpose of this study was to
examine how queer Latino men at selective
institutions experience familial capital as
described in Yosso’s (2005) CCW framework.
We employed a phenomenological approach
to center the participants’ experiences and to
understand how they made meaning of their
queer Latino identities. We argue that they
expanded on traditional definitions of familia
in order to successfully navigate their collegiate
environments. The two guiding questions
for this research study were the following:
(a) What are the reasons that queer Latino men
use when deciding whether or not to come out
to their families? (b) How do queer Latino men
experience different forms of familial capital
during their time in college?
Literature Review
Queer Latinos continue to be an under­
researched population in higher education.
The authors of existing literature on both
heterosexual and queer Latino youth have
highlighted differences in expectations between
Latino men and women (Cammarota, 2004;
Ovink, 2014). In particular, expectations tied
to gender have the potential to negatively
affect queer men significantly; for example,
1150 Journal of College Student Development
Duran & Pérez
individuals often look down on queer Latino
men because they are perceived to be more
feminine (Hirai, Winkel, & Popan, 2014).
Examples such as this one led us to consider
how Latino men navigate their queer identity
with gendered cultural beliefs and familia.
To frame our understanding of queer Latino
students, we explored how the authors of
extant research have described the role of
familia in Latino culture, while offering a
critical perspective on machismo in Latino
familias, and finally examine traditional sources
of support for queer students of color.
The Role of Familia in Latino Culture
An integral component of Latino culture
is a strong relationship with familia. The
concept of familismo, a strong tie to both
immediate and extended family members,
pervades Latino culture and beliefs (Cauce &
Rodriguez, 2001). In describing familismo,
Santiago-Rivera (2003) stressed that “features
of familismo such as pride, belonging, and
obligation to members of the family continue
to be distinctive attributes across generations
regardless of the length of time one has resided
in the US” (p. 8). Thus, Latino children are
expected to maintain strong relationships with
their familia, despite any differences that they
may have with family members.
Families function as the main socialization
agents for Latino children (García Coll, Meyer,
& Brillon, 1995). As a result, individuals are
often taught lessons about how to behave in
school, community, and work settings. In
addition to familismo, Arredondo, Gallardo-
Cooper, Delgado-Romero, and Zapata (2015)
found that Latino families promote principles
including “respeto (respect, obedience, defer­
ence), cariño (caring, affection, physical
demonstrations), and simpatía (warmth,
positive disposition, avoidance of conflict)”
(p. 121). Latino individuals are expected to
enact these values of respect and care toward
Queering La Familia
immediate family members, particularly elders,
in addition to people outside of the familia.
As a cultural value, familismo has also been
found to nurture Latino children’s educational
aspirations (Marquez Kiyama et  al., 2015).
Some scholars contend that Latino parents,
in comparison to other racial groups, make a
more concerted effort to help their children
succeed in school (Ceballo, 2004). Often­
times, this encouragement is prevalent in
immigrant Latino families with the goal of
increasing social mobility (Suárez-Orozco &
Suárez-Orozco, 2001). The role of familia in
supporting students then continues through
higher education. To this point, S. Hurtado
and Carter (1997) found that for Latino
students, “maintaining family relationships are
essential aspects of the transition to college”
(p. 339). Specifically, members of familia often
nurture and sustain Latino undergraduate
men’s academic determination in college
(Pérez, 2017). Nevertheless, for this study,
it is important to differentiate between the
influence that families have on queer Latino
men compared to their heterosexual peers.
Critical Perspectives on Machismo in
Latino Families
Though families promote resilience in Latino
students (Marquez Kiyama, 2010; Villenas &
Deyhle, 1999), these communities perpetuate
some values that prove to be particularly harmful
for queer individuals, especially considering
the emphasis put on machismo. The term
machismo describes “hypermasculine traits such
as being chauvinistic, dominant over others,
and aggressive” (Piña-Watson, Lorenzo-Blanco,
Dornhecker, Martinez, & Nagoshi, 2016,
p. 308). Researchers have indicated that Latino
beliefs often reflect explicitly gendered systems
and expectations (Ovink, 2014). For example,
in Latino communities, men are socialized to
maintain control over Latino women using
their masculinity (De La Cancela, 1986); thus,
November 2017  ◆  vol 58 / no 8 1151
machismo manifests in the form of assertive
behaviors that reinforce traditional gender roles.
Queer Latino men are often marginalized
within their own community because of
machismo. A. Hurtado and Sinha (2016)
stressed that “Latino men occupy a contra­
dictory position within a system of privilege,
one that offers them advantages but con­
cur­rently disadvantages those belonging to
devalued social categories” (p. 12), including
but not limited to those who are gay. When
Latino men identify as gay, they are perceived
as feminine, making them appear more
subservient in the eyes of their heterosexual
peers (Guarnero, 2007). Seen as deviant and
abnormal, queer Latino men struggle to be
accepted by their families.
