Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
Religious Studies in
Contemporary China Collection
Series Advisor
Vincent Goossaert
VOLUME 2
Edited by
Mou Zhongjian
Translated by
LEIDEN • BOSTON
2012
This book is the result of a co-publication agreement between The Ethnic Publishing House
and Koninklijke Brill NV. These chapters were translated into English from the original
<<当代中国宗教研究精选丛书:道教卷 >> (Dangdai zhongguo zongjiao yanjiu jingxuan congshu:
Daojiao juan) with financial support from China Book International.
BL1925.T42 2012
299.5’14—dc23
2011041578
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a
retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher.
Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV
provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center,
222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA.
Fees are subject to change.
CONTENTS
Introduction ................................................................................ 1
Vincent Goossaert
Cheng Xuanying and the Study of the Twofold Mystery ........ 149
Tang Yijie
The Quanzhen School and the Culture of Qilu Region .......... 209
Mou Zhongjian
Vincent Goossaert
1
Mou Zhongjian 牟钟鉴, ed. Dangdai Zhongguo zongjiao yanjiu jingxuan congshu, Daojiao
juan 当代中国宗教研究精选丛书 道教卷 (Beijing: Minzu chubanshe, 2008).
2
This growth has resulted in the creation of several specialized scholarly journals,
notably Taoism: Religion, History and Society (bilingual English and Chinese, est. 2009),
Journal of Taoist Studies (English, est. 2008), and Daojia wenhua yanjiu 道家文化研究
(Chinese, est. 1992), in addition to journals published by Taoist institutions (national
headquarters and regional branches of PRC Taoist associations; Taoist journals in
Hong Kong and Taiwan).
3
The perceived need among Chinese scholars of Taoism to better understand
Taoist studies in the West has resulted in a large project of translating representa-
tive works from Western and Japanese languages into Chinese; the resulting collec-
tion, entitled Daojiaoxue yicong 道教学译丛, is directed by Professor Zhu Yueli 朱越利.
2 vincent goossaert
own terms. For this reason, this volume is intended less as a collection
of new research in the field, than as a general introduction to Chinese
scholarship.
The translations were done by Pan Junliang and Simone Normand,
who deserve praise for their work, as translating Chinese scholarly
articles is a notoriously difficult task. Chinese scholars assume a solid
knowledge of classical culture from their readers, and thus allude to
and quote liberally from a wide variety of sources; Western readers
not immersed in Taoist studies often find these allusions and quotes
difficult to grasp, and thus translation often requires clarification. Quo-
tations from the classics, easily done in Chinese, require hard philolog-
ical work to be rendered satisfactorily in English. Last but not least, a
good deal of the Taoist technical vocabulary, particularly in the realm
of self-cultivation, defies translation, as it is squarely based on multi-
ple meanings (poetical, physiological, mystical ). Faced with such chal-
lenges, the translators have striven to render the style and inspiration
of the authors while respecting sinological standards in all technical
aspects yet keeping the Chinese style for references in footnotes.
4
On the political context for religion and religious studies in the PRC, see Vin-
cent Goossaert and David A. Palmer, The Religious Question in Modern China (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 2011). See also Yang Fenggang, “Between Secularist
Ideology and Desecularizing Reality: The Birth and Growth of Religious Research in
Communist China,” Sociology of Religion 65, no. 2 (2004): 101–19.
introduction 3
The major institutions for Taoist studies have been the Institute
for the Study of World Religions 世界宗教研究所 at the Chinese
Academy of Social Sciences (established in 1964), which has a group
for Taoist studies (est. 1981), and several universities that began to
develop centers for Taoist studies in the 1980s. The University of
Sichuan was one of the earliest (1980) and remains a major center,
attracting graduate students and running publication programs. As a
whole, and over the course of a generation (thirty years), the field has
grown both quantitatively and qualitatively at an amazing speed, and
the vibrancy and quality of present-day scholarship is admirable when
we consider the near void it developed from in the early 1980s. Uni-
versity centers for Taoist studies (and for religious studies in general )
most often originate from and are linked to philosophy departments.
This explains their strong emphasis on textual studies, but they have
begun to increasingly extend their gaze to alternative approaches.5
Scholars of religion in the PRC have an advisory role to the govern-
ment in matters of religious policy. Yet they also often work with con-
fessional institutions; it is not rare for scholars of Taoism to teach in
training programs for clerics within temples. Thus, scholars are often
well acquainted with the present-day situation of institutional Taoism,
and are sympathetic to the demands of Taoist institutions for more
social and political space; a gradual trend toward more empathy for
Taoists is visible in their writings, especially when comparing scholar-
ship from the 1980s, 1990s, and the present. A number of articles in
this anthology should be read with this agenda in mind, as they were
written more or less explicitly with the aim of arguing that specific
aspects of Taoist culture, such as inner alchemical self-cultivation or
salvation rituals for the dead, are not mere “magic” but represent a
coherent, sophisticated vision of the world; are worthy of being consid-
ered as precious elements of Chinese mainstream culture; and should
thus be respected and preserved, rather than suppressed, reformed, or
just treated as relics of the past.
In this context, while the scholars represented here are all noted
for focused, in-depth studies of specific aspects of Taoist studies, they
have also authored more wide-ranging pieces that draw on the whole
5
For another, earlier survey of Taoist studies in China, see Ding Huang, “The
Study of Taoism in China Today,” in Livia Kohn, ed., Taoism Handbook (Leiden: Brill,
2000): 765–91.
4 vincent goossaert
of Taoist literature from antiquity to the present, and that show the
relevance of the tradition as a whole to contemporary issues. Taoist
ethics, their focus on social harmony and respect for the environment,
have been a topic of particular interest, with scholars arguing that
Taoism has long heralded values now upheld by the government and
large parts of society, and pleading on this basis for a larger place for
Taoism in the contemporary intellectual and political scene. Scholars
in the field regularly meet at conferences to discuss the adaptation of
Taoism to modernity, where they both plead for the relevance of Tao-
ism to contemporary society and are encouraged to identify those ele-
ments of the Taoist tradition that should be emphasized. The chapters
by Li Yuanguo (on respect for life) and Yin Zhihua (on the environ-
ment in Taoist philosophy) in this volume speak directly to this type of
scholarship, as does Chen Xia’s chapter on a twelfth-century morality
text, which sees it as a forerunner of the modern turn to secularizing
and popularizing Taoist ethics.
In this political and intellectual context, Taoist studies is a field
strongly oriented toward textual studies and the history of Taoist
thought. This is the background of almost all of the scholars repre-
sented in this volume. There are also historians, art historians and
archeologists, sociologists, and anthropologists interested in Taoism,
and, even more importantly, folklorists and scholars of popular lit-
erature and/or performing arts (music, opera, storytelling), who have
worked with living Taoism in rural China, doing extensive fieldwork
and collecting large amounts of material. Many important articles and
books have been published, either in Taiwan or in the PRC itself, on
Taoism in the context of local religious life, and documenting pres-
ent-day ritual. These are not represented in the present anthology,
because such works are considered by Chinese scholars as belonging
to a separate field.
The major task for Chinese scholars of Taoism since the field began
to develop in the 1980s has been to establish the textual legacy. Before
the 1980s, most of the sources in the Taoist canon, Daozang 道藏, were
left untouched, as scholars focused on texts also known elsewhere.
Wang Ming’s work on the Taipingjing 太平經 (known to exist from
other sources, but only extant in fragments in the Daozang) was a major
introduction 5
6
Kristofer Schipper and Franciscus Verellen, eds., The Taoist Canon: A Historical
Companion to the Daozang (Daozang Tongkao 道藏通考), 3 vols. (Chicago: The University
of Chicago Press, 2004); see also Fabrizio Pregadio, ed., Encyclopaedia of Taoism (Lon-
don: RoutledgeCurzon, 2008).
6 vincent goossaert
Qing Xitai
A Retrospective Analysis
1
Originally published in Zhongguo zongjiao yanjiu nianjian 中国宗教研究年鉴.
Beijing: Religious Culture Publishing House, 2003.
8 qing xitai
works and authors on Taoism, we found that only about 160 scholars
had studied Taoism over a half-century period. Theirs were spontane-
ous and sporadic efforts, with no plan to study Taoism methodically.
On the whole, despite numerous subjects, the studies were focused
on the sources of the Taoist Canon, the history of ancient Taoism, and
Taoist inner alchemy. There were altogether only about 200 articles
and ten books. We have classified these works into eight categories,
which we will now introduce:
First, on the Taoist Canon, the first work was Liu Shipei’s Du Daozang ji
读道藏记 [Remarks on the Taoist Canon] (published in 1911 in Guocui xue-
bao 国粹学报 [ Journal of Chinese Quintessence] vol. 7, nos. 1–5). Published
in 1935 in Guoxue jikan 国学季刊 [Quarterly of Sinology] (vol. 5, no. 1),
Tang Yongtong’s Du Taipingjing suojian 读太平经所见 [Remarks on the
Scripture of Great Peace] is the first thesis on the Scripture of Great Peace.
In compiling Daozang zimu yinde 道藏子目引得 [Combined Indexes to the
Authors and Titles of Books in Two Collections of Taoist Literature] (published
in 1935 by the Harvard-Yenching Institute of Yenching University in
Beijing), Wen Dujian corrected some errors in various reference books
of the Taoist Canon both in Chinese and in foreign languages. Published
in 1949 by Zhonghua shuju, Chen Guofu’s Daozang yuanliu kao was a
detailed study of the formation and evolution of the Taoist Canon and
had a significant influence on Chinese and foreign scholars.
Annotations, collations, and verifications of particular scriptures
included Hu Shih’s Tao Hongjing de Zhengao kao 陶弘景的真诰考 [Stud-
ies of Tao Hongjing’s Zhengao] published in 1935 in Cai Yuanpei xiansheng
liushiwu sui lunwenji 蔡元培先生六十五岁论文集 (下) [Essays Dedi-
cated to the 65th Anniversary of Cai Yuanpei (vol. 2)], and Wang Guowei’s
Changchun zhenren xiyouji jiaozhu 长春真人西游记校注 [Collation and
Annotation of Changchun Zhenren Xiyouji], published in 1937 by Wen-
zhan ge. Meng Wentong compiled Laozi Cheng Xuanying shu 老子成玄
英疏 [Cheng Xuanying’s Commentary on Lao-tzu] and wrote articles such
as “Jiaoli Laozi Cheng Xuanying shu xulu 校理老子成玄英疏叙录”
[Descriptive Notes of Collation of Laozi Annotated by Cheng Xuanying], “Jijiao
Laozi Li Rong zhu ba 辑校老子李荣注跋” [A Postscript to the Compi-
lation of Lao-tzu Annotated by Li Rong], “Zuowang lun kao 坐忘论考”
[Studies on Zuowang Lun], and “Chen Bixu yu Chen Tuan xuepai—
Chen Jingyuan Laozi Zhuangzi zhu jiaoji fu Chen Tunan xuepu
陈碧虚与陈抟学派—陈景元老子、庄子注校记附陈图南学谱”
[Chen Bixu and Chen Tuan School—Notes on Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu Annotated
10 qing xitai
Chinese Taoist studies in their second period bore the same charac-
teristics as in their first. Only a few scholars, nonspecialists in Tao-
ism, studied Taoism in addition to their own specialities. Scholars like
Wang Ming and Chen Guofu, who had already studied Taoism in its
first stage, became leading scholars in Taoist studies in their second
stage. But even the scholars who studied Taoism as a sideline to their
own specialities were few. They could not form study groups. Their
work was spontaneous and sporadic and did not offer any coherent
goals or direction. In addition, these scholars were often influenced by
ultra-left ideology and regarded the studies of Taoism as taboo. Few
people paid attention to Taoist studies at the time, which could be
aptly described by a quotation of Li Qingzhao’s famous verse: “seeking
and seeking, a feeling of desolation.” The studies of Chinese scholars
dropped so far behind those of their Western counterparts that on the
occasion of the first international Taoist studies conference, which was
held in Bellagio in September 1968, and the second, which was held
in Japan, no scholar from China was present among the numerous
foreign scholars. At that time, it was said that “the origin of Taoism is
in China, while the center of Taoist studies is in the West.”
This was felt to be an abnormal and regrettable situation although
some academic works were published during that period and some
scientific articles were presented at conferences, for example, Wang
Ming’s Taipingjing hejiao 太平经合校 [A Complete Critical Edition of the
Taipingjing] published by Zhonghua shuju in 1960; some of Tang Yong-
tong’s articles on the history of Taoism and Taoist classics; some of
Yuan Hanqing’s articles on Taoist inner alchemy; and Zhongguo Zhexue
shi 中国哲学史 [A History of Chinese Philosophy], edited by Ren Jiyu,
including some chapters on Taoism. In all, about 50 articles and a
very small number of books were published. This second stage of Tao-
ist studies was shorter than the first (only 17 years, excluding the Cul-
tural Revolution), so the number of works produced was less. We will
briefly introduce these works, using the same categories as before:
First, on the Taoist Canon, besides his Taipingjing hejiao, Wang Ming also
wrote Dunhuang guxieben Taipingjing wenzi canye 敦煌古写本太平经文字
残页 [The Remaining Pages of the Ancient Manuscript of the Scripture Great
Peace in Dunhuang] and Taipingjing mulu kao 太平经目录考 [Studies on the
Catalogue of Scripture of Great Peace], which supplemented his Taiping-
jing hejiao. The revised and enlarged edition of Chen Guofu’s Daozang
yuanliu kao included four new appendices: Daoyue kao lüegao 道乐考略
taoist studies: past and present 15
feudal ruling class and Taoism. A heated debate ensued, which was
centered on the political thought in the Scripture of Great Peace. Yang
Kuan, Hou Wailu, Zhang Qizhi, Yang Chao, Li Xueqin, Xu Zhi,
and Yuan Liangyi, in their respective works, stressed the revolution-
ary content of the Scripture of Great Peace, while Rong Sheng and Fan
Wenlan refuted their analysis. Xiong Deji and Yu Songqing debated
this question. Wang Ming expressed his opinion in the preface of Tai-
pingjing hejiao.
On Taoist philosophy, there were Wang Ming’s “Shilun Yinfu jing
ji qi weiwu zhuyi sixiang 试论阴符经及其唯物主义思想” [An Essay
on the Scripture of Hidden Talisman and Its Materialism] (published in 1962
in Philosophical Researches, no. 5), Yang Xiangkui’s “Lun Ge Hong
论葛洪” [Studies on Ge Hong] (published in 1961 in the Journal of Litera-
ture, History and Philosophy, no. 1), and Tang Yongtong’s “Kou Qianzhi
de zhuzuo he sixiang 寇谦之的著作和思想” [Kou Qianzhi’s Works and
Thoughts] (published in 1961 in Historical Research, no. 5) and “Kangfu
zhaji size 康复札记四则” [Four Reading Notes on Convalescence] (pub-
lished in June 1961 in Xin jianshe 新建设 [New Construction]). Scholars
also wrote about Taoist religious thought in their studies on the Great
Peace Scripture and the history of ancient Taoism, works that cannot be
introduced here.
Fourth, on Taoist inner alchemy, there were important works
produced during this stage, like Yuan Hanqing’s Zhongguo huaxueshi
lunwenji 中国化学史论文集 [Essays on the History of Chinese Chemistry]
(published in 1956 by Sanlian Publishing Company), Zhang Zigao’s
Zhongguo huaxueshi gao (gudai zhibu) 中国化学史稿(古代之部) [History
of Chinese Chemistry (A Chapter on Ancient Times)] (published in 1964 by
Science Press), Feng Jiasheng’s Huoyao de faming yu xichuan 火药的发
明与西传 [The Invention of Gunpowder and its Exportation to the West] and
Liandanshu de chengzhang yu xichuan 炼丹术的成长与西传 [The Evolution
of Taoist Alchemy and Its Introduction in the West] (published, respectively,
in 1954 by Huadong People’s Press and in 1957 in Zhongguo kexue jishu
faming he kexue jishu renwu lunji 中国科学技术发明和科学技术人物
论集 [Essays on Chinese Scientific Inventions and Scientists] by Sanlian Pub-
lishing Company), Wang Kuike’s “Zhongguo liandanshu zhong de
jinxie he huachi 中国炼丹术中的金液和华池” [ Jinye and Huachi in
Chinese Taoist Alchemy] (published in 1964 in Kexueshi jikan 科学史
集刊 [History of Science], no. 7), and Yuan Hanqing’s “Cong Daozang
li de jizhongshu kan woguo liandanshu 从道藏里的几种书看我国炼
taoist studies: past and present 17
丹术” [Studies on Chinese Taoist Alchemy in the Scriptures in the Taoist Canon]
(published in 1954 in Chemistry, no. 7).
Yuan Hanqing’s “Tuijinle liandanshu de Ge Hong he tade zhu-
zuo 推进了炼丹术的葛洪和他的著作” [Ge Hong, Who Promoted Taoist
Alchemy, and His Works] (published in 1954 in Chemistry, no. 5), Xu
Keming’s “Yanjiu huaxue de xianquzhe ji woguo gudai de liandan-
jia Ge Hong 研究化学的先驱者——记我国古代的炼丹家葛洪”
[Ge Hong, Chinese Ancient Alchemist and Pioneer of Chemistry] (published on
31 May 1962 in Workers Daily), and Chen Manyan’s “Woguo gudai
huaxuejia Ge Hong 我国古代化学家葛洪” [The Story of a Chinese
Chemist: Ge Hong] (published on 19 August 1962 in Xinhua Daily), intro-
duced Ge Hong’s achievements in ancient chemistry.
Chen Guofu’s “Zhongguo huangbaishu shilüe 中国黄白术史略” [A
Brief History of Chinese Taoist Alchemy] (published in 1954 in Chemistry,
no. 12), Zhu Sheng’s “Yixue shang danji he liandan de lishi 医学上
丹剂和炼丹的历史” [Alchemical Treatments in Medicine, and the History
of Alchemy] (published in 1956 in The Medicine Magazine of China, no.
6), Yu Shenchu’s “Zuguo liandanshu yu zhiyao huaxue de fazhan 祖
国炼丹术与制药化学的发展” [The Evolution of Chinese Taoist Alchemy
and Pharmaceutical Chemistry] (published in 1957 in the Zhejiang Journal
of Traditional Chinese Medicine, no. 8), Zhang Zigao’s “Liandanshu de
fasheng yu fazhan 炼丹术的发生与发展” [The Origin and Evolution of
Taoist Alchemy] (published in 1960 in the Journal of Tsinghua University,
vol. 7, no. 2), and Xie Haizhou’s “Youguan Gong ji qi liandan de
lishi 有关汞及其炼丹的历史” [The History of Mercury in Taoist Alchemy]
(published in 1963 in Haerbin zhongyi 哈尔滨中医 [Harbin Journal of
Traditional Chinese Medicine], no. 3), dealt with the history and evolution
of Taoist inner alchemy.
Yuan Hanqing’s “Zhouyi cantonqi shijie liandanshi shang zuigu de
zhuzuo 周易参同契—世界炼丹史上最古的著作” [Token for the Kin-
ship of the Three According to the Zhouyi—The Most Ancient Work in the
World History of Alchemy] (published in 1954 in Chemistry, no. 8), Wang
Zhanyuan’s “Zhouyi cantongqi de zhexue sixiang 周易参同契的哲学思
想” [Philosophy of the Token for the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi]
(published on 13 October 1961 in Guangming Daily), and Li Junfu’s
“Lun Zhongguo gudai liandanshu Cantongqi 论中国古代炼丹书参同
契” [Cantongqi: A Chinese Ancient Alchemy Book] (published in 1963 in the
Journal of Xinxiang Teachers College), examined the Token for the Kinship of
the Three According to the Zhouyi.
18 qing xitai
The period of the Cultural Revolution, from 1966 to 1976, was cha-
racterized by ultra-left ideology. Studies on Taoism halted completely
for ten years, producing hardly any publications. On the other hand,
Taiwanese and Hong Kong scholars on Taoism produced many publi-
cations, which deserve to be introduced here.
First, concerning the Taoist Canon and reference books, the Taiwan-
ese scholar Xiao Tianshi’s Daozang jinghua 道藏精华 [The Essence of the
Taoist Canon] series was printed continually—from 1965 to 1977—by
Ziyou Press. This series collected together more than 800 Taoist scrip-
tures, which were classified in 17 original volumes and two supple-
mentary volumes. The American scholar Michael Saso converted to
Taoism in Taiwan. He made use of his Taoist master’s documents to
edit ZhuangLin xu daozang 庄林续道藏 [Zhuang-Lin Taoist Canon], in 25
volumes and four parts, which was published in 1974 by Cheng-Wen
20 qing xitai
Present Situation
Yazhou yishu Press), Wang Qingyu and Kuang Wennan’s Daoyi kuimi
daojiao yishu kangfushu 道医窥秘—道教医术康复术 [The Decyphering of
Taoist Medicine—Rehabilitation Techniques in Taoist Medicine] (published in
1994 by Sichuan People’s Publishing House), and Gai Jianmin’s Daojiao
yixue daolun 道教医学导论 [An Introduction to Taoist Medicine] (published
in 1994 by Zhongguo daotong Press of Taiwan) and Daojiao yixue
道教医学 [Taoist Medicine] (published in 2001 by the Religious Culture
Publishing House).
Eleventh, works on Taoist music included Zhongguo Wudangshan
daojiao yinyue 中国武当山道教音乐 [Taoist Music from Wudang Moun-
tain, China] (edited by teachers and students from the Wuhan music
school and published in 1987 by Zhongguo wenlian Press), Yuxi daoren
Min Zhiting chuanpu quanzhen zhengyunpu ji 玉溪道人闵智亭传谱:全真
正韵谱辑 [The Music Score of Yuxi Daoren Min Zhiting: An Anthology of
Orthodox Music of the Quanzhen School] (recorded, transcribed, and edited
by Shi Xinmin, Zhou Zhengxi, Wang Zhongren, Xiang Siyi, and Liu
Hong and published in 1993 by Zhongguo wenlian Press), Zhongguo
Longhushan tianshidao yinyue 中国龙虎山天师道音乐 [The Music of the
Heavenly Master School from Longhu Mountain] (recorded, transcribed, and
edited by Shi Xinmin, Zhou Zhengxi, Wang Zhongren, Xiang Siyi
and published in 1993 by Zhongguo wenlian Press), Wang Chunwu
and Gan Shaocheng’s Zhongguo daojiao yinyue 中国道教音乐 [Chinese
Taoist Music] (published in 1993 by Xinan jiaotong daxue Press), Cao
Benye and Pu Hengqiang’s Wudangshan daojiao yinyue yanjiu 武当山道教
音乐研究 [Studies on Taoist Music from Wudang Mountain] (published in
1993 by the Commercial Press, of Taiwan), Pu Hengqiang’s Daojiao yu
Zhongguo chuantong yinyue 道教与中国传统音乐 [Taoism and Chinese Tra-
ditional Music] (published in 1993 by Wenjin Press of Taiwan), Daojiao
yinyue 道教音乐 [Taoist Music] (written by Shi Xinmin, Zhou Zhengxi,
Wang Zhongren, and Xiang Siyi and published in 1994 by Beijing
Yanshan Press), Zhongguo daojiao yinyue shilüe 中国道教音乐史略 [A Brief
History of Chinese Taoist Music] (written by Cao Benye, Wang Zhongyi,
Gan Shaocheng, Liu Hong, and Zhou Yun and published in 1996 by
Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi in Taiwan), Shanghai Baiyunguan shishi keyi
yinyue yanjiu 上海白云观施食科仪音乐研究 [Studies on the Ritul of Feed-
ing Hungry Ghosts: Ritual Music of Shanghai Baiyun Temple] (written by Cao
Benye and Zhu Jianming and published in 1997 by Xinwenfeng chu-
ban gongsi), Liu Hong’s Suzhou daojiao keyi yinyue yanjiu 苏州道教科仪
音乐研究 [Studies on Taoist Ritual Music of Suzhou] (published in 1997 by
taoist studies: past and present 39
A Perspective Analysis
Wang Ka
The Taoist community took shape in the middle and late periods of
the Eastern Han Dynasty (about the second century AD) but found
its origin in ancient Taoist thought and magic before the Eastern Han
Dynasty. So the origin of the Taoist scriptures precedes the formal cre-
ation of the Taoist community. According to the “Treatise on Litera-
ture” in the Hanshu, which was written by Ban Gu during the Eastern
Han Dynasty, there were 47 different titles for a total of 1,198 chapters
written on Taoism and on the belief in Immortals from antiquity to
the Western Han Dynasty. Besides these writings there were other
titles concerning the Yin-Yang School, Confucian teachings on the
Changes, Mohism, the School of Military thought, the Miscellaneous
Schools, mathematics (astronomy, the five elements, and divination),
various techniques (medicine, sexual practice), among others, altogether
over 200 titles for a total of about 4000 chapters. These ancient works
have been lost for the most part. The texts that have come down to
us, such as the Lao-tzu, the Chuang-tzu, the Huainanzi, the Mo-tzu 墨子,
46 wang ka
the Sunzi bingfa 孙子兵法 [The Art of War], and the Huangdi neijing 黄帝
内经 [The Yellow Emperor’s Inner Canon], were collected in the Taoist
Canon and constitute the earliest works in the canon.
As Taoism developed during the Eastern Han Dynasty, some early
Taoist scriptures appeared that were compiled by Taoists and magi-
cians, including the Scripture of Great Peace, Lao-tzu Annotated by Heshang
Gong, Lao-tzu Annotated by Xiang’er, and the Token for the Kinship of the
Three According to the Zhouyi. Of these, the Scripture of Great Peace—
produced most likely during the rule of Emperor Shun of the Eastern
Han (AD 126–144)—with its 170 chapters, is a “divine book,” which
expresses the ideas of the sorcerers and magicians of the period. As
the foundational scripture chosen by Zhang Jiao, the leader of Great
Peace Taoism, it was one of the key texts for the formation of early
communal Taoism. Considered by the Taoist believers at the end of
the Han Dynasty as a classic scripture to recite every day, the Tao Te
Ching is believed to have been commented on by Zhang Ling (or by
Zhang Lu), the patriarchs of the Taoism of Five Bushels of Rice, who
wrote Lao-tzu Annotated by Xiang’er. The latter explained Lao-tzu in the
light of Taoist ideology and supported the cult of the Most High Old
Lord, and the observance of Taoist rules and regimen towards tran-
scendence. This scripture is a keystone of Taoism.
Taoist scriptures multiplied during the Wei and Jin dynasties. The
Taoist scholar Ge Hong, in the chapter “Xialan,” in the Baopuzi,
recorded 204 Taoist scriptures for a total of 679 chapters, and 56
kinds of registers and talismans, for a total of 620 chapters, the two
categories adding to 1,299 chapters. The Taoists of the Wei and Jin
dynasties treasured their scriptures and did not make them accessible
to the public. The scriptures that Ge Hong quoted have been lost for
the most part, except for a few that have been handed down.
During the Southern and Northern dynasties, a large quantity of
Taoist scriptures, including the Shangqing 上清 [Highest Clarity], Lingbao
灵宝 [Numinous Treasure], and Zhengyi fawen 正一法文 [Texts of the Law
of Orthodox Unity] corpi appeared and became widespread. They were
then gathered into a collection. In the seventh year of the Taishi reign
of the Song Dynasty (AD 471), Emperor Ming asked the Taoist Lu
Xiujing to compile the Sandong jingshu mulu 三洞经书目录 [Catalogue
of Scriptures of Three Caverns], which included 1,228 chapters of Taoist
scriptures, prescriptions, and talismans, of which, 1,090 chapters were
already circulating. In the fourth year of the Putong reign of Emperor
Wu of the Liang Dynasty (AD 523), secretary Ruan Xiaoxu compiled
from YIQIE DAOJING to ZHONGHUA DAOZANG 47
and Precepts for Worshipping the Tao According to the Three Caverns] from the
beginning of the Tang Dynasty we find the following text:
All scriptures must be collected in two kinds of canon, the Complete
Canon and the Separate Canon. For the former, all the scriptures will be
gathered and called “The Canon of the Precious Scriptures of the Three
Caverns.” For the latter, each of the Three Caverns and Four Supple-
ments should be considered as a canon in itself. The first is “The Canon
of the True Scriptures of Great Cavern,” the second “The Canon of
the Precious Scriptures of Mystery Cavern,” the third “The Canon of
Immortal Scriptures of Spirit Cavern,” the fourth “The Canon of the
Scriptures of Great Mystery,” the fifth “The Canon of the Scriptures of
Great Peace,” the sixth “The Canon of the Scriptures of Great Purity,”
and the seventh “The Canon of the Scriptures of Orthodox Unity.”
Each category should be given a title in order to be distinguished one
from the other.
That means there were two methods for preserving the Taoist scrip-
tures. The first collected all the Taoist scriptures in a Complete Canon,
called “The Canon of the Precious Scriptures of the Three Caverns,”
while the second classified the Taoist scriptures in the “Three Cav-
erns and Four Supplements,” totalling seven categories, each category
being considered as one canon.1 Instructions for making the “Zang”
were included in chapter three, “Ritual Tools,” in the Foundations of
Rules and Precepts for Worshipping the Tao According to the Three Caverns:
The outside of the Jingzang should be lacquered and sandalwood should
be used on its inside. Or the outside and inside could both be lacquered,
or ornamented with jewelery, or painted with colors, or decorated
1
The “Three Caverns and Four Supplements” is a system of classification of Tao-
ist scriptures according to which Taoist scriptures are classified in seven categories,
including “the Authenticity Cavern,” “the Mystery Cavern,” “the Cavern of the
Spirit,” “The Great Mystery,” “Great Peace,” “Great Purity,” and “Orthodox Unity.”
According to chapter two of the Daojiao yishu 道教义枢 [Essential Doctrines of Taoism],
written by the Taoist Meng Anpai at the beginning of the Tang Dynasty, the Three
Caverns corresponded with major Taoist scriptures, the Authenticity Cavern category
with the “Scriptures of the Highest Clarity,” the Mystery Cavern category with the
“Scriptures of the Numinous Treasure,” and the Spirit Cavern category with the
“Scriptures of the Three Emperors.” As to the Four Supplements, the Great Purity
category supplemented the Spirit Cavern category with the scriptures on the ingestion
of elixir; the Great Peace category supplemented the Mystery Cavern category with
the divine book the Scripture of Great Peace; the Great Mystery category supplemented
the Authenticity Cavern category with the Tao Te Ching and others and the Orthodox
Unity category supplemented the other six categories with such scriptures of ancient
Heavenly Master School as the Text of the Law of Orthodox Unity. This system took
shape in the Southern and Northern dynasties and was followed from the Sui Dynasty
onward, when the Taoist Canon was compiled.
50 wang ka
simply with precious woods. That depends on the choice of the moment.
Its size depends also on one’s financial resources. Three or seven lay-
ers or cases should be painted or installed inside to preserve the Three
Caverns and Four Supplements separately. The door should be fitted
with a lock, and the Vajra and celestial kings should be painted on the
left and right side. It should be put on a table so as to avoid direct con-
tact with the ground.
In this text the “Jingzang” refers to the painted and lacquered wooden
cabinet in which scriptures were preserved. The Foundations of Rules
and Precepts for Worshipping the Tao According to the Three Caverns provided
instructions not only for making the Jingzang and for determining its
size, but also for copying and binding the scriptures . The formation of
the Yiqie daojing, or Taoist Canon, at the beginning of the Tang Dynasty
signified that Taoism had integrated the Indian tradition into the Chi-
nese tradition and developed its method of collecting and preserving
its own scriptures.
Under the Kaiyuan reign of Emperor Xuan of the Tang Dynasty,
the Yiqie daojing was first compiled by the government. It had a total of
3,744 chapters. In the seventh year of the Tianbao reign (AD 748), the
emperor ordered all the Taoists to transcribe the Yiqie daojing. Unfor-
tunately, most of the Taoist scriptures were burned during the wars at
the end of the Tang Dynasty. Among the remaining scriptures discov-
ered in Dunghuang, some pieces might be part of the Tang Dynasty
transcript of the Yiqie daojing.
Under the Dazhong xiangfu reign of the Song Dynasty, Emperor
Zhen ordered Zhang Junfang to take charge of the compilation of
the Taoist Canon. The Treasure of the Celestial Palace of the Great Song then
was compiled in the third year of the Tianxi reign (AD 1019), with
4,565 chapters. Extracting from the Tiangong baozang 天宫宝藏 [The
Precious Canon of the Celestial Palace of the Great Song], Zhang Junfang also
compiled the Seven Slips from a Cloudy Satchel, with 120 chapters, which
is considered a “compact Taoist Canon” and an important document
for studies on the circulation of Taoist scriptures during the Northern
Song Dynasty.
Under the Zhenghe reign, Emperor Hui of the Northern Song
Dynasty again ordered the collection of Taoist scriptures that were
collated by Taoists, including Yuan Miaozong and Wang Daojian.
The printing blocks were carved in the city of Fuzhou, and copies
were printed in Dongjing as Wanshou daozang 万寿道藏 [The Taoist
Canon of Wanshou], with 5,481 chapters. This was the first time that the
from YIQIE DAOJING to ZHONGHUA DAOZANG 51
entire Taoist Canon was printed using printing woodblocks. It was taken
away by the Jurchen during the Jingkang period war, and has since
been lost. However, some characters with omitted strokes were used to
avoid the taboo names of the Song emperors in the scriptures collected
in the Taoist Canon of the Ming Dynasty edition, which could thus stem
in part from copies of the Southern Song Dynasty edition.
In the fourth year of the Dading reign (AD 1164), Emperor Shi
of the Jin Dynasty ordered the printing blocks for the Taoist Canon
of Wanshou to be moved from Bianjing (now Kaifeng) to the Shifang
Datianchang Temple in Zhongdu (presently the Baiyun Temple in
Beijing). In the first year of the Mingchang reign of Emperor Zhang
(AD 1190), the head of the Tianchang Temple, Sun Mingdao, was
ordered to compile the Dajin xuandu baozang 大金玄都宝藏 [The Pre-
cious Canon of Mystery Capital of the Great Jin Dynasty], made up of 6,455
chapters. It was soon burnt in a fire at the Tianchang Temple. There
is however a Jin Dynasty edition of the Literary Anthology of Panxi pre-
served in the Department of Rare Editions of the National Library
of China. The scriptures of the Jin Dynasty edition are said to be
preserved somewhere in Shanxi Province, although this remains to
be verified.
In the ninth year of the reign of Emperor Taizong of the Yuan
Dynasty (AD 1237), a suggestion made by the Taoist Song Defang
of the Quanzhen School to compile and print the Taoist scriptures
was approved. These scriptures, with more than 7,800 chapters, were
printed in the third year of the reign of Empress Naimazhen (AD
1244) and called the Precious Canon of Mystery Capital. In the eighteenth
year of the Zhiyuan reign of Emperor Shizu (AD 1281), the defeat
of the Taoists in the debate with Buddhist monks led to the burning
of the printing blocks for the Taoist Canon. Many classic Taoist scrip-
tures were thus lost. Today, the only remaining texts from the Yuan
Dynasty canon are the Scripture of Wind and Dew of Great Clarity and Seven
Slips from a Cloudy Satchel.