Machismo leads queer Latino men to
adopt maladaptive behaviors toward them­selves
and others (De La Cancela, 1986; Estrada,
Rigali-Oiler, Arciniega, & Tracey, 2011).
Queer Latino men who grow up in a family
that promotes machismo regularly exhibit signs
of internalized homophobia and may have
trouble reconciling their sexuality with Latino
culture (Estrada et  al., 2011). Furthermore,
these individuals are less likely to come out and
are more likely to try to pass as heterosexual.
Still, few scholars have specifically examined
the effects of machismo on queer Latino college
men (Rios and Eaton, 2016). Addressing this
gap in the literature is particularly important
because college is a formative period in queer
Latino students’ lives, a time when they seek
to make sense of the intersections of their
identities (Peña-Talamantes, 2013).
Sources of Support for Queer
Students of Color
As a consequence of heteronormative beliefs
in the Latino culture, some queer Latinos
have to abandon familial ties and seek support
elsewhere (Ryan et  al., 2009). Rodríguez
(2012) investigated similar ideas in his chapter

exploring queer Chicano/a individuals and
their connections to family members, arguing
that familia can and should extend far beyond
the heteronormative belief of related family.
Consequently, it is important to also identify
how queer students of color establish alter­native
support networks during their time in college.
The authors of recent studies have under­
scored the importance of communities that
consist of QPOC (Grady, Marquez, & McLaren,
2012; R. A. Miller & Vaccaro, 2016; Vaccaro
& Mena, 2011). In particular, scholars study­
ing Black gay men at predominantly White
institutions (PWIs) have acknowledged the
significance of QPOC support systems. Stray­
horn et  al. (2008), in a study on African
American gay males, found that one of the most
helpful groups for this student demographic
were “interracial gay peers who helped them
navigate the academic and social currents of their
lives” (p. 100). However, while the significance
of QPOC communities has been documented
for African American gay men, scholars have yet
to explore the role that QPOC spaces can serve
for queer Latino men. In this study, we address
this gap by looking at how queer Latino men
find these spaces during their time in college.
Research has also shown the varying
influences that non-QPOC connections can
have on queer students of color. Whereas
Goode-Cross and Tager (2011) found that
African American gay and bisexual men at a
PWI valued relationships with straight African
American communities over White queer
spaces, Russell (2013), in a study on queer
students of color at a PWI, revealed that these
students identified more with the broader
LGBTQ community on campus. Therefore,
scholars vary in their description of QPOC
students who occupy spaces exclusive to one
identity group. While these communities might
be supportive, queer students of color still need
to negotiate the homophobia and racism that
manifests in these spaces (Misawa, 2007). To
1152 Journal of College Student Development
Duran & Pérez
make sense of these experiences, queer students
of color often turn to faculty and staff.
Scholars have underscored that queer
students of color feel more supported when
they see faculty and staff who share similar
identities and who acknowledge the inter­
sections between race and sexuality (Misawa,
2010). In discussing ways to support African
American gay men, Washington and Wall
(2006) empha­sized the need to hire openly
queer staff and faculty of color to support
QPOC under­g raduates. Moreover, Means
and Jaeger (2013), in their work with Black
gay males at historically Black colleges and
universities, noted the strong influence that
diverse faculty and staff have on these students.
Having access to staff and faculty who have
encountered similar challenges allows queer
students of color to learn from these experiences
and apply these lessons in their own lives.
Nonetheless, few scholars have looked at the
influence that peers, faculty, and staff have on
queer Latino men (Rios & Eaton, 2016).
Conceptual Framework
In this study we utilized Yosso’s (2005)
community cultural wealth framework to better
understand queer Latino undergraduate men.
Yosso’s framework includes six forms of capital
that allow researchers to see students of color
from an asset-based standpoint, elucidating
their talents and potential to succeed in college
(Yosso, Smith, Ceja, & Solórzano, 2009).
Practitioners and faculty members regularly
perceive these students as lacking cultural
capital (Pérez & Taylor, 2016), a class-based
concept that equates cultural experiences with
a form of currency (Bourdieu, 1977). This
belief is even more pronounced at selective
PWIs that often view Latino men from deficit
approaches (Pérez & Sáenz, 2017; Pérez &
Taylor, 2016). However, Yosso (2005) argued
that these perspectives fail to account for
Queering La Familia
the “knowledge, skills, abilities and contacts
possessed and utilized by Communities of Color
to survive and resist macro and microforms of
oppression” (p. 77). Instead of seeing queer
Latino men as lacking skills to navigate
collegiate environments, Yosso’s framework
highlights six alternative forms of cultural
wealth—aspirational, famil­ial, linguistic,
navigational, resistant, and social capital.
For this study, our interest lies primarily
in familial capital. This form of capital is
imparted by family systems whose values
center on caring for others, coping with
stress, and striving for success (Lopez, 2003).
Familial capital then allows individuals to
develop valuable skills around emotional
intelligence, educational consciousness,
and moral decision making (Auerbach,
2007). Although Yosso (2005) acknowledged
that hetero­n ormativity in Latino families
might impact students, researchers have still
conceptualized familial capital by focusing
primarily on immediate family members
(Gofen, 2009). To understand the essence of
familial capital specific to queer Latino men,
we utilized a phenomenological approach.
Study Design
In this research study we employed pheno­
me­nology to understand queer Latino under­
graduate men’s lived experiences (Creswell,
2003). In describing phenomenology, Husserl
(1931) suggested that knowledge stems from
the act of seeing experiences without allowing
pre­conceived assumptions to influence the
viewer. DeBlaere, Brewster, Sarkees, and
Moradi (2010) argued that phenomenology
is particularly appropriate for QPOC studies
because it allows researchers to “formulate
a theoretical understanding of multiple
minority identities from the perspective of
participants” (p. 346). Hence, we used this
November 2017  ◆  vol 58 / no 8 1153
methodology to describe the essence of queer
Latino undergraduate men’s experience of
familial capital.
Method
In this study, the lead author engaged in a
secondary analysis of qualitative data (Heaton,
2008) from a larger investigation—the National
Study on Latino Male Achievement in Higher
Education—in which the researchers explored
how Latino undergraduate men employed
different forms of capital to thrive academically,
intrapersonally, and interpersonally. Since the
educational attainment gap is larger for Latino
men at selective institutions (L. S. Miller, 2005;
Santiago, Taylor, & Calderón Galdeano, 2016),
the National Study on Latino Male Achievement
in Higher Education centered on institutions
that have consistently been recognized among
the top 20 US public and private research
universities (“Best Colleges,” n.d.).
A criterion sampling strategy (Patton,
2002) was used to select Latino men who met
predetermined criteria. Latino men nominated
by faculty, administrators, and student leaders
were eligible to participate in this study if they
(a)  had been born or raised in the United
States since age 5, (b)  were traditional-age
college students, (c)  were enrolled as full-
time students, (d)  began at their institution
as first-year students, (e) had junior or senior
standing, and (f )  maintained a cumulative
grade point average (GPA) of 3.0 or higher
during the time of the research project. The
criterion for having a GPA over 3.0 aligns with
the prerequisites for meritorious scholarships,
undergraduate research experiences, and
internship programs. Based on their academic
records and progress, these students were
all characterized as individuals who were
successful in higher education and on track
to graduate from college within 4 years.
 Duran & Pérez

Table 1.
Profile of Queer Latino Men
Namea Ethnicity Sexuality Class Institution Type GPA
Adan Mexican Bisexual Senior Private, large 3.17
Alfonso Salvadoran Gay Senior Public, large 3.45
Andrew Cuban, Puerto Rican Gay Junior Private, large 3.17
Angel Mexican Gay Junior Public, large 3.34
Arturo Mexican Queer Senior Public, large 3.03
Daniel Mexican Gay Senior Public, large 3.23
Dave Mexican Queer Junior Private, medium 3.50

David Peruvian Queer Senior Private, medium 3.42

Fabian Cuban, Venezuelan Bisexual Junior Private, large 3.46
Jairo Mexican, Xicanx Queer Senior Public, large 3.10
James Mexican, Croatian Gay Senior Public, large 3.31
Keben Guatemalan Queer Senior Private, medium 3.62
Manuel Mexican Bisexual Junior Private, medium 3.35
Marco Mexican Gay Junior Private, large 3.56
Robert Ecuadoran, Puerto Rican Gay Senior Public, large 3.92
a
Pseudonyms were used for research participants.

Participants originally collected utilizing phenomenological

From the available sample of Latino under­
graduate students, our analysis focused on
the 15 students who self-identified as queer
(pertaining to their sexuality). At the time
of data collection, none of the participants
explicitly identified as trans*, though one
student was exploring his gender identity.
All participants used he and him pronouns.
In addition, we utilize the term Latino men
to describe these individuals, since this was
the language employed when recruiting
participants. These undergraduates attended 8
different selective, midsize to large PWIs across
the United States, campuses where they had
to confront the realities of being both queer
and Latino. Table 1 provides demographic
information about participants in this study.
Data Collection
For this secondary analysis, we analyzed data
semistructured interviews. The second author,
who was also the primary investigator of the
National Study on Latino Male Achieve­
ment in Higher Education, conducted three
semistructured interviews with the parti­ci­
pants, each lasting approximately 90 minutes.
Merriam (1998) noted that three semi­structured
interviews are particularly helpful for pheno­me­
nological research because they produce multiple
opportunities for the chosen phenomenon to
emerge from ongoing dialogue and reflection.
In particular, the three interviews for this study
focused on precollege and transition experi­
ences, formative events and sources of support,
and participants’ conceptualizing success from
a racialized and gendered perspective. These
interviews included questions that pertained to
Yosso’s (2005) CCW framework, some proving
especially vital for this study. For example, the
interviewer asked participants the following

1154 Journal of College Student Development

Queering La Familia
questions: When you think about the people
who have been supportive of you in college,
who are they and what have they done to be
supportive? What role did family play in your
educational goals or your aspirations? Responses
to these and other probing questions provided
nuanced insights about familial capital.