In the tenth year of the Zhengtong reign (AD 1445) of Emperor
Yingzong of the Ming Dynasty, the 43rd Heavenly Master Zhang
Yuchu compiled the Taoist Canon of the Zhengtong Reign. In the thirty-fifth
year of the Wanli reign of Emperor Shenzong of the Ming Dynasty,
the 50th Heavenly Master, Zhang Guoxiang, compiled the Xu Dao-
zang 续道藏 [A Supplement to the Taoist Canon]. This canon included
more than 1,470 titles in 5,485 chapters, and was preserved in 512
boxes, which were numbered using the successive characters from the
52 wang ka
Thousand Character Classic. This Taoist Canon of the Zhengtong Reign was
printed many times during the Ming and Qing dynasties and con-
ferred to Taoist temples across the country.
In the year Gengzi of Emperor Guangxu’s reign (AD 1900) during
the Qing Dynasty, the printing blocks for the Ming Dynasty edition
of the Taoist Canon were burnt during the invasion of the Eight-Nation
Alliance in Beijing. The copies of the Taoist Canon preserved in local
Taoist temples were also lost for the most part. Only the one preserved
in the Baiyun Temple in Beijing remained largely intact and has been
kept until today in the Department of Rare Editions of the National
Library of China.
In the early years of the Republic of China (AD 1923–1926), the
Hanfenlou publishing house in Shanghai published 350 copies of the
Taoist Canon from the Baiyun Temple edition, in a thread-bound ver-
sion in 1,120 volumes. In 1977, the Taiwanese publishing house Xin-
wenfeng chuban gongsi published a hardcover version in 60 volumes.
In 1988, the Cultural Relics Press, Shanghai shudian, and Tianjin
Ancient Books Publishing House jointly published a hardcover version
in 36 volumes. In addition, the Taiwanese publishing house version
collected 15 kinds of lost Taoist scriptures from the Ming and Qing
dynasties, while the Mainland Chinese version included a few correc-
tions to gaps in the Baiyun Temple edition.
From its last compilation in the Ming Dynasty until today, there has
not been a new official edition of the Taoist Canon in over 400 years.
However, some independent compilations of Taoist scriptures have
been made.
During the reign of Emperor Jiaqing of the Qing Dynasty (1796–
1820), Secretary Jiang Yuanting compiled and printed the Collected
Essentials of the Taoist Canon, including 173 titles. In the 32nd year of
Emperor Guangxu’s reign (1906), He Longxiang and Peng Hanran
reprinted it for the fourth time in the Temple of Two Immortals in
Chengdu, with 287 titles in 245 volumes, of which 114 titles had not
been collected in the Ming Dynasty edition.
During the Republic of China, Ding Fubao compiled the Daozang
jinghua lu 道藏精华录 [The Essence of the Taoist Canon] in 10 volumes,
including 100 titles, of which several had not been collected in the
from YIQIE DAOJING to ZHONGHUA DAOZANG 53
the Shanghai Library, and the Guangcheng yizhi 广成仪制 [Ritual Norms
of Master Guangcheng], preserved on Qingcheng Mountain in Sichuan.
In 1999, Tang Yijie, Ding Huang, and Zhang Guangbao edited
the Daoshu jicheng 道书集成 [Collection of Taoist Books] in 60 volumes
published by the Jiuzhou tushu chubanshe 九洲图书出版社 in Beijing.
In 2006, Wang Ka and Wang Guiping edited the Sandong shiyi 三洞
拾遗 [The Newly found books from the Three Caverns] in 20 volumes published
by Huangshan shushe 黄山书社 of Anhui. Some of the Taoist scrip-
tures collected in these two works are precious ancient versions pre-
served in the Institute of History and the Institute of World Religions
of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and cannot be found in
either the Taoist Canon of the Zhengtong Reign or the Extra-Canonical Taoist
Texts. For example, the Daotong yuanliu 道统源流 [The Evolution of Taoist
Lineage] and the Jueyun benzhi daotong xinzhuan 觉云本支道统薪传 [The
Genealogy of the Jueyun Branch of the Orthodox Lineage] are key documents
for the study of the Taoist Longmen School of the Qing Dynasty and
cannot be found in other Taoist collections.
The aforementioned Taoist collections, compiled from the Ming
Dynasty until the modern times, provide abundant material for the
study of Taoism and should be considered as main sources if the Tao-
ist Canon of China is to be collated and supplemented more extensively
in the future.
Apart from the collections of the Taoist Canon mentioned above there
exist many other documents related to Taoism. The important works
on the collation of these documents are the following:
including the silk texts of Lao-tzu, the Chart of Physical Training 导引图,
and the Prescriptions for Nourishing Life 养生方, and bamboo slips of
books on sexual practices, which are recorded in the Silk Books from a
Tomb at Mawangdui published by the Cultural Relics Publishing House.
In 1973, the bamboo slips of the Wenzi 文子 were discovered in the
tombs of the Han Dynasty in Bajiaolang of Dingzhou in Hebei. In the
1980s, the bamboo slips of the Book of Exercises 引书 and the Prescrip-
tions for Nourishing Life 养生书 were discovered in the tombs of the Han
Dynasty in Zhangjiashan of Jiangling in Hubei. In the 1990s, the bam-
boo slips of the Lao-tzu were discovered in the tombs of the Chu King-
dom in Guodian. These works of the ancient Huang Lao School and
Immortality School make up for a part of the lost scriptures recorded
in the “Treatise on Literature,” in the Hanshu, and provide valuable
information on the origins of early Taoism.
2) Archaeological material
From the 1950s on, archaeologists have found in tombs about 200
tomb-quelling texts (also called zhu-dispelling texts); land-purchase cer-
tificates; text records of burial items; and inscriptions by magicians
of the Han, Wei, and Six dynasties that were meant to dispel guilt
and calamity among the living as well as the dead. These texts are
very important for studies on the origins of early Taoism and Taoist
talismans and rituals. Some items and inscriptions concerning Tao-
ist beliefs were also found in tombs dating from the Tang dynasty to
the Qing dynasty. These new materials drew the attention of many
scholars, who later published on them. In 2004, the Thread-binding
Books Publishing House published the Zhongguo daojiao kaogu 中国道教
考古 [The Archaeology of Chinese Taoism], the most complete work in this
field, written by Zhang Xunliao and Bai Bin from Sichuan University
who collected and collated many Taoist archaeological documents and
examined them in the light of the Taoist Canon.
Those Taoist texts of the Yao people, preserved in Germany, are very
important for the study of the evolution and propagation of Taoism
among the Yao people from the Ming to the Qing dynasties. As far as
I know, there are a few Japanese students who have recently been to
Guangxi Province to collect texts on the fusion of the Taoist Qingwei
School rituals and divination practice, using chicken bones, of the Yao
people. This kind of fieldwork should be continued and more docu-
ments should be collected.
The study of the Taoist Canon began in the Ming and Qing dynasties.
Bai Yunji of the Ming Dynasty wrote the Daozang mulu xiangzhu 道藏
目录详注 [Detailed Comments on the Catalogue of the Taoist Canon], and the
famous scholar of the Qing Dynasty, Liu Shipei, wrote Remarks on the
Taoist Canon. More works and reference books by Chinese and foreign
scholars on the Taoist Canon have been produced in the last ten years
or so. Studies on the Evolution of the Taoist Canon by Chen Guofu and the
Daojiao jingdianshi lun 道教经典史论 [Remarks on the History of the Taoist
Classics] by Yoshioka Yoshitoyo are outstanding works on the evolu-
tion of the Taoist textual legacy. Zhu Yueli’s General Remarks on the
Taoist Canon is a more recent work of interest.
The compilation of the catalogue of Taoist scriptures began in the
Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern dynasties. The works on bibliog-
raphy of the Tang, Song, Jin, and Yuan dynasties noted many Taoist
scriptures that still existed at that time. For example, the chapter on
literature in the Tongzhi 通志 [A Comprehensive (Treatise on) Politics and
Regulations] by Zheng Qiao, written in the Southern Song Dynasty,
with 3,700 chapters including more than 1,320 titles of Taoist scrip-
tures, is the most complete of the works on Taoist bibliography written
by non-Taoist scholars. Taoist Books in the Libraries of the Sung Period: A
Critical Study and Index, written by the contemporary scholar Piet van
der Loon, is a very important work on Taoist bibliography.
The scriptures in the Taoist Canon are arranged randomly, making it
inconvenient for scholars to consult. Working on the Taoist Canon of the
Zhengtong Reign, the modern scholar Wen Dujian compiled the Collected
Essentials of the Taoist Canon, the Daozang quejing mulu 道藏缺经目录
[A Catalogue of the Lost Scriptures of the Taoist Canon], and the Combined
Indexes to the Authors and Titles of Books in Two Collections of Taoist Litera-
ture, which includes a catalogue of the Taoist Canon and indices of the
60 wang ka
Since the Ming and Qing dynasties, Taoism stagnated and the colla-
tions of Taoist scriptures were not as rich as those from the Tang and
Song dynasties. The Taoist Canon has never been compiled anew since
the end of the Ming Dynasty. The dynastic governments supported the
compilation of the Taoist Canon to show off their governance, merits,
from YIQIE DAOJING to ZHONGHUA DAOZANG 61
3) Format
The titles in the Ming Dynasty edition of the Taoist Canon were not
divided into different categories. The characters were all the same size.
The texts and comments were often confused. The format did not
conform to modern criteria. All these factors make their reading dif-
ficult. On the other hand, the present edition is typeset and printed in
from YIQIE DAOJING to ZHONGHUA DAOZANG 63
three styles (normal texts, annotated texts, and ritual texts), five levels
of title are distinguished, and three kinds of fonts (12 pt song, 12 pt
fang, and 9 pt song). The tens of thousands of talismans or pictures in
the original edition were digitized. These modern techniques allow for
easier reading.
Each scripture is catalogued to facilitate research. Each scripture is
described by title, number of chapters, author, date of compilation,
and original text. For those scriptures that have several chapters, a list
of chapters is added to help the work of researchers.
Canon, the most complete work so far, was also compiled in order to
help scholars when studying the evolution of Taoist scriptures.
Except for some inevitable errors and controversies in punctuation
and classification, the Taoist Canon of China is a well-elaborated and
practical book that conforms to academic criteria. The publication of
this book promotes studies on Taoism and traditional Chinese culture.
From the Yiqie daojing of the Tang Dynasty to the new Taoist Canon of
China, the collection and collation of Taoist scriptures spanned more
than 1,500 years. The publication of Taoist Canon of China is not only
an event for the Taoism of the new century, but also an important
achievement in the collation of ancient books.
THE APOCRYPHAL JIA SECTION IN
TAIPINGJING CHAO 太平经钞 [EXCERPTS FROM THE
SCRIPTURE OF GREAT PEACE]1
Wang Ming
In Fan Ye’s “Xiang Kai zhuan” 襄楷传 [The Biography of Xiang Kai] in
HouHan shu 后汉书 [History of the Later Han], Xiang Kai is described
as recommending to the emperor what he called the “divine book
(revealed to) Yu Ji” or Taiping qingling shu 太平清领书 [Book of Great
Peace, binded in blue], later known among Taoists as Scripture of Great
Peace. This scripture is divided into ten sections jia, yi, bing, ding, wu, ji,
geng, xin, ren, and gui: each section is composed of 17 chapters, for a
total of 170 chapters. The Scripture of Great Peace included in the Tao-
ist Canon of the Zhengtong reign of the Ming Dynasty is fragmentary
and incomplete, with only 57 chapters. The jia, yi, xin, ren, and gui
sections have all been lost. The remaining sections are missing several
chapters. There is also the Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace, which
was compiled by Lüqiu Fangyuan of the Tang Dynasty who excerpted
passages from the Scripture of Great Peace and divided it into ten sections
( jia, yi, bing, and ding, etc.), each section including one chapter. In
comparing the Scripture of Great Peace with the Excerpts from the Scripture of
Great Peace, we find their contents have a lot in common. Except for the
jia section, which is of unknown origin, all the sections in the Scripture
of Great Peace and the Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace correspond
on the whole to their ancient Han versions despite probable rewritings
and alterations.
The jia section in the Scripture of Great Peace was completely lost.
We do not know who supplemented it in the Excerpts from the Scrip-
ture of Great Peace. Maybe the text was lost for a long time and Lüqiu
Fangyuan borrowed from other Taoist texts to complete it. Or the jia
section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace might have been written
by Lüqiu Fangyuan himself, taking inspiration from the other parts by
1
Published originally in the Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology Academia
Sinica, No. 18, 1947.
66 wang ming
the Scripture of Great Peace. Someone else might have made up this sec-
tion from other Taoist scriptures in order to complete the book. But
these two hypotheses remain difficult to prove. In the Excerpts from the
Scripture of Great Peace, in the Taiping part of the Taoist Canon, we note
that the jia section is the least prominent, with only seven pages. We
will list the number of pages of each section in the Excerpts from the
Scripture of Great Peace in order to compare them.
Whoever supplemented the Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace
made a great effort to pass it off as genuine, despite the small number
of pages of the jia section. But, we find most of the text has its origin
in the Lingshu ziwen 灵书紫文 [Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits] and
is pieced together from the Shangqing housheng daojun lieji 上清后圣道
君列纪 [The Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter (Heavens) of
Highest Clarity]. The Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits seems to be the
general title of a series of books. In the Taoist Canon, the Huangtian
shangqing jinque dijun lingshu ziwen shangjing 皇天上清金阙帝君灵书紫
文上经 [The Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits of the
Highest Clarity Thearch, Lord of the Golden Portal] (hereafter called Upper
Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits) is classified in the category
of main texts 本文类 in Spirit Cavern canon 洞神部; the Taiwei lingshu
ziwen xianji zhenji shangjing 太微灵书紫文仙忌真记上经 [Upper Scrip-
ture on Taboos for Immortals Recorded by the Perfected, from the Purple Texts
Inscribed by the Spirits of Great Tenuity] (hereafter called the Upper Scripture
on Taboos for Immortals Recorded by the Perfected) is classified in the category
of precepts 戒律类 in the Authenticity Cavern canon 洞真部; and the
Taiwei lingshu ziwen langgan huadan shenzhen shangjing 太微灵书紫文琅玕
华丹神真上经 [Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence, from
the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits of Great Tenuity] (hereafter the Upper
Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence) is classified in the category
of rituals in the Authenticity Cavern canon. The summaries of these
three scriptures can be read in the jia section in the Excerpts from the
Scripture of Great Peace. There is also the Annals of the Lord of the Dao,
Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity, which is classified in the
category of histories and genealogies 谱箓类 in the Mystery Cavern
canon 洞玄部 and signed by Wang Yuanyou, a disciple of the Green
the apocryphal JIA section in TAIPINGJING CHAO 太平经钞 67
2
Lishi zhenxian tidao tongjian 历世真仙体道通鉴 [Chronicle of Immortals Attaining Tao],
chapter 6, biography of the Duke of Wood.
3
Chapter 664 of the Taiping yulan 太平御览 [Imperial Readings of the Taiping Era],
quoting the Jinque shengjun zhuan 金阙圣君传 [Biography of Lord of the Golden Portal] “the
Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits is also called the Wulao baojing 五老宝经 [Precious
Scripture of Five Elders]. Who possesses it can be liberated from the body, who practices
it can attain the Tao.” In fact, there is no Biography of the Lord of the Golden Portal in the
Taoist Canon, but there is the Precious Scripture of Five Elders under the title Precious Scrip-
ture of Five Elders of Authenticity Cavern, High Jade Emperor, Grand Cavern, and Female Unique
Saint Text, with 58 pages, which is classified in the Orthodox unity canon. Its contents,
which differ from the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, Upper Scripture
on Taboos for Immortals Recorded by the Perfected, and Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan
Efflorescence, refer to the Real Scripture of Grand Cavern 大洞真经. In its Table of Contents
of Tao Te Ching of Nine Heavens and Great Reality, the phrases “the Tao of the Lord of
Upper Scene, Emperor Li Zhen of Great Peace, and Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of
Golden Portal” (p. 19) and “this Mysterious and Rich Method of Elixir of Langgan
Efflorescence with Five Stones and the Precious Scripture of Five Elders and Purple
Texts Inscribed by the Spirits of Lord of Nine Mysteries, Unique Female Sage of the
Latter [Heavens], and Gold Flower of Grand Cavern” can be compared with the jia
section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace. According to Tao Hongjing’s Zhenling
weiye tu 真灵位业图 [Diagram of Ranks for the Spirits], it was the Elder of Upper Real
Saint City of Five Elders who wrote the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits.
68 wang ming
The most obvious fragments in the Excerpts were taken from the
Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence. The first sentence
opens with “first, fast in forest and mountain for 40 days.” It is easy to
see that this phrase was taken from a previous text. As to the Annals of
the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity, their con-
tents are related to the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits. For example, it
cites the Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits of the Highest Clarity
Thearch and the Golden Portal. It appears that when the Annals of the Lord
of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity were compiled,
the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits was still unaltered. We will first
examine the compilation date of the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits
and the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest
Clarity, and then examine the fact that the jia section in the Excerpts
from the Scripture of Great Peace copied from the Purple Texts Inscribed by
the Spirits and the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens]
of Highest Clarity.
The Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits in the jia section in Excerpts from
the Scripture of Great Peace includes at least the Upper Scripture of Purple
Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, the Upper Scripture on Taboos for Immortals
Recorded by the Perfected, and the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan
Efflorescence (hereafter called three scriptures). The jia section in Excerpts
from the Scripture of Great Peace also stems from the Annals of the Lord of
the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity. In order to clarify the
compilation date of the three scriptures and the Annals of the Lord of the
Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity, we will examine them to
find their analogies. In my opinion, the three scriptures and the Annals
of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity were not
compiled before the Jin Dynasty. Here are my arguments:
In fact, Wei Huacun wrote it. The chapter “Xialan” in the Baopuzi,
recorded the Scripture of the Yellow Court but not the Upper Scripture of
Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits nor the Annals of the Lord of the Dao,
Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity. Maybe the three scriptures
and the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest
Clarity were written after the Jin Dynasty.
3. It seems the method of clicking one’s teeth appeared for the first
time at the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty. Under the Jian’an reign,
in his report to Cao Cao, which is recorded in chapter eighty-one of
the Qianjin fang 千金方 [Precious Prescriptions], the magician Huangpu
said, “one who drinks the spring of jade and clicks his teeth every
day will be strong, will look well, will get rid of the Three Worms
三虫, and will strengthen his teeth.” It is written in the chapter Zaying,
of the Baopuzi, “when asked how to strengthen one’s teeth, Baopuzi
answers, you should nourish them with Flow Pond 华池 and soak
them with Liquor 醴液. In the morning, click your teeth 300 times.
Then they will be never become loose.” In the chapter Yangsheng,
of the Yanshi jiaxun 颜氏家训 [Admonitions for the Yan Clan], it says,
“I always had toothaches, my teeth were loose and almost fell out.
When I ate things that were cold or hot, I felt a great pain. After
reading how to strengthen my teeth in the Baopuzi, which recom-
mends clicking the teeth 300 times in the morning, I practiced it for
several days, and my toothaches were cured.” If we cannot be sure
of the authenticity of Huangpu’s words, Yan Zhitui’s text concerning
Baopuzi’s way of strengthening teeth is certainly believable. The Upper
Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, which often quoted the
phrase “clicking one’s teeth thrice,” may have been circulated after
Baopuzi’s way of “clicking teeth.”
Those are the proofs that the three scriptures and the Annals of the
Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity were compiled
after the Jin Dynasty.
Now we will examine the apocryphal borrowings of the jia section in
Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace from the three scriptures and the
Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity.
When the author of the Scripture of Great Peace quoted classics, he never
gave the references to his quotations. The Green Lad transmits the
twenty-four secrets noted in the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits orally.
The first part of the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits
has many analogies with the jia section of Excerpts from the Scripture of
Great Peace. We will compare them as follows:
the apocryphal JIA section in TAIPINGJING CHAO 太平经钞 71
Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed Jia section in Excerpts from the
by the Spirits of the Highest Clarity Scripture of Great Peace
Thearch, Lord of the Golden Portal
The Green Lad Lord of Fangzhu The Green Lad Lord of Eastern
Eastern Palace in the Eastern Sea Flower, Jade Protection, and Mas-
fasts in the Yellow Chamber of the ter of High Star fasts in the Yellow
Golden Portal for three years. One Chamber of the Palace of Cold Fan-
day, in his wagon of floating clouds, tastic Cinnabar for three years. One
(carried by) three deities, and green day he goes to the Golden Portal of
clouds, wearing a green cape with a the Highest Clarity Thearch. There
flying dragon with streamers on it, are Four Emperors in the Golden
he goes to the Golden Portal of the Portal. On their left and right, there
Highest Clarity Thearch, follow- is the Lord of the Tao of Great
ing thousands of immortals from Peace who lives in the Golden
Mulberry Forest. There are Four Flower of the Chamber of Peaceful
Emperors in the Golden Portal. On Jade of the Palace of Authenticity
their left, there is the Sage of the Cavern, Jade Terrace, and Grand
Latter [Heavens], who lives in the Vacuity, with fifteen thousand
Palace of Red Pearl, Jade Terrace, maids and immortals. The fierce
and Grand Vacuity, with thirteen dragons, thundering tigers, and
thousand maids and immortals. beasts that claw the sky take the
The fierce dragons, thundering position of attack with their poison
tigers, and beasts that scratch the and keep the port safe. Thousands
sky keep the port safe. Thousands of boas inhabit the beams and wall.
of boas occupy the beams and wall. Flying dragons, birds, and eagles
Flying horses, birds, and eagles peck peck and claw. They display their
and claw. They display their forces forces in the court. The power
in the court. The power spreads spreads and the light illuminates
and the light illuminates the eight the eight directions. Wind puffs out
directions. Wind puffs out the black the black flag and lifts the awning.
flag and lifts the awning. Jade trees Jade trees emit sound and jade
emit sound and jade grasses play grasses play music. Everyone plays
music. Everyone plays the chant of the chant of cloud and phoenixes
cloud and phoenixes sing the song sing the song of Xuantai. Imperial
of Qingtai. Imperial concubines concubines chorus and unicorns
chorus and eagles and phoenixes and phoenixes dance. A Celestial
dance. The Green lad arrives. He Melody is played eight times and
bows and says facing the North. . . . chorused in all directions. Green
Lad, creeping and praying, trans-
mitts orally twenty-four secrets, as
noted in the Purple Texts Inscribed by
the Spirits.
72 wang ming
These two texts have many analogies. The most remarkable is the sen-
tence taken from the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits
“There are Four Emperors in the Golden Portal. On their left, there
is the Sage of the Latter [Heavens]” was transformed into “There are
Four Emperors in the Golden Portal. On their left and right, there is
the Lord of the Tao of Great Peace” in the Excerpts from the Scripture
of Great Peace, which links it to the Scripture of Great Peace. The change
made here is too obvious to be denied. Apart from the obvious borro-
wings from Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, the jia section of Excerpts
from the Scripture of Great Peace also took some parts from the Annals of the
Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity as follows:
Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Jia section in Excerpts from the
Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity Scripture of Great Peace
1. At the age of five, he already 1. At the age of five, he often smiles
loves the Tao and transcen- at the sunrise and sighs at the
dance. His tongue is the pen of waning moon. He observes the
a ready writer. He often smiles waxing brightness of Yang and
at the sun and sighs at the the waning deficiency of Yin.
moon. He observes the bright- Then he conserves the celestial
ness of Yang and the deficiency soul, harmonizes the terrestrial
of Yin. Then he conserves the soul, keeps the embryo, treasures
celestial soul, exercises the ter- the spirit, holds back the essence,
restrial soul, keeps the embryo, supplies the blood, fixes the
treasures the spirit, holds back saliva, and solidifies the muscles.
the essence, restrains the blood, At the age of seven, he learns
fixes the saliva, and solidifies the to swallow the light, drink the
muscles. He learns to swallow clouds, and eat the root of the
the light, drink the clouds, and sun. At the age of twenty-seven,
eat the celestial grasses. At the he has a charming appearance.
age of twenty, he has a charming Then he leaves this world and
appearance. He leaves his fam- embraces transcendence in order
ily and transcends this world. to free the people.
2. The Later Saint Peng’s name 2. The Great Tutor of Later Saint
are Guangyuan and Xuanxu. Lord Li’s name is Peng. He
His other names are Dachun learnt the Tao from Lord Li
and Zhengyang. He is also called and is called the Left Reality of
Li Pengguang. As a follower of Great Tenuousness. In the time
the Tao, he was born in the of the Human Emperor, he was
time of the Human Emperor called Lord Tao, Protector of
and called the Lord of Great the Emperor. He is designated
Tenuousness, Left Reality, and to control and teach people. He
the Protector of the Emperor. rules the Terrace of Fantastic
the apocryphal JIA section in TAIPINGJING CHAO 太平经钞 73
Table (cont.)
Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Jia section in Excerpts from the
Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity Scripture of Great Peace
He was mandated to control the and Upper Light of the Palace of
people. Named The Great Tutor Northern City Wall and Great
of Lord Li, he rules the Terrace Tenuousness. He changes his name
of Fantastic and Upper Light of every two thousand five hundred
the Palace of Northern City Wall years. He travels in the Grand
and Great Tenuousness. Lord Peng Vacuity and the Eight Oceans, to
changes his name every two thou- the edge. Even deities rarely see
sand five hundred years. He travels him in person.
in the Grand Vacuity and the Eight
Oceans, to the edge. Even deities
rarely see him in person.
3. The Green Lad Lord of The 3. same as text to the left.
Palace of Fangzhu, Upper Min-
ister of Later Saint Lord Li
Original Lord of North-
ern Extremity of The Palace
of Taidan, Upper Protector of
Later Saint Lord Li
Real Lord of Great Simplicity
of The Palace of Baishan, Upper
Tutor of Later Saint Lord Li
King Lord of All Realities of
The Palace of Xicheng, Upper
Secretary Later Saint Lord Li
The second part of the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter
[Heavens] of Highest Clarity corresponds on the whole to that of the jia
section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace, except for a few diffe-
rences. In the first part, the texts are almost identical. In the third part,
the names of the four assistant ministers are the same. In chapter five
of Du Guangting’s Daode zhenjing guangshengyi 道德真经广圣义 [Ampli-
fication of the Imperial Commentary on the Tao Te Ching] it said that, “When
Lao-tzu was born, three suns appeared in the East, and nine dragons
spouted water to wash his body. His family name is Li, which came
from the name of Li Valley. His name is Xuanyuan and also Ziguang.
As the descendant of The Jade Emperor and The Most High, he is
the assigned Grand Master of Longevity, King of Nine Mysteries,
Later Saint, Golden Postal, and Lord of Grand Unity, Orthodox
Reality, and Great Peace.” These phrases are all quoted by the first
74 wang ming
and second page of the jia section in the Excerpts from the Scripture of
Great Peace. Only the order of the sentences is different. The third page
of chapter five of Du Guangting’s Deduction of Imperial Commentary on the
Tao Te Ching quoted the Scripture of Great Peace. If this legend of Lao-
tzu’s birth also came from the Scripture of Great Peace, the author would
certainly have cited the source. But Du Guangting did not write that
these phrases came from the Scripture of Great Peace, and the jia section
in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace followed Du Guangting’s text.
Maybe the miracle of Lao-tzu’s birth was only a legend made up by
magicians of the Tang Dynasty, a legend that seems to have borrowed
from the biography of Buddha, because the “nine dragons spouting
water” is indeed one of the miracles of the birth of Buddha.4 The
miracles of Buddha’s birth were told in the Puyao jing 普耀经 [The
Sutra of Universal Brightness], translated by DharmarakÉa in the Western
Jin Dynasty. So the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace
cannot be considered as a work dating from before the Jin Dynasty.
Most of the twenty-four secrets of the Purple Texts Inscribed by the
Spirits told in the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace can
be found in the three scriptures and were quoted by Tao Hongjing’s
Zhengao 真诰 [The Declarations of the Perfected], which all quoted the Purple
Texts Inscribed by the Spirits as their source, but not the Scripture of Great
Peace. It is thus clear that the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of
Great Peace copied not only from the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of
the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity, but also the Scripture of Great Peace.
We list the twenty-four secrets of the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits
used in the jia section in the Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace below
and underline their presence in other scriptures in order to trace their
sources.
4
Tang Yongtong, HanWei liangJin Nanbeichao fojiaoshi 汉魏两晋南北朝佛教史 (A
History of Buddhism from the Han to the Southern and Northern Dynasties). Chang-
sha: Commercial Press, 1938, Chapter 5.
the apocryphal JIA section in TAIPINGJING CHAO 太平经钞 75
Table (cont.)
3. Research fly root and swallow See also the Upper Scripture of Purple
the essence of the sun Texts Inscribed by the Spirits and the
Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan
Efflorescence
4. Eat the talisman of brightness See also the Upper Scripture of Purple
Texts Inscribed by the Spirits and the
Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan
Efflorescence
5. Eat moon light See also the Upper Scripture of Pur-
ple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits (Eso-
teric Biography of Han Emperor Wu:
method to invite yellow water and
moon light)
6. Eat the talisman of Yin life
7. Restrain the three celestial See also the Upper Scripture of Purple
souls Texts Inscribed by the Spirits and the
Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan
Efflorescence
8. Control the seven terrestrial See also the Upper Scripture of Purple
souls Texts Inscribed by the Spirits and the
Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan
Efflorescence
9. Wear the talisman of imperial See also the Upper Scripture of Purple
principle Texts Inscribed by the Spirits and the
Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan
Efflorescence
10. Eat the cinnabar of efflorescence
11. Drink yellow water See also the Upper Scripture of Purple
Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, the Upper
Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflo-
rescence, and the Declarations of the
Perfected
12. Drink backwater See also the Upper Scripture on the
Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence and the
Declarations of the Perfected
13. Eat a metal ring See also the Upper Scripture on the
Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence and the
Declarations of the Perfected
14. Eat the brain of a phoenix See also the Upper Scripture on the
Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence and the
Declarations of the Perfected
15. Eat pine and pear See also the Upper Scripture of Purple
Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, the Upper
Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflo-
rescence, and the Declarations of the
Perfected
76 wang ming
Table (cont.)
16. Eat plum and date See also the Upper Scripture on the
Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence
17. Drink soup See also the Upper Scripture of Purple
Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, the Upper
Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflo-
rescence, and the Declarations of the
Perfected
18. Be guarded by white silver and See also the Upper Scripture of Purple
purple gold Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, the Upper
Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflo-
rescence, and the Declarations of the
Perfected
19. Eat fine clouds See also the Upper Scripture on the
Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence and the
Declarations of the Perfected 5
20. Fabricate white silver and See also the Upper Scripture on the
purple gold Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence 6
21. Fabricate guards
22. Eat bamboo
23. Eat breast of swan
24. Wear the talisman of five gods
There are many subsidiary questions concerning the Purple Texts Inscri-
bed by the Spirits. For example, the twenty-four secrets either come from
the three scriptures or the Declarations of the Perfected or the sources
cannot be determined. If the jia section of Excerpts from the Scripture of
Great Peace refers to “the oral transmission of the twenty-four secrets
noted in Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits,” the Purple Texts Inscribed by
the Spirits is most certainly incomplete. In the current Taoist Canon, the
Upper Scripture of Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, the Upper Scripture on
Taboos for Immortals Recorded by the Perfected, and the Upper Scripture on the
Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence are three independent scriptures. But if we
examine them together, they appear to come from the same book, the
5
The phrase in the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence is “elixir method
of aquatic Yang and green reflect,” whereas the Declarations of the Perfected has just
“aquatic Yang and green reflect.”
6
The phrase in the Upper Scripture on the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence and the Declara-
tions of the Perfected is “become true silver” and “become purple gold,” which may refer
to the twentieth secret, “fabricate white silver and purple gold.
the apocryphal JIA section in TAIPINGJING CHAO 太平经钞 77
Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits.7 However, the latter is not the simple
sum total of the three scriptures.
First, some of the twenty-four secrets of the Purple Texts Inscribed by the
Spirits quoted in the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace
cannot be found in the three scriptures (for example, eat fine clouds,
fabricate white silver and purple gold, fabricate guards, eat bamboo,
eat the breast of a swan, and wear the talisman of five gods). Second,
in the chapter “Zhenmingshou,” of the Declarations of the Perfected, there
are seventeen methods used for becoming an immortal in the Purple
Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, including the Scripture of Celestial Rules,
the Seven Origins, and the Flying Step; the Divine Methods of Seven
Transformations and the Scripture of Seven Turns; the Thirty Nine
Chapters of the True Scripture of the Great Cavern; the Ten Secrets
and Eight Gifts of the Hidden Book of the Great Cinnabar; the Three
Pictures of the Celestial Portal; and the Movement of Seven Stars. The
Notes of Fetal Essence and Transformation of Nine Cinnabars, Nine
Red Colorful Talismans Sealing Mountain and Falling Sea, Golden
Liquid, Divine Cinnabar, and Hidden Ganoderma of Taiji, Secret
Talisman of Five Phases Calling Celestial Souls and Summoning Ter-
restrial Souls, and Bent Simple Secret and Prose to Call the Demons
of Nine Heavens, cannot be found either in the three scriptures or in
the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace. So the Purple
Texts Inscribed by the Spirits included in the three scriptures and the jia
section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace are incomplete. The
Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits appears to be a collection of scriptures,
chosen from Taoist classics, which date back from between the Jin
Dynasty and the Later Liang Dynasty. Only the Purple Texts Inscribed
by the Spirits quoted in the Declarations of the Perfected includes many com-
plete scriptures, like the Scripture of Celestial Rules, the Seven Origins, the
Scripture of Divine Methods and Seven Transformations, and the Thirty Nine
Chapters of True Scripture of Grand Cavern, showing the rich variety of its
contents. Nevertheless, the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits, quoted in
the Declarations of the Perfected and other Taoist books, cannot be found
in the Baopuzi. So its compilation must have postdated that of the
7
For example, the Ten Taboos for Immortals, quoted in the Scripture and Secret of
Practice of Highest Clarity 上清修行经诀, come from the Upper Scripture of Purple Texts
Inscribed by the Spirits, according to the commentary. Nevertheless, we can find the Ten
Taboos for Immortals in the current Upper Scripture on Taboos for Immortals Recorded by
the Perfected but not in the Scripture and Secret of Practice of Highest Clarity.
78 wang ming
Baopuzi. The Taoist scriptures noted in the Purple Texts Inscribed by the
Spirits might be works from the period between the Jin Dynasty and
the Later Liang Dynasty, postdating the compilation of the Baopuzi.
As we have shown above, the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits was
compiled after the Jin Dynasty, and the apocryphal jia section in
Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace was written with the Purple Texts
Inscribed by the Spirits and the Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter
[Heavens] of Highest Clarity as its starting point. Now we will prove that
the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace cannot have been
a part of the Scripture of Great Peace through an analysis of its discussion
of cinnabar and talisman, its style, and its vocabulary.
First, the Scripture of Great Peace did not mention Taoist alchemy.
“Eat cinnabar of efflorescence” and “eat metal ring,” quoted in the
jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace, are incompatible
with the Scripture of Great Peace, and might have been copied from the
Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits. The cinnabar of efflorescence, yellow
water, backwater, and metal ring can be found in the Upper Scripture on
the Elixir of Langgan Efflorescence. The Declarations of the Perfected confirms
our hypothesis.
Second, in the Scripture of Great Peace, the only type of talisman men-
tioned is the ‘variant characters,’ fuwen 复文. The talismans noted in
the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace are probably
copied from the Purple Texts Inscribed by the Spirits. The fu character 符
in the historical records of the Han and the Later Han Dynasties, in
expressions such as “tiger fu,” “transmission of fu,” the bronze tiger
fu, and “envoy carring a bamboo fu,” always means tally or symbol,
that is, an authenticated sign of bureaucratic authority. The fu in the
apocrypha, like the ‘prosperity fu of the river chart,’ or the ‘red fu of
the river chart” are auguries, that is, signs of an incoming change of
government. In my opinion, fu has three meanings: the first is tally or
contract, which is cut into two parts. As a physical sign of government,
it is written and stamped without any abstract mystique attached to
it. The second is augury. As the sign of the future Emperor, who
receives the celestial mandate, it is a kind of strategy adopted dur-
ing a dynastic transition. For example, Wang Mang and Liu Xiu all
fabricated divine auguries in order to take power. This kind of fu was
considered the sign of celestial will and was used for deluding people
and as a political tool. The last is the Taoist talisman that is used
for chasing ghosts, treating illnesses, communicating with gods, and
prolonging life.
the apocryphal JIA section in TAIPINGJING CHAO 太平经钞 79
8
Chapter “Xialan.”
9
Yuanshi wuliang duren shangpin miaojing neiyi 元始无量度人上品妙经内义 [Essence of
the Excellent Scripture of the Upper Chapters on Limitless Salvation of Original Beginning].
10
Taoist Canon, Mystery Cavern.
80 wang ming
resemble the variant characters in the Scripture of Great Peace. Page two
of the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace notes, “writ-
ing celestial talismans with cinnabar brings back essences. The talis-
man should be swallowed. It is auspicious when the characters can be
seen through the stomach; all evils will be driven away.” The so-called
celestial talisman is probably made of something like variant charac-
ters. The cinnabar writing takes cinnabar as a character. As to celes-
tial talisman and cinnabar writing, it is, in my mind, probably what
was written in chapter ninety-two, “Formula for Writing the Repeated
Character of Ultimate Cavern to raise the qi and dispel the worms,”
and in chapter hundred and eighty, “Nineteen Important Secrets” of
the Scripture of Great Peace as “swallow the characters of cinnabar writ-
ing to heal.” The origin of Taoist talismans goes back to Zhang Ling
(biography of Liu Yan in HouHan shu). Then Zhang Heng and Zhang
Jiao used talismanic water to heal people. The variant characters were
the origin of the Zhang family talismans which later evolved into more
complicated and more mysterious forms.11
Third, in terms of content, we have already showed that the golden
cinnabar and talismans of the jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of
Great Peace do not correspond to the ideology of the Scripture of Great
Peace. In terms of form, the style of the jia section in Excerpts from the
11
Chen Panchang, on the basis of the Controlling Inauspiciousness to Drive Ghosts Away
in eight volumes (mentioned in Yao Zhengyu’s Critical edition of the Bibliographic section of
the Hanshu) and Liang Yusheng’s Pieji, has argued that Zhang Ling was not the initiator
of talismans. However, the Controlling Inauspiciousness to Drive Ghosts Away has been long
lost and we know very little about its contents. It seems to me it is a kind of mysterious
incantation, because incantations preceded talismans. The opinion of Liang Yusheng
is unfounded and cannot be taken seriously. In the “Biographies of Magicians” of the
HouHan shu, written under the reign of Emperor Zhang, it notes that a certain Shou-
guang Hou could drive all the ghosts away. But people did not know what technique
he used. It seems that from the Emperor Shun’s reign on, talismans started to circulate
and became common. As to Qu Shengqing, who used talismans in cinnabar writing to
drive ghosts away and Fei Zhangfang, who was killed by demons because he had lost
his talismans, the dates of their stories cannot be determined with precision but they
may be traced back to the end of the later Han Dynasty. In the Liexian zhuan 列仙传
[Biographies of Immortals], it says, “[w]hen Juanzi went fishing, he caught a fish, in the
belly of which he found a talisman.” This book is believed to have been written by Liu
Xiang of the Han Dynasty. It was thought to have been written by a magician of the
Wei or Jin dynasties under the name of Liu Xiang. I prefer to date it from the reigns
of Emperor Huan and Ling of the later Han Dynasty. I gave further explanations in
my Collation on Token of the Kinship of the Three According to the Zhouyi.
the apocryphal JIA section in TAIPINGJING CHAO 太平经钞 81
Scripture of Great Peace is different from that of the Scripture of Great Peace.
In the jia section of Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace it says:
Precious scriptures, talismans, pictures, and the numinous techniques of
the three dynasties of high antiquity were hidden in a jade box guarded
by divine functionaries. Their transmission required rituals to be per-
formed and traveling demanded chosen days. Transmission strategies
and established codes were applied to seed-people 种民. Those who
could not observe them could not be seed-people. The new dynasty
had been established, but the pure antique custom was a thing of the
past. The sign of the Huangping era disappears and there are disasters
everywhere. After the Shanghuang era and from year Three-Five, wars,
plagues, and catastrophes follow one another. All these happen because
of the people who have vicious hearts and a negative attitude. They
abandon the five virtues, let loose their six desires, conduct themselves
with violence, attack each other, respect their inferiors while neglecting
their superiors, and confuse the noble with the vulgar. All these lead to
the disorder of the Two Polarities, the deviation of the Seven Stars, the
aberrant emergence of the Three Powers, and the prosperity of evils.
Gods fight demons and numerous talented people die. People do not
repent despite the calamities that take place continuously. All kinds of
evils are rife.
The literary style of these jointed, rhyming, and parallel phrases is
similar to that of the Six Dynasties but not to that of the Scripture of
Great Peace. For example, in chapter thirty-six, “The Three Needs and
the Method of [Dealing with] Auspicious and Ominous Events” of the
Scripture of Great Peace it says that:
It is a shame you are so stupid! You were foolish before, but it has
become worse! I am no good. If you call yourself no good, what are we
supposed to say when common men go astray? This is really being no
good! If the Heavenly Master would only explain things to me, foolish
and dumb as I am! Well, all animals live as men do, in the dispen-
sation of Heaven and Earth and Yin and Yang. They also share the
same needs—two big ones and one that is smaller. What do you mean?
When animals first received the dispensation of Yin and Yang, they all
exhaled and inhaled, took in the qi of what is as it is, and did not yet
know eating and drinking. In the course of time, when they moved away
from their roots, the great Tao began to shrink and Heaven’s qi could
no longer watch over them, so they became hungry and thirsty. Thus,
Heaven provided them with drink and food. It also became necessary
to continue the dispensation of Yin and Yang. So there are male and
female animals, and generation after generation they continue to bring
forth offspring. If one cut off their food and drink, and if they were no
82 wang ming
longer to reproduce by mixing Yin and Yang, then the world would be
without animals. These are the two great needs.12
Also in chapter hundred and eight, “Formula for Disasters, Diseases
and Hiding,” we find the following text:
Heavenly Master, how can we know the book allows the practice or not,
and how can we know it will go away? You want to know? I will show
you with the example of disease and disasters. When one practices it, but
gets ill, that means Heaven will hide it. When one escapes it, but gets
ill, that means Heaven will practice it. Why explain it twice? Because
Heaven lets the qi of the four seasons circulate to nourish all beings as it
will. If a being wants to appear, but one hides it, it will be very inauspi-
cious. If a being wants to escape and hide itself, but one exposes it, it will
also be very inauspicious. There will be a big calamity if we disobey the
celestial will. You want to understand Heaven. Heaven likes practice. So
do not use divination concerning this.
These vulgar, incomprehensible, and prolix phrases, couched in a style
that is radically different from the style of the jia section in Excerpts
from the Scripture of Great Peace, can be found everywhere in the Scripture
of Great Peace. So it seems to me that the jia section in Excerpts from the
Scripture of Great Peace was written after the Eastern Jin Dynasty.
Fourth, the proper nouns used in Taoist and Buddhist texts in the
jia section in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace differ from those
found in the Scripture of Great Peace. The term “seed-people,” for exam-
ple, can be found only in the jia section of Excerpts from the Scripture of
Great Peace:
The ancient and the contemporary worlds have similarly a beginning
and an end. With virtuous beginning and vicious end, it goes through
the cycles of prosperity and decline, success and failure. The suffering of
Yang Nine and Hundred and Six signifies the completion of the circle,
which will be followed by great destruction. The world will turn into
chaos and people will decline. Only those who have done good survive
as seed-people. The intelligence of seed-people is not homogeneous.
They still need a lord and master. The master is a saint and the lord
has intelligence. Their enlightenment gives them longevity and their
practices lead to sainthood. That is why they are called the seed-people,
which means long-living saints.
12
Translator’s note: this translation is copied from Barbara Hendrischke, The Scrip-
ture on Great Peace—The Taiping Jing and The Beginnings of Taoism. Berkeley: University of
California Press, 2006, p. 122.
the apocryphal JIA section in TAIPINGJING CHAO 太平经钞 83
The Annals of the Lord of the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest
Clarity state:
The Saint Lord nominates dukes and marquises, according to the ability
of each. With ranks he rules the seed-people.
Also:
One who has done good will be one of the seed-people. A Taoist novice
will become an immortal envoy. One who realized the Tao will be an
immortal functionary.
The meaning of “One who has done good will be one of the seed-
people” corresponds to the phrase used in the jia section in Excerpts
from the Scripture of Great Peace, “only those who have done good will
survive as seed-people.” The apocryphal borrowings of the jia section
in Excerpts from the Scripture of Great Peace from the Annals of the Lord of
the Dao, Sage of the Latter [Heavens] of Highest Clarity as we have shown
above, is confirmed here. Books that quoted the “seed-people,” such
as the Wuyue zhenxing tufa 五岳真形图法 [A Method of Diagrams of the
True Forms of the Five Sacred Mountains], Shi Xuanguang’s Bianhuo lun 辨
惑论 [An Essay on Analyse of Doubts], Tao Hongjing’s Declarations of the
Perfected, and the Treatise of Buddhism and Taoism of Weishu, all date
from after the Jin or Liu-Song Dynasties, except for the Method of Dia-
grams of the True Forms of the Five Sacred Mountains. The latter began to
circulate from Middle Antiquity, magicians transmitting it from gen-
eration to generation until the Jin Dynasty, when it was compiled as a
formal book.13 The Diagrams of the True Forms of the Five Sacred Mountains
were likely tampered with many times, and several versions circulated,
including versions of the diagrams, their preface, and essays on the
preface. The author of all these works is believed to be Dongfang
Shuo, which does not appear to be possible. The author of the Preface
and Method of Diagrams of the True Forms of the Five Sacred Mountains 五岳
真形图法并序14 is Baopuzi, who is writing on the method of Diagrams
of the True Forms of the Five Sacred Mountains transmitted by his master
Zheng. The phrase in the chapter, “Ritual Prose for Receiving the
Diagrams,” “I shun evil to follow the good and hope to be one of the
13
Lushan Taiping xinguogong Caifang zhenjun shishi 庐山太平兴国宫采访真君事实
[True Records on the Perfect Lord Investigator of the Palace of Great Peace and Prosperous
Country of Mountain Lu], chapter six, “Jade Records of the enfeoffment of the God.”
14
Yunji qiqian 云笈七签 [Seven Slips from a Cloudy Satchel], chapter 79.
84 wang ming
Seven Slips from a Cloudy Satchel, comes from the first chapter, “Tech-
nique of Self-Divination,” it might be the first chapter of the Scripture
of Great Peace.15 The “Technique of Self-Divination” is similar to such
titles found in the Scripture of Great Peace as “The Technique of Unifying
Yin and Yang and Following the Tao,” “The Technique of Keep-
ing the Unique Light,” “The Technique of Distinguishing Poor and
Rich,” and “The Technique of Strengthening Oneself and Dismissing
Calamity,” whose style cannot be found in the jia section in Excerpts
from the Scripture of Great Peace. It seems the first chapter, “the Technique
of Self-Divination,” quoted in the Seven Slips from a Cloudy Satchel, comes
from the original first chapter of the Scripture of Great Peace.
15
The Taipingjing mulu 太平经目录 [Catalogue of the Scripture of Great Peace], discov-
ered in Dunhuang and now kept in the British Museum, confirms that there is a
“Technique of Self-Divination” in the first chapter.
LAO-TZU, THE TAO OF LAO-TZU, AND THE EVOLUTION
OF TAOISM—THE CULTURAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE
“LEGEND OF LAO-TZU CONVERTING THE BARBARIANS
老子化胡说”1
Hong Xiuping
Lao-tzu was one of the most illustrious figures in the history of ancient
Chinese philosophy and the founder of philosophical Taoism. It was
he who first put forth the “Tao” as the ultimate philosophical category
and laid a foundation for a new stage of Chinese philosophy. After
the Han Dynasty, Lao-tzu’s philosophy was linked to religious Tao-
ism, which made him its founder and deified him. From its founda-
tion onward, religious Taoism inherited and developed the theory of
philosophical Taoism. Historically, religious Taoism evolved through
the conflicting and integrating movements between indigenous Confu-
cianism and foreign Buddhism, but especially through its relationship
with the latter. Taoism strongly emphasized the “Legend of Lao-tzu
Converting the Barbarians” in order to honor Lao-tzu. This exag-
geration reflected the complex relationship between Taoism and Bud-
dhism and the resulting impact on its evolution.
1.
1
Published originally in Nanjing daxue xuebao 南京大学学报, no. 4, 1997.
2
See Chen Guying’s Lun daojia zai Zhongguo zhexueshi shang de zhugan diwei 论道家
在中国哲学史上的主干地位 [On the Central Position of Taoism in the History of Chinese
Philosophy], in Zhexue yanjiu, no. 1, 1990 and Li Cunshan’s Daojiao zhugan diwei shuo
xianyi 道家主干地位说献疑 [My Doubts Regarding the ‘Central Position of Taoism’ Thesis],
in Zhexue yanjiu, no. 4, 1990.
88 hong xiuping
3
Lao-tzu, chapter 1.
4
Chuang-tzu, chapter “Qiwu lun”.
5
Lao-tzu, chapter 18.
6
Idem, chapter 38.
lao-tzu, the tao of lao-tzu, and the evolution of taoism 89
7
Xunzi, chapter “Jiebi 解蔽.”
8
Yan Shi’an, Zuowei xinyang tixi de yuanshi rujia daojia 作为信仰体系的原始儒家
道家 [Ancient Taoism and Confucianism as Belief Systems], in Nanjing daxue xuebao, no. 4,
1993, p. 109.
9
Lao-tzu, chapter 25.
10
Hong Xiuping, Cong sanjiao guanxi kan chuantong wenhua de renxue tezhi 从三教关
系看传统文化的人学特质 [Humanity in Traditional Culture, seen from the Perspective of the
90 hong xiuping
Relationships between the Three Teachings], in Zhongguo chuantong sixiang wenhua yu nianyi shiji
guoji xueshu yantaohui lunwen xuanji 中国传统思想文化与廿一世纪国际学术研讨会论
文选集. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1992.
11
Lao-tzu, chapter 25.
12
Yizhuan, chapter “Xici xia 系辞下.”
lao-tzu, the tao of lao-tzu, and the evolution of taoism 91
2.
While the Arcane Learning of the Wei and Jin dynasties developed
Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu’s philosophies about natural life by integrat-
ing Confucianism, religious Taoism interpreted this philosophy in the
religious context with its belief in immortals. From its birth, the atti-
tude of religious Taoism toward Confucian ethics differed from that
of philosophical Taoism because of different historical and social con-
texts. Although Taoist religious philosophy shared Confucian ethical
norms such as loyalty and filial piety, its ultimate purpose remained
achieving immortality by relying on the theory of nature put forth in
philosophical Taoism.
While scholars agree that philosophical Taoism and religious Tao-
ism are bound into an inextricable relationship, they diverge on how
92 hong xiuping
to interpret this relationship. For me, this relationship did not lie in the
deification of Lao-tzu in religious Taoism; or in the historical docu-
ments according to which Lao-tzu preached on the Louguan terrace
in the Qin state and wrote the Tao Te Ching at Yin Xi’s request before
going with him to the west; or in the mysticism in Lao-tzu (and even
Chuang-tzu)’s philosophy, which could be exploited by religious Tao-
ism; but in the theories based on Lao-tzu’s philosophy as expressed in
religious Taoism. Despite the miscellaneous sources of religious Tao-
ism such as the ancient magic arts, popular sorcery, Mohism, and the
School of Yin and Yang, the philosophical Taoist theory of realizing
transcendence by following nature was undoubtedly the core of all
theories and practices of religious Taoism.
The theory of immortality in religious Taoism was developed from
the theory of longevity using Lao-tzu’s philosophy on nature and life.
Philosophical Taoism aimed at attaining longevity through a spe-
cific regimen, while religious Taoism aimed at achieving immortal-
ity, which involved a religious belief in salvation. To attain this goal,
religious Taoism not only invented a series of deities as models, but
also advocated all kinds of Taoist practices. Despite the difference of
method between those practices, they all originated from Lao-tzu’s
theory of the “Unity of Heaven and Man.” The practitioners were
encouraged to realize transcendence by conforming to nature. For
religious Taoism, the human body was a microcosmos in commu-
nication with the Cosmos. In the same way, human beings could be
unified with Heaven and the Tao and become eternal and immortal
through the practice of the laws of nature. Religious Taoism believed
that its practice followed the same pattern as the evolution of Heaven
and Earth.13 In fact, this was only the religious interpretation inspired
by the philosophical Taoist theory of following nature as a model.
A question should be answered here. Was religious Taoism closely
linked to philosophical Taoism because it had deified Lao-tzu and
his philosophy, or did religious Taoism deify Lao-tzu as its founder
because it was based on Lao-tzu’s philosophy? In my opinion, both
hypotheses are possible, but the latter seems more convincing.
It is generally acknowledged that Lao-tzu’s concept of the abstract
Tao and the legends about Lao-tzu in historical documents foreshad-
owed his deification. However, when religious Taoism was founded,
13
Peng Xiao, Zhouyi cantongqi fenzhang tong zhenyi 周易参同契分章通真义.
lao-tzu, the tao of lao-tzu, and the evolution of taoism 93
there were men whose lives could have been made into legends more
convincingly than Lao-tzu’s and whose theories were more mystical
than his. Why then was Lao-tzu chosen as the founder of religious
Taoism? The origin of religious Taoism included magic arts and the
Taoism of the Yellow Emperor and Lao-tzu, which was very popular,
as noted in the dynastic histories that claim for instance that “Emperor
Huan of the Han Dynasty was a follower of the Taoism of the Yel-
low Emperor and Lao-tzu”14 and that “Zhang Jiao was a follower of
the Taoism of the Yellow Emperor and Lao-tzu.”15 But why did reli-
gious Taoism not consider him as its founder? Moreover, the Yellow
Emperor was said to be “superior to all others.”16 Why did religious
Taoism not resort to him to contend with Confucianism? Like Lao-
tzu, who wrote the Tao Te Ching, the Yellow Emperor was said to have
written the Book of the Yellow Emperor.17 Nevertheless, despite his high
status in religious Taoism and the many Taoist scriptures written under
his name, the Yellow Emperor was not acknowledged as its founder. I
believe that the reasons why Lao-tzu was acknowledged as the founder
can be found in the evolution of philosophical Taoism and its social
status in the Han Dynasty. But the most important reason was that
religious Taoism and philosophical Taoism had the same purpose,
which was to attain transcendence. So it was theoretically inevitable
that religious Taoism chose Lao-tzu as its founder and that Lao-tzu’s
philosophy would provide rich resources for its development.
“All Taoist scriptures announced that their belief was based on the
Tao, which was believed to be the origin and ruler of the universe. It
was omnipresent and eternal. The universe was born from the Tao.
The Original qi was born from the universe. The Original qi evolved
and created Heaven and Earth, Yin and Yang, the four seasons, and
14
Hou hanshu, chapter “Wanghuan zhuan 王涣传.”
15
Idem, chapter “Huangpu song zhuan 皇甫嵩传.”
16
Chuang-tzu, chapter “Daozhi 盗跖.”
17
In the chapter “Yiwen zhi 艺文志,” in the Hanshu, many books ascribed to the
Yellow Emperor were cited, including Huangdi taisu 黄帝泰素, Huangdi yinyang 黄帝
阴阳, and Huangdi neijing 黄帝内经. There were several kinds of Book of the Yellow
Emperor in philosophical Taoism. These Books of the Yellow Emperor had already been
lost by the Eastern Han Dynasty. But I think that if the Yellow Emperor had been
regarded as the founder of religious Taoism, these books would have been kept among
the texts pertaining to religious Taoism. In 1993, four silk texts were discovered at
Mangwangdui. They are believed to be an important part of the Books of the Yellow
Emperor.
94 hong xiuping
the Five Agents. Then all things were born.”18 This statement dem-
onstrates that religious Taoism inherited and relied on the cosmogony
of philosophical Taoism. From Wang Chong’s Lunheng to the Laozi
bianhua jing 老子变化经 [Scripture of Transformation of Lao-tzu] at the
beginning of the Eastern Han Dynasty to the Laozi xiang’erzhu at the
end of the Eastern Han Dynasty, not to mention Li You’s Hanguguan
ming 函谷关铭 [Inscription of Hangu Pass], Wang Fu’s Laozi shengmu bei
老子圣母碑 [Stele of Lao-tzu’s Holy Mother], and Bian Shao’s Laozi ming
老子铭 [Inscription of Lao-tzu], all these texts described Lao-tzu as a
Perfect Man, at one with the Tao. Later Taoist scriptures all followed
this pattern. For example, Ge Hong said in the preface to the Tao
Te Ching: “[t]he Old Lord follows the model of nature. He was born
before Great Non-existence and causality. He lives from the beginning
to the end of the world. He is unlimited and eternal.” The Louguan
Taoist School played an essential role in the process of the deification
of Lao-tzu in religious Taoism. Its theories, such as “nature gives birth
to the Tao” and “nature is the basis of the Tao,” also insisted on the
concept of “nature” found in philosophical Taoism.
In my opinion, during the controversy with Taoism, Buddhism
always tried to distinguish philosophical Taoism from religious Tao-
ism, using the former and attacking the latter;19 but it could not really
separate them because of their inextricable relationship—Even though
we as scholars still need to distinguish them since we can not hold a
tradition of learning and a religion on a same level.
3.
18
Li Yangzheng, Daojiao gaishuo 道教概说 [An Introduction to Taoism]. Beijing: Zhon-
ghua shuju, 1989, pp. 215–16.
19
Distinguishing religious Taoism from philosophical Taoism was the principal
strategy Buddhism employed to attack Taoism, which had existed in China prior
to Buddhism. In Mouzi’s Lihuo lun 理惑论 [Correction of Errors] it days, “Buddha
and Lao-tzu both emphasized non-action.” Although it identified itself with philo-
sophical Taoism, it attacked practices such as fasting and self-cultivation regimens to
attain longevity that were promoted by religious Taoism. The same strategy could
be found in Dao’an’s Erjiao lun 二教论 [On the Two Teachings (Budhism and Taoism)]:
“[t]oday’s Taoists are followers of Zhang Ling’s demonic Taoism, which has nothing
to do with Lao-tzu.” See Hongming ji, chapter 8.
lao-tzu, the tao of lao-tzu, and the evolution of taoism 95
under the pretext that there was a difference between the Chinese and
alien traditions and that Buddhism did not follow the same rites and
moral precepts. Buddhists criticized the vulgarity of Taoism by draw-
ing a line between religious and philosophical Taoism. It particularly
derided the Taoist study of alchemy, its use of drugs, its belief in the
ascension to Heaven and in the Immortals, and its pernicious encour-
agement of peasant revolutions known as “rebellions in the name of
Tao.”20 Rejection by Confucianism and Taoism on the pretext of the
difference between a Chinese and alien tradition drove Buddhism to
mingle with Confucianism and Chinese culture. Furthermore, this
attack on the part of Buddhism, which distinguished philosophical
Taoism from religious Taoism, made the latter embrace Lao-tzu’s
theory and develop it in order to construct its own metaphysical sys-
tem. Taoism also absorbed Buddhist speculative theories, practices,
and commandments to perfect its own theological system and inte-
grated Confucian ethics further to “clarify and reorganize Taoism.”
In addition, it tried to counterbalance its drawbacks and develop itself
into a more elitist and more theoretical system so as to draw a sharp
distinction with original Taoism. It was unusual for Buddhism and
Taoism to see that their conflicts had actually hastened their interpen-
etration, but they evolved constantly in a way that could be considered
dialectically.
We will now further explore the question of the “Legend of Lao-tzu
Converting the Barbarians” in the context of the relationship between
Buddhism and Taoism. The legend represents the deification of Lao-
tzu by Taoism and from another standpoint reflects changes in the
Buddhist-Taoist relationship and the development of Taoism. When
talking about the “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians,”
people are inclined to link it directly to the conflicts between Bud-
dhism and Taoism. But in my opinion, we should put some distance
20
Dao’an of the Northern Zhou Dynasty said in his Erdao lun that “as to alchemy
and drugs, practices of consuming cloud and eating jade, ascension to Heaven and
transformation into Immortals, release from the body, and transformation of forms,
they all violate Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu’s original principles. Although these practices
became popular, they do not correspond to the Tao. . . . In addition, Taoist magical
arts are bad and impure. They regard the grinding of teeth as a celestial drum, saliva
as elixir, horse faeces as divine firewood, and mice as magic drugs. How can we
reach the Tao with these magical arts?” He added that “they rebelled in the name of
Tao. The demoniac Tao of the Yellow Turban has caused much mischief to the Han
Dynasty. Sun En, who sought immortality, put the Jin Dynasty in danger. They have
brought calamity to the country and to the people.”
lao-tzu, the tao of lao-tzu, and the evolution of taoism 97
between the legend itself and the conflict and at the same time differ-
entiate the “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians” from the
Laozi huahu jing 老子化胡经 [Scripture of Lao-tzu converting the Barbarians].
The latter, which made use of the “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the
Barbarians” was the product of the conflicts between Buddhism and
Taoism, whereas the former at first took on a cultural aspect by trying
to harmonize Buddhism and Taoism.
According to the existing documents, the “Legend of Lao-tzu Convert-
ing the Barbarians” had already been widely circulated at the end of
the Han Dynasty. Emperor Huan of the Han Dynasty offered sacrifices
in the palace to Buddha, the Yellow Emperor, and Lao-tzu together.
His minister Xiang Kai, in the ninth year of the Yanxi Reign (AD 166),
sent in a memorial to oppose this practice, mentioning that “someone
said Lao-tzu went to barbarian regions and transformed himself into
Buddha.”
(I) heard that the cults of Buddha, the Yellow Emperor and Lao-
tzu were established in the palace. This Tao is pure and simple and
advocates non-action. It loves life and hates killing. It promotes the
restriction of desire and the abstinence from luxury. Now Your Majesty
has not abstained from addictions and desires and you have meted out
punishment without proper consideration. Since Your Majesty does not
obey the Tao, how can Your Majesty be blessed? Some said Lao-tzu
went to the barbarian regions and transformed himself into Buddha.
Buddha never spent three nights under the same mulberry tree lest the
attachment would come in time. That is the extremity of faith. The dei-
ties offered him a beautiful woman. Buddha said “that is nothing more
than a leather sack full of blood.” Then he did not give her a second
look. Buddha kept the unity (守一) like this so that he could reach the
Tao. Now Your Majesty has beautiful women and can enjoy good fare.
How can Your Majesty aspire to the Tao of the Yellow Emperor and
Lao-tzu?21
Here, Xiang Kai placed the Yellow Emperor and Lao-tzu on a par
with Buddha. He believed they all advocated purity, non-action, the
restriction of desires, and opposed killing. It seemed to him that the
reason why Buddha could follow the Tao was that he managed to
“keep the unity.” These descriptions show that in the Han Dynasty
Buddhism was considered as a branch of the magical arts of Tao-
ism of the Yellow Emperor and Lao-tzu and people accepted it as a
part of traditional Chinese culture. The Taoists (including those of the
21
Hou Hanshu, chapter “Xiang Kai zhuan 襄楷传.”
98 hong xiuping
22
The fragments of the Laozi bianhua jing gathered in the 18th volume of the Zhong-
hua daozang describe Lao-tzu’s many births under different names from the antiquity of
the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors. According to the research of some Japanese
scholars, this scripture dates from between the first year of the Yongshou reign and the
eighth year of the Yanxi reign of Emperor Huan (AD 155–65) of the Han Dynasty.
23
See the comments in the chapter “Dongyi zhuan 东夷传” of Wei shu 魏书 of
Sanguo zhi 三国志.
lao-tzu, the tao of lao-tzu, and the evolution of taoism 99
the Taoism of the Quanzhen School and Buddhism, which led to the
banning and burning of this scripture.
The “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians” was evidently
not created to belittle Buddhism, because it implied a shared origin
with Buddhism. Since Lao-tzu transformed himself into Buddha and
Buddha issued from Lao-tzu, Buddhism and Taoism followed the
same path and were integrated in the same Chinese cultural system.
Buddhism was no longer considered an alien culture. At that time,
Buddha received offerings alongside the Yellow Emperor and Lao-tzu,
the Buddhist concept of “nirvana” was compared to Lao-tzu’s “non-
action,” and Buddhism was regarded as a branch of the Taoism of the
Yellow Emperor and Lao-tzu. The attempt to integrate Buddhism into
Chinese culture through the “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Bar-
barians” found its source in the unifying character of Chinese culture,
in particular its ethnical self-centered character and its trend to see
the world as one system. Thus, Chinese tradition was favorable to the
implantation of Buddhism. In Mouzi’s Lihuo lun it says that “Buddha
and Lao-tzu both emphasized non-action,” which showed that in the
beginning Buddhists were trying to position themselves as holding the
same concepts as philosophical Taoism. For that reason, Buddhism
may have tolerated the “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbar-
ians” at the beginning of its implantation in China. One Japanese
scholar believed that “the legend of Lao-tzu turning into Buddha or
Lao-tzu converting Buddha was an expedient strategy for implanting
Buddhism in China. Maybe it was invented by Buddhism.”24 This
remains to be proved. Nevertheless, it should be useful to distinguish
the “Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians” from the Laozi
huahu jing. The latter was born of the conflict between Buddhism and
Taoism, whereas the former demonstrated the tolerance of Chinese
culture toward the alien Buddhist culture.
This legend was also favorable to religious Taoism, which regarded
Lao-tzu as its founder because the legend implied that Lao-tzu was
superior to Buddha. Once Taoism was sufficiently strong and inde-
pendent and the expansion of Buddhism threatened its development,
Taoism certainly used it to fight back. In the beginning, Buddhism
used Lao-tzu’s philosophy against ancient religious Taoism and
24
Kamata Shigeo, Jianming Zhongguo fojiaoshi 简明中国佛教史 [A Brief History of
Chinese Buddhism], translated by Zheng Pengnian. Shanghai: Shanghai Translation
Publishing House, 1986, p. 39.
100 hong xiuping
25
According to Mouzi, Buddhism believed man was mortal and immortality was
a heterodox concept. He added: “the legends of the immortals are highly demagogic.
Besides, they are imaginary and illusory. For that reason the Great Tao does not
abide by them.” “There are thousand of methods for fasting. However, none of them
is effective. Stupid people longing for longevity follow this practice. How pitiable they
are!” See Hongming ji, chapter 8.
26
Zhengwu lun 正诬论. See Hongming ji, chapter 1.
27
In the Qingjing faxing jing 清净法行经 it says: “Buddha sent three disciples to con-
vert the Chinese, the Bodhisattva Rutong, called Confucius in China; the Bodhisattva
Guangjing, called Yan Yuan in China; and Mahakasyapa, called Lao-tzu in China.”
This text was quoted in Dao’an’s Erjiao lun.
28
Hanshu, chapter “Lu Jia zhuan 陆贾传.”
CAO CAO AND TAOISM
Li Gang
The relationship between Cao Cao and Taoism can shed light on the
complex relationship between emperors and Taoism in history, their
utilitarianism in regard to Taoism, and their spiritual life.
The reason why Cao Cao was very much aware of the relationship
between religion and political-military affairs was that he faced grave
religious problems (more precisely with Taoism), which could even-
tually lead to the fall of his regime if mismanaged. In the 3rd year
of the emperor Xian’s Chuping reign (AD 192), of the Eastern Han
Dynasty, Cao Cao incorporated more than 300,000 soldiers who had
surrendered to him and over one million people, women and men,
from the Yellow Turban Army (huangjin jun) from Qingzhou city. With
its elites he built an army called the Qingzhou soldiers (Qingzhou bin),
who would be the main forces helping Cao Cao to seize territories,
vanquish adversaries, and lay the strong foundations of his regime.
In the 20th year of the Jian’an reign (AD 205), Cao Cao defeated
Zhang Lu’s army in Hanzhong, integrating it within the ranks of his
army, thus reinforcing his political and military strength. Furthermore,
according to the Chronicle of Li Te in the Jinshu (The Jin History), “When
the emperor Wu of the Wei Dynasty (i.e., Cao Cao) conquered the
Hanzhong region, Li Te’s grandfather turned to him with more than
500 families of whom most had been ancient believers of the ‘Five
Bushels of Rice’ Taoism 五斗米道.” With the increase of his military
force, Cao Cao had to face the numerous Taoist believers of “Great
Peace” and of “Five Bushels of Rice,” who had been incorporated
into his armies. How to deal with them became a crucial point if he
wanted to stabilize the army’s morale, strengthen its fighting ability,
and eventually seize power. Cao Cao’s general strategy toward Tao-
ism was, on the one hand, to win its supporters to his side to expand
this military force and, on the other hand, to control it rigorously to
prevent it from causing disturbances on the political plane.
102 li gang
In order to achieve this, Cao Cao chose two tactics, first attacking
then placating the Yellow Turban and Zhang Lu’s armies and finally
incorporating them. During the war with the Yellow Turban Army,
the latter sent Cao Cao a letter saying: “When you were in Jinan, you
destroyed the altars of all popular religions. Your ‘Tao’ was identical
to the Central Yellow Supreme Unity’s (Zhonghuang taiyi). It looks as
if you have known the Tao before, but you are confused now.”1 The
phrase “When you were in Jinan, you destroyed popular religions’
altars” was a reference to the end of the Guanghe reign of the emperor
Lin of the Eastern Han Dynasty (AD 178–184), when Cao Cao, as the
governor of Jinan, “prohibited all illicit cults,” “destroyed all places of
worship,” and “forbade officials and people to offer sacrifice to these
popular gods.” Hence, “evildoers ran away and the teachings and poli-
cies were applied in this county which lived peacefully from then on.”