Data Analysis
To analyze data, we adapted Moustakas’s (1994)
guidelines for conducting phenomenological
research. Whereas Moustakas emphasized
engaging in epoché, a process where researchers
address their preunderstandings, the authors
utilized a concept known as bridling, defined
as “the restraining of one’s pre-understanding
in the form of personal beliefs, theories, and
other assumptions that otherwise would
mislead the understanding of meaning and
thus limit the research options” (Dahlberg,
Dahlberg, & Nystrom, 2008, pp. 129–130).
Yet, bridling also challenges researchers to
constantly revisit what they conceptualize as
their understanding of the phenomenon “so
that they do not understand too quickly, too
carelessly or slovenly” (Dahlberg et al., 2008,
p. 130). Researchers cannot simply identify
their preconceptions at the beginning of a
study. Rather, they need to continuously revisit
their perspectives. Though Yosso’s (2005) CCW
framework guided the creation of the interview
protocol, the lead author was not involved in
the formation of the protocol or data collection,
and was able to approach these data without
many preconceived notions about CCW.
Through journaling and debriefings, we were
able to reflect on their perspectives about queer
Latino undergraduate men’s familial capital.
Using an inductive approach to analyze
data, we generated rich textural and structural
descriptions of the participants’ experiences
with familial capital. We first identified all
relative expressions to the study concerning
familial capital by annotating the interview
November 2017  ◆  vol 58 / no 8 1155
tran­scriptions in the form of comments
that aligned with participants’ words. These
anno­tations then allowed us to create a
prelimi­n ary list of codes, also known as
horizons of experience (Moustakas, 1994),
which centered on family. Next, these codes
were then clustered into themes described as
invariant constituents. Once these themes were
generated, we were then able to create individual
textural descriptions for each participant. We
then participated in imaginative variation,
which provided us with the opportunity to
“approach the phenomenon from divergent
perspectives, different positions, roles, or
functions” (Moustakas, 1994, p. 85) in order
to broaden our understanding of participants’
familial capital. Moreover, this was helpful
in producing the composite narratives that
revealed the true meaning of the phenomenon.
Researcher Positionality
Both authors approached this study informed
by their social identities and with prior
experiences serving queer and Latino students.
The first author identifies as a queer Latino
cisgender man. Out to his Latino family, he also
established strong queer kinship ties throughout
his journey in higher education at the selective
institutions he attended and often draws on his
own personal experiences and perspectives when
engaging college students, specifically those
who hold multiple marginalized identities. He
has continued to use research and teaching as
a means to empower students who typically
reside on the margins, especially queer and
racial/ethnic minorities.
The second author identifies as a hetero­
sexual Latino cisgender man. Of note to the
study, he has experienced resistance from
immediate and extended family members
for supporting queer communities in higher
education. He often draws on his own personal
perspectives and professional experiences when

engaging in research, teaching, and service
activities that address the needs of college
students from marginalized communities.
Consistent with the principles of RISE for
Boys and Men of Color (n.d.), he launched this
national study to reframe the narrative about
Latino undergraduate men and to dismantle
systems of oppression using research to inform
empirical studies, policies, and practices
intended to support this growing population.
Trustworthiness
Trustworthiness was enhanced in this study by
addressing issues of credibility, transferability,
dependability, and confirmability. Jones,
Torres, and Arminio (2014) defined credibility
as the “prolonged engagement in the field
and the use of others to confirm findings”
(p. 37). In order to establish credibility, we
utilized a peer reviewer to ensure that the
essence of the phenomenon was adequately
captured (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Since
we employed secondary analysis of existing
qualitative data, a peer reviewer allowed us
to confirm our findings despite our inability
to relay information back to participants. In
addition, transferability is intended to ensure
“findings are meaningful to the reader” (Jones
et al., 2014, p. 37). In order to accomplish this
goal, we detailed descriptions of participants
and their experiences for readers to determine
the extent to which the findings apply to
other contexts. Furthermore, we ensured
dependability, a process of making “inquiry
processes  . . . explicit,” by constructing a system
of tracking research activities (Jones et  al.,
2014, p. 37). Finally, we sought to establish
trustworthiness through confirmability, requir­
ing individuals to “tie findings with data
and analysis” (Jones et  al., 2014, p. 37). To
ensure results were connected to our data,
we often debriefed with one another and
challenged each other’s assumptions (Lincoln
1156 Journal of College Student Development
Duran & Pérez
& Guba, 1985). This process allowed us to
acknowledge our subjectivities, staying true
to the participants’ experiences.