It seemed to Taoist believers of the “Great Peace” that Cao Cao’s
behavior, in prohibiting all illicit cults, resembled their “Tao” of the
Central Yellow Supreme Unity. So they considered Cao Cao to be
someone who understood the “Tao of Great Peace” and told him that
the Han’s mandate was destined to come to its end and the Yellow
Family would be established on the throne and that Cao Cao’s abilities
and strength wouldn’t allow him to stop this change. They hoped Cao
Cao could help them to overthrow the Han dynasty and establish the
Yellow family’s dynasty in its stead. When he had read the letter, Cao
Cao scolded its senders. Yet he “gave the Great Peace army many
opportunities to surrender.” In the end, the Great Peace Army yielded
to Cao Cao. In the 1st year of Jian’an’s reign (AD 196), “The Yellow
Turban of Runan and Yingchuan, led by He Yi, Liu Pi, Huang Shao
and He Man, each at the head of several tens of thousands of men,
first gave in to Yuan Shu’s appeal to join him and later went over to
Sun Jian. In the second month of that year, Cao Cao attacked and
defeated them. He Yi finally surrendered with his army to Cao Cao
after Liu Pi and Huang Shao were beheaded.”2 So Cao Cao incorpo-
rated another Yellow Turban Army in addition to Qingzhou’s army.
Why did the Yellow Turban Army surrender to Cao Cao and not
to other warlords? Among other reasons, they probably believed that
1
Sanguozhi, the “Biography of the Emperor Wu” and the annotation quoted in the
Weishu, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2000. The author of the Baopuzi has also praised
Cao Cao for “prohibiting illicit cults.”
2
Idem.
cao cao and taoism 103
Cao Cao had “destroyed the altars of popular religions” and “appar-
ently had understood their ‘Way’.” Cao Cao’s former treatment of the
religious issues was evidently the main reason why he could integrate
the Yellow Turban Army into his own forces.
Against Zhang Lu, Cao Cao employed the same strategy: threaten
with force before summoning him to surrender. In the chapter “Biog-
raphy of Zhang Lu,” of the Sanguo zhi, it says,
in the 20th year of Jian’an’s reign (AD 215), Taizu attacked Zhang
Lu. He arrived at Yangping Pass passing through San Pass and Wudu.
Zhang Lu wanted to surrender. However his brother Zhang Wei dis-
agreed and resisted with ten thousand soldiers. Taizu won the battle
and conquered the Shu region. Hearing of the defeat, Zhang Lu had
once again the intention of surrendering. But he was stopped by his
minister Yan Pu who said: ‘now if we yield to Cao Cao’s threat, we will
have less merit. We had better join the borderlands people under Du
Huo and then surrender. We will have more merit.’ Zhang Lu accepted
this advice. Before leaving, his entourage was going to burn down his
treasure hold. Zhang Lu stopped them saying: ‘I wanted to surrender.
Now I take just evasive action. The treasure belongs to the country. Do
not be malicious by destroying it.’ Taizu appreciated this action and
sent someone to express his sympathy. Zhang Lu then surrendered with
all his family. Taizu conferred on him the title of General Zhennan and
Marquis of Langzhong and gave him ten thousand families. The five
sons of Zhang Lu and Yan Pu were all conferred the titles of marquis.
Zhang Lu’s daughter married Taizu’s son. When Zhang Lu died, he was
given the posthumous title of “Marquis Yuan” and his son inherited his
title and property.
This story was also mentioned in the chapter “Biography of Liu Yan,”
in Houhan shu, and the following phrase was added: “when Zhang Lu
returned to the Chinese heartland (zhongguo), Cao Cao treated him as
a special guest.” Pei Songzhi commented on this passage: “although
Zhang Lu’s intention was good, he surrendered only after being
defeated. It was exaggerated to have conferred his sons the title of
marquis and to have given him ten thousand families.”3 In fact, this
was Cao Cao’s strategy to integrate Taoist forces. Before that, “in
March of the 16th year of Jian’an’s reign (AD 211), Cao Cao sent
Zhong Yao to attack Zhang Lu, who occupied the Hanzhong region.
3
Sanguo zhi, annotation on the “Biography of Zhang Lu,” Beijing: Zhonghua shuju,
2000.
104 li gang
Gongsun Yuan and others joined Zhong Yao’s army.”4 Cao Cao’s real
opinion in regard to Taoism can be perceived in the next passage: “on
their way to attack Zhang Lu, Cao Cao and his army arrived in the
Hanzhong region. The mountains were arduous to climb and food
was scarce. Cao Cao said: ‘it is only a demonic country and it will not
cause me any trouble.’”5 It is not surprising to see that Cao Cao con-
sidered Zhang Lu’s Taoism as “demonic” and attacked him several
times, and at the same time married his daughter to Zhang Lu’s son.
This story is an example of the flexibility of Cao Cao’s strategy.
Moreover, Cao Cao’s strategy towards Great Peace Taoism had an
impact on Zhang Lu’s attitude. Sun Quan sent an envoy to tell Liu
Bei: “evil Zhang Lu rules the Ba and Han regions as Cao Cao’s spy
and intends to attack Yizhou.” Liu Bei, who intended to attack the
Shu region, answered: “Zhang Lu is not sincere and not really loyal
to Cao Cao.”6 This dialogue tells us that Sun Quan and Liu Bei all
knew of Zhang Lu’s intention to join Cao Cao’s camp. According to
the Xiandi zhuan 献帝传 [Biography of the Emperor Xian], quoted in the
annotation of the chapter “Biography of the Emperor Wen,” in Sanguo
zhi, “people disagreed with Zhang Lu and wanted to join Liu Bei’s
camp. Zhang Lu was angry and said: ‘I would rather be Cao Cao’s
servant than Liu Bei’s guest.’ He sounded very determined and that
was not without reason.” This story showed Zhang Lu’s partiality for
Cao Cao. To account for the favor of the Wei Dynasty toward Zhang
Lu, Hu Shi suggested: “Zhang Lu ruled people with demonic Taoism.
People were pleased with his politics and he ruled the Ba and Han
regions for 30 years. After his kingdom had been conquered, most of
the people there were probably displaced to the West, the Shaanxi and
Gansu regions. The highly valued social status of Zhang Lu’s family,
which probably followed the ‘Iron Contract’ and the ‘Welcome Rite,’
ensuring the inheritance, might be due to the importance attached by
the Wei rulers to the influence on society of Zhang Lu’s Taoism.”7
This hypothesis is right to some extent. According to the Erjiao lun
二教论 [Essay on the Two Religions], composed by the Buddhist monk
Dao’an, “Zhang Jue and Zhang Lu dressed in yellow because of the
4
Idem, “Biography of the Emperor Wu.”
5
Idem, “Biography of Liu Ye.”
6
Idem, “Biography of the Ancient Emperor.”
7
Yang Liansheng lunwenji 杨联陞论文集, annex 1 “Hu Shi xiansheng laixin 胡适先
生来信”. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1992, pp. 86–87.
cao cao and taoism 105
8
Guang hongming ji. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1991, vol. 8, p. 146.
9
Lu Xun said: “Cao Cao was a great literati and knew that gathering literati and
magicians under his control would prevent them from causing trouble.” See Lu Xu
quanji 鲁迅全集, vol. 1, “Eryi ji WeiJin fengdu ji wenzhang yu yao ji jiu zhi guanyi
而已集 魏晋风度及文章与药及酒之关系.” Wulumuqi: Xinjiang renmin chubanshe,
1995, p. 785.
10
Houhan shu, “Fangshu zhuan” (Biographies of magicians).” Beijing: Zhonghua
shuju, 1965.
11
Guang hongming ji. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1991, vol. 5, p. 124.
12
Sanguo zhi, “Fangji zhuan” (Biographies of magicians) and the annotation on it,
Zhonghua shuju, 2000.
106 li gang
not repeated for Cao Cao. Taoists like Gan Shi dared not curry favor
from emperors like Xu Fu and Ruan Da. Although Cao Cao intended
to learn a self-cultivation regimen from these magicians, he was more
conscious of its importance than Qinshihuang and the emperor Wu
in this regard.
According to the chapter “Biographies of magicians” of the Houhan
shu, “Cao Cao, followed by about a hundred officials, went to the
suburbs. Zuo Ci prepared only a liter of alcohol and a pound of meat
but satisfied the hunger of all the officials. Cao Cao was surprised and
looked for the secret. Finally he found out that all the stocks of meat
and alcohol had disappeared. Unhappy, Cao Cao wanted to kill Zuo
Ci. The latter walked through a wall and disappeared.” Hua Tuo’s
story was noted in the same book: “Hua Tuo had a quick temper and
felt ashamed to practice medicine as a profession. One day he was
homesick and asked Cao Cao to let him go home on the pretext of his
wife’s illness. Hua Tuo overstayed and refused to return to the court
despite several summons from Cao Cao. Angry, the latter ordered an
investigation and discovered the illness of Hua Tuo’s wife was fake.
Then Hua Tuo was arrested and confessed after interrogation. Xun
Yu begged for leniency thus: ‘Hua Tuo is an outstanding doctor. I beg
your mercy.’ Cao Cao denied him clemency and had him killed.”
In the 4th year of Jian’an’s reign (AD 199), Cao Cao reported to
the throne: “previously, I attacked the Henei region and conquered
several villages. The captured inhabitants said: ‘there was a man-god,
Song Jinsheng, who ordered villages to be guarded by dogs instead of
men. If people did not obey his order, they would hear the sound of
armies in the night and find tigers’ footprints in the village the next
morning.’ I sent General Lü Na to capture Song Jinsheng and kill
him.”13 As a warning to others, Cao Cao killed without mercy the
magicians who were suspected of harming the regime or disobeying
his orders.
As to Zhang Lu and his people, Cao Cao gave them special privi-
leges and at the same time took several measures to gain control over
them. A skeptic, he displaced Zhang Lu to north and left Xiahou
Yuan and Zhang He to guard the Hanzhong region in order to super-
vise the Taoist leaders. According to the chapter “Biography of Zhang
13
Cao Cao ji 曹操集, “Yanhuo Song Jinsheng biao 掩获宋金生表.” Beijing: Zhong-
hua shuju, 1959, p. 20.
cao cao and taoism 107
Ji,” in the Sanguo zhi, Cao Cao displaced Zhang Lu’s people, about
ten thousand families, to Chang’an and the region of the capital.14 In
the chapter “Biography of He Qia,” of the Sanguo zhi, we find: “After
Taizu defeated Zhang Lu, He Qia advised displacing the people to
save costs. Taizu did not accept this at first, but followed his advice
later.” As we know, Zhang Lu’s kingdom was a political and reli-
gious regime. Most of the people were Taoist followers. Once they
were displaced under Cao Cao’s control, ruling them and preventing
imposters from deceiving people became a real issue. So Cao Cao
made every effort in this regard. He put some influential magicians
(including Zhang Lu) under house arrest in the name of “special treat-
ment” in order to cut off their links with their disciples. This tactic was
effective. On the other hand, after the Taoism of Great Peace and the
Taoism of the Five Bushels of Rice joined Cao Cao, his political and
military power was strengthened. His religious policy proved attrac-
tive to Taoists. Obviously, Cao Cao was wiser than Liu Bei and Sun
Quan in his dealing with the relationship between Taoism, politics,
and the military.
In brief, concerning Cao Cao’s way to power, Taoism was an
unavoidable question. Cao Cao answered this question with measures
that satisfied Taoist soldiers and the people of occupied cities.
Self-Cultivation Regimen
14
Chen Yinke believed Kou Qianzhi’s ancestors had been displaced at this time
from the Hanzhong region to the north. See Chen Yinke shixue lunwen xuanji 陈寅恪史
学论文选集. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1992, pp. 193–94.
108 li gang
under the Han Dynasty. During the period of the Three Kingdoms,
breathing exercises and techniques evolved. Hua Tuo believed the
human body must exert itself. That was why ancient immortals exer-
cised their joints to prevent them from aging. Hua Tuo invented the
“Five-Animal Exercises 五禽戏” as a substitute for breathing exercises.
Since these methods were linked to Taoist immortals, they were also
called the “magical arts of immortals,” which enabled rulers, including
Cao Cao, to follow such regimen. Zhang Hua wrote, in chapter five of
his Bowu zhi 博物志: “the emperor Wu of the Wei Dynasty admired
immortality regimen and had some knowledge of medicine. He invited
magicians such as Zuo Ci and Hua Tuo to the court.”15 Pei Songzhi
quoted this passage in the “Biography of the Emperor Wu” of the
Sanguo zhi, adding “he was used to eating wild Pueraria lobata and drink-
ing more or less poisoned wine.” In addition, Cao Cao wrote the Sishi
shizhi 四时食制 [Food of the Four Seasons] to study the link between food
and longevity. Unfortunately, most of this book was lost.16 It is beyond
doubt that Cao Cao admired the Taoist immortality regimen.
The magicians that Cao Cao convened under his rule included
Wang Zhen of Shangdang, Feng Junda of Longxi, Gan Shi of Ganling,
Hua Tuo of Qiaoguo, Bu Shi of Henan, Fei Zhangfang of Runan, Xi
Jian of Yangcheng, Zhao Shengqing of Henan, Lu Nüsheng, Dong-
guo Yannian, Tang Zha, Leng Shouguang, Zhang Diao, Zuo Ci,
Su Zixun, and Xiannu Gu. But what magical arts did they possess?
According to the Dianlun 典论, quoted in chapter five of the Bowu zhi,
“Gan Shi, Zuo Ci, and Dongguo Yannian observed the sexual prac-
tices of Lord Rongcheng. Cao Cao invited them and learned about
efficient practices. Taoist Master Liu Qing learned how to make ‘Orig-
inal Method of the Yunmu jiuzi’ medicine. He disappeared when he
was 300 years old. The emperor Wu was used to taking this efficient
medicine.”17 “Huangpu Long met the ‘Taoist on the Green Buffalo,’
Feng Junda, who told him of the method of self-cultivation accord-
ing to which ‘one should practice temperance in sex and do suitable
exercise; avoid eating fatty, acidic, and salty food; reduce anxiety, hap-
piness, and anger; refrain from hunting and prevent ejaculation; keep
the energy in autumn and winter. This method was proved efficient
15
Zhang Hua, Bowu zhi. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980, chapter 5, p. 61.
16
The remaining text is quoted in the chapter “Yu Huangpu Long lin,” of the Cao
Cao ji. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959, pp. 66–67.
17
Zhang Hua, Bowu zhi. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980, chapter 5, p. 65.
cao cao and taoism 109
18
Idem, p. 62.
19
According to the Hanwudi neizhuan quoted in the chapter “Biographies of magi-
cians” of the Houhan shu, “Feng Junda was a native of Longxi. At first he ate rhizoma
coptidis for about 50 years. Then he entered the Niaoju Mountains and fed on mer-
cury for about 100 years. When he returned to his hometown, he looked 20 years old.
He often sat on a green buffalo. Hence his name the ‘Taoist on the Green Buffalo.’ If
people were sick, whether Feng Heng knew them or not, he gave them medicine or
acupuncture and moxibustion. People were healed immediately. When he heard Lu
Nüsheng had got the Picture of the Five Mountains, he asked for its transmission for
years, but was always refused. Lu Nüsheng just taught him temperance. When Feng
Junda was more than 200 years old, he lived in the Xuanqiu Mountain.”
20
Cao Cao ji, “Yu Huangpu Long lin.” Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959, pp. 66–67.
110 li gang
not refrain from sexual activity.’ As to Meng Jie, a date pit in his mouth,
he could live five or ten years without eating. He could also hold his
breath half a year, motionlessly, just like the deceased.” According to the
Dianlun, quoted in the chapter “Biographies of magicians” in the Houhan
shu, “Xi Jian of Yingchuan knew how to refrain from eating rice and
taking Tuckahoe. Gan Shi of Ganling was good at breathing exercises
and had a youthful appearance. Zuo Ci of Lujiang knew self-cultivation.
They were all recruited into the army.”
Hua Tuo was considered to be immortal by his contemporaries.21
Taizu heard of his reputation and invited him to visit. Taizu had
headaches and suffered from vertigo. By using acupuncture, Hua Tuo
alleviated his illness immediately.22 The texts above showed Cao Cao
had convened magicians not only from a political need, but also from
his interest in self-cultivation regimen and longevity. The magical arts
he admired, such as breathing exercises, taking medicine, sexual exer-
cises, and self-cultivation, were all taught by magicians.
Cao Cao’s opinion of Taoist arts was not fixed. He had viewed
them with skepticism in his early years and followed them in his
later years. For him, the ultimate object of the Taoist regimen was
to lengthen life and the object of longevity was to realize his political
ideals. Cao Cao lamented: “How pitiful people are. They are deceived
by legends of immortals.”23 He advocated “prohibiting any discussion
of auspicious or inauspicious omens in the army.”24 He said “he did
not believe in fate.”25 Before he reached the age of 50, Cao Cao kept
his distance from Taoist arts. In his later years, he gradually came to
admire knowledge of drugs and self-cultivation and expressed it in a
poem: “The Tao of the immortals is secret and profound. One should
concentrate. The heart should be at peace but should never fall asleep.
Retire from the world and meditate. Heaven will give energy. He who
longs for immortality rides on a chariot of clouds conducted by a white
deer and arrives at Heaven’s door. He asks for the divine medicine,
he receives it kneeling, and greets the god. In this way, the Tao will
come spontaneously.”26
21
Houhan shu, “Biographies of magicians.” Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965.
22
Sanguo zhi, “Biographies of magicians.” Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2000.
23
Cao Cao ji (Buyi补遗), “Shanzaixing 善哉行.” Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959,
p. 219.
24
Idem, “Sunzi zhu 孙子注,” p. 117.
25
Idem, “Rang xian ziming benzhi ling 让县自明本志令,” p. 42.
26
Idem, “Qichuchang 气出唱,” p. 1.
cao cao and taoism 111
27
Paradoxically, Cao Cao was admitted into the Taoist pantheon. In the Zhenling
weiyetu of Tao Hongjing, “Cao Cao, in the name of Emperor Wu of the Wei Dynasty,
Grand Tutor, and Northern King,” was put in the seventh place.
28
Sheng’an waiji 升庵外集. “Shishuo bu 史说部,” vol. 40.
29
Cao Cao ji, “Jinglie 精列,”. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959, p. 2.
30
Idem, “Buchu Xiamen xing 步出夏门行,” p. 11.
31
Idem, “Duange xing 短歌行,” p. 5.
32
Idem, “Buchu Xiamen xing,” p. 11.
33
Idem, “Qiuhu xing 秋胡行,” p. 8.
34
Idem, “Qichuchang,” pp. 1–2.
35
Idem, “Qiuhu xing,” p. 8.
112 li gang
36
Idem, “Moshang sang 陌上桑,” p. 5.
37
Zhang Hua, Bowu zhi. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980, chapter 4, p. 48.
38
Cao Cao ji, “Buchu Xiamen xing.” Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959, p. 2.
39
Idem, “Duange xing,” p. 5.
40
Idem, “Qiuhu xing,” p. 8.
cao cao and taoism 113
him achieve his dreams of becoming emperor. In fact, Cao Cao pre-
ferred political exploit to longevity. He wrote “I do not worry about
time going by, but about the political situation of the country.”41 This
kind of worry led Cao Cao to resort to a Taoist regimen, which was
only a means for Cao Cao to achieve his ambitions.
Literature
Was there a link between Cao Cao’s literary achievements and Tao-
ism? The answer is positive. His poetry about immortals, especially in
its vivid imagination, had an unquestionable link with Taoism. Several
specialists of literature have argued that the style of Cao Cao’s poems
in his early years was that of the “music bureau 乐府” and that these
poems are about immortals. Their opinion might be wrong. As we
showed above, Cao Cao did not believe in Taoism in his early years,
but did in his later years because of the state of his health. So his
poetry about immortals was the product of his belief in Taoist regimen
in his later years.
Poetry about immortals has a long history. It includes early pieces
such as Qu Yuan’s Yuanyou 远游 and Lisao 离骚, the Xianzhenren shi
仙真人诗 of Qin times, and the Changge xing 长歌行 of the Han-time
Music Bureau.42 After the Wei and the Jin dynasties, poetry about
immortals developed. Before the Jian’an reign it could be classified
in two categories: the first contained the poetry about immortals in
the Chuci 楚辞, the second included the poems on immortals of the
Han Dynasty. In the first category, the authors expressed their dissat-
isfaction with this world and aspired to be in Heaven. In the second
category, the authors believed in the existence of immortals, desired
their protection, and hoped to join them. Cao Cao’s style in his poems
on immortals belonged to the latter. In these works, he expressed his
ambitions and his worry about the situation of the country. In his
commentary on Guo Pu’s poetry about immortals, Li Shan of the
Tang Dynasty said: “on the whole the poetry about immortals is writ-
ten to express rejection of this sullied world and the longing for the
41
Idem.
42
It is traditionally considered that the changge (long songs) and duange (short songs)
refered to the idea that the lifespan of a human (long or short) was predetermined and
could not be changed according to one’s wishes.
114 li gang
life of immortals. Nevertheless, Guo Pu’s texts expressed his own feel-
ing. The subject of his texts was quite narrow, but the vocabulary was
refined and the style was new. It is superb.”43 However, it was not Guo
Pu, but Cao Cao who was the initiator of this style of poetry.
Cao Cao’s poetry expressed not only his desire to “become immor-
tal,” but also his philosophy, his view of the world, and his understand-
ing of life. In fact, Chinese literature and philosophy are derived from
the same origin. For the Chinese, the universe is a viable system bear-
ing on the circulation of energy. Literature should be viable just like
the universe. Chinese literati preferred to express feelings and emotions
through physical things, Cao Cao being no exception. He praised life
by describing Taoist immortals and expressed his desire for longevity.
The image of immortals in his poems embodied eternal life and the
wish to live as long as Heaven. In his poetry, Cao Cao entered the
world of the immortals where limits were pushed and melancholy was
dispelled. He “traveled on the rainbow and red clouds, climbed the
Jiuyi Mountain, passed through the Jade Gate, crossed the Milky Way,
and arrived in Kunlun Mountain. I met the Queen Mother of the
West, Duke Father of the East, Chisong zi, and Xianmen, from whom
I received the secret method of preserving energy.”44 With immortals,
he “crossed the Kunlun Mountain, on the way to Penglai Island. I
went to the Eight Extremities and met immortals. . . . I travelled to all
famous mountains, slept on rocks, and drank from springs.”45 With
immortals, he “moved on clouds, rode dragons . . . drank liquid jade,
and enjoyed banquet all day long.” Moreover, goddesses “danced”
for him. “Wine was accompanied by songs; everyone had a good
time.”46 He “took divine herbs and drank liquid elixir. I walked with
a cane and wore a hat. I left the world behind and traveled in the
universe.” In his dream, he obtained longevity.47 But when he woke
up, immortals had left for Heaven. “They cannot be caught up with.
How sorry I am! From now on, I can not sleep any more and will feel
melancholy.”48
43
Wenxuan, commented on by Li Shan. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1977, chapter
21, p. 306.
44
Cao Cao ji, “Moshang sang.” Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959, p. 2.
45
Idem, “Qiuhu xing,” p. 8.
46
Idem, “Qichuchang,” pp. 1–2.
47
Idem, “Moshang sang,” p. 2.
48
Idem, “Qiuhu xing,” p. 8.
cao cao and taoism 115
However, Cao Cao did not give up his quest for longevity. Lin
Yutang noted: “the Chinese who live in this world have always a secret
desire for longevity, except for some theorists.”49 Cao Cao was no
exception. Even his desire was stronger, which was expressed through
his poems on immortals, “by following immortals, one can obtain
longevity”;50 “I desire the divine medicine that will enable me to live
a hundred thousand years”;51 “One should close one’s mouth to keep
one’s energy. Then one will live long”; “Living ten thousand years and
having many children.”52 These verses reveal Cao Cao’s true senti-
ments and aim.
Chinese literati are reputed to be sentimental about time and about
life, Cao Cao being no exception. He sighed in the Shanzai xing: “gen-
tlemen are always sentimental, only what they worry about is varied”;53
in the Buchu Xiamen xing: “I always feel melancholy and sorry.”54 But
what for? The answer can be found in the Qiuhu xing: “How eternal
Heaven and Earth are. The life of the human being is shorter, the
four seasons alternate, so do days, suddenly one year is gone.”55 He
observes in the Jinglie 精列: “from its birth, everything is doomed to go
toward its end . . . even Sages such as the Duke of Zhou and Confucius
could not escape from death and Yu the Great was buried in Huiji.
So who can be eternal? Maybe gentlemen would not worry about this.
One cannot stop age and remaining days are numbered.”56 What Cao
Cao expressed was the same melancholy on the shortness of life. So
how about making the most of this lifespan?
Then we have the renowned Duange xing: “I lift my cup and sing a
song, for who knows if life be short or long. Man’s life is but the morn-
ing dew, past days many, future ones few. The melancholy my heart
begets. Comes from cares I cannot forget. Who can unravel these woes
of mine? I know but one man . . . the god of wine!”57 However, wine
deepens melancholy. Facing ephemeral life, one makes merry while he
49
Lin Yutang, Wuguo yu wumin 吾国与吾民. Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe,
1990, p. 106.
50
Cao Cao ji, “Tangshang xing 塘上行.” Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959, p. 2.
51
Idem, “Qiuhu xing,” p. 8.
52
Idem, “Qichuchang,” pp. 1–2.
53
Idem, p. 10.
54
Idem, p. 11.
55
Idem, p. 8.
56
Idem, p. 2.
57
Idem, p. 5.
116 li gang
58
Wenxuan, “Qingqing lingshangbai 青青陵上柏.” Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1977,
vol. 29, p. 409.
59
Idem, “Quche shang dongmen 驱车上东门,” p. 411.
60
Idem.
61
Idem, “Shengnian bumanbai 生年不满百,” p. 412.
62
Jian’an qizi shi jianzhu 建安七子诗笺注. Chengdu, Bashu shushe, 1990, p. 272.
63
Lu Xun quanji, “Eryi ji WeiJin fengdu ji wenzhang yu yao ji jiu zhi guanyi.”
Wulumuqi: Xinjiang renmin chubanshe, 1995, p. 784.
cao cao and taoism 117
on literature during the Han Dynasty and gave rise to the Jian’an
literature. “A different philosophy from Confucianism” was nothing
other than Taoism, which can be perceived in Cao Cao’s works: “The
bird flies high to the sky; how can it be ensnared? He who remains
in peace, close to nature, how can he be attracted by reputation and
wealth?”64 In the same poem, he introduced Lao-tzu’s philosophy:
“when we have much, we show only a little. Only the virtuous man
can attain his goal.”65 As these works show, Cao Cao was clearly influ-
enced by religious Taoism and philosophical Taoism, especially his
later works. If Cao Cao’s poetry about immortals had not been writ-
ten, his works would not have gained such renown.
About the features of Chinese literature, Lin Yutang wrote: “there
are two categories in Chinese literature. The first is ‘moral preaching,’
which transmits truth and the Tao. The second is the expression of
feelings.”66 Furthermore, the first transmitted Confucianism, whereas
the second introduced philosophical Taoism, religious Taoism, and
even Buddhism. In Cao Cao’s works, we can find the first two, but
Buddhism is not present. According to Lin Yutang, “all literary works
are the expression of the author’s heart. This can even be applied to
speculative works. Only the works that come directly from the heart
deserve to be remembered in eternity.”67 Cao Cao’s most important
works concerned Taoism and feelings.
It is impossible for scholars who study the political history of the late
Eastern Han Dynasty and the Three Kingdoms not to take Taoism
into account. Moreover, the study of the relationship between Cao
Cao and Taoism sheds light on this obscure period. The study of
Cao Cao’s use of the Taoist regimen enables us to know the practice
of self-cultivation and the contribution of Taoism to ancient Chinese
medicine. The influence of Taoism on Cao Cao can be seen in his
works, which were neglected by early scholars. In brief, the study of
the relationship between Cao Cao and Taoism helps us to understand
politics, military history, medicine, and literature at the end of the Han
Dynasty and the beginning of the Wei Dynasty.
64
Cao Cao ji, “Shanzai xing.” Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959, p. 10.
65
Idem.
66
Lin Yutang, Wuguo yu wumin. Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1990, p. 197.
67
Idem, p. 198.
THE TAOIST CONCEPT OF THE “SIX HEAVENS”
Wang Zongyu1
The most ancient records of the “Six Heavens” in official history and
Confucian classics that I found are Kong Yingda’s annotation of the
Liji and Jiu Tangshu.2 In the chapter “Jiaotesheng 郊特牲” of the Liji
it says:
The word jiao 郊 [suburb], used by ancient Confucians, had two mean-
ings. According to the Shengzheng lun 圣证论, jiao and the Round Knoll
圆丘 are identical, since there was only one Heaven. For Zheng Xuan,
there exist Six Heavens, and jiao and the Round Knoll are different
from them. Now I will analyze Zheng Xuan’s theory and answers, put-
ting forth Wang Su’s theory. According to Zheng Xuan, there are Six
Heavens. However, Heaven is the most venerable and should be unique.
The reason why Zheng Xuan thought the Heavens were six comes
from the creative characteristic of the unique and venerable Heaven
through the system of the Five Agents. Five plus one is six.3
A report by the Master of Rite, Xu Jingzong, was quoted in the chap-
ter “Treatise on Rites” in the Jiu Tangshu:
In the seventh month of the second year of the Zhenguan reign, the
Master of Rite Xu Jingzong with his assistants sent a report to the throne
saying: according to the rules of cults and rites, and also Zheng Xuan’s
theory of the Six Heavens, the sacrifice for the Highest Lord of Limitless
1
I would like to express my gratitude to Professor Kristofer Schipper of Leiden
University, who is a great admirer of Chinese culture and who, with my tutor Tang
Yijie, facilitated my research at Leiden University. He pointed out the significance of
materials such as the Santian neijie jing and inspired my approach in this chapter. The
interpretation and choice of documents, however, are solely my responsibility.
2
The Daojiao dacidian 道教大辞典 (Great Taoist Dictionary) published by Huaxia
Press quoted the Xiaojing 孝经’s (Classic of Filial Piety) sentence “offer sacrifice to King
Wen in the Hall of Light beside the Six Heavens and High Lord” for its entry on “Six
Heavens”. However, for the same sentence in the Xiaojing annotated by Kong Anguo
and Zheng Xuan and often quoted by historians before the Tang Dynasty, there was
no “Six Heaven.” I wonder what is the source of the Daojiao dacidian.
3
Shisanjing zhushu 十三经注疏 (The Thirteen Classics, annotated), Peking, Zhong-
hua shuju, 1980, p. 1444.
120 wang zongyu
4
Jiu Tangshu, Peking, Zhonghua shuju, punctuated edition, 1989, p. 823.
5
Shisanjing zhushu, p. 1506.
the taoist concept of the “six heavens” 121
period of the Warring States era, and cannot be found in the Zuo-
zhuan 左传, Guoyu, Lunyu, Mozi, or Mengzi.6 Even a long time after the
appearance of the term, its significance remained doubtful. It referred
at first to five legendary emperors called the “Five Personal Emper-
ors.” The concept of the “Emperors of the Five Directions” developed
from the theory of the Five Agents. We cannot be sure that the con-
cept of the “Emperors of the Five Directions” was influenced by that
of the “Five Personal Emperors.” According to the chapter “Fengshan
shu 封禅书” (The Feng and Shan sacrifices) of the Shiji:
The second year, Liu Bang attacked Xiang Ji in the East. After invading
the Guanzhong region, he asked: in the Qin dynasty, which lord was the
cult of the Highest Lord dedicated to? He was given this answer: to four
lords. There was a cult of the White Lord, the Green Lord, the Yellow
Lord, and the Red Lord. Liu Ban went on to ask: I heard there were
five lords in Heaven. Why did you have only four? No one could give
him an answer. Liu Bang said: I know. I am the fifth. Then he created
the cult of the Black Lord and called it the “Northern Altar.” However,
it was an official who was in charge of this cult in his place. Liu Bang
recruited all the ritual officials of the Qin dynasty and created the post
of Great Supplicator and Great Chancellor. The rules of the old rites
were followed.7
This record showed not only that the cult of the Five Emperors in
the Qin dynasty was still incomplete, but also that the Emperors of
the Five Directions Liu Bang mentioned were not the same as the
Five Personal Emperors. On this point, see the analysis made by Xu
Xusheng.8 Nevertheless, if Liu Bang questioned the cult of the Four
Emperors and transformed it into the cult of the Five Emperors, he
was certainly influenced by the concept of the five directions.
The rules of ancient Chinese imperial rites were based on the Confu-
cian interpretation of the Qin and Han dynasties and later Confucian
literati abided by them. However, the application of these rules was
6
Xu Xusheng, Zhongguo gushi de chuanshuo shidai, revised and enlarged edition,
Peking, Kexue chubanshe, 1960, p. 19.
7
Shiji, Beijing, Zhonghua shuju, punctuated edition, 1982, p. 1378. Yang Kuan
wrote: “the cult of the Five Colours and Five Emperors of the Directions appeared
late in the Spring and Autumn Period.” See Gushi bian 古史辨, Kaiming shudian,
first edition, 1941, vol. 7, p. 250. In mentioning this passage, Yang Kuan suggested
Qin deduced Qinshihuang already knew the Five Lords. I find his suggestion inap-
propriate.
8
Xu Xusheng, Zhongguo gushi de chuanshuo shidai, p. 207.
122 wang zongyu
9
Shiji, p. 1357.
10
Wenxian tongkao 文献通考, chapter “Jiaosi kao 郊祀考”, Shanghai, Shangwu yin-
shuguan, 1936, p. 611.
11
Shiji, pp. 1386–1401.