Findings
In this article we elucidate how participants
extended normative definitions of familia as a
result of their queerness intersecting with their
Latino identity. The first two findings focus on
the experiences of Latino men disclosing their
sexuality or keeping their queer identity secret
from their familia. Subsequently, our final two
findings address how queer Latino men still
derived familial capital in the form of peer,
staff, and faculty networks at their institutions.
Coming Out to Familia
Queer Latino men negotiated the process
of disclosing their sexuality to their family
members by constantly educating them
on their sexuality. In talking about their
experiences, 7 of the 15 participants divulged
their queer identity either before or during
their time in college. Though traditional
understandings of familial capital underscore
how Latino men benefit from the support of
family, phenomenology challenged us to see a
more nuanced view of the meaning of family
for queer Latino men. While Latino men who
were out to their families felt accepted in these
spaces, they also experienced homophobic
microaggressions and had their queerness
rendered invisible through the reinforcement
of machismo. Thus, participants’ families
functioned as both a support network and a
source of insecurity.
Angel, a gay Mexican student, discussed
this phenomenon when reflecting on his
queer identity: “And me being gay  . . . was
definitely different for my family.” Initially,
Angel came out to his brothers and mother,
but experienced resistance when he later came
out to his father:
Queering La Familia
He asked me “What?” like four more
times, and I told him that I’m gay every
single time. He sat down and started
crying, and then asked me if I was doing
that to get back at him for something he
had done.
Although his dad eventually grew to accept
Angel’s queer identity, Angel still noticed
substantial differences in how he was treated
in comparison to his heterosexual brothers. For
example, while his brothers felt comfortable
bringing their partners home, Angel’s dad
discouraged him from doing the same.
Furthermore, in speaking about their
relationship, Angel noted how his dad would
focus on Angel’s other “good qualities” as a
way to divert attention from his queerness.
The double standards Angel experienced
coincided with comments such as “Angel,
you’re very tough. You’re handsome  . . . and
you’re very manly.” These moments exemplified
the importance of masculinity for Angel’s
dad. When Angel failed to conform to the
cultural value of machismo by identifying
as queer, his father attempted to reify his
masculinity in other ways. In response to these
microaggressions, Angel would reply, “Dad,
you know that I’m gay  . . . you kind of put
that aside, but you need to bring it back to this
circle.” Angel fought to have his parents respect
his gay identity, as opposed to having them rely
on stereotypes and negative perceptions.
Other participants also endured these
types of microaggressions even though their
families were originally accepting when
they first came out. Alfonso came out to his
family after finding a supportive community
in college. While his family responded to
the news favorably, Alfonso remarked that
sexuality was still taboo at home:
Well, sexuality is one of [those taboo
topics] even though my family has been
accepting of it. It’s not something that
I can just bring up at any time. I guess,
November 2017  ◆  vol 58 / no 8 1157
they’re still getting used to it and I’m still
getting used to it because it’s something
that I never talked about for 20 years.
Alfonso confessed that he felt more comfortable
with White individuals than people of color
back home, specifically his Salvadoran family,
because of their conservative values. Having
to constantly correct family members around
concepts such as masculinity and femininity
weighed heavily on Alfonso as he became
involved on campus. Participants like Angel
and Alfonso exemplified how even though
they received their families’ verbal support,
queer Latino men still had to advocate for their
queerness to be acknowledged.
Angel’s and Alfonso’s stories ultimately
resembled the experiences of the 5 other out
participants who fought against machismo
in their family settings. As James stated,
“There is a big issue with Latino males and
masculinity, having seen it with my family.”
Despite the fact that these participants felt
better after initially disclosing their sexuality,
standards of masculinity manifested in feelings
of discomfort. This struggle against machismo
culture even manifested in situations where
family didn’t explicitly disapprove of queer
identities, as in the case of Robert who felt left
behind when he saw his cousins having kids
while he was at college and wondered if he
would be able to have children. The narratives
of these Latino men highlight the difficulty of
fulfilling family expectations while living as
out queer people.
Deciding to Not Come Out to Familia
The 8 Latino men who chose not to disclose their
queerness to family members typically did so
to remain financially and emotional stable. For
most of these participants, the fear of not being
accepted or being seen as lesser than within
heteronormative Latino culture motivated
them to keep their queer identity secret. Arturo

acknowledged this reality by stating: “Growing
up, being anything but straight was something
that was foreign. You couldn’t talk about it and
you couldn’t be it.” Arturo and other queer
Latino undergraduate men in this study were
socialized by their parents to withhold their
sexuality from family members.
One of the main reasons that students had
not disclosed their sexuality stemmed from the
emotional turmoil and energy it would take
to do so. David spoke about this experience
when discussing his relationship with his
mother who made homophobic statements
about people who did not act in accordance
with traditional gender roles. This proved to
be one of the main reasons why David chose
not to come out in college:
I think  . . . the reason why I’m putting it
off is that I have to invest in like basically
educating [my parents]  . . . and the rest
of my family, because as you know within
Latin American countries and Latino
culture, in general, most of the stuff that
they go off is stereotypes.