12
Idem, p. 1394.
the taoist concept of the “six heavens” 123
Heaven. There was not one Heaven only or one emperor, so there was
not one ancestor only worshipped beside Heaven’s shrines. Then he
explained the jiao sacrifice now for one emperor, then for five emperors,
and with one ancestor beside. This problem probably arose because he
annotated the classics with the apocrypha and confused the Qin and
Han dynasties and the Three Ancient Dynasties. However, the sacrifice
to the Six Heavens was followed by the Han people, while the theory of
the Six Heavens was advocated by Sima Qian and Ban Gu, so Zheng
Xuan was not at the origin of this mistake. Zheng Xuan annotated the
Liji thus: “the ancestors of kings were all born from the essence of the
Five Emperors of Great Tenuity. The green one was called Lingweiyang
灵威仰, Chibiaonu 赤熛怒 was the red one, Hanshuniu 含枢纽 the
yellow one, Baizhaoju 白招拒 the white one, and Zhiguangji 汁光纪
the black one. A jiao sacrifice was dedicated to them in the first month
in order to honor them.” According to the Xiaojing, the jiao sacrifice was
dedicated to Houji beside the shrine of Heaven and Lingweiyang, while
the zong sacrifice was dedicated to King Wen of Zhou in the Hall of
Light beside the Highest Lord and Five Emperors.13
In his annotation of Zheng Xuan’s annotation of the Xiaojing, Pi Xirui
presented the idea of the lord with responsive powers being able to
give birth. For him, the Responsive lord and the Emperors of the
Five Directions were linked, but each had his own significant role.14
The idea of “being impregnated by Heaven, then giving birth to a
human” could already be found in the Jiangyuan legend. Following
the concept of the Five Agents, it was their essence that had an impor-
tant role. The emperors’ ancestors were simply born of Heaven. This
idea was often used to explain the origin of clans and their found-
ers. Zhen Xuan perfectly understood the objective of Confucian sac-
rifice to Heaven. Annotating the sentence “there is no better action
to honor one’s father than worshipping beside Heaven’s shrine,” he
wrote, “Respect him when he is alive and worship him after he is
dead.”15 For him, the Responsive emperors of the five Directions were
linked to the five emperors of human origin. In his annotation of the
chapter “Xiao zongbo 小宗伯” in the Zhouli 周礼 he wrote: “the Five
Emperors included the green one called Lingweiyang, whose shrine is
next to Taihao; the red one called Chibiaonu, whose shrine is next to
Yan Emperor; the yellow one called Hanshuniu, whose shrine is next
13
Shisanjing zhushu, p. 1506.
14
Pi Xirui, Xiaojing zhengzhu shu 孝经郑注疏, vol. 3, p. 4.
15
Shisanjing zhushu, p. 1.
124 wang zongyu
to the Yellow Emperor; the white one called Baizhaoju, whose shrine
is next to Shaohao; the black one called Zhiguangji, whose shrine is
next to Zhuangxu.”16
The Confucian theory of the “Six Heavens” was evidently Zheng
Xuan’s interpretation of the official rites studied in the apocrypha. He
tried to reorganize the earlier official points of view on history and to
create his own system. This interpretation can even be considered an
overall interpretation of Confucianism after the “burning of the books
and burying of the Confucians” during the Qin dynasty. Wang Su
studied Zheng Xuan’s theory. He used the term “Six Heavens” to
criticize the latter. Using his power as one of the emperor’s relatives,
he abolished the sacrifice to the five celestial lords. But Zheng Xuan’s
“Six Heavens” theory stood fast among Confucians. Henceforth, impe-
rial sacrifices oscillated between Zheng Xuan’s theory and Wang Su’s,
and the “Six Heavens” became the synonym for the sacrifice advo-
cated by Zheng Xuan. More than a thousand years after the decline of
the Han dynasty, the Song dynasty philosophers Cheng Hao, Cheng
Yi, and Zhu Xi interpreted Heaven with the character li 理 and never
mentioned the “Six Heavens,” which was gradually forgotten until the
reign of Qianlong and Jiaqing in the Qing dynasty, when the revival
of the Han philosophy allowed Confucians to rediscover it. Hang Shi-
jun collected the theories of Han and Song philosophers on the “Six
Heavens” in Xu Liji jishuo 续礼记集说 [Supplement to the Collection of the
Commentaries on Liji], which can be used as a reference.
We are told from the texts above that the “Six Heavens” referred to
the system of bloody sacrifices from the Zhou dynasty onward and
became the basis of Chinese official politics and ideology. The Confu-
cian ritual system was based on it. The objects of sacrifice reflected offi-
cial historical points of view from the Han dynasty, which also formed
the “accumulated mainstream historiography of Chinese antiquity,” a
hypothesis suggested by the Doubting Antiquity School 古史辨派.
The first meaning of the Taoist “Six Heavens” had a Confucian
origin; however Taoists endowed it with new meanings through their
16
Idem, p. 766.
the taoist concept of the “six heavens” 125
criticism. The most representative ancient Taoist scripture was the first
juan of the Santian neijie jing 三天内解经 (Scripture of the Inner Explication of
the Three Heavens). Written in the Liu Song dynasty, it undermined the
“Six Heavens” and at the same time presented Taoist historical points
of view and the characteristics of Taoist rituals.
This scripture deals with the history of Lao-tzu’s preaching. After
the birth of Lao-tzu from vacuity, he spread the concepts of xuan 玄,
yuan 元, and shi 始—the three qi—and created the universe and beings.
Then he preached the Tao of Non-action, the Tao of Buddhism, and
the Tao of Purity and Simplicity in the time of Fuxi and Nüwua. After
that, despite his multiple transformations, his preaching and profane
official politics, also called the “Six Heavens,” were always in concor-
dance before the end of the Han dynasty. According to the Santian
neijie jing, when Lao-tzu preached the three Tao, “the governance of
the Six Heavens was imposed and the three teachings were largely
propagated. Lao-tzu was crowned emperor and given the role of
national master. At that time, Fuxi was called Yuhua zi 郁华子, Zhu-
rong 祝融 was called Guangshou zi 广寿子 . . . Lao-tzu transformed
himself 9 times or 24 times a day. His multiple transformations were
too numerous to be noted. By the time of King You of Zhou, Lao-tzu
knew the governance of Zhou was about to decline. He disheveled his
hair, faked madness, and left Zhou.”17 Thus, the divergence between
Lao-tzu and the Six Heavens appeared during the Zhou dynasty. The
history of the Zhou dynasty was described as follows: “in the time of
Lower Antiquity, the moral values of society were worsening day by
day. Evil was rife. People offered sacrifices to demons and did not
distinguish the true from the false.” The scriptures, such as Tao Te
Ching, Laozi zhongjing, and Taiping jing, that Lao-tzu preached after his
departure from the Zhou were opposed to the governance of the Six
Heavens. But Lao-tzu always wanted to put the Six Heavens in the
right way. He sent Yu Ji, Li Wei, Wang Fangping, and Dongfang
Shuo to help the Six Heavens do away with evil qi, but this was in
vain. On the first day of the fifth month of the first year renwu of the
Han’an reign (142 CE) he spoke with the Taoist Zhang Daoling in
the grotto of Quting Mountain in the Shu region and then visited the
Newly Appeared Most High of Great Governance of Kunlun. The
17
The Taoist scriptures quoted in this paper are all from the Hanfenlou edition. I
will indicate the number of the volume or the page only exceptionally.
126 wang zongyu
latter said people were not afraid of reality but of evil demons; so he
called himself Newly Appeared Most High. He conferred on Zhang
Daoling the title of Master of Three Heavens and Equal Qi of Ortho-
dox Unity of the Capital of Great Mystery and transmitted to him the
Tao of the Covenant with the Powers of Orthodox Unity. At the same
time, he abolished the system of the Six Heavens and the three Tao
and imposed the system of the Three Heavens. All vanity was elimi-
nated and simplicity was introduced in order to return to perfection
and receive the rules and true scriptures from the Most High.
This story from the Santian neijie jing tried to give a logical explana-
tion for the origins of Taoism. The reason why the Old Lord decided
to break away from the system of the Six Heavens was that in that
system “humans mixed with demons” and this state of things reached
its climax during the Han dynasty. According to the same scripture,
“under the Han dynasty, evil ran wild, the qi of the Six Heavens
became aggressive, the three Tao were mixed, malevolent qi filled the
world, and shamans were revered. People abandoned the real to fol-
low the false. They sang, danced, and killed domestic animals to offer
sacrifices to demons.” The last two sentences were crucial criticism
of the Six Heavens. The radical divergence between Taoism and the
Six Heavens consisted in their attitudes toward blood sacrifices for
the dead. According to the Santian neijie jing, the Old Lord, when he
transmitted the Tao of the Covenant with the Powers of Orthodox
Unity, established the “Orthodox Law of Three Heavens,” including
“it is prohibited to offer sacrifices to other spirits; gods do not accept
sacrifices and Taoist masters do not accept money. It is prohibited to
have illicit sexual intercourse and to steal. When one treats patients,
it is prohibited to drink wine or eat meat. People are only allowed
to offer sacrifices to ancestors and parents during the five la 腊 days.
The Orthodox Law of the Three Heavens does not allow the offering
of sacrifices to the gods of the Earth, she and the Stove, zao 灶 in the
second and eighth month.”
This doctrine was called pure rule, qingyue 清约 in Taoism. The Lu
xiansheng daomen kelüe 陆先生道门科略 (Abridged Codes for the Tao-
ist Community by Master Lu Xiujing) clearly states: “[g]ods do not
accept sacrifices and Taoist masters do not accept money. That is what
we call the pure rule.” Similar rules can also be found in the Taishang
zhengyi mengwei falu 太上正一盟威法箓 [Ritual Register of the Covenant with
the Powers of Orthodox Unity from the Most High] and in scriptures of the
the taoist concept of the “six heavens” 127
18
The ritual rules in these three scriptures are different. It was written in the Tai-
shang zhengyi mengwei falu: “offer sacrifice to ancestors and parents in the five la days, to
the Stove and the she on the same day of the second and eighth month. It is prohibited
to offer sacrifice to other spirits.” It was written in the Lu xiansheng daomen kelüe: “the
emperor offers sacrifice to Heaven; the three dukes offer sacrifice to the Five Great
Mountains; the marquis offer sacrifice to mountains and rivers; people offer sacrifice
to ancestors and parents in five la days, to the stove and the she on the second and
eighth month. All other sacrifices are prohibited.” These two scriptures allowed the
sacrifice to the stove and the she in the second and eighth month, but not the case of
the Santian neijie jing which dated from the same period as the Lu xiansheng daomen kelüe.
So there are probably some missing passages in the Santian neijie jing. Lu Xiujing’s
permission of the sacrifice to the Six Heavens can be taken as a concession towards
the central government.
19
Ōfuchi Ninji noticed this issue when studying the Dongyuan shenzhou jing. He gave
the name “bloodless sacrifice” to this Taoist rule. See his Shoki no Dōkyō: Dōkyō shi no
kenkyū 初期の道教-道教史の研究, Tōkyō: Sōbunsha, 1991, p. 525.
20
Wang Ming, Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi, Beijing, Zhonghua shuju, 1980, p. 170.
21
Idem, p. 76.
128 wang zongyu
22
Idem, pp. 68, 233.
23
Idem, p. 157.
24
Idem, p. 158. The text is: “there are also hundreds of heterodox Taoist Schools
which advocate killing for blood sacrifice. Only the Tao of Li which follows Non-
action is better. However, the cost of its sumptuous offerings and food is high. It is
not pure and simple and should be prohibited.”
25
Idem, p. 287.
26
Idem, p. 45. The text is: “If immortality can be realized by studying, immortals
will fly to the sky, leaving this world and abandoning sacrifices, and ancestors will be
hungry.”
the taoist concept of the “six heavens” 129
of the Tao and is called the Venerable Man of Virtue for that rea-
son. Then there was the Most High Old Lord of Limitless Great Tao
and Highest Three Heavens of Great Clarity and Mysterious Origin,
the Celestial Emperor Lord of Virtual Venerable Man, the Lord of
Immortal Capital of Nine Old Men, the Venerable Man of Nine Qi,
millions of Taoist qi, one thousand and two hundred officials, and the
Jade Emperor of Great Clarity. Petitions sent to Gods in Great Clarity
(Heaven) nowadays are all addressed to such Pure Gods.”
The objects of Confucian sacrifice were all dead men. Even legend-
ary figures were regarded as men and accepted sacrifices after death.
This was not the case for Taoism. In the Taishang laojun xuwu ziran benqi
jing 太上老君虚无自然本起经 [Scripture of the Origins of the Void Sponta-
neity by the Most High Old Lord ] it says: “the Tao is non-existence. Thus
there is neither sacrifice nor killing.” From the Santian neijie jing we are
told that this idea of immortality rested on a body of doctrines. It is
still difficult to know the degree of popularity of this Taoist doctrine
in ancient Taoism. But the qi, the origin of immortals and humans, is
a recurrent subject in Taoist scriptures and we can find its origin in
ancient philosophical Taoism. It was prohibited to install icons in Tao-
ist meditation halls. That showed the long history of this tradition. It is
possible that Non-existence and Nature, advocated by ancient Taoist
philosophers, sprang from a certain popular religious doctrine. This
opposition between Confucianism and Taoism in terms of doctrine
represented their historical points of view, which could be used for
their religious purposes, as in the case of the Santian neijie jing.
In the chapter “Xuanhua 宣化” of his Nanbeichao tianshidao kao chang-
bian 南北朝天师道考长编, Chen Guofu quoted the Santian neijie jing,
Lu xiansheng daomen kelüe, and other Taoist texts to describe the charac-
teristics of Taoist rituals. Chen Guofu emphasized the important role
of these texts in Taoist doctrine. Nevertheless, among these texts, only
one record from Laozi xiang’er zhu indicated that Taoism prohibited
sacrifices. Other texts focused their criticism on the spirits. These texts
proved that the Lingbao and Shangqing Schools were all opposed to
blood sacrifice. It is to be noted that Chen Guofu took this criticism as
the opposition between “the old law of shamanism and the governance
of the Six Heavens” and “the orthodox law of the Three Heavens.”
In my opinion, the “Six Heavens” in the Santian neijie jing referred to
Confucianism, even though it mentioned shamanism.
Taoist criticism of the “Six Heavens” can be found in other impor-
tant Taoist scriptures. Dadao jia lingjie 大道家令戒 [Commands and
130 wang zongyu
Admonitions for the Family of the Great Dao], for instance, cited a similar
history to that of the Santian neijie jing: “[f ]rom the Yellow Emperor,
people became deceptive. They rode on bulls and horses and used
bribes to obtain official positions. Morality was undermined and finally
disappeared under the reign of the Five Emperors. In the Three Peri-
ods of Xia, Shang, and Zhou, people sought profit. From the Spring
and Autumn Period to the Qin dynasty, people murdered each other.
The number of the dead was too large to be counted. That was due to
their disbelief in the Tao. The Tao is the master of emperors forever,
but emperors did not follow it. That was why they had to face the
downfall of their power, exile, and death. The Tao honors human life.
It was revealed at the end of the Zhou dynasty, observed in Langya
琅琊 province, and transmitted to Yu Ji. . . . From the Spring and
Autumn Period onward, society was on the decline. The Han rulers
received the celestial mandate with the help of the Tao. The scripture
of Huangshi 黄石 was revealed and transmitted to Zhang Liang. The
Tao is often transformed; who can recognize it? The foundation of
the Han dynasty was the beginning of an apocalyptic period. People
sought wealth and fought one another. The Tao left the people to
their fate forever. Hence Heaven’s transmission of qi to the Newly
Appeared Old Lord to rule people.”
In the Nüqing guilü 女青鬼律 (Code of Nüqing for (Controlling ) Demons)
it says: “[t]he Bottomless Spirit of High Heaven, his name is impe-
rial among all spirits; he leads the spirits of all directions.” There also
exist “the Spirits of Direct Talisman and Five Directions,” who are
the Eastern Green Emperor, Southern Red Emperor, Western White
Emperor, Northern Black Emperor, and Middle Yellow Emperor.
They have no specific name, like “Lingweiyang.” So the Bottomless
Spirit of High Heaven might be called the Highest Lord of Limitless
Heaven, who is most certainly linked to imperial sacrifice because “his
name is imperial.” The Nüqing guilü listed the spirits of the Six Heav-
ens, which were worshipped from the Zhou dynasty as the Spirit of
Five Great Mountains, Spirit of the Nine Rivers, Spirit of the Three
Waters, Spirit of the Four Ditches, and Spirit of Jade and Soil of Great
Heaven and High Lord. The presence of “the Spirit of Blood Sacri-
fice” reflected the Taoist opposition to blood sacrifice. The objects of
sacrifice of the Six Heavens were henceforth put in the category of
spirits. At the end of the fifth chapter of the Nüqing guilü there is the
following rule: “do not offer sacrifices to ancient qi; neither call spirits.”
The “ancient qi” referred to “beheaded generals,” whose souls have
the taoist concept of the “six heavens” 131
left the human qi. Another meaning of the “ancient qi” was a deity
worshipped in imperial sacrifice. The Most High abolished the “Six
Heavens,” which had once been in harmony with Taoism; so it was
called “ancient qi.” In the Taishang zhengyi zhougui jing 太上正一咒鬼
经 [Collection of Incantation Spells for Exorcism of the Orthodox Unity, by the
Most High] we find: “[a]rrest all evil spirits who enjoy blood sacrifices.”
According to this text, if people ask for the safety of their family and
happiness, they should invite deities and “generals” home so as to
drive away the “spirits of blood sacrifice and ancient qi.”
The Daoyao lingqi shengui pin jing 道要灵祇神鬼品经 [Scripture of Tao-
ist Principal Deities and Spirits] quoted the Dongyuan jing 洞渊经 [Scripture
of Cavern Abyss]: “[t]he Tao said: from Fuxi’s time, bodies of dead gen-
erals are deformed. Soldiers who died in war are numerous. There
are special corpses whose bones are separated and heads are cut off.
Some corpses have a body, but no head; some have feet, but no head;
and some have a mouth, but no eyes. They are millions in number
and travel to the mountains and rivers. They travel with Li Zi’ao on
clouds to the sea and everywhere. They ride the wind and birds and
catch chickens and dogs. They become demons and ask for blood
sacrifices.”
The author of the Taishang zhengyi zhougui jing criticized a certain “het-
erodox Tao,” noting “Eastern Heterodox Tao is Green Dragon, South-
ern Eastern Heterodox Tao is Fire Flame, Western Eastern Heterodox
Tao is the White Tiger who roars, Northern Eastern Heterodox Tao is
the Xuanwu whose tail falls, and Middle Eastern Heterodox Tao is the
Yellow Emperor.”27 The official sacrifice to the Five Emperors of Great
Tenuity was certainly criticized by the Taoism of the Heavenly Master.
The Nüqing guilü and Taishang zhengyi zhougui jing are scriptures from that
Taoist School. So the definition of the “Six Heavens” was provided by
27
The concept of “Five Emperors of the Directions” needs to be defined according
to Taoist Schools. For example, the Dongxuan lingbao wulao shezhao beifeng guimo chishu
yujue 洞玄灵宝五老摄召北鄷鬼魔赤书玉诀 referred to the five demons of directions
including the “Demon Green Emperor,” the “Demon Red Emperor,” the “Demon
Yellow Emperor” and the “Demon Black Emperor” which must be chased away.
However, in the text, they are called also “emperors.” This scripture is a part of the
first volume of Yuanshi wulao chishu yupian zhenwen tianshu jing 元始五老赤书玉篇真文
天书经. The Lingbao titles of the Original Five Old Lords are in fact identical to the
names of the Five Emperors of Great Tenuity. Although this scripture also criticized
the “Six Heavens,” the “Six Heavens” was only a general reference, not a specific
reference as shown in the Nüqing guilü and other scriptures.
132 wang zongyu
28
My argument is as follows: most of the Chu liutian yuwen santian zhengfa listed in
Ōfuchi Ninji and Masako Ishii’s Daojiao jingdian mulu suoyin 道教经典目录索引 comes
from the Taishang santian zhengfa jing. The most important argument is presented in the
eighth volume of the Yunji qiqian in which we find the Chu liutian yuwen santian zhengfa
but not the Taishang santian zhengfa jing in the category Shangqing. Obviously, these
two scriptures are the same.
the taoist concept of the “six heavens” 133
were also other names linked to the Six Heavens such as the “Big
Demon of Six Heavens” (in Jinpian hufu jing 金篇虎符经 and Shenhu
yinwen 神虎隐文), the “Big Evil King of Six Heavens” (in Taishang
dongyuan shenzhou jing), and the “Big Demon King of Six Heavens”
(in Taishang taixiao langshu jing 太上太霄琅书经 and Sanshijiu zhangjing
三十九章经).
With the evolution of Taoist theories, the theory of the Taoist cycle
was born and linked closely to its condemnation of the Six Heavens.
According to Taoism, the cycle of the Six Heavens followed that of
Fuxi and was created by the Most High who often sent perfect men to
“help the Six Heavens get rid of evil qi.” In that time, the governance
of Six Heavens had not met its end. The Newly Appeared Old Lord
promulgated the Tao of the Covenant with the Powers of Orthodox
Unity and Orthodox Law of Three Heavens and announced the end
of the governance of the Six Heavens and the beginning of a new era.
Those who followed this Tao would become seed people. Henceforth,
the Six Heavens became synonymous with apocalypse. Its denun-
ciation became a part of Taoist propaganda, which preached that
Taoism corresponded to celestial will, created a new era, and saved
people. The apocalypse of the Six Heavens was a recurrent subject in
the scriptures of the Taoism of the Heavenly Master. One of the fea-
tures of the apocalypse was that demons were sent by the Most High
to inflict punishments. In the Zhengyi tianshi gao Zhao Sheng koujue 正一天
师告赵升口诀 [Oral Formula Taught by Heavenly Master of Orthodox Unity
to Zhao Sheng] it says: “[t]he Most High said: now the world is on the
decline and the old cycle will come to its end. People have been angry
and disobedient for a long time. That is why I send calamity into the
world causing millions of deaths.”
Some of the content of the Taishang zhengyi zhougui jing was similar to
that of the Nüqing guilü, which advocated casting spells on the demon’s
name to fight it. The notion of apocalypse also existed in the Nü-
qing guilü, which preached “keeping from great calamity and escaping
from disaster” and that the “world would be saved and people would
become seed people” ( juan 5). This notion was not as developed as
that in the Taishang zhengyi zhougui jing, however. Certainly, there was
more than one interpretation of the demons of the Six Heavens. In
the Taishang santian zhengfa jing it says: “[t]he Lord of Great Tao and
Most High sent spirit soldiers to drive away evil men of the Three
Generations.” This was a significant scripture, which criticized the
134 wang zongyu
29
Xiao Dengfu presented some varying versions of the Six Palaces of Fengdu
in his HanWei Liuchao fodao liangjiao zhi tiantang diyu shuo 汉魏六朝佛道两教之天堂地
狱说, Taiwan, Xuesheng shuju, 1988.
136 wang zongyu
names of the six palaces of the Six Heavens in Fengdu, they will not be
harmed by demons.
The character feng 丰 has only two meanings: the capital of the Zhou
dynasty and the Taoist Luofeng Mountain. It is also used as the per-
sonal name of the Marquis Feng, attributed to the descendent of King
Wen of Zhou. The character feng in the historical documents from the
Pre-Qin period to the Han dynasty stood for the capital of the Zhou
dynasty. The same was found in the apocrypha and the Shanhai jing
山海经 [The Classic of Mountains and Seas] concerning Jiang Shang and
Houji.30 The Zhou dynasty built its capital on the shore of the Feng
River and then the character feng was created. The word “luofeng”
appeared for the first time in the chapter “Duisu 对俗” in Baopu zi,31 in
which it was the synonym of Hell. However, wedo not know why feng
was linked to luo. Furthermore, “feng” had nothing to do with the Tai
Mountain, which represented the origin of hell. Tao Hongjing com-
mented on the aforementioned text: “hells are situated everywhere, in
the Tai Mountain as well as in the sea or the ocean.” I have not found
other texts that indicate the precise location of “luofeng” other than in
the chapter “Chan youwei” of Zhengao. Yu Yue showed that Luofeng
was in no way connected with Fengdu County in Sichuan, whose name
was established only under the Ming dynasty.32 After examining the
30
There are two notes in the Shangshu dimingyan 尚书帝命验 concerning feng.
According to one of these notes, “the jiazi day of the ninth month, a red sparrow flew
into the Feng city with a red writing in the beak. It stopped in front of King Wen’s
gate. King Wen greeted it and then went to the river Panxi where Jiang Shang was
fishing. King Wen saluted him and said: you have been fishing for seven years. What
have you caught? Jiang Shang answered: ‘I have found a piece of jade on which is
inscribed: King Wen will receive the celestial mandate.’ Then he climbed up in his
chariot and sat on the left. King Wen drove it in person and called him the ‘Master
the Great Father’.” It was written in Shanhai jing: “the country of the Feng clan of
Liuhuang has an area of 3,000 li and is surrounded by roads in four directions. In
the centre of the country there is a mountain which is situated to the left of Houji’s
tomb.”
31
Wang Ming, Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi, p. 46.
32
Yu Yue quoted a passage from Fang Chengda’s Wuchuan lu 船录 in chapter 16
of his Chaxiangshi congchao 茶香室丛钞: “the Fengdu County is situated in Zhongzhou.
There is the Pingdu Mountain 3 li away from the county. According to the inscriptions
found on the mountain, Wang Fangping of the Western Han and Yin Changsheng
of the Eastern Han became immortals on this mountain. Yu Yue commented it thus:
“the Pingdu Mountain of the Fengdu County is one of the 72 Taoist Blessed Fields
and is the fine dwelling of Immortals. So it is difficult to understand why people take
it as the dwelling of ghosts. After having read Wuchuan lu, I discover there has been
a confusion about the Lord Yin, which could be the origin of this misunderstanding.
the taoist concept of the “six heavens” 137
As to the hell of the Northern Pole, it has its own particular interpretation, nothing
to do with the Fengdu area.”
33
Tao Hongjing underlined King Wen, King Wu, and Duke Shao, leaving aside
Jizha. Perhaps he had another interpretation for Jizha’s origin. See Wang Ming’s
Baopu zi, chapter “Duisu 对俗,” footnote 136 and Tao Hongjing’s commentary on
“Xiang Liang 项梁” in his Zhenggao, chapter “Chan youwei.”
34
Xiao Dengfu classified the texts about the Palaces of Six Heavens of Luofeng in
the Taoist scriptures of the Six Dynasties in four categories represented by four scrip-
tures: Zhenggao, Fumo jing 伏魔经, Tianguan santu shangqing jing 天关三图上清经, and
Sanyuan pinjie jing 三元品戒经. However his study was synchronic without a diachronic
research of their origin.
138 wang zongyu
Heavens. The common point of the text above and that of the chapter
“Chan youwei” is the spirits of the Six Heavens and the Taoist rites
of casting spells on demons, which were mentioned also in the Qixing
yidu jing 七星移度经 [Scripture of the Movement of Seven Stars] and should
be attributed to the Taoist School of the Heavenly Master. So the Hell
of the Three Officers was certainly one stage of the evolution of the
concept of Taoist Hell from the Palace of Fengdu to the Palace of the
Six Heavens. An analysis of the Palaces of the Six Heavens of Fengdu
will allow us to understand the text of the chapter “Chan youwei” and
Tao Hongjing’s commentary on it.
It is not hard to understand why the Palace of the Six Heavens
was considered to be the palace of the spirits of the Six Heavens.
However, we should analyze the part played by the spirit officers in it.
According to the Santian neijie jing, the fall of the Western Han dynasty
“was due to the heterodox belief of the rulers, who were lacking in
assistants. So demons indulged in rebellious behavior, while the rulers
became finally officers of the spirits.” The last sentence means that
the Han imperial rulers became masters of Hell. The chapter “Chan
youwei” listed some of the names of the officers of the spirits. They
were all ancient emperors, ministers, or generals; none were Taoist
followers. Commenting on the sentence “the King Wen became the
Duke of Western Light and the Master of the Northern Emperor,”
Tao Hongjing said: “even though King Wen and King Wu were
reputed for their benevolence, they became officers of the spirits after
death because not only had they killed but they had not believed in
Taoism.” This commentary illustrated the opposition between Taoist
deities and the spirits of the Six Heavens and Taoist opinion in this
regard. Tao Hongjing believed that “Jiang Shang had killed too many
people; that was why his name was noted down in the Hagiography. As
to Shao En, who had exiled Gan Tang, he then became officer of the
spirits forever.”35 According to Tao Hongjing, “not following the Tao”
and “much killing” were the reasons Jiang Shang became an officer of
the spirits. As to the officers of the spirits, their presence underscored
the consistent Taoist standpoint as to “dead generals.” They served the
government of the Six Heavens when they were alive, so they became
officers of the spirits of the Six Heavens after they died. Again we
35
According to the Xuejin taoyuan 学津讨源 in the Congshu jicheng 丛书集成, there
was a confusion between the characters bao 饱 and kui 魁, and mao 旄 and gui 鬼 in
the text.
140 wang zongyu
find in the chapter “Chan youwei,”: “there are sixteen Officials of the
Western Light who are in charge of all demons of blood sacrifice.”
The texts above show that during the Six dynasties the legends of
Fengdu inherited and developed the Taoist critical standpoint toward
the Six Heavens despite the new interpretation on the spirits of the
Six Heavens.
The Palaces of the Six Heavens were in fact the sophisticated ver-
sion of the Taoist concept of Hell, which was different from the ancient
Chinese belief. In some Taoist scriptures, there was also the Hell of
the Three Officers. I never could have a clear idea of why Taoism
created the Palaces of Six Heavens separate from the Hell of Three
Officers. In the Taishang dongxuan lingbao chishu yujue miaojing 太上洞
玄灵宝赤书玉诀妙经 [Wonderful Scripture of Red Writing and Jade Secret
from the Numinous Treasure of the Great High Cavern Mystery], although the
Three Officers were mentioned, it was the term “beifeng” that meant
Hell. The Taoist concept of Hell was extensive. The names for Hell
were numerous and not all of them were used to demonize the Six
Heavens. Maybe “fengdu” was a proper Taoist term. Other appella-
tions for Hell concerning the Six Heavens, such as the Tai Mountain,
Haoli 蒿里, Five Mountains and Four Rivers, were from the begin-
ning the objects of official sacrifices. Taoism integrated them into its
own system in order to undermine the concept of the Six Heavens.
The belief in the Hell under Tai Mountain had a long history and
was widespread, according to ancient documents. This topic still needs
to be further explored although Chinese and foreign scholars have
studied it to some extent. A very important aspect of this topic is the
relationship between this belief and Taoism, a relationship which has
not yet been given a satisfactory explanation as far as I know.36 Exist-
ing scholarship has only examined a limited number of Taoist texts
36
Gu Yanwu’s Shandong kaogu lu 山东考古录 and Rizhi lu 日知录, chapter 30; Zhao
Yi’s Gaiyu congkao 陔余丛考, chapter 35; Yu Yue’s Chaxiangshi congchao, chapter 16;
Édouard Chavannes’s Le T’ai chan: essai de monographie d’un culte chinois: appendice Le
dieu du sol dans la Chine antique; Sawada Mizuho’s Jigokuhen 地狱辨; Wu Rongzeng’s
“Zhenmuwen zhong suojiandao de Donghan daowu guanxi” 镇墓文中所见到的东
汉道巫关系 in Wenwu, no. 3, 1981; Yu Yingshi’s “Zhongguo gudai sihou shijieguan
de yanbian” 中国古代死后世界观的演变 in Yanyuan lunxue ji 燕园论学集 published
in 1983 by Peking University Press. I do not want to criticize these scholars. In fact,
I benefited greatly from the study of Édouard Chavannes and Sawada Mizuho. Wu
Rongzeng’s article intended to discover the relationship between the belief of the Tai
Mountain and Chinese philosophy. This is also my purpose. However they did not go
further than Gu Yanwu on this question.
the taoist concept of the “six heavens” 141
on the evolution of this belief in Taoism, and since most of these texts
are late, the question has only been further obscured. The concept of
the Hell of the Tai Mountain was not created by Taoism. I am unable
to prove that this belief was a sign of the resistance of the Qi and
Lu regions’ local culture to the culture of Zhou. Nevertheless, I sup-
pose it was the sign of popular resistance to official sacrifices and this
popular standpoint was expressed in Taoism. The divergence between
official and popular opinions lay in the fact that for the former, the
Tai Mountain was the dwelling of deities whereas for the latter, the Tai
Mountain was the dwelling of the dead. Later, literati did not feel at
ease with this ideology—Yu Yue considered this belief preposterous.37
In fact, this belief had already been expressed by some earlier literati.
In Lu Ji’s “Song of the Tai Mountain 泰山吟” it says: “Hell assembles
all demons, whereas the divine house assembles all spirits.” All spir-
its meant the dead emperors who received sacrifices. We can find in
the tomb-quelling texts of the Eastern Han dynasty the sentence “the
quick belong to Chang’an in the west, whereas the dead belong to the
Tai Mountain in the east.”38 By examining other historical documents,
I deduced that this belief in the Hell of the Tai Mountain was created
to oppose official sacrifices, and was not a convergence of the official
opinion with the popular one. Taoism inherited this popular belief
and emphasized its link to the Six Heavens. The “Bottomless Spirit of
37
Chaxiangshi congchao, chapter 15, entry “Naihe qiao 渿河桥”. “Today, when peo-
ple talk about deities or demons, they think of the Tai Mountain. Although it sounds
ridiculous, to some extent it may be reasonable. When we believe in Heaven, we
offer it sacrifice. When we believe in Earth, we offer it sacrifice. That is the origin
of the fengshan 封禅 sacrifice. According to the belief in deities, there is the King of
Heaven. So the sacrifice is offered to the Tai Mountain to worship Heaven. According
to the belief in demons, there is the King of Hell. So the sacrifices are offered to the
small mountains beside the Tai Mountain such as Yunyun, Tingting, Liangfu, Gaoli
etc . . . We can say demons belong to the small mountains such as Gaoli, but not the
Tai Mountain. According to the ‘Biography of Guan Lu’ in the Sanguo zhi, ‘the Tai
Mountain rules the dead, not the living.’ So at that time, there was a confusion in
beliefs.” Yu Yue found that the official sacrifice lost its original significance by neglect-
ing the popular interpretations of sacrifice.
38
This sentence is from Gu qiwu shi xiaolu 古器物识小录. There is another tomb-
quelling text in Luo Zhengyu’s Zhensongtang jigu yiwen 贞松堂集古遗文: “the living
belong to Chang’an whereas the dead belong to the Tai Mountain. The living and
the dead should be separated. One can not disturb the other.” See Wu Rongzeng’s
“Zhenmuwen zhong suojiandao de Donghan daowu guanxi.” Wu Rongzeng said the
capital of the Eastern Han Dynasty was Luoyang, not Chang’an. So this belief came
from the Western Han Dynasty. I think the concordance of these two texts show this
belief was very popular at that time. The owner of this text was the emperor who
received sacrifice in the Tai Mountain.
142 wang zongyu
High Heaven,” mentioned in the Nüqing guilü, was the spirit of the Tai
Mountain, who “inhabited the water in the southeast corner of the
Tai Mountain, the dwelling of all the dead.” In the “Catalogue of All
Spirits from Lao-tzu,” quoted in the Daoyao lingqi shengui pin jing, it says:
“[t]he governor of the Tai Mountain is called junhou 君后.” Those two
texts are the only texts I could find on this belief. However, they are
enough to undermine the real Taoist interpretation of the Hell of the
Tai Mountain.