Similar to David, some participants decided
not to come out before and during college,
because of the energy it would take to correct
the misguided beliefs of their family members.
For other participants, the rationale for not
disclosing their sexuality to family stemmed
from the fact that they were financially
reliant on their parents and they wanted
to continue their education and succeed at
selective institutions. Keben talked about not
coming out to his parents until he graduated:
“I’m not out to my parents. I don’t plan to
be until maybe when I graduate or when
I’m self-sustaining.” Although out at college,
Keben described himself as being “down low”
at home due to his financial dependence on
family. Narratives like Keben’s reveal that queer
Latino men sometimes choose to express their
identities in certain spaces while keeping this
hidden around their family.
1158 Journal of College Student Development
Duran & Pérez
Finally, Arturo described how growing
up in spaces where being something other
than straight was “foreign,” which caused
him to constantly question his sexuality in
the collegiate environment. Thus, Arturo was
the only participant who chose not to come
out to his family because he was struggling
to understand his sexuality himself, which
took a toll on him:
It’s something that I’m still kind of dealing
with I guess. Just working with it. It’s
really hard to explain it with the terms and
labels that are given to you.  . . . I can’t
really say, “Oh yeah, I’m bisexual or gay.”
I don’t identify with any of those terms. I
feel like I’m in between all of those.
Although Arturo identified as queer in the
survey provided for the study, he went on
to say, “My sexuality is definitely changing.”
Ultimately, Arturo did not want to come out
before he felt comfortable speaking about
his sexuality in a definitive manner. While
unique compared to the other participants in
this study, Arturo’s experience shows another
reason why queer Latino men might hide their
queer identity from family members.
Peers as Familia
Queer Latino men remained successful by
establishing family-like systems with peers at
their institutions otherwise acquiring familial
capital. Specifically, all of the participants
noted how they were involved in identity-
based student organizations that became
“like family.” Andrew referred to his QPOC
student organization in the following way:
“It is like a family of people who are always
there for you, even if we don’t see each other
every day.” Andrew frequently talked about
the care and concern that he felt from others
in this organization, intentionally identifying
them as family. Specifically, the QPOC group
that Andrew belonged to allowed him to
Queering La Familia
understand his queer identity in relation to
the collegiate experience, providing him an
outlet to find his voice:
I joined that group because I needed
a place where I could feel comfortable
being a queer person of color for an hour.
I don’t need to feel anything, but once a
week I know that I can go into this space
and say what’s on my mind and feel like
I have a voice.
Identity-based peer networks provided the
emotional and academic support often offered
by family. Participants like Andrew found
comfort in spaces that affirmed both their queer
and racial/ethnic identities. Feeling supported
in his identities encouraged Andrew to remain
focused on his studies and graduate from college.
Of particular importance, most partici­
pants frequently acknowledged the differences
between spaces focusing on sexuality broadly
com­pared to QPOC communities. For example,
James discussed these distinctions when speak­
ing about his involvement in SHADES, a
pseudo­nym for a QPOC club on campus. While
James originally joined a “general LGBT group”
that focused solely on sexuality and gender,
he felt more comfortable in a “racial LGBT
group.” James thought that the general LGBT
communities on campus were unaccepting of
his Latino identity: “In the beginning, [the
general LGBT community] had pure intentions,
but there was a lot of transphobia [and] racist
views  . . . especially with White gay cisgender
men.” The archetype of the White gay cisgender
man appeared in numerous interviews across
participants, because as one student, Marco,
asserted: “They don’t often consider how race
plays into discrimination.” Comparatively, when
talking about SHADES, James noted, “I’m
[part of ] another minority group. So, I wanted
to meet people that possessed different social
identities. It makes me more critical as to how
intersections come into play.” This observation
speaks to the salience of James’s and other
November 2017  ◆  vol 58 / no 8 1159
participants’ Latino identities and their desire
to create familia with peers who shared their
racial identities. Conversely, even when some
participants decided not to join sexuality and
gender-based groups, these individuals did find
support in other Latino organizations, which
underscored the saliency of race at the selective
institutions they attended.
By finding individuals who shared similar
racial identities and sexualities, participants
were able to build communities of acceptance
that also fostered ties to their Latino culture.
In reflecting on his connection to queer
Latino communities, James hoped to become
a “queer role model” who is able to educate
others on the racism that frequently occurs
in queer spaces to assist his queer Latino
familia: “Racism in the LGBT community is
very prevalent—if you look at online dating
apps for example, they might say no fems, no
Blacks, no Asian—stuff like that.” As a result,
he denounced these stereotypes and assisted
others in understanding issues pertaining to
intersecting identities.
Staff and Faculty as Familia
Participants also identified the importance of
finding supportive queer or Latino faculty and
staff members at their respective institutions.