Haoli was also called “li of the dead.” Like the Tai Mountain, it was
regarded as the dwelling of souls. Historically, there was a controversy
on “haoli 蒿里” and “gaoli 高里,” which remains an enigma. Accord-
ing to both the Shiji and the Hanshu, Emperor Wu of Han went to the
Tai Mountain to offer sacrifices to Gaoli and Houtu 后土 in the first
year of the Taichu reign (104 BCE).39 Here, gaoli was the name of a
mountain. We have no proof to show that this gaoli is indeed haoli. But
we can say that they were considered identical at the end of the Jin
dynasty. Lu Ji wrote, in his “Song of the Tai Mountain”: “[t]he Tai
Mountain is so high it reaches the sky. At the top, mist wreathes. There
is a house in Liangfu 梁父 like the pavilion in Haoli. Hell assembles
all demons, whereas the divine house assembles all spirits. Sing beside
the Tai Mountain. It is the dynamic sound of Chu.”40
Yan Shigu was not satisfied with Lu Ji’s opinion. In his commen-
tary on the Hanshu he said: “[t]his character gao means high. The li
of the dead is called ‘Haoli’ or ‘Xiali 下里.’ The character hao means
wormwood. Someone heard of the house of the deities of the Tai
Mountain and Haoli nearby. Then people, including literati like Lu,
confused gaoli for haoli. Today, in some books, the two characters are
still confused with one another.” Yan Shigu’s commentary obviously
represented the literati’s opinion and gave us an important clue: even
in official books, gaoli and haoli were considered identical. Gu Yanwu
studied this poem through Yan Shigu’s commentary. According to
him, people started to consider those two characters as identical from
the circulation of this poem onward. He said: “[i]n Lu Ji’s ‘Song of the
Tai Mountain,’ Liangfu was compared to Haoli and from this, people
believed it was the dwelling of demons. Hereafter, the altar of the shan
39
Shiji, p. 481, Hanshu, p. 199.
40
Guo Maoqian, Yuefu shiji 乐府诗集, chapter 41, Beijing, Zhonghua shuju, 1979,
vol. 2, p. 605.
the taoist concept of the “six heavens” 143
sacrifice offered by emperors was considered the temple for the King
of Hell and Duke of demons.”41
We should be thankful to Yan Shigu and Gu Yanwu for point-
ing out an alternative, which indicated that there existed a popular
force that opposed the official interpretation of Haoli. I have not found
a Taoist explanation for the Hell of Haoli, which is an infrequently
used term in Taoist scriptures. Perhaps, Taoism equated Haoli and
the Tai Mountain without distinguishing the sacrifice to Heaven from
that to the Earth. As a synonym for Hell, the Five Mountains and
Four Rivers was a recurrent term in Taoist scriptures. However, I
have not found any historical documents to explain the link between
them. Regarding the Five Mountains and Four Rivers, which were,
in the official view, worshipped as Hell, Taoism showed its opposition
to official sacrifices.
At the end of the previous section, I proposed an analysis of the Tao-
ist concept of the Six Heavens on three levels. Since Taoism construed
it as Hell this suggests that it regarded other religions as evil in order to
assert its own identity.42 In the Taoist Hell, most of the demons were
those of the Six Heavens. The term diyu 地狱 (Hell ) was probably cre-
ated at the end of the Han dynasty. Even though we have no proof
that this term existed before Buddhist sutras were massively translated
into Chinese, a similar concept must have been in existence prior to
that. In the Shuoyuan it says: “only the kin of the dead and those of
prisoners ( yu) sit on the ground.”43 Yu had meant lawsuit before the
Qin dynasty and meant prison in the Han dynasty. The Taoist Hell
41
See the entry “Bian Gaoli shan 辨高里山” in Gu Yanwu’s Shandong kaogu lu
which quoted Wu Qingtan’s Shuoling 说铃. Gu Yanwu also said: “the term haoli can be
found in ancient dirges in which it did not mean a location.” According to the entry
“Bian Naihe 辨渿河” in the same book, the Naihe is situated on the left side of the
Gaoli Mountain. The bridge over the Naihe is called the Bridge of the Naihe. It is
said the soul could return if it crossed the bridge, then it sighs “What to do?” (which
is homophonous with Naihe). This text showed that the Gaoli Mountain was really
considered as the “li of the dead.” The Shuoling was quoted also in Kong Zhenxuan’s
Taishan jisheng 泰山纪胜 which explained the significance of the imperial sacrifice
“sheshou 社首” and showed sheshou was linked to haoli. According to the same book,
literati did not like to refer to the jade talisman thrown by emperor Zhen of Song in
the north west cavern of the Haoli Mountain because they found it ridiculous and
could not explain it. Clearly, the belief in Haoli was opposed to the official religious
system. The ancient literati’s failing to comment on this made it difficult for people
to know the origin of Haoli.
42
Kristofer Schipper drew my attention to the fact that this Taoist strategy resem-
bled the strategy used by Christianity at its beginning.
43
Shuoyuan, chapter 17 “Zayan 杂言.”
144 wang zongyu
had two meanings: dwelling of the dead and prison. So the dwellers of
Hell were the dead rather than demons. Although in Taoist scriptures
these two have not been strictly distinguished, we have to differentiate
them in order to piece together Taoist doctrine. If the government of
the Six Heavens worshipped dead emperors and generals as deities, it
was convenient to take the Six Heavens as Hell. As Hell, it naturally
had the function of arresting and interrogating criminals. That was
probably the reason why there was the Hell of the Six Heavens and
that of the Three Officers. Because of this function, the spirits of the
Six Heavens were integrated into the Taoist pantheon.
As Hell, the Six Heavens undoubtedly bore a negative aspect. Many
ancient scriptures of the Shangqing and Lingbao Schools taught follow-
ers how to protect themselves from the demonic qi of the Six Heavens
and become immortal (Shangqing tianguan santu 上清天关三图, Tai-
shang dongxuan lingbao chishu yujue miaojing, and Yuanshi wulao chishu yupian
zhenwen tianshu jing 元始五老赤书玉篇真文天书经, for example). At
the same time, if Taoists transgressed the rules, they would be sent to
Hell. There were also the hells of Fengdu, the Tai Mountain, and Five
Mountains and Four Rivers. The hell of the Six Heavens became little
by little the place where people in general or Taoists in particular were
interrogated. In the first and second juan of Yuanshi wulao chishu yupian
zhenwen tianshu jing, the Six Heavens was considered an adversary force:
“Beifeng should be controlled and demonic qi should be suppressed.”
However, in the third juan of the same scripture, the spirits of the
Six Heavens, such as the “Duke of Beifeng,” were invited to assume
the function of interrogator. “The Emissary of Taiyi and the Duke of
Beifeng are sent into the world to examine the merits or demerits of
people and deities. They are expected to report to their superior. The
name of those who perform (prescribed) rituals and respect the Tao
will be noted in the register of immortals. Spirits will be promoted if
they gain merit. Human or ghost, if they transgress the rules, they will
be sent to Hell. (. . .) The stars of the Dipper are harsh. They descend
into this world together with the Five Emperors, Five Mountains and
Four Rivers, the Lords of Jiang, Huai, He, and Ji Rivers, the Cen-
sor of Nine Ministries, Three Officers, and other deities on the earth.
They travel the world to examine people and deities and finally report
to Heaven.” In the same scripture, in the chapter on Taoist rituals,
it says: “[a]ll immortals of the Five Mountains, lords of Four oceans,
Beifeng, Three Officers, and all deities solemnly perform the ritual and
respect the Tao. They gave great importance to the Tao to promote
the perfection of Heaven.”
the taoist concept of the “six heavens” 145
the Zhengao conserved the concept of the hell of Fengdu that was cre-
ated by Yang Xi and Xu Mi. These chapters can be seen as the result
of the integration of the Six Heavens into Taoism. However, they
emphasized the description of the structure of this hell yet neglected
the theory. So their historical value is hard to assess. In juan 16 it says:
“[t]he Queen Mother of the West appreciates my hard practice and
the Northern Emperor of Fengdu praises my sincerity toward the Tao.
They tell the God of Destiny and the Three Officers to give back my
body and soul. Then I will become immortal.” The officers of the
spirit in the chapter “Chan youwei” had two identities: they were at
first souls of dead emperors and generals against whom Taoists would
fight because of their demonic qi. At the same time, they were ordered,
according to Taoist rules, to examine people’s merits and demerits.
Through this mission, it was possible for them to become immortal.
Juan 15 indicated that the Four Dukes of Light (Qi of Xia, King Wen,
Duke Shao, and Jizha) “would all become immortal.” In this sense, the
Palaces of the Six Heavens were no longer an external hell opposed
to Taoist beliefs. There is a spell in juan 15: “I am a disciple of the
Most High and go down to rule the Six Heavens. The Palaces of the
Six Heavens are under my command and that of the Most High. I
know the names of the six palaces. That is why I was given longevity.
Who attacks me will be killed by the Most High.” The object of this
spell was to prevent the attack of the demonic qi of the Six Heav-
ens. The Palaces of the Six Heavens were under the command of the
Most High. Inheriting this theory, Tao Hongjing classified the spirits
of Fengdu on the seventh level in his Zhenling weiye tu, where Taoist
deities, formed by qi, were attributed souls like humans. Is this a con-
tradiction? How does Taoism maintain coherence between its different
doctrines? The answers to such questions remain to be found.
Some questions remain that were beyond the scope of this chapter.
As reliable sources were lacking, this chapter focused on some particu-
lar points and did not offer a systematic analysis. I did not treat the
question of whether the term “Six Heavens” later became one of the
Taoist three worlds. I therefore welcome any response to my work.
The only point that I can ascertain is the significance of the Six Heav-
ens in Taoism and its popular nature. The popular nature of Taoism
as discussed by scholars remains a vague idea and is often assimilated
with “folklore.” I mentioned the opposition of Taoism to government,
which was limited to certain aspects and certain times. But I have no
intention of identifying it with its popular nature. To study Taoist
the taoist concept of the “six heavens” 147
44
Gu Jiegang, “Sanhuang kao” 三皇考, in Gushi bian 古史辨, Shanghai, Kaiming
shudian, 1941, volume 7, chapter 2, p. 51.
CHENG XUANYING AND THE STUDY
OF THE TWOFOLD MYSTERY1
Tang Yijie
1
Published originally in Tang Yijie, Weijin xuanxuelun jiangyi 魏晋玄学论讲义, Xia-
men, Lujiang chubanshe, 2006.
150 tang yijie
The Mystery Study of the Wei and Jin Dynasties Was Developed from the
Philosophy of the Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu in the Pre-Qin Period
Earth unified their qi and then things were born spontaneously and
by chance” (chapter Wushi of the Lunheng) and “Heaven and Earth
unified their qi and then everything was born spontaneously” (chapter
Ziran of the Lunheng). That means the qi of Heaven and Earth were
unified and then everything was born naturally. Wang Chong said
that mainly to reject any teleology, and at the same time he explained
that everything issued from the interaction of the Vital qi. This is one
of the cosmogonical theories of the Han Dynasty.
According to another theory, Heaven gives birth to everything with
a purpose. For instance, Dong Zhongshu said in his Chunqiu fanlu:
“Heaven is the lord of all gods” and “A father is Heaven for his son,
Heaven is Heaven for a father. No one is born without the interven-
tion of Heaven. Heaven is the ancestor of everything that cannot be
born without the intervention of Heaven.” The chapter “Qianzaodu,”
in the Yiwei 易纬, begins with quoting the Yellow Emperor as saying:
“In antiquity, the hundred emperors created the universe and split
open the chaos (separating Heaven and Earth), and then Fuxi 伏羲
was born. Fuxi knew Heaven cherished all beings, thus it created the
fonts of all the creation.” That means Heaven, Earth, and everything
was created purposefully by gods in Heaven.
The Mystery study of the Wei and Jin dynasties differs from the
Han Dynasty philosophy in its method. It used not a cosmogonical
approach but an ontological one to explain the origin of the exis-
tence of everything in the universe. The reasons for this ontological
approach were multiple and included the decline of Confucianism,
and changes in scholarship. All these engendered a new ideological
trend, which we will not to discuss in this article. We will study only
the theoretical questions raised by the Mystery study of the Wei and
Jin dynasties in its ontological point of view.
The biography of Wang Yan, in the Jinshu, says: “under the Zheng-
shi reign of the Wei Dynasty, He Yan and Wang Bi, among others,
followed Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu’s philosophy. Their argument was:
Heaven, Earth, and all things have Non-existence (wu) as their root.”
Obviously, He Yan and Wang Bi’s philosophy was based on Lao-tzu
and Chuang-tzu’s. Its basic argument is “taking Non-existence as the
root,” in other words, “Existence (Heaven, Earth, and all things)” take
Non-existence as their root. Wang Bi said: “the Tao is the name of
Non-existence leading to all and from which all results. It is at rest,
cheng xuanying and the study of the twofold mystery 153
kept away from it. For example, they had their “personal desires” and
“schemes” and deviated from the Tao. So they needed to appreciate
the root and despise the end in order to return to the root.
There was a contradiction in Wang Bi’s philosophy, however. His
ontological “unity of the noumenon and the application” would lead
to “advocate the root and appreciate the end,” whereas his cosmog-
onical “everything results from the Tao” leads to the separation of
the root and the end, and to “cherish the root and despise the end.”
Despite this contradiction in Wang Bi’s philosophy, its core was still
the ontology of “taking Non-action as the root,” which was a new
form of Lao-tzu’s philosophy. Wang Bi’s theory of “High Evaluation
of Non-existence” emphasized the “unity of the noumenon and its
application” and the “advocacy of the root and the appreciation of
the end” by enhancing the universal and neglecting the particular.
The Mystery study during the Zhengshi era, represented by Wang
Bi and He Yan’s “High Evaluation of Non-existence,” split into two
groups at the time of the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove: one
stressed nature and the universal more, advocating “the appreciation
of the root and the contempt of the end”—Ji Kang and Ruan Ji’s
philosophy—the other underlined the spontaneous birth of everything
and the particular—Xiang Xiu’s philosophy.
Wang Bi advocated the “unity of the noumenon and the applica-
tion.” His idea was to let nature take its course and not to abolish
social ethics. Ji Kang and Ruan Ji, on the other hand, were in favor
of abolishing the end so as to return to the root, and advocated “going
beyond social ethics and letting nature take its course.” According to Ji
Kang and Ruan Ji, nature was an ordered and harmonious unity, like
human society at its beginning. But artificial social ethics destroyed the
“natural harmony.” As Ji Kang wrote in his Taishizhen 太师箴:
How vast the Great Simplicity. The Yang shone and the Yin condensed.
The Two Polarities fused, then the human being arose. In the beginning,
people were naïve. They did plot and scheme. . . . At that time, every-
thing was peaceful. The emperor Hexu passed away; Fuxi succeeded
him. They were unassuming and without vanity. The Great Austerity
was never damaged. Everything was prosperous. They never languished.
Later, virtue faded and the Tao declined. Wit was favored and everyone
privileged their kin. For fear of worsening the situation, moral criteria
were established. Intrigue was rife and fussy rites were created. People
gave themselves up to contention and lost their authenticity. They relied
upon their force, showing no respect toward friends and teachers. They
competed to protect their own interests.
156 tang yijie
This excerpt shows how society alienates itself further and further from
harmonious “nature” because of intrigues, selfishness, and disputes.
So the “moral” as opposed to the “natural” should be abolished so
that society can return to harmonious nature. Accordingly, everything
should return to the undifferentiated state (wu). Ji Kang and Ruan
Ji proposed “going beyond social ethics and letting nature take its
course,” thus following Wang Bi’s theory of “the appreciation of the
root and the contempt of the end.” The text mentioned above pre-
sented the evolution of the universe from nature to society. The fol-
lowing phrases in the Sheng wu aile lun 声无哀乐论—“Heaven and
Earth unified their virtue then everything was born. The seasons suc-
ceeded one another and the Five Phases were realized”—and in the
Da Zhuang lun 达庄论—“nature is a whole. . . . Prosperity and decline
are the same. Everything changes, but is never lost”—show that Ji
Kang and Ruan Ji’s philosophy is a kind of cosmology and that the
development of Wang Bi’s theory follows “the appreciation of the root
and the contempt of the end.”
Xiang Xiu advocated the “fusion of Confucianism and Taoism” (see
Xie Lingxun’s Bianzong lun 辩宗论) and believed there was no opposi-
tion between the “natural” and the “moral.” Obviously, his point of
view developed from Wang Bi’s theory of “the appreciation of the
root and the contempt of the end.” In his Nan Yangsheng lun 难养生论,
Xiang Xiu criticized Ji Kang’s point of view in the Yangsheng lun
养生论, writing that there was no contradiction between the “logos of
nature” and “artificial rites,” because “reality is shown in the image,
the Tao is clarified by the particular. The Tao without the particular is
just like a female without a male” (Xiang Xiu, as quoted in the annota-
tion to the Liezi). Xiang Xiu believed that the Tao and its application
were two faces of the same coin and that there was no contradiction
between “nature” and “ethics.” Emphasizing the rationality of the par-
ticular, Xiang Xiu thought that the “spontaneous birth of everything”
clearly refuted the “birth of everything from the Tao” and criticized
the cosmogonical elements in Wang Bi’s theory of the “High Evalua-
tion of Non-existence.” However, Xiang Xiu’s criticism was not on an
ontological plane. He was indeed influenced by the theory of the “High
Evaluation of Non-existence.” Zhang Zhan quoted Xiang Xiu in his
Liezi zhu 列子注 [Annotation on the Liezi ]. For instance, about the phrase
in the chapter “Tianrui,” “that which gives birth to others was not born,
that which transforms others cannot be transformed,” he said:
cheng xuanying and the study of the twofold mystery 157
This phrase could also be found in the Chuang-tzu. Xiang Xiu annotated
it thus: my birth does not issue from my will, it is spontaneous. It is not
the “thing” 物 that gives birth to others. (It is a non-thing) and it issues
from nothing. My death is not caused by anything, but is a spontaneous
death. It is not the “thing” that gives death to others. If it is a non-thing,
it will not die. If that which gave birth was also born from something, if
that which gave death also dies, it would die like a “thing.” Then what
is the difference between it and a “thing?” That which is not born from
something and who will not die may be the root of birth and death.
That which gives birth to birth cannot be a “thing.” It must be some-
thing different. A “thing” is issued from something and will die. Only
a “non-thing,” which surpasses a “thing,” can be the transcendental
root of birth and death. Xiang Xiu believed in both “the spontaneous
birth of everything” and the transcendental root of birth and death,
which contradicted one another in his philosophical system.
Pei Wei, whose work came after Xiang Xiu’s, wrote the Chongyou
lun 崇有论 (On Respect for Existence) to express his aversion toward
a society that believed in the concept of wu. According to the Jin-
shu, Pei Wei, like Xiang Xiu, sustained the idea of “the spontaneous
birth of everything” as opposed to “the birth of Existence from Non-
existence.” He advanced a clearer proposition than Xiang Xiu’s: the
spontaneous birth is simultaneous with the appearance of the nou-
menon. The spontaneous birth of everything is linked to its existence
as a noumenon. Pei Wei not only denied Wang Bi’s theory of “taking
Non-existence as the root,” but also abandoned Xiang Xiu’s theory of
“the transcendental root of birth and death.” On emphasizing the par-
ticularity of everything, Pei Wei said, in his Chongyou lun, “everything
can be classified according to different categories. The distinction in
form and image is the substance of everything.” Moreover, Pei Wei
suggested that “the substance of the principle (li 理) is just Existence.”
The principle (or natural rules), for him, is the what make things exist.
Through these propositions, Pei Wei clarified the theory of “the spon-
taneous birth of everything.”
However, he raised another question in his Chongyou lun when he
wrote, “the ultimate Non-existence is issued from nothing. So the
beginning of birth is spontaneous.” Although things are not issued
from Non-existence, but are born spontaneously, birth has a begin-
ning. Another question is raised in another version of the Chongyou lun,
quoted in chapter 82 of the Zizhi tongjian: “ ‘what is before the begin-
ning of birth?’ In the Jinshu, it says, ‘[t]he ultimate Non-existence is
158 tang yijie
If we ask ourselves questions about the condition (on which the things
depend) and seek the origin, the interrogation is endless and we eventu-
ally find there are no external conditions. Thus, “self-realization” clearly
exists. (Annotation to the “Qiwu lun” chapter)
Guo Xiang not only refuted the cosmogony of “the birth of Exis-
tence from Non-existence,” with his theory of “the spontaneous birth
of everything,” but also refuted the ontological argument of “taking
Non-existence as the root,” with his theory of “self-realization.” His
philosophy might be called “the theory of non-Non-existence 无无论.”
Its features differ from those of Wang Bi’s philosophy. Guo Xiang
emphasized the self-sufficient existence of everything. He studied not
the universal, but the particular. Two questions remain: Does every-
thing have a universal character? Is the existence of everything deter-
mined by its “nature”?
Having concluded our discussion of “there is no thing that creates
things and the birth of things is spontaneous” and “Non-existence is
nothing, so how can it precede nature?” we will now proceed to dis-
cuss “the Tao of the inner Saint and outer King.” In his annotation
to the “Qiwu lun” chapter, Guo Xiang said: “[i]f someone stresses
Non-existence, but knows nothing about non–Non-existence, he is still
concerned with the meaning of what is right and wrong, and of likes
and dislikes, which are a methodological way of avoiding contradic-
tion. Nevertheless, the subject discussed at the time was the relation-
ship between the ‘natural’ and the ‘moral’.” According to Guo Xiang,
only “non-Non-existence” could resolve the contradiction between the
“natural” and the “moral.” According to Chuang-tzu, he who lives
outside of the world cherishes nature, whereas he who lives in the
world advocates ethics, and they are not on the same plane (see the
“Dazongshi” chapter). However, Guo Xiang insisted that no one could
live totally cut off from the inner world and vice versa. By trying to
erase the boundary between the “outer” and the “inner,” Guo Xiang
wanted to unify the “natural” and the “moral” in order to clarify “the
Tao of the inner Saint and outer King.” His theories, such as the
“appreciation of Existence” and “non–Non-existence,” were the start-
ing points he used to unify the “natural” and the “moral.” As he said
in his Ying diwang 应帝王: “He who has no intention and lets himself
be transformed should be king.”
After this brief analysis of the evolution of the Mystery study of the
Wei and Jin dynasties, we have two remaining points:
cheng xuanying and the study of the twofold mystery 161
2
For Cheng Xuanying’s works, see Meng Wentong’s Annex 1 of the Jijiao Cheng
Xuanying Daodejing yishu 辑校成玄英道德经义疏 in Meng Wentong wenji 蒙文通文集,
vol. 6, Chengdu, Bashu shushe, 2001. See also Li Dahua, Li Gang, and He Jianming’s
SuiTang daojia yu daojiao 隋唐道家与道教, Guangzhou, Guangdong People’s Publish-
ing House, 2003.
162 tang yijie
Xuanying that has come down to us. According to its preface, “[a]s
stupid as I am, I studied the Chuang-tzu from my childhood. I have
dedicated myself to its study for thirty years. Following Guo Xiang’s
annotation, I wrote my annotation in thirty chapters. Limited by my
own ignorance, I have gained some knowledge. I dare not share it
with people, but just want to enjoy myself.” Cheng Xuanying spent
thirty years studying Guo Xiang’s Zhuangzi zhu and gained a thorough
knowledge of it. His works also include the Daodejing yishu, collated
by Meng Wentong, and the remaining pages of Daodejing shu kaiti in
the Dunhuang manuscript version. The Yuanshi wuliang duren shangping
miaojing sizhu 元始无量度人上品妙经四注 (Four Commentaries on the
Upper Wondrous Scripture on the Salvation of Humanity, Preached
by the Limitless (Pure One) of Original Beginning), collated by Chen
Jingyuan of the Song Dynasty and collected in the Taoist Canon, quoted
Cheng Xuanying’s annotations. There is also his preface to the Nanhua
zhenjing shu 南华真经疏, collected in chapter 923 of the Quan Tangwen
全唐文. Meng Wentong noticed two annotations by Cheng Xuan-
ying quoted in the Daoshu jijiao shizhong 道书辑校十种 (Ten Edited and
Commented Taoist Classics). For the phrase from chapter 10 of the
Tao Te Ching, “When Heaven gives and takes away, can you be con-
tent with the outcome?” Cheng Xuanying annotated: “Heaven is our
mind. To be content means to be calm and yielding.” For the phrase
from chapter 57, “The more knowledge is acquired, the stranger the
world will become. The more laws you make, the greater the number
of criminals there will be,” Cheng Xuanying annotated: “This is the
natural law. The more taboos there are, the less harmony you live in.
The more laws there are, the more power you lose. The more knowl-
edge there is, the more criminal intentions there are. If you multiply
the laws, you cannot eradicate crime.” Cheng Xuanying may have
had other annotations to the Lao-tzu. In our opinion, these two quota-
tions express his philosophy aptly.
The theory of the Twofold Mystery is based on the quotation from
chapter one of the Lao-tzu’s “mystery upon mystery.” According to
the historical documents that have come down to us, the Twofold
Mystery developed during the Southern and Northern dynasties. Sun
Deng of the Eastern Jin Dynasty “constructed his theory on the basis
of the Twofold Mystery” (quoted in Cheng Xuanying’s Daodejing xujue
kaiti ). Buddhist monks like Zhi Daolin and Sengzhao also used the
Twofold Mystery. This theory appeared to be more present in Tao-
ism. Since Sun Deng’s Annotation on the Lao-tzu was lost, it is impossible
cheng xuanying and the study of the twofold mystery 165
3
See also Qiang Yu’s and Cui Zhenzhe’s PhD dissertations under my direction.
cheng xuanying and the study of the twofold mystery 167
to “open the secret door of the Twofold Mystery using the most pro-
found and wonderful method.” According to the author, the “Twofold
Mystery” means to “eliminate all illusions” until “there will be nothing
to eliminate” (chapter 8). “The Mystery is something that is attached
to neither Emptiness nor Existence. If this Mystery is cleared, there
will be nothing. That is why this method is called ‘the gateway to the
manifold secrets of the Twofold Mystery’ ” (chapter 1). The Xuanmen
dalun and Benji jing are all influenced by Buddhism. Both works had a
direct impact on the generalization of the “Twofold Mystery study.”
The “Twofold Mystery” comes from the phrase “Mystery upon
mystery—the gateway to the manifold secrets” in the first chapter of
the Lao-tzu. According to the same chapter, the “eternal Tao” can-
not be described, but can be grasped through “Existence” and “Non-
existence.” That is why it was said, “[b]eing the same, they are the
source, but the source remains a mystery. Mystery upon mystery, the
gateway to the manifold secrets” (according to the silk manuscript ver-
sion found at Mawangdui). Thus, the Tao can be comprehended only
through “Existence” and “Non-existence.” Equally, “Existence” and
“Non-existence” can be comprehended only through the Tao. Wang
Bi emphasized “Non-existence” and used it to explain the Tao. He
believed that “Non-existence” was “Existence” (pure being) and that
the former was the origin and foundation of the latter.
Guo Xiang emphasized “Existence.” According to him, “Existence”
was engendered spontaneously, without origin. “Non-existence,” as
“Non-being,” could not give birth to “Being.” Sengzhao advanced
a theory of “Neither Existence nor Non-existence,” refuting both the
“High Evaluation of Non-existence” and the “High Appreciation of
Existence.” His Buzhenkong lun was based on the idea that “dharmas do
not have their own nature” from the Mādhyamaka. However, if nothing
has its own nature, what would be the origin of its existence? How
would it be possible to become Buddha? So the nirvana study devel-
oped after the Mādhyamaka study, aiming to destroy all illusions. At the
beginning of the Tang Dynasty, the Taoist scholars Cheng Xuanying
and Li Rong used the “Twofold Mystery” to explain the Tao with the
idea of “Reason 理.” This was a significant step in the development
of Taoist theories.
The philosophies of Cheng Xuanying, Li Rong, and other later
Taoist scholars (such as Du Guangting) were all inspired by the “Two-
fold Mystery.” Cheng Xuanying said that his philosophy was built
on the Twofold Mystery theory. So how did he explain the Twofold
cheng xuanying and the study of the twofold mystery 169
land of death.” Conversely, “he who keeps his heart at peace, may
rediscover his real nature and return to the divine life.”
As we have shown above, Cheng Xuanying’s philosophical system
was founded on a cosmogony that supported his Taoist philosophy.
Certainly, the question of whether this Taoist philosophical system
could achieve Taoism’s ultimate objective—the lengthening of life—
was always open, since Cheng Xuanying only constructed a Taoist
theory to achieve the ultimate objective, but not a system of practice
to realize it. We had to wait until the emergence of the “nature study
of Taoist inner alchemy” and the elaboration of the practice of the
“double cultivation of the nature and life” at the end of the Tang
Dynasty and the Five Dynasties to see a new development of the Tao-
ist theory and practice. The “study of nature in Taoist inner alchemy”
deserves a more profound analysis; however, it is not the subject of the
present chapter.
In my opinion, the significance of Cheng Xuanying’s “Twofold
Mystery study” is threefold.
First, if we consider pre-Qin Taoism (Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu) as
the first stage of the evolution of Taoist philosophy, and the Mystery
study of the Wei and Jin dynasties, which aimed to integrate Confu-
cianism into Taoism as the second, the Twofold Mystery study of the
Tang Dynasty would be the third, from which the Mystery study of
the Wei and Jin dynasties absorbed the main contemporary Buddhist
Schools such as the Mādhyamaka study and nirvana study, and the Neo-
Taoism of the Southern and Northern Dynasties. To a certain extent,
the Twofold Mystery embodied the syncretism of Confucianism, Tao-
ism, and Buddhism.
Second, from the foundation of Taoism in the Eastern Han
Dynasty, it always lost to Buddhism in the domain of philosophical
theory, despite many scholars’ (such as Ge Hong, Kou Qianzhi, Gu
Huan, and Tao Hongjing) fruitless efforts. There were two possible
reasons. First, the Taoist philosophical system was not built upon the
annotations to the Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu, and the Mystery study of
the Wei and Jin dynasties. Second, the contemporary debate on phi-
losophy was not paid much attention. Indeed, Taoist theory before the
creation of the “Twofold Mystery study” had been poor. The “Two-
fold Mystery study” more or less overcame these two shortcomings.
It proposed a significant method for the Taoist philosophical system
by absorbing some philosophical theories of the Mystery study, Bud-
dhism, and Taoist ideology of the Southern and Northern Dynasties,
cheng xuanying and the study of the twofold mystery 175
Zhang Guangbao
1
Published originally in Daojia wenhua yanjiu 道家文化研究, Beijing: Sanlian
shudian, 2006, no. 21.
178 zhang guangbao
The link between the realization of the Tao and longevity was the
basis of philosophical Taoism’s theories. As one of the important Tao-
ist philosophers, Wenzi has formulated this link with the phrase: “life
is the Tao.”2 This opinion, shared by all pre-Qin Taoist philosophers,
presented concisely the Taoist emphasis on life.
The Tao, as the logos, exists transcendently in everything. Relying
on this belief, Taoism constructed the universality and the transcen-
dental character of the Tao. However, the Tao can be revealed only
through human acts and life. Human life is characterized by a meta-
physical significance that transcends the limited physical body.
2
“Dingzhou Xihan Zhongshan Huaiwang mu zhujian (Wenzi) shiwen” 定州西
汉中山怀王墓竹简(文子)释文 (An annotated edition of the text of the Wenzi on
bamboo slips excavated from the Western Han tomb of King Huai at Zhongshan,
Dingzhou), in Wenwu, 1995.
from the fundamentals of philosophical taoism 179
Human life comprises both body and spirit. The attention paid by
Taoism to the connection between the body and the Tao represented
the ancient Chinese tradition of caring for life. From the founder of
philosophical Taoism, Lao-tzu, Taoist philosophers outlined the gen-
esis of the Tao, especially the connection between the body and the
Tao, which could be found in Lao-tzu’s way of formulating his meta-
physical theory. Lao-tzu constructed his theory of the Tao around two
aspects. First, in exploring the origin of the universe and showing the
genesis of the Tao, Lao-tzu established his cosmology. In Lao-tzu’s
opinion, there were two levels of relationship between the Tao and
the phenomenal world. First, everything embodied the Tao. The uni-
versality and the transcendental character of the Tao decided its omni-
connection with everything. Second, in time, the Tao preceded and
gave birth to the universe and everything. This cosmogological view of
the Tao was the precondition for the theory of “communion of the Tao
and life.” It was no accident that the Tao gave birth to the universe.
On the contrary, it was determined by the genetic nature of the Tao.
In brief, the universe was fated to be born by the Tao. This process was
also the inevitable procedure by which the Tao manifested itself.
Second, Lao-tzu emphasized life and the human body by showing
that the Tao revealed itself through them. To borrow a term from
Chan Buddhism, people need an “entrance”—life—to attain the Tao.
This is why Lao-tzu continually repeated the question of life in the
Tao Te Ching. Examples include the Tao of longevity in chapter 59,
the phrase “[t]hose who embrace death will not perish, but have life
everlasting” in chapter 33, and all kinds of recommended self-cultivation
regimens in chapters 6 and 10, and such phrases as “[t]he spirit of emp-
tiness is immortal. It is called the Great Mother because it gives birth
to Heaven and Earth. It is like a vapor, barely seen but always present.
Use it effortlessly.” “Nurture the darkness of your soul until you become
whole. Can you do this and not fail? Can you focus your life-breath until
you become supple as a newborn child? While you cleanse your inner
vision will you be found without fault?” The theory and practice of the
later Taoist inner alchemy were founded on the creative interpretation
of Lao-tzu’s theory and self-cultivation regimen.
In adopting Lao-tzu’s theory, later Taoist philosophers precised
the generative nature of the Tao. For Chuang-tzu, the connection
between life and the Tao was based on the spirit; however, he also
considered the link between the Tao and body. For example, in the
chapter “Dazongshi,” it says: “Fuxi got it and entered into the ‘mother
180 zhang guangbao
3
Chuang-tzu, chapter “Tiandi 天地.”
from the fundamentals of philosophical taoism 181
4
Wenzi, chapter “Shangde 上德.”
182 zhang guangbao
the Tao strictly will obtain longevity.” Thus, the author of the Guanzi
believed that practice of the Tao led to certain longevity.
Respect for life was a typical feature of Chinese traditional culture.
In the Yizhuan 易传 [Interpretation on the Book of Changes], it says “the
great virtue of Heaven is life.” The instinct of life was described as
an abstract spiritual character. With this character, Chinese people
fought against nature for thousands of years and never stopped to
develop and multiply. There was a Taoist School of self-cultivation
that took longevity as a symbol of the realization of the Tao. The Tao-
ists of this school explained the theory of “communion of the Tao and
life” by establishing all kinds of concrete rules of self-cultivation prac-
tice. This school was probably linked to early medical practitioners. It
was, perhaps, a syncretism of Taoism and medicine:
The Yellow Emperor said: I heard there was in early antiquity the
True Man who took hold of Heaven and Earth, grasped Yin and Yang,
breathed vital energy, stayed alone, kept his spirit, and unified his body.
Thus his endless life of the Tao was longer than Heaven and Earth.
There was in middle antiquity the Ultimate Man. His virtue was pure
and his Tao was complete. He accorded with Yin and Yang, and the
four seasons. He left this world and kept his energy, traveled all over the
world, and observed all directions. This was someone who prolonged his
lifespan. He belonged also to the True Men.5
This passage borrowed such terms from Chuang-tzu as “True Man”
and “Ultimate Man.” However, their images differed from those in
the Chuang-tzu: “[w]hat do I mean by a True Man? The True Man
of ancient times did not rebel against poverty, did not grow proud
in plenty, and did not plan his affairs. A man like this could climb
the high places and not be frightened, could enter the water and not
get wet, could enter the fire and not get burned. His knowledge was
able to climb all the way up to the Tao like this.”6 “The True Man
of ancient times knew nothing of loving life, knew nothing of hating
death. He emerged without delight; he went back in without a fuss.
He came briskly, he went briskly, and that was all. He didn’t forget
where he began; he didn’t try to find out where he would end. When
he received something, he took pleasure in it; then he forgot about it
and handed it back again. This is what I call not using the mind to
5
Huangdi neijing suwen, chapter “Shanggu tianzhen lun 上古天真论.”
6
Chuang-tzu, chapter “Dazongshi.”
from the fundamentals of philosophical taoism 183
repel the Tao, not using man to help out Heaven. This is what I call
the True Man.”7 The chapter “Qiwu lun 齐物论” talked about the
Ultimate Man. The Chuang-tzu insisted on the spiritual level, which
was less present in the Huangdi neijing. The author of the latter illumi-
nated the connection of the Tao and life and the generative nature
of the Tao through the physical body. This theory was inherited by
religious Taoism and became its basis.
The Taoist School represented by the Huangdi neijing emphasized
the transcendence of body and spirit. In contrast, Chuang-tzu’s theory
of “equalizing life and death, before now and today” met with no
sympathy from this school. For instance, in the chapter “Qi jiaobian
dalun 气交变大论,” a passage of ancient scriptures was quoted to
define the Man of the Tao: “[i]t was said in the ancient scriptures:
the Man of the Tao knows Heaven, Earth, and human beings. Then
he lives long.” In the chapter “Shanggu tianzhen lun,” it says: “those
who knew the Tao in ancient times followed Yin and Yang and com-
prehended divination. They ate and slept regularly and rarely worked
themselves out. So their body and spirit were perfected. At the age of
100, they left this world after having finished their lifespan.” The Tao
was revealed internally, then in activated form, and filled their body.
This was the forerunner of the cultivation of nature and life of Taoist
inner alchemy. This theory found resonance in the Lüshi chunqiu:
The ancient who had realized the Tao lived long; then they could enjoy
limitless physical pleasures. Why? because it was pre-decided. Then
people knew how to be sparse with their energy. When autumn is pre-
cociously cool, winter will be warm. If the rain is abundant in spring,
there will be drought in summer. There is equilibrium for Heaven and
Earth, and so for the human being.8
The different levels, spiritual or bodily, of interpretations of the “com-
munion of the Tao and life” by Taoist philosophers have been unified
in religious Taoism, especially the Taoist inner alchemy school of the
Song and Yuan dynasties. Built on the Three Origins—jing, qi, and
shen—Taoist inner alchemy emphasized the purification of the spirit
and adopted the practice of the spirit into its system. For more infor-
mation on this subject, see my JinYuan Quanzhendao xinxingxue 金元全
真道心性学 [Spiritual Cultivation in Quanzhen Taoism of the Jin and Yuan
7
Idem.
8
Lüshi chunqiu, chapter “Qingyu 情欲.”
184 zhang guangbao
9
Zhang Guangbao, JinYuan Quanzhendao xinxingxue. Beijing: Sanlian shudian,
1995.
10
Tao Te Ching, chapter 21.
from the fundamentals of philosophical taoism 185
the practice of keeping shen and solidifying jing which filled the body,
humans can merge with the Tao by passing the mystery gate:
The essence of the Perfect Tao is deep and darkly shrouded; the extreme
of the Perfect Tao is mysterious and hushed in silence. Let there be no
seeing, no hearing; enfold the spirit in quietude and the body will right
itself. Be still, be pure, do not labor your body, do not churn up your
essence and then you can live a long life.
What kind of existence is jing? How did philosophical Taoism define
jing on the basis of the Tao? Some useful glimpses can be found in the
Guanzi, in the chapter “Neiye”: jing is the essence ( jing) of qi.
Dong Zhongshu considered jing and qi to synonymous in his Chunqiu
fanlu: “jing is the pure qi.”11 Guanzi believed jing was the source of qi
and gave birth to qi:
Jing exists and is born spontaneously. Its exterior is peaceful and prosper-
ous and its great interior is the source of qi. If this source is inexhaustible,
the body will be solid and the nine orifices will be open. Then man can
travel all over the world. He will not be confused and will never meet
calamity. His mind and body are perfected. He will not confront natural
disasters or man-made calamities. He is what we call a Saint.12
He also said:
Clean its abode with respect, and jing will come naturally. Concentrate
yourself and ease your mind. Be serious and reverent, jing will come
and reside. Get it and never let it go. Don’t be excessive in desire and
restrain your mind. Concentrate your mind in it, everything then can
be released.13
In this passage, jing has two meanings: as the source of human life,
it has physical meaning; at the same time, it comes from outside of
and is independent of the human body. Thus, the notion of jing in the
Guanzi established the connection between physics and metaphysics.
Moreover, the theory of “jing as the source of qi” had an important
impact on ancient philosophical Taoism. The fixed notion of “jingqi”
was created on the basis of the link between jing and qi: for example,
the sentences “jingqi is collected” in the Lüshi chunqiu14 and “man is
composed of jingqi” in the Huainan zi and the Wenzi.
11
Chunqiu fanlu, chapter “Tongguoshen 通国身.”
12
Guanzi, chapter “Neiye.”
13
Idem.
14
Lüshi chunqiu, chapter “Jingshu 尽数.”
186 zhang guangbao
The origin of the notion of “jing” was closely linked to the Tao. In
the cosmogonic pattern, “The Tao gives birth to One. One gives birth
to Two. Two gives birth to Three. Three gives birth to all things,” jing
or jingqi was one of these stages. In other words, only through jingqi or
the original qi, does the Tao give birth to all things and link physics
and metaphysics. Ancient Taoist philosophers established their classi-
cal cosmogony on this basis, which was quoted in many Taoist works.
For instance, in the Heguan zi it says: “so Heaven and Earth rely on the
original qi and all things rely on Heaven and Earth. As to divinity, it
relies on virtue.”15 Lao-tzu’s speech was quoted in the Wenzi:
before Heaven and Earth were separated, there had been mysterious
chaos. Then it became silent and pure. The heavy and impure part
formed the Earth and the fine part formed Heaven. The four seasons
were created and Yin and Yang took shape. Fine qi gave birth to human
beings, while thick qi gave birth to insects. Hard and soft were unified,
then all things were born. Jing and shen relied on Heaven; the skeleton
was rooted in the Earth. Jing and shen passed their gate, whereas the
skeleton returned to its root.16
These passages are all a sketchy outline of “the Tao giving birth to
all things” through original qi—Heaven and Earth—all things (includ-
ing human beings). On the other hand, the author of the Huainan
zi discussed precisely the evolution of the universe from primitive to
advanced and from chaos to manifestation in annotating the following
passage from the chapter “Qiwu lun,” in the Chuang-tzu:
There is a beginning. There is a not yet beginning to be a beginning.
There is a not yet beginning to be a not yet beginning to be a begin-
ning. There is being. There is nonbeing. There is a not yet beginning to
be nonbeing. There is a not yet beginning to be a not yet beginning
to be nonbeing. What we call “there is a beginning”: enclosed things
haven’t been revealed except for a little sign. Shape hasn’t been taken.
There is chaos and change will happen. What we call “there is a not
yet beginning to be a beginning”: Celestial qi begins to go down while
terrestrial qi begins to go up. Yin and Yang are mixed and full of the
universe. Virtue is enclosed and harmony is covered. There is prosperity.
Things will be influenced but there is not yet a sign. What we call “there
is a not yet beginning to be a not yet beginning to be a beginning”:
Heaven comprises harmony but does not yet go down. The Earth com-
prises qi but does not yet rise. There is silence and loneliness between
15
Heguan zi, chapter “Tailu 泰录.”
16
Wenzi, chapter “Shishou.”
from the fundamentals of philosophical taoism 187
17
Huainan zi, chapter “Chuzhen xun 俶真训.”
188 zhang guangbao
18
Lüshi chunqiu, chapter “Jingshu.”
19
Guanzi, chapter “Neiye.”
from the fundamentals of philosophical taoism 189
20
Lüshi chunqiu, chapter “Xianji 先己.”
21
Idem.
22
Idem, chapter “Daxulan 达郁览.”
23
Huainan zi, chapter “Chuzhen xun.”
190 zhang guangbao
no worry all life long. Four limbs and nine orifices, there is neither life
nor death. That’s what we call the True Man.24
Obviously, Wenzi believed a human could become True Man through
the practice of keeping jingqi. Taoist philosophers thought the real issue
of keeping and absorbing jing was to maintain a peaceful mind. Jingqi
is the ultimate fine existence and can be achieved by ordinary means.
Only when we ease our mind, does jingqi come naturally. The practice
of keeping jing is in fact a spiritual practice. This opinion can be found
in the Huainan zi:
For spirit and vitality, one who remains peaceful and is filled with them
every day will become strong; one who is irritated and consumes them
every day will become feeble. That is the reason why the sage nurtures
his shen, eases his qi, pacifies his body, and moves with the Tao. In peace,
he lets them go, whereas in urgency, he uses them. He lets them go as
one puts down his clothes, while he uses them as one fires his weapon.25
Also, in the chapter “Taizu xun”:
The Tao is to keep jing inside and keep shen in the heart. In peace and
simplicity, the evil qi will not stop in the four limbs or the joints. If each
pore is open, then the machine runs smoothly and all veins and nine
orifices are harmonious. To put each spirit in its own place, is not only
the result of kneading parts of the body or trimming hair.
This passage of the Huainan zi represented the philosophical Taoist
theory: “keeping spiritual peace” was the unique way to realize the
Tao. Although Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu did not discuss the means of
sublimating jing, we can find in their writings on Taoist practices their
confirmation that one can thus realize the Tao.
In brief, as we have seen above, the notion of jingqi was open to
more than one interpretation. The first was the cosmological significa-
tion in the context of the Tao. The second meant different levels in
the human body. The jingqi in the human body could communicate
with that of the universe. This was the remarkable representation of
the Chinese own vision of transcendence and the theoretical basis for
religious Taoism, especially Taoist inner alchemy. It proved there was
an intrinsic link between philosophical and religious Taoism and that
the latter has inherited the spirit of the former.
24
Wenzi, chapter “Xiade 下德.”
25
Huainan zi, chapter “Yuandao xun.”
“FOLLOW AND OPPOSE 顺逆” IN TAOIST INNER
ALCHEMY AND ITS CONTEMPORARY INTERPRETATION1
Ge Guolong
Introduction
The theory of Taoist inner alchemy finds its origin in Lao-tzu and
Chuang-tzu’s works. Lao-tzu’s “Empty the self and embrace peace,
return to the origin and retrieve nature” anticipates “he who follows
remains mortal, he who opposes becomes immortal.” Most Taoist inner
alchemy practitioners considered Lao-tzu as their founding master and
adopted his theory of the “return to the origin.” They took the “return
to the origin” and “who follows remains mortal, who opposes becomes
immortal” as the starting points of the theory, even though Taoist
inner alchemy was divided into southern, northern, eastern, western,
and middle schools. The study of immortals means “to refine nature
and return to the origin.”2 Considering the importance and universal-
ity of the “follow and oppose” concepts in Taoist inner alchemy, I will
explore only the modern interpretation and theoretical basis of the
idea of the “return to the origin”.
Before examining the idea of “follow and oppose” in Taoist inner
alchemy, we should at first analyse and clarify its meaning to avoid
too literal an interpretation. “Follow” and “oppose” are not notional
words. Their exact meaning cannot be drawn from their literal inter-
pretation, but from the words and context in which they are found.
Their meanings depend on “follow what” and “oppose what.” From
the angle of the “noumenon,” there appears to be nothing to “fol-
low” or “oppose.” The thing-in-itself 物自身 is a self-such (tathātā, in
1
Due to its length, the present paper was originally published as two articles: “‘Fol-
low and Oppose’ in Taoist Inner Alchemy and its Contemporary Interpretation” was
published in 1998 in Religious Studies, No. 3, while “ ‘Follow and Oppose’ in Taoist
Inner Alchemy” was published in 2000 in Studies in World Religions, No. 4. But its
reduction diminished its value. Hence this article in a new form.
2
Cuigong ruyaojing zhujie 崔公入药镜注解 [Commentary on Master Cui’s Mirror on the
Admixture of Ingredients], in Hong Pimo’s Daozang qigong yaoji 道藏气功要集 [An Anthology
of Qigong in the Taoist Canon], vol. 1, p. 75, Shanghai, Shanghai shudian, 1991.
192 ge guolong
1.
The ultimate aim of Taoist inner alchemy is to become a deity. How-
ever, the meanings of “deity” are many and Taoism’s idea of “deity”
has evolved. The salient feature of a deity is “longevity” and “immor-
tality,” between which, however, there is a radical difference. The
“physical body” and the “formless true body” of the immortal must
be distinguished. Longevity refers to a life relatively longer than that
of common people. Forever caught in a “time frame,” it cannot attain
ultimate transcendence. Indeed, hundreds or thousands of years are
just the blink of an eye in the limitless flow of time. The immortals,
by contrast, must transcend the contradiction between life and death
to attain eternity. The Secret Instructions of Huanxu 涵虚秘旨 says “in
antiquity there existed immortal spirits (shen 神) but no immortal body.
If one’s shen is immortal, he can be called a deity.”3 We find in the
Anthology of Central Harmony 中和集 “the main idea of the Quanzhen
School lies in the two words ‘body and heart’. . . . What I mean by
‘body and heart’ are not the physical body and heart, but the invisible
body and heart.”4 In the Twelve Kinds of Taoist Scriptures it says that “the
3
Li Xiyue, Hanxu mizhi. Beijing: China Renmin University Press, 1990, p. 59.
4
Xu Zhaoren, Tianyuan danfa. Beijing: China Renmin University Press, 1990, p. 46.
“follow and oppose 顺逆” in taoist inner alchemy 193
sacred embryo is formless and not physical . . . the sacred embryo is the
Dharma body within the physical body.”5 The highest level of practice
of Taoist inner alchemy considers the “union of shen and qi,”—the
“original shen” returned to the essence of nothingness—as the highest
goal, and takes “refining jing 精 into qi,” “refining qi into shen,” and
“refining shen into xu 虚” as the steps to follow to attain the Tao. The
method to “return to the origin” in Taoist inner alchemy, from post-
existence 后天 to pre-existence 先天 was thus created.
If “becoming immortal” means “attaining eternal transcendence,”
such transcendence cannot come from mortals. There must be an onto-
logical basis of transcendence to make immortality possible. Hence the
strict distinction between “post-existence” and “pre-existence” made
by Taoist inner alchemy. “Physical beings, born after the creation of
Heaven and Earth, are not the best medicine because the physical is
inferior and is not part of the Tao of pre-existence.”6 “Human beings,
born after the creation of Heaven and Earth, are confined between
Heaven and Earth and the physical world is mortal.”7 The post-existent
beings are all mortals, thus cannot be the source of immortality. “So
the saint took the pre-existent unique qi as cinnabar, refined the form
into the unique qi, refined the qi into the shen, united the shen and the
Tao, and returned to the form of the formless. Hence he could tran-
scend Heaven and Earth and be independent of the rebirth.”8 The
pre-existent unique qi is of transcendental origin. Someone who takes
the pre-existent unique qi as the material for the creation of cinna-
bar and is united with the Tao, can “transcend Heaven and Earth.”
As in the cosmological and ontological approaches, the distinction of
transcendence between “post-existence” and “pre-existence” has two
meanings. First, “pre-existence” means cosmogonical origin, the origin
of the world of phenomena. The return from “post-existence” to “pre-
existence” means the return to the origin. Second, “pre-existence”
means the ontological thing-in-itself of every phenomenon. The rever-
sion from “post-existence” to “pre-existence” means the reversion from
phenomenon to noumenon. However, in documents on Taoist inner
alchemy, the distinction between the two meanings is not so clear-cut.
For example, the meaning of “origin” includes that of “noumenon.”
5
Liu Yiming, Daoshu shierzhong. Beijing: Shumu wenxian chubanshe, 1996, p. 95.
6
Daozang qigong yaoji, vol. 1. Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1991, p. 113.
7
Ibid., p. 213.
8
Ibid., p. 214.
194 ge guolong
The origin means tracing back in time the “mother of all phenom-
ena”, while the noumenon means the logical search for the “root of all
phenomena.” However, the inherent coherence of evolution in time
and in logic means that the origin is only the noumenon. Indeed, in
the Lao-tzu, the Tao unifies the origin and the noumenon. The Tao
is at the same time the origin of everything and the transcendental
noumenon. The meaning of the noumenon in Chinese philosophy is
very subtle. It can be vague to those who analyse it and mysterious to
those who know it.
In Taoist inner alchemy, there are two main concepts which cor-
respond to the noumenon, the Tao and the xu. The comprehension
of these two concepts leads to the comprehension of other ontological
concepts like “the wuji 无极,” “the Pre-Existent Unique qi,” and “the
Great xu 太虚.”
2.
The complete evolutionary pattern of the cosmos in Taoist inner
alchemy “Form-jing-qi-shen-xu-Tao” is presented exhaustively in Tan
Qiao’s Book of Transformations 化书:
When the Tao is at rest, the xu is transformed into the shen, the shen into
the qi, and the qi into the form. When the form is created, all are stopped
in their development. When the Tao is in action, the form is trans-
formed into the qi, the qi into the shen, and the shen into the xu. When the
xu is lightened, everything starts to circulate. So ancient people looked
for the cause of impediment and circulation and found the origin of the
world. Forget the form to cultivate the qi, forget the qi to cultivate the
shen, forget the shen to cultivate the xu. The unity of the xu and the shi 实
(phenomenal reality) is called the “Great Unity 大同.”9
The preceding paragraph sums up the two-way transformation that
takes place between the cosmological xu and shi in Taoist inner alchemy.
“The Tao at rest” represents the clockwise evolution of the cosmos
from the “xu” to the “shi”—the process through which “the Tao gives
birth to all” and “the xu is transformed into the shen, the shen into the
qi, and the qi into the form”—while “the active Tao” represents the
counterclockwise evolution of the cosmos from the “shi” to the “xu.”
This latter is the reverse process of the “return to the origin” through
9
Tan Qiao, Huashu, eds. Ding Zhenyan and Li Sizhen. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju,
1996, p. 1.
“follow and oppose 顺逆” in taoist inner alchemy 195
“the transformation of the form into the qi, the qi into the shen, and
the shen into the xu.” The clockwise evolution leads to “the creation of
form so everything halts,” while the counterclockwise evolution leads
to “the lightening of xu so that everything starts to circulate.” This
quotation is the best commentary on the theory that “who follows
remains mortal, who opposes becomes immortal,” which explains the
essential concepts and theories of Taoist inner alchemy. We will now
elaborate on the ontological theory of “follow and oppose” in Taoist
inner alchemy.
If we take “0” to represent the level of “the Tao” and “the xu,” “1”
“the pre-existent unique qi” or the “original chaos unique qi,” “2” the
dual level of “the shen and the qi” or “the yin-yang,” and “3” the triple
level of “the jing (form), the qi, and the shen,” then the pattern “0-1-
2-3 . . . all” can represent the clockwise evolution: “The Tao gives birth
to One. One gives birth to Two. Two gives birth to Three. Three
gives birth to all things.” The pattern “all . . . 3-2-1-0” can represent the
counterclockwise evolution of “refining the jing into the qi, refining the qi
into the shen, and refining the shen into the xu (Tao).” I classify the
“jing,” (form) and “Tao,” (xu) in the same category, but the “form” is
cruder and inferior to the “jing” (hence the stage of refining the form
into the jing) while the “Tao” is subtler and superior to the “xu” (hence
the stage when the xu is refined into the Tao). It cannot be said there
are no differences between the “form” and the “jing,” the “Tao” and
the “xu.” The form and the jing, however, belong to the physical level,
whereas the Tao and the xu belong to the category of the formless
noumenon. They should logically be classified in the same conceptual
category because the differences between them are not so clear-cut.
The terms used in Taoist inner alchemy are not strictly logical. Early
Twofold Mystery 重玄 study placed emphasis on the “form,” leaving
aside the “jing.” A passage in the Zongxuan xiansheng wenji 宗玄先生文
集 [Collected Works of Master Zongxuan] echoes another one from the
Book of Transformations mentioned above:
The xu accumulated, then the shen was born. The shen was activated,
then the qi was engendered. The qi was solidified and gradually attached
itself to the shen until the form was created. The form was created, then
the shen lived within, the form created we call the human. So if we let it
escape and flow we are just mortals. If we return to the origin we will
become immortals. Thus we should summon perfection to refine the
form. The purified form will be unified with the qi. Refine the qi with
the Tao. The purified qi will be unified with the shen. If the body is one
196 ge guolong
with the Tao, it means the realisation of the Tao. The Tao is limitless,
how can immortals be limited?10
This excerpt examines the union between the form and the qi. The
Book of Transformations emphasized the “transformation of the xu,” while
underscoring the “union with the Tao.” However, they are both clear
on the two directions of “follow and oppose.” The form in question is
referred to in the context of the evolution of all things: it presents no
logical difference with Taoist inner alchemy, even though the latter
underlines the jing more than the form. Only Taoist inner alchemy
emphasizes the practices in which the “form” becomes concrete in
the “jing” and therefore are more direct and more precise. The sig-
nificance of the “Tao” is clearly broader than the “xu.” The Tao in
general encompasses xu, shi, existence, and nothingness. But the same
applies to xu ontologically. They all mean the “existent context” and
the “universal interaction” of all concrete phenomena, all things come
from them and return to them. So the emphasis on the “Tao” or the
“xu” in depends only on the style of writing and the context. There is
virtually no difference. We can describe the evolution of the cosmos
in the four stages of “jing,” “qi,” “shen,” and “xu.”
“Jing, qi, shen, and xu” can be seen as a limitless series “from shi to
xu.” They embrace and set off each other. The formless origin, xu (Tao),
contains all possibilities. The clockwise evolution from the formless
“xu” to the physical world is a deciphering process from “nothingness”
to “existence” and from “xu” to “shi.” This process gradually limits the
possibilities since the more physical the stage is, the more concrete
things are. Differences are thereby created, and contradictions impede
unions. So it is a process “from shi to obstacles.” Since they can trans-
form themselves into each other, they possess an intrinsic homogeneity
and come from the same origin (Tao or xu). Nevertheless, they have
different functions in and impacts on the different stages of evolution.
Only he who attains the stage of “returning to xu” can reach a state of
vacuity, without meeting any obstacle, and thus reach transcendence.
The clockwise evolution of “0-1-2-3 . . . all” is the process from “pre-
existence to post-existence” and of “transforming xu into shi and pro-
ducing obstacles from shi.” In contrast, the counterclockwise evolution
of “all . . . 3-2-1-0” is the process from “post-existence to pre-existence”
10
Collected works of Master Zongxuan, in the Taoist Canon, vol. 39. Taiwan, Yiwen
yinshuguan, 1977, p. 31496.
“follow and oppose 顺逆” in taoist inner alchemy 197
and of “returning to the xu from the shi and being enlightened through
the xu.” Retuning to the origin and the formless xu through coun-
terclockwise practices means returning from the limited to the lim-
itless, and then attaining transcendence and eternity. Following the
counterclockwise evolution things and humans are created in the post-
existent Tao. Opposing, they become immortals and Buddha in the
pre-existent Tao of the golden cinnabar.11 The practice of “refining
the jing into the qi, refining qi into shen, and refining shen into xu” in
Taoist inner alchemy is nothing but the counterclockwise evolution
of “all . . . 3-2-1-0.” In the evolution of the “inter-transformation of xu
and shi,” “qi” plays the role of intermediary. Objectively, the qi is a
continuous physical existence without concrete form and resembles
the xu. At the same time, the qi is the material that constitutes all spe-
cific existences and resembles the shi. Subjectively, the human is the
synthesis of “the jing, the qi, and the shen.” The shen is the “xu” while
the body is the “shi.” Qi is the link between shen and the body and
plays an intermediary role through which shen influences the body and
the body transforms itself into shen. Thus the qi has a very important
function in Taoist inner alchemy. Indeed, its theory of “the double
cultivation of nature and life 性命, the transcendence of shen and the
body” is based on the emphasis on qi and answers the Buddhist idea
of original nature and enlightenment.
There is another cosmogonical pattern in Taoist inner alchemy:
“wuji-Taiji 太极—yin-yang—Five Agents 五行-All”. But in the herme-
neutic context of the present article, these two patterns are interchange-
able. The wuji can be considered as “0 (xu),” the Taiji “1 (pre-existent
unique qi ),” the yin-yang “2 (the two qi of yin-yang),” and the Five
Agents “3 (the jing, the qi, and the shen).” In order to be more concise,
we will leave aside the “wuji-Taiji” pattern.
3.
The objective of the present paper is not to study in detail personal
cultivation in Taoist inner alchemy. In this chapter, we will analyse
personal cultivation through “transcendence by opposition” in refer-
ence to “follow and oppose.” As mentioned above, the ontology in
Taoist inner alchemy is linked to the cultivation of “nature and life.”
11
Daozang qigong yaoji, vol 1. Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1991, p. 165.
198 ge guolong
The laws of the cosmos are also those of human life in Taoist inner
alchemy. The growth of human life follows the clockwise evolution
“from pre-existence to post-existence.” Taoist inner alchemy observes
human life from the birth of the embryo and compares it with the
evolution of the cosmos. According to Taoist inner alchemy, in cor-
respondence with the evolution of “0 (xu)-1 (pre-existent qi )-2 (qi of
yin-yang)-3 ( jing, qi, and shen),” human life originates from the Great
xu. The father’s semen and the mother’s blood are combined in xu into
the pre-existent qi. Jing, qi, and shen in the embryo combine to make a
human being. Nature and life are united and placed in the pre-existent
stage. Then the embryo grows. Shen and qi are separated and emerge
from the embryo after ten months. This is what we call the boundary
between pre-existence and post-existence. The pre-existent qi is hidden
in the navel and then the breath of the post-existent qi is born. The
pre-existent shen is hidden in the heart and then the post-existent shen
of feeling, desire, and knowledge is born. Before birth, qi is ample and
the embryo is complete. The form moves and the embryo splits, like
rocks rolling down the mountain with a loud sound when they touch
the ground. Nature and life are thus separated. Henceforth, they do
not come together again.12 Pre-existence is from then on transformed
into post-existence. At sixteen, jing, qi, and shen attain their climax.
After that, desire becomes exuberant, strange thinking develops, and
jing disperses while shen is deficient. So humans grow old and eventu-
ally die. That is the clockwise evolution of the natural life of human
beings. In contrast, all the self-cultivation in Taoist inner alchemy is
based on the counterclockwise practices from post-existence to pre-
existence, so the jing is not dispersed from the body and will be refined
into qi. Shen and qi will be united and shen will be refined into xu.
The ordinary clockwise evolution includes physiology (life) and
psychology (nature). These two aspects are interrelated in reciprocal
causality. It is the physiological dissipation of life’s energy ( jing and
qi ). According to Taoist inner alchemy the energy of human life is
limited. Its quantity determines human vitality. Taoist inner alchemy
emphasizes the sublimation of “natural energy.” The energy of life
can be taken as “natural energy” in a broad sense. Humans are born
from “nature.” “Jing” is thus closely linked to semen, which is also the
12
Xu Zhaoren, Jindan jicheng 金丹集成. Beijing: China Remin University Press,
1990, p. 55.
“follow and oppose 顺逆” in taoist inner alchemy 199
“essence” in the body. The practice of life 命功, of refining jing into
qi, is essentially the sublimation of this “natural energy.” On the other
hand, it is also a self-centered process of socialization. Humans forever
seek the satisfaction of their desires, particularly sexual desire. “Desire
remains in the mind, which is a slave to fame and wealth. Schemes and
intrigues emerge endlessly.”13 The “practice of nature 性功,” which
consists in refining shen into xu is essentially the natural cultivation of
“turning away from feelings to return to nature.” “The original shen
is pre-existent nature. It takes form when physical nature comes into
being. The nature of the world will be preserved if we know how to go
against this process.”14 Sexual desire is the post-existent epistemic shen,
also called physical nature, while the original shen is called pre-existent
nature. The core of the “practice of nature” is nothing but the return
from the epistemic shen to the original shen and from physical nature
to pre-existent nature. Accordingly, the counterclockwise practice for
becoming immortal in Taoist inner alchemy combines “the practice
of nature” and “the practice of life.” Physiology influences psychology,
while the cultivation of life is the basis of the cultivation of nature.
Psychology influences physiology, while the cultivation of nature leads
to the cultivation of life.
When common people refer to “follow and oppose” in the “practice
of nature,” their view tends to “take substance from the outside” and
their thinking turns to the outside. They have only the object of con-
sciousness in mind and take it as an entity. In contrast, the practice of
Taoist inner alchemy gives preference to “returning to the inner side
and penetrating xu.” It does not concern itself with any object of con-
sciousness and integrates itself into the limitless “consciousness of xu,”
which is the origin of consciousness at one with the Tao. The practice
of nature is the reversion from the obsession with the substance of con-
sciousness to xu, the return to the infinity of nature. If qi is the physical
medium created from the reciprocal transformation of xu and shi, in
the practice of Taoist inner alchemy the application of consciousness
is the fundamental mechanism that enables the counterclockwise evo-
lution to proceed. The common element of all the practices is deter-
mined by the active application of consciousness. “The practice of the
13
Xu Zhaoren, Xiantian paijue 先天派决. Beijing: China Remin University Press,
1990, p. 27.
14
Wang Mu, Wuzhenpian qianjie 悟真篇浅解. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1990, p. 231.
200 ge guolong
heart is the primordial way of all the saints and immortals.”15 The
“cultivation of nature” is no doubt the direct practice of consciousness
as well as the “cultivation of life,” which works through the observa-
tion of consciousness. All the secrets of the practice of nature are, in
brief, nothing more than vacuity and calmness.
So according to the practice of the Taoist inner alchemy, the evo-
lution of the ordinary person is “the dispersion of jing and the loss of
shen.” Broadly speaking, it includes all physical and spiritual activities
like selfishness and distraction, careerism, the seeking of a life of plea-
sure, all of which weaken jing and deplete shen by meeting the demands
of desire. The counterclockwise evolution to immortality strives to keep
jing and shen, and to obey the instinctive desire by giving up everything.
The eyes see nothing, the ears hear nothing. The shen and the form
fuse while the body and the heart are unified. Finally, we return to the
origin, are unified with the Tao, and attain transcendence.
1.
Hao Qin wrote in Longhudandao Daojiao neidanshu 龙虎丹道—道教内
丹术 [The Taoism of the Cinnabar of Dragon and Tiger—The Taoist Inner
Alchemy] that
Taoism claims that “the Tao follows the way of itself,” which means fol-
lowing the natural laws. However, the main point in the study of Immor-
tals and Taoist inner alchemy is the study of longevity and immortality.
That means “opposing to become immortal,” the exact opposite of the
natural Tao. This is not only the core ontological theory of Taoist inner
alchemy, but also the contribution of Taoist inner alchemy to the impor-
tant reform and breakthrough in the traditional Taoist ideology.16
Many people believe that the theory of “opposing to become immortal”
in Taoist inner alchemy is in opposition to that of “the Tao following
the way of itself.” This is why they criticized the illusion of becom-
ing immortal. As explained above, however, there exists an inherent
latter insists that the human is the synthesis of body and mind. The
human mind is limited by the body. Man’s thought is induced by his
body and therefore seeks illusion. How can human beings attain the
spiritual return to the xu? To do so, they must surpass the boundar-
ies of their body before attaining spiritual transcendence, hence the
emphasis laid by Taoist inner alchemy on the practice of nature and
life, the mind and the body. For Taoist inner alchemy, action in the
practice of life is to attain non-action in the practice of nature. The
necessity of action originates in the very limits of the physical body. If
humans had enough wisdom to attain the level of non-action and the
return to the xu directly, all the cultivation of action would be need-
less. It is the high-level practice of Taoist inner alchemy that teaches
how to return to xu and enter the Tao directly. Chen Yingning dis-
tinguished the cultivation of the Tao and the ‘refinement of cinnabar’
(alchemy). He who practices the Tao can successfully return to pre-
existent nature and life from the post-existent shen and qi. There is no
need to mention lead and mercury here. Only the cinnabar method of
the three unities underlines them.17 The method to return to xu level
of natural non-action in Taoist inner alchemy may differ from that
of philosophical Taoism, but that does not mean the “counterclock-
wise practice to become immortal” and “the Tao following the way
of itself ” are complete opposites. As mentioned above, the concept of
“follow and oppose” cannot be understood literally. On the level of
coherent non-action and the great Tao, there are neither following nor
opposing; following and opposing should be surpassed.
2.
In his introduction to An Essay on Cosmological Unity, Tang Yijie said
“human cognition of the universe should start with the unity of the
chaos, by going through the separation between the human and nature
to finally reach holographic unity.”18 Zhang Shiying also made a dis-
tinction in Tianren zhiji 天人之际 [Between Heaven and Human] between
two kinds of unity of Heaven and man 天人合一. One is the chaotic
unity of Heaven and man before the separation of subjectivity and
objectivity. Another is the high-level unity of Heaven and man after
Wang Cunzhen and Yan Chunyou, Yuzhou quanxi tongyi lun. Jinan: Shandong
18
19
Feng Youlan, “Xinyuanren,” in Sansongtang quanji 三松堂全集, vol. 4. Zheng-
zhou: Henan renmin chubanshe, 1986, p. 636.
204 ge guolong
At first, the human grows out of the chaos of the natural state. The
human is never able to return to the lost Eden. “Human evolution is
based on the fact that man has lost his original place—nature and he
can never return, never go back to his animal form.”20 Man is social-
ized and cannot go back to the original chaos unless he becomes a fool
and an animal. Human evolution gives man reason, without which
he cannot survive. So strictly speaking, the state of nature is a logical
starting point, but has no real existence in actual society. You can no
longer find a human being living in a total state of nature.