When navigating the college environment,
these queer Latino men often relied on
faculty and staff from similar marginalized
backgrounds for advice that students tradi­
tionally seek from familia. For example, Fabian
referenced the relationship that he developed
with a faculty member in the Latin American
Studies department, describing her as a
“supportive and guiding force”:
One of the first professors that I actually
went out to get coffee with was from
Argentina. She asked, “Fabian, where
are you from?” And we just struck up a
conversation. Even though I never took
many classes with her, she was willing

to guide me as a freshman. She’s super
supportive. So I feel like people look out
for each other and it’s nice—it’s like an
extra family [member].
Beyond answering questions about the univer­
sity, this professor got to know Fabian in
a manner that resembles the care students
often receive from family. When Fabian
encountered hardships, he turned to this
professor for support and to connect him to
other campus resources.
In addition to finding emotional support,
participants created family-like bonds with
faculty and staff that allowed them to explore
their identities. For example, Adan reflected
on his relationships with a faculty member in
the American Latino Studies Program, as well
as with the Assistant Dean for Multicultural
Advising. Both of these individuals played a
formative role when Adan was making sense of
his queer and Latino identities. In particular,
the faculty member helped him understand his
multiple identities, drawing on her experiences
as a Latina professional. Adan wrestled with
questions such as, “How do you negotiate
those two identities, because you can’t be both
at the same time?” He recounted conversations
with this professor:
That was actually one of the most inspiring
talks I’ve ever had with any professor,
because she was very real, open, and
destroyed the system. And I [realized]
one thing: this is something I can’t do
on my own.
Like other participants, Adan welcomed faculty
and staff into his own familia, especially when
his family members did not readily understand
his college experiences and his sexuality.
While both Fabian’s and Adan’s experiences
underscore the importance of individuals from
similar racial backgrounds, Andrew was the
only participant who experienced a strong
connection with a staff member who identified
as QPOC. His academic advisor was both
1160 Journal of College Student Development
Duran & Pérez
Puerto Rican and gay: “We come from similar
backgrounds, class, sexuality. So, I tend to
keep it real with her.” This advisor was the
only QPOC staff member that any participant
referenced in their interviews, suggesting a lack
of queer professionals of color at these selective
institutions. Thus, while many participants
expressed family-like relationships with those
who looked like them, queer Latino men
had few opportunities to meet people who
shared both of their marginalized identities.
Yet, professionals from underrepresented
backgrounds emerged as a vital way to garner
familial capital.
Discussion
This study contributes to research on queer
Latino undergraduate men by generating
three important areas of discussion. First, this
study challenged us to consider queer Latino
men’s rationale when deciding whether or not
to come out to their related family members.
The 7 participants who did disclose their
sexuality to their familia quickly realized that
while their families initially were accepting,
their queerness either was rendered invisible
or became a source for microaggressions.
These microaggressions often concerned
their masculinity, a fact that underscores the
negative effects that machismo has on queer
Latino men due to the perception that they
are more feminine (Hirai et al., 2014). For the
other 8 participants who kept their sexuality
a secret, they were typically afraid of losing
financial and emotional support from their
family. Still, this conscious decision largely
did not influence their sexuality at college.
David’s and Keben’s stories illustrated that
withholding their sexual orientation from
family did not prevent them from fully
exploring and actualizing their queerness.
Their narratives echo Moradi et  al. (2010)
who asserted that not disclosing sexuality may
Queering La Familia
be in itself a “resilience strategy” (p. 402). In
these instances, not coming out to their fami­
lies represents an active decision to achieve
stabil­ity and make progress toward their goals.
Thus, student affairs practitioners should pay
special atten­tion to these experiences as they
work with individuals who may be deciding
whether to come out to their families.
Second, the findings also revealed that
even though queer Latino men students may
not fully adhere to values of their families’
culture (e.g., machismo), these students still
felt a substantial connection to their Latino
community. For this reason, these students
often gravitated toward individuals and
student organizations that centered their racial
identity. Rather than completely rejecting the
concept of familismo (Cauce & Rodriguez,
2001), these participants sought connections
that resembled their heritage, thus expanding
their familial networks to include other groups.
For students like James and Andrew, QPOC
organizations fulfilled the role of familial
capital in providing the “cultural knowledge”
of their Latino background (Yosso, 2005,
p. 79). James’s and Andrew’s experiences also
echo the writings of Misawa (2007, 2010),
who argued that queer spaces are rarely
intersectional. “General LGBT groups,” as
James noted, frequently fail to discuss other
marginalized identities, perpetuating racial
discrimination. Ultimately, this research
highlights the importance of incorporating
issues of race (and other identities) in spaces
that might only focus on sexuality.
Third, this study provided a new per­
spec­tive on Yosso’s (2005) CCW framework
and familial capital, especially for individuals
who have other underrepresented identities in
addition to race/ethnicity. Since CCW utilized
critical race theory as its epistemological
foundation (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001),
the model centers racialized experiences. Yet,
this research indicated that the framework
November 2017  ◆  vol 58 / no 8 1161
might be incomplete for college students who
have multiple marginalized identities. As it
pertains to queer Latino men, these students
defined family in different ways than studies
have conceptualized familial capital in the
past (Pennell, 2015; Pérez & Taylor, 2016).
Instead of relying on family members, these
individuals expanded familial capital to include
kinships established in college, which aligns
with Weston’s (1991) conceptualization of
queer individuals’ “family of choice” (p. xiv).
By revisiting the CCW framework in this
study, we challenge scholars to think about
the limitations that existing models have when
they examine only singular identity groups.
Collectively, these findings have important
implications for research and practice in
student affairs and higher education.
Implications for Future
Research and Practice
While research using asset-based frameworks
to understand Latino men continues to
grow (Carrillo, 2013; Pérez, 2017; Pérez &
Sáenz, 2017; Pérez & Taylor, 2016; Sáenz, &
Bukoski, 2014), there are still gaps in studies
that examine the ways queer students of
color successfully navigate higher education.
Though homophobia and racism significantly
affect these students (Misawa, 2007, 2010),
the participants in this study demonstrate
that queer Latino men find ways to actively
resist oppression. Thus, there is a need for
more research that explores how Latino
undergraduate men who hold additional
marginalized identities succeed and remain
resilient. Considering that the National
Study on Latino Male Achievement in Higher
Education focused specifically on selective
PWIs, scholars should also examine queer
Latino men who attend other institutions.
The experiences of these students can vary
in community colleges, Hispanic-serving

institutions, and other contexts. Therefore,
future researchers should look at different
institutional contexts and geographic regions
to better understand this student demographic.
Student affairs practitioners and faculty
members should also continue to create
spaces that are inclusive of students’ multiple
identities. Andrew and James emphasized
the importance of student organizations that
affirmed their sexuality and aligned with their
cultural values. Yet, spaces on campus that focus
on the experiences of the LGBTQ community
often center White queer individuals without
considering queer and trans* collegians of
color. Thus, student affairs practitioners
should advocate for the creation of clubs and
programming that are QPOC-specific. In
doing so, practitioners provide students the
space to explore the realities of being a queer
person of color at heteronormative PWIs. More
importantly, these opportunities increase the
possibility for students to forge strong, family-
like bonds with peers.
Finally, our findings reveal the importance
of relationships between queer Latino men
students and faculty and staff. Administrators
should not downplay the significance of hiring
faculty and staff from diverse backgrounds and
should instead pursue more aggressive hiring
practices (Turner & Myers, 1997). Specifically,
staff who identify as queer and/or racial
ethnic minorities can have a positive effect on
queer students of color (Washington & Wall,
2006). Fabian’s story highlights how faculty
and staff who share similar life experiences
foster students’ ability to succeed, especially
at selective PWIs. In our study, only one of
the participants mentioned a QPOC staff
member, which we hypothesize is due to the
lack of professionals on campus who hold both
identities; yet, their presence is much needed
since they can influence students’ emotional,
moral, and academic development (Means
& Jaeger, 2013; Misawa, 2010; Washington
1162 Journal of College Student Development
Duran & Pérez
& Wall, 2006). Similarly, admitting students
who identify as racial and sexual minorities
generates the possibility for kinship building.
As a result, administrators must recognize the
role that hiring and admissions practices have
on underrepresented students.
Conclusion
This study contributes to the field of higher
education by expanding our understanding of
queer Latino men as they successfully navigate
their collegiate environments. Reflected in
the work of A. Hurtado and Sinha (2016),
authors of existing studies on successful Latino
undergraduate men have not yet fully explored
perspectives on sexuality (Carrillo, 2013; Pérez,
2017; Pérez & Sáenz, 2017; Pérez & Taylor,
2016; Sáenz, & Bukoski, 2014). Moreover,
scholars of lesbian and gay Latinas/os have
addressed how these college students negotiate
their existence both in college and in their
hometown but have touched on family only
marginally (Peña-Talamantes, 2013). Thus,
this study represents one of the first empirical
investigations that highlights how queer Latino
men integrate the cultural value of familia
while also staying true to their queer identity,
offering practitioners and scholars important
insights into this student demographic.
The results from this study can substantially
inform the ways that administrators work with
queer Latino men in college. These findings
illuminate how multiple systems of oppression
affect students; yet, they also highlight the
knowledge, skills, and resources that these
individuals use to succeed. Practitioners can
foster positive outcomes among queer Latino
students by establishing relationships with
peers, staff, and faculty. In particular, these
relationships can provide queer Latino men
with the care, propensity for success, and
personal development that they may lack from
their family thereby providing an alternate
Queering La Familia
familia. In the words of Angel, a participant
who referenced a Marcus Garvey quote
displayed on his wall:
“A people without the knowledge of their
past history, origin, and culture is like a
tree without roots.” It resonates well with
me, because I am that tree. I’m grounded
because of the folks that I mentioned. I
feel like I’m a  . . . stable tree.
Despite a tenuous relationship with his
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