He who wants to return to the state of nature needs to transcend
himself. He is more rational than ordinary people. He feels the pain
of the separation and seeks higher harmony. The psychoanalyst Erich
Fromm said “all religions look for a synthesis—that does not mean
the return to the pre-individual and pre-consciousness chaos of Eden,
but a synthesis on a new level. . . . The premise of this synthesis is the
full development of human reason.”21 How can man want to return
to nature to seek a synthesis if he has not been aware of the contra-
diction and the dilemma of existence? Taoist inner alchemy not only
represents a quest for a synthesis but also has created a method built
through long-standing research to reach it. It would be inconceivable
if the high consciousness of synthesis were not realized. By using the
language of self-cultivation, we can say the “regressing” practice of
the subjective return to the origin is objectively the “evolution” to the
higher life state. The return to the xu and transcendence of Taoist
inner alchemy is not “degeneration” to the original chaos, but “evolu-
tion” to the unity of Heaven and man.
3.
“In the whole of nature, the question of human existence is unique.
Human beings left nature but they are still part of it. They are part
god, part animal, partly limited and partly limitless. For them, the
need to resolve the many contradictions of life, and to seek an increas-
ing state of unity with nature is the source of human spiritual quest,
22
Huang Songjie, Fuluomu zhuzuo jingxuan. Shanghai: Shanghai renming chubanshe,
1989, p. 274.
23
Silivio Fanti, Weijingshen fenxi xue 微精神分析学, trans. Shang Heng. Beijing:
Sanlian Publishing Company, 1993, p. 17.
206 ge guolong
Conclusion
24
Gao Zhennong, Dasheng qixin lun lunshi 大乘起信论校释. Beijing: Zhonghua
shuju, 1992, p. 16.
“follow and oppose 顺逆” in taoist inner alchemy 207
the human and the dharma,” we will reach the “awakening” of the
bodhi. Compared with the difficulty met by ordinary people, Buddhist
self-cultivation also means to “come back to understand the truth” and
return to the origin of vacuity. Mou Zongsan believed that the “one
spiritual method to open two doors” in the Dasheng qixin lun had great
significance. He wrote: “we can consider it as a common model which
can be applied in a general way.”25 This model created the phenom-
enon and the noumenon, two worlds that include the sacred and the
ordinary, two levels comprising all the ultimate philosophical proposi-
tions. We can also consider the question of “follow and oppose” as a
general model in order to give it more significance.
Broadly speaking, science looks for the “truth” in the “object” in
the external material world. That is what we call “clockwise.” Religion
looks for the “state” of the “subject” in the spiritual world. That is
what we call “counterclockwise.” The state of “existence” is clockwise,
whereas the state of “non-existence” is counterclockwise. Contempo-
rary human civilization is dominated by science. People look for the
truth in the external world and material well-being, insisting on the
external world of “existence.” People take the physical material world
as true. They cannot perceive the religious world and the Taoist world,
thus they consider them to be illusions. In fact, substance coexists with
vacuity, the same applies in the world of “existence” and the world of
“non-existence.” The material world is substance and “existence” while
the spiritual world is vacuity and “non-existence.” “Existence,” com-
prising vacuity, is no ordinary “existence,” while “non-existence,”
comprising “existence,” is not really “non-existence.” The material
comprises the spiritual on one side and the spiritual comprises the
material on another. “Existence” and “non-existence” should be uni-
fied to compose a complete world.
While on a clockwise quest, why should not people revert to the
original counterclockwise?
25
Mou Zongsan, Zhongguo zhexue shijiujiang 中国哲学十九讲. Shanghai: Shanghai
guji chubanshe, 1997, p. 274.
THE QUANZHEN SCHOOL AND THE CULTURE
OF QILU REGION1
Mou Zhongjian
Developed in the north under the Jin and Yuan dynasties, Quanzhen
was a new Taoist School. It sprouted in Shaanxi, was founded in
Shandong, and finally spread all over China. Its creation and pros-
perity brought far-reaching innovation to Taoism, extensive changes
to Taoist basic beliefs, symbolized a new stage in its development,
was decisive in its evolution, and exerted a profound influence over
Chinese society and culture.
Quanzhen was the joint product of the cultures of the Guanlong
and Qilu regions. If we compare its founder Wang Chongyang to
a seed, cultivated in the culture of the Guanlong region, the culture
of the Qilu region could be compared to the fertile soil in which the
Quanzhen School germinated and grew. It then developed rapidly.
The Quanzhen Seven Masters were all natives of the Jiaozhou region
(Ninghai, Dengzhou, and Laizhou prefectures). They helped Wang
Chongyang establish the new school and made the Jiaodong region its
cradle. This was not accidental, but was brought on by the historical
and cultural context of the times.
1
Published originally in the Qilu wenhua yanjiu 齐鲁文化研究. Jinan: Qilu shushe,
2003, no. 2.
210 mou zhongjian
2
Chongyang quanzhen ji 重阳全真集, juan 1. This text and those quoted below are all
found in the Taoist Canon: see Zhonghua daozang. Beijing: Huaxia chubanshe, 2004,
vols. 26 and 27.
the quanzhen school and the culture of qilu region 211
3
Chongyang shou danyang ershisi jue 重阳授丹阳二十四诀.
4
Chongyang lijiao shiwu lun 重阳立教十五论.
5
Chongyang zhenren jinguan yusuo jue 重阳真人金关玉锁诀.
212 mou zhongjian
believed “equality is the basis of the Tao and Virtue and the origin of
Purity and Peace.”6 He considered equality superior to all and advo-
cated dealing with the three religions and all beings with equality and
benevolence.
3. Double Cultivation of the Body and the Spirit and the Precedence
of the Spirit over the Body
The “Double Cultivation of the Spirit” was the fundamental principle
of the Quanzhen School and was called the real art. The combination
of the real art and real practice—like sacrificing oneself for others,
doing good, and accumulating virtue—was the only way to become
immortal. The art of the spirit consisted in psychological training and
the cultivation of shen, while the art of the body consisted in physi-
cal training and the cultivation of qi. Zhang Boduan of the South-
ern Quanzhen School insisted that “the body had precedence over
the spirit,” whereas Wang Chongyang insisted that “the spirit had
precedence over the body.” He believed that “the body is second-
ary to the spirit, which is essential.”7 The cultivation of the spirit also
included the cultivation of the body and the main purpose was to
“keep pure and peaceful in the mind for only that deserves to be
called cultivation.”8 From then on, the Taoist inner alchemy of the
Quanzhen School largely absorbed the Heart and Nature study of
Confucianism and Buddhism to expand the “Double Cultivation of
the Body and the Spirit.”
6
“Sanzhou wuhui huayuan bang 三州五会化缘榜,” in Chongyang jiaohua ji 重阳
教化集, juan 3.
7
Chongyang shou danyang ershisi jue, juan 1.
8
Chongyang jiaohua ji, juan 3.
the quanzhen school and the culture of qilu region 213
the eighth month of the ninth year of the Dading reign of the Jin
dynasty (AD 1169), the “Congregation of the Golden Lotus of Three
Religions” was created in Jinghai. In the ninth month of the same
year, the “Congregation of the Three Lights of the Three Religions”
and “Congregation of the Jade Flower of the Three Religions” were
created in Dengzhou. In the tenth month, the “Congregation of the
Equality of the Three Religions” was created in Laizhou. These con-
gregations attracted more than one thousand followers. Thence, the
Quanzhen School had a founder, fundamental doctrines, members,
an official organization, rules, and a number of followers, which all
were essential to the creation of a great religion. The foundation of
the five popular Taoist congregations in the three prefectures marked
the rise of the Quanzhen School, which benefited from the conjunc-
tion of favorable factors: the war period of the Jin and Yuan dynasties,
which was propitious for the creation of a new Taoist School, a good
location, the Taoist tradition in the Jiaodong region, and the support
of people, and finally the encounter between Wang Chongyang and
his seven disciples.
After the creation of his new school in the Jiaodong region, Wang
Chongyang, accompanied by Ma Yu, Tan Chuduan, Qiu Chuji, and
Liu Chuxuan, spared no effort to preach in Henan and Shaanxi. He
was conscious that the Jiaodong region, despite its favorable conditions
for Taoism, was a marginal area in terms of politics, economy, and
culture. In order to spread the teachings of the Quanzhen School, he
had to preach in the central region of China. Henan, whose ancient
name had been Zhongzhou, was a pivotal region, while Shaanxi
remained, from the Han dynasty onward, the center of politics, where
the economy and culture were highly developed. Even after the change
of capital in the Song dynasty, it maintained its reputation. That was
why Wang Chongyang chose those two regions to spread the teach-
ings of the Quanzhen School. Wang Chongyang died in Bianliang
and his disciples arrived in Shaanxi and preached in their master’s
native region. Ma Yu and Qiu Chuji had lived there for a long time
and had prospered. Ma Yu taught a great number of disciples from
the Guanzhong and Longyou regions. Qiu Chuji, after a long practice,
was invited by the general of the Jingzhao region, who was attracted
216 mou zhongjian
Qiu Chuji played a major part in the promotion and prosperity of the
Quanzhen School. His status and role in the school actually exceeded
the quanzhen school and the culture of qilu region 217
9
Changchun zhenren xiyou ji, juan 1.
10
Idem.
the quanzhen school and the culture of qilu region 219
11
Beiyou yulu, juan 1.
220 mou zhongjian
accepted the invitation and met the emperor, whom he managed to dis-
suade. From then on, those who surrendered would not be killed. Hard
labor and chores were cancelled and some slaves liberated. Half of the
Chinese survived thanks to him. With his personal force, he released
countless people from danger. His merits made him an immortal; he had
no need for either cinnabar or elixir.
Qiu Chuji touched Heaven and dissuaded the emperor with his great
compassion, courage, wisdom, and merit. His name and exploit will
be remembered forever. As Lao-tzu said, “real longevity is immortality
after death.” There were two great travelers to the west in Chinese
religious history. One was the Buddhist monk Xuanzang of the Tang
dynasty and the other was Qiu Chuji. The importance of the former’s
travels lay in their resulting religious and cultural communication,
while the latter’s lay in the religious force, which brought peace and
saved people. The latter deserved more praise.
Qiu Chuji, due to his reputation, virtue, and long life, attracted more
disciples than the other six masters. Most of them came from Shan-
dong. One of the reasons why Qiu Chuji traveled to the west with his
18 disciples was to cultivate their nature and increase their knowledge
to enable them to later on take over the leadership of the school.
Qiu Chuji’s training proved successful. His disciples were really deter-
mined and reliable. For example, Yin Zhiping contributed a lot to the
Temple of the Founder on Zhongnan Mountain after having taken
charge of the school and was given the title of “Great Master of Purity
and Harmony.” His Beiyou yulu was one of the important documents
of the Quanzhen School. Song Defang was proficient in Taoist clas-
sics. He spent eight years collating and printing the Taoist Canon in the
Xuandu Temple of Pingyang in Shanxi. He included the classics of the
Quanzhen School, thus contributing much to Taoism. Li Zhichang
recorded in detail the travels of Qiu Chuji to the west in his Changchun
zhenren xiyou ji, which was an essential document for communication
between China and foreign countries and the history and geography
of the western region. Qiu Chuji’s disciples did not disappoint their
master. After his death, they developed the school throughout China.
What was even more remarkable was that they did not fight for power
or wealth, but deferred to the head of the school. In this way, the
the quanzhen school and the culture of qilu region 221
school became more and more united and prosperous and managed
to overcome the attacks against Taoism in the Yuan dynasty.
The achievements of Qiu Chuji’s disciples and their disciples after
them can be analyzed along three lines. First, they consolidated the
key role of the Quanzhen School in the capital. The heads of the
school, like Yin Zhiping, Li Zhichang, and Wang Zhitan, had excellent
reputations for they were all the direct disciples of Qiu Chuji. Zhang
Zhijing, Qi Zhicheng, and Sun Deyu were Qiu Chiji’s or Ma Yu’s
disciples. They were all persevering, intelligent, and highly educated.
Zhang Zhijing was a man of profound learning. After becoming the
head of the school, he changed the tradition of the Quanzhen School
by promoting the reading of classics among his disciples. Through the
reading and the discussion of classics, he improved the quality of their
teaching and preaching. After his death, many people, including both
Taoists and laymen, from the capital or distant regions came to pay
him homage.
Influenced by the illustrious Qi Zhicheng, the Prime Minister An
Tong assisted Emperor Shizu of the Yuan dynasty with the Tao. Even
when he was dismissed, he kept calm. Every head of the school tried
to reinforce cooperation with the Yuan government to consolidate
the school’s status. Yin Zhiping and Emperor Taizong of the Yuan
dynasty had a harmonious relationship, as did Li Zhichang and the
three khans Ögedei, Güyüg, and Möngke. In the third year of the
Zhida reign of Emperor Wuzong of the Yuan dynasty (AD 1310),
the government conferred the title of “Emperor Lord” on the five
founders of the school, the title of “Real Lord” on the Seven Mas-
ters, and the title of “Perfect” on the eighteen eminent masters. Yin
Zhiping had the Baiyun Temple built and made it the temple of the
founder of the Longmen Branch. After Li Zhichang became the head
of the school, more than 100 Taoist temples were built in the region
around the capital.
Second, the Quanzhen School spread throughout China. The tem-
ple of the founder in the Guanzhong region attracted attention. When
Li Zhichang was the head of the school, the Chongyang Temple had
more than 5,000 rooms and about 10,000 Taoists attended it. The
Quanzhen School continued to spread to northern and Eatsern China.
Song Defang preached in Shanxi, Wang Zhijin and Ji Zhizhen in Pan-
shan in Hebei, while Yu Tongqing preached in Fushan in Shandong.
Moreover, the Northern Quanzhen School was imported into Jiang-
nan and merged with the Southern Quanzhen School. Hence, the
222 mou zhongjian
kept by the disciples of the Seven Masters. At the end of the Yuan
dynasty, the most qualified masters had died and the leaders started to
seek power and wealth. The school’s reputation was seriously discred-
ited. However, the Longmen Branch always kept its vitality. At the
end of the Ming dynasty and the beginning of the Qing dynasty, the
Taoist master Wang Changyue used Qiu Chuji’s influence in society to
revive the Longmen School. In the three cities of the Jiaodong regions,
which had been its cradle, the Quanzhen School was in decline. On
the other hand, Lao Mountain, relying on the reputation of the Seven
Masters and Zhang Sanfeng who visited there and on its beautiful
scenery, attracted numerous Taoists and became the new center of
the Quanzhen School in Shandong from the Ming and Qing dynas-
ties onward.
Conclusion
Chen Bing
The Taoism of the Quanzhen School reached its apex under the Jin
and Yuan dynasties. At the end of the Yuan dynasty, the school’s lead-
ers appeared to be corrupt because of the long-lasting prosperity of
their school. Nevertheless, the school still exerted a great influence on
society. Taoism had been officially divided into the Quanzhen School
and the Zhengyi School during the Ming dynasty. The imperial Ming
family had preferred the latter, and so the former’s development was
limited. During the Ming dynasty, few works were produced, there
were few influential Taoist masters, and little progress was made in
the doctrines of the Quanzhen School.
The fall of the Ming dynasty and the founding of the Qing dynasty
in its place gave rise to a dire national conflict. At the beginning of the
Qing dynasty, the Han people bore the trauma of the invasion and felt
ashamed to be forced to adopt barbarian dress and hairstyle. At that
time, the social atmosphere favored the use of propaganda similar to
that of the Jin dynasty under which the Quanzhen School had been
founded. The Quanzhen School, with its belief in transcendence and
immortality and its hermit-like lifestyle, provided a refuge for those who
were at a loss and who still clung to memories of the Ming dynasty.
Wang Changyue and other Taoist masters of the Longmen Branch
seized this opportunity to spread its ideas. At that time, the Quanzhen
School had been under attack by adherents of Neo-Confucianism for
its obsolete theories and its corruption. It was difficult for the school
to attain the same level of success it had enjoyed under the Jin and
Yuan dynasties. However, it is reasonable to consider this a period of
revival, following its decline under the Ming dynasty.
1
Jin’gai xindeng 金盖心灯, juan. 1.
the revival of the longmen branch of the quanzhen school 227
the “Hall of Three Religions” built for him. In the 44th year of the
Qianlong reign (1779), this hall was transformed into a Taoist monas-
tery and its name was changed to “Taiqing Temple.” From then on
it was the center of the Longmen Branch in Manchuria. According to
the Taiqinggong conglin lishi falue 太清宫丛林历史法略 [Brief History on
the Taiqing Temple], in the fifty-plus years between the 3rd year of the
Daoguang reign (1823) and the 5th year of the Guangxu reign (1879),
the ritual of the transmission of precepts was held four times and hun-
dreds of Taoists were initiated.
The eleventh-generation Taoist master of the Longmen Branch Liu
Yiming (1734–1821), also called Wuyuan zi, was a native of Quwo of
Shanxi. In his many travels, he met Kangu laoren in Jinxian in Gansu
and Xianliu zhangren in Agan in Gaolan, who transmitted the secrets
of Taoist inner alchemy to him. After that, he lived in seclusion on
Qiyun Mountain and Xinglong Mountain in Jinxian to practice. Many
men in Guanlong (Shaanxi-Gansu) studied under his direction and the
Chaoyuan Temple on Qiyun Mountain became a leading monastery
of the Quanzhen School in that region. In the GanNingQing shilue 甘宁
青史略 [Brief History of Gansu, Ningxia, and Qinghai] it notes: “most
Taoists belong to the Longmen Branch. . . . There are many Taoists of
the Longmen School in Gansu.”
According to chapter 16 of the Xiaoyaoshan wanshougong zhi 逍遥山
万寿宫志 [Gazetteer of the Wanshou Temple of the Xiaoyao Mountain], at
the beginning of the Qing dynasty, there was an eighth-generation
Taoist master of the Longmen Branch, Xu Shoucheng (1632–1692),
called Yegu, who came to the Western Mountain in Xinjian, near
Nanchang, the cradle of the Taoist Jingming School, to practice. He
had the Wanshou Temple rebuilt and trained disciples like Tan Tai-
zhi, Zhang Taixuan, and Xiong Tai’an, who all lived on Western
Mountain.
According to chapter seven of the Changchun daojiao yuanliu, during
the Kangxi reign, the eleventh-generation Taoist master of the Long-
men Branch, Zeng Yiguan, came to Luofu Mountain in Guangdong
and became the Taoist abbot of the Chongxu Temple. This temple
then became the first Taoist monastery of the Quanzhen School in
Guangdong. Zeng Yiguan’s disciple, Ke Yanggui, had more than
one hundred followers. One of them, who was called Tong Fukui,
became the Taoist abbot of the Sulao Temple on the same mountain.
In the 27th year of the Kangxi reign (1688), Zeng Yiguan’s disciple Du
Yangdong was engaged as the Taoist abbot of the Yuanmiao Temple
the revival of the longmen branch of the quanzhen school 231
Wang Changyue wrote the Chuzhen jielü [Precepts for Taoist beginners].
Later, his preaching in the Biyuan Temple in Nanjing was compiled
and printed as the Longmen xinfa 龙门心法 [Heart Method of Longmen]
(called also the Biyuan tanjing 碧苑坛经). The book was organized
in twenty chapters, including “Taking Refuge in the Three Jewels,”
“Confession,” “Getting rid of Obstacles,” “Keeping from Love Bonds,”
“Observing Strict Rules,” “Enduring Humiliation,” and “Purifying
Mind and Body” according to the different ways of practicing Tao-
ism. This book presented the purpose of reviving the Longmen Branch
and became a classic on its doctrines. To counter the decline of the
Quanzhen School, Wang Changyue focused on its original doctrines
and promoted the practice of observing precepts and “seeing one’s
true nature with a clear mind.” He tried to revive the original ethic
of the Quanzhen School and combine Confucianism and Taoism by
following the tendency of the times.
From the end of the Yuan dynasty, the corruption of the Quan-
zhen School went from bad to worse and the precepts could not be
imposed. At the end of the Ming dynasty, when Wang Changyue trav-
eled all over China he regretted that the orthodox doctrines were on
the revival of the longmen branch of the quanzhen school 233
the decline and the heterodox ones were on the rise. His key measure
to fight this phenomenon was to re-evaluate the importance of the pre-
cepts, as he wrote in the Chuzhen jielü: “the precepts are first and fore-
most in the Quanzhen School.” He also said, in the Longmen xinfa, “it is
essential to observe the precepts.” He compared precepts to the pestle
used for crushing demons, the talisman for protecting life, the ladder
for ascending, the light for leading the way, and the divine boat. He
sacralized precepts as the absolute order of the celestial bureaucracy
and asked followers to “keep them in mind as if holding something
firmly in hand” and never lose them.
The “Great Precepts of the Perfect Immortals of the Three Altars,”
as transmitted by Wang Changyue, could be classified in three levels:
“precepts for novices,” “precepts for intermediates,” and “precepts for
immortals.” The first level included the “Five Precepts Returning to
the Root and Accumulating Merit Ordered by the Most High Old
Lord,” “Ten Precepts for Novices Ordered by the Celestial Worthy
Emperor of Vacuity” and “Nine Precepts for Taoist Nuns.” The sec-
ond level included 300 precepts. These two levels were created by
Taoists during the Southern and Northern dynasties who had taken
inspiration from Buddhist precepts. The third level included the “Great
Unlimited Precepts of Immortals Spoken by the Celestial Worthy of
Original Beginning.” This three-tier system was created on the Bud-
dhist model of the precepts dedicated respectively to the Samanera
(novices), Bhiksu (monks), and Bodhisattva. The authors were prob-
ably Zhao Zhensong and Wang Changyue, according to whom these
precepts were made to control the mind. The precepts of the first
level were made to prevent the body from engaging in evil actions.
The precepts of the second level were made to keep the mind from
running wild. The precepts of the last level were made to understand
reality and get rid of all attachments. This system put into practice the
doctrines and ideology of the Quanzhen School.
The “Great Precepts of the Perfect Immortals of the Three Altars”
defined people’s morality, way of dressing and eating, behavior, and
even ideas. Despite their complexity, these precepts were but religious
doctrines based on traditional ethics. Moreover, some of these pre-
cepts coincided with Confucian moral rules. For example, the first
of the “Ten Precepts for Novices Ordered by the Celestial Worthy
Emperor of Vacuity was “[d]o not be disloyal, heartless, or faithless.
Do all your duties to kings as well as to your parents and be sincere in
234 chen bing
regard to all things.” The first of the “Nine Precepts for Taoist Nuns”
was “[o]bserve filial piety. Be gentle. Be careful in your words and
never be jealous. The second was “be chaste and keep yourself from
all obscene behavior.” The 16th of the “Intermediate Precepts” was “it
is prohibited to be disloyal.” The 117th precept was “it is prohibited
to live separately from parents and brothers.” The 211th precept was
“regard the emperor as a saint.” The 242nd precept was “believe min-
isters are gentle and intelligent.” As Wu Taiyi wrote in the Chuzhen jielü
shuo 初真戒律说 [Commentary on the Precepts for Beginners]: “[t]hey are
Taoist precepts. In fact they are Confucian, even governmental pre-
cepts . . . there were governmental precepts for public life, while there
were Taoist precepts for private life. The former were used for govern-
ing people, while the latter were used for governing oneself. They are
like the two faces of the same coin, which were combined to reinforce
orthodoxy.”2 Wang Changyue’s preaching included many Confucian
elements. He preached traditional morality to adapt to the politics of
the Qing government and conform to the social order.
After the fusion of its northern and southern branches, the Quan-
zhen School attached increasing importance to the physical, to the
detriment of the spiritual. To oppose this trend, Wang Changyue
underlined the importance of “seeing one’s true nature with a clear
mind,” which had been stressed at the school’s foundation. In the
Longmen xinfa it says: “the way of transcending life and death resides
only in the true heart.” Everyone has his own perfect “true heart.” “If
one understands it, it is right in front of him. If not, it goes away.”
Everyone has “clear reason,” which enables one to distinguish good
from bad, right from wrong, orthodoxy from heterodoxy. In Confu-
cianism, it is called “conscience.” Confucius advised his disciples to lay
aside the inessential practices, such as the recitation of scriptures, ritu-
als, alchemy, magic, the making of medicine, and inner alchemy; to
commit themselves to the study of the Tao; and to think about where
their parents had been before they were born. He believed enlighten-
ment consisted in sudden comprehension of the truth. In the Longmen
xinfa it says:
To get rid of thoughts and emotions, you should first understand where
thoughts and emotions come from. When you really comprehend it, you
can get rid of them. But what will make you comprehend it? . . . Getting
2
Daozang jiyao, zhang section.
the revival of the longmen branch of the quanzhen school 235
but a way to attain the eternal “body of the law,” which was but the
“true heart.” In the world, only the “body of the law” was eternal,
so it was called longevity. He did not believe that longevity could be
attained through physical practice. In the Longmen xinfa, he wrote:
“[p]hysical practice can only prolong life by several years. It is not the
real Tao . . . Those whose physical body has lasted ten thousand years,
can only be called demons, not Taoists. The body of the law is free and
eternal. He who understands this, even if he died immediately, would
have no regret.” His “Original Spirit 元神” would return to the blue
Heaven, “[l]eaving his name as immortal in the world and his words
in the Taoist canon: that is real longevity, immortality after death.”3 In
Wang Changyue’s words we find the influence of Confucianism.
From the Yuan dynasty on, Neo-Confucianism was highly regarded
by emperors and officials, while Buddhism and Taoism, which
advocated detachment from the world, was often attacked by Neo-
Confucianism and was unable to meet the needs of officials and the
people. Thus, these two religions were obliged to adopt Confucian ele-
ments and adjust their discourse. In his Longmen xinfa, Wang Changyue
advised Taoists to shun love. But devotion to the emperor and one’s
parents was considered an ethical duty. He encouraged repaying
Heaven and Earth, the sun and the moon, parents, lord and mas-
ter, saying “love can be abandoned, whereas grace cannot be forgot-
ten.” He who observed filial piety and was loyal to his lord, should
be open, upright, tolerant, and compassionate. That was the way to
repay Heaven, Earth, the sun, and the moon. Wang Changyue tried
to balance the harmonious commitment to the world with the disen-
gagement from the world. He said “the way of disengagement from
the world is a variation of the way of engagement in the world. Both
ways emphasize the true heart. Only the directions of these two ways
are different. They are in fact identical.” This ultimate way of the
Quanzhen School, which combined the two ways, consisted in ethical
practices such as fraternity, filial piety, and loyalty. Wang Changyue
advised his disciples:
Before practicing the simple, peaceful, and excellent way of disengage-
ment from the world, you should first practice the way of engagement in
the world because the former can be found in the latter. . . . The founder
said: before practicing the way of the immortals, practice the way of the
3
Longmen xinfa, chapter “Gongde yuanman 功德圆满.”
the revival of the longmen branch of the quanzhen school 237
4
Jin’gai xindeng, juan 3.
5
Idem, juan 4.
238 chen bing
enabled him to live without eating for several days, underdressed even
in winter, and looking but 40 or 50 years old at more than a hundred
years of age. Wang Changyue, Shen Changjing, Gao Dongli, Wang
Yongning (1597–1721), Wang Qingchu, and Baima Li (1615–1818)
of the Sect of the Heart of the Xizhu all lived more than 100 years
because they followed a Taoist regimen.
During the Qing dynasty, the Longmen Branch was popular in
the south. Inevitably, it interacted with the Zhengyi among southern
indigenous Taoist School. The Taoists of the Zhengyi School, such as
Shi Liangsheng and Lü Yunyin (of the 24th generation of the Qingwei
Branch), studied under Wang Changyue. Yan Xiaofeng (of the Mao-
shan Branch) studied under Sun Shouyi of the eighth generation of the
Longmen Branch. Among the Taoists of the Longmen Branch, there
were those who were famous for their knowledge of talismans and ritu-
als. For example, Wang Dongyang of the tenth generation and a dis-
ciple of Wang Dongyang’s disciple lived on Dadi Mountain in Yuhang
in his later years and “carried out rituals that were very efficient. For
that reason, he had a special reputation among Taoists.”6 Xu Longyan
of the 11th generation of the Yunchao sub-branch of the Longmen
Branch converted to the Zhengyi Shool and was an expert in Taoist
ritual techniques. His disciples, such as Jiang Yu’an, Chen Qiaoyun,
Zhu Chunyang, and Shi Changzai, learned the “Dipper rituals” from
him. Jiang Yu’an also learned the rituals of the Maoshan Branch and
converted to the Zhengyi School. Wang Xiuhu of the Xizhu Heart
Branch studied the rituals of the Maoshan Branch under the direction
of Li Pengtou. Zeng Yiguan and Guo Shouzhen were all respected by
local officials for their performance in praying for rain.
At the end of the Qing dynasty, the practices promoted by Wang
Changyue were gradually ignored. Few Taoists after the 13th genera-
tion of the Longmen Branch were famous for their orthodox practice.
For example, the eminent 13th-generation masters Chen Laogan and
Wang Laiyin noted in the Jueyun benzhi daotong xinchuan that everyone
practiced the rituals as if it was a mere job. The ordinary Taoists
of the Longmen Branch performed rituals for people like the Taoists
of the Zhengyi School, while the leaders showed signs of corruption.
For instance, the Taoist abbot of the 20th generation of the Baiyun
6
Idem, juan 3.
the revival of the longmen branch of the quanzhen school 239
The Longmen Branch at the beginning of the Qing dynasty was akin
to the Quanzhen School at the beginning of the Jin dynasty. It relied
on members who had originally been Confucian literati and who con-
verted to Taoism after the fall of the Ming dynasty. Among them,
there were those who had fought against the Manchu army. Wang
Changyue’s disciple Zhan Shouchun had been a famous literatus in
Nanjing and was born into a salt merchant’s family. His mother Liu
was from the imperial family. At the end of the Ming dynasty, Zhan
Shouchun helped the refugees in the Jianghuai region financially. He
did not answer Ruan Dacheng’s summons (to join the new regime).
For that reason, the latter, his wife, and concubines were imprisoned
and died in prison. Angry about that and about the fall of the south-
ern Ming government, he lived in seclusion on Yan Mountain and
converted to Taoism under the direction of Wang Changyue. Sheng
Qingya had been a laureate of the highest degree of the public service
examinations at the end of the Ming dynasty. He had been erudite
and compared himself to Guan Zhong and Yue Yi. He converted to
Taoism after the fall of the Ming dynasty. Huang Xutang was born
into a Confucian family. When he was thirteen years old, he entered
the official school of Suzhou prefecture and his literary talents were
celebrated. After the fall of the Ming dynasty, he decided to convert
to Taoism and was no longer interested in imperial examinations.8
Huang Shouyuan had been a student at the local official school in
Huanggang. His father died and his family left when he was young.
He lived in poverty but worked hard and sold his calligraphy. “In the
jiashen year (1644), he burned his literati dress and classic books and
left his house in Taoist dress.”9 Lü Yunyin’s father was a licentiate
7
Qingchao yeshi daguan 清朝野史大观, chapter 11 “Baiyunguan daoshi zhi yin’e
白云观道士之淫恶.”
8
Jin’gai xindeng, juan 2.
9
Idem.
240 chen bing
10
Idem, juan 3.
11
Idem, juan 4.
12
Idem.
13
Idem.
the revival of the longmen branch of the quanzhen school 241
14
Idem, juan 2.
242 chen bing
15
Idem, juan 3.
16
Idem.
17
Idem.
18
Idem, juan 4.
the revival of the longmen branch of the quanzhen school 243
19
Idem, juan 2.
20
Chen Ding, Liuxi waizhuan 留溪外传.
21
Jin’gai xindeng, juan 3.
244 chen bing
Liu Yiming wrote more than ten works on Taoist inner alchemy,
including Yili chanzhen 易理阐真 [True Explanation of the Yijing], Xiang-
yan poyi 象言破疑 [Explanation of the Different Compositions of the Trigrams],
Yinfujing zhu 阴符经注 [Commentary on the Yinfujing], Cantong zhizhi 参同
直指 [Explanation of the Zhouyi cantongqi], and Wuzhen zhizhi 悟真直指
[Explanation of the Wuzhen pian]. At the beginning of the Republican
period, these works were published together as Daoshu shierzhong 道书
十二种 [Twelve Taoist Works], which was popular. He also produced
works on medicine such as the Jingyan zafang 经验杂方 [Diverse Verified
Prescriptions] and Yanke qimeng 眼科启蒙 [Ophthalmology for Beginners]. He
wrote the greatest number of works and created the greatest theoreti-
cal system among all Taoists of the Qing dynasty.
Liu Yiming inherited the theory of the syncretism of the Quanzhen
School in the Jin and Yuan dynasties and made a synthesis of the
doctrines of the three religions concerning the Tao, the Spirit and the
Body, and the Orthodox Tao. He said in his preface to Zhinanzhen 指
南针 [Compass]: “[t]he study of the spirit and body is the orthodox
Tao. The latter is called the Doctrine of the Mean in Confucianism,
the Unique Vehicle in Buddhism, and the Golden Cinnabar in Tao-
ism. That is the way to build the syncretism of the three religions.”
He often explained Confucian classics by means of Taoist doctrines,
considering the Daxue and Zhongyong as works on the theory of the spirit
and the body and comparing the Yizhuan to Taoist inner alchemy. He
wrote the Zhouyi chanzhen 周易阐真 [True Explanation of Zhouyi ] and
Kongyi chanzhen 孔易阐真 [True Explanation of Kongyi] to explain the
Yijing using the doctrines of Taoist inner alchemy because he believed
the Yizhuan was the origin of those doctrines. He said, “[t]he doctrines
of Taoist inner alchemy and that of the Yijing are identical. The Tao of
the sages and that of the immortals are identical”22 and “all books on
Taoist inner alchemy deal with the same principle as in the Yijing.”23
Liu Yiming regarded the Tao, the origin of the three religions, as
the ultimate philosophical basis of Taoist inner alchemy. He said, in
22
Yili chanzhen xu 易理阐真序.
23
Kongyi chanzhen.
the revival of the longmen branch of the quanzhen school 245
are the noumenon of the Yin and Yang, while the Yin and Yang are
the phenomena of original nature and destiny.” “The original nature
given by Heaven is true, whereas the nature given by the qi is false.
The life of Tao is true, whereas the life of destiny is false. The prena-
tal one is true, whereas the postnatal one is false.” These theories are
Neo-Confucian.
According to Liu Yiming, the secret of the success of Taoist inner
alchemy lay in the discovery of prenatal nature and life in the post-
natal body. One should practice in the reverse direction of evolution,
returning to the origin to unify the Taiji, the prenatal and postnatal,
original nature and life. Prenatal nature and life proceeded from the
“Unique Orifice of Mystery Pass.” “This orifice cannot be felt by the
six senses and is situated in a place not composed by the Five Agents.
In the chaos, there is an orifice in which there is a door. It opens
and closes automatically. When one calls it, it will answer. When one
shakes it, it will be activated. It is clear and bright. When one under-
stands it, it is right in front of him. When one does not understand it,
it is remote.” This passage describes the subjective feeling born from
the practice of meditation.
There were two methods in the practice of Taoist inner alchemy: that
of “original nature preceding life” of the northern Quanzhen School
and that of “life preceding original nature” of the southern Quanzhen
School. Liu Yiming adopted both methods, advocating that practitio-
ners should choose a method according to their nature. According to
the Xiuzhen biannan, the intelligent one “was able to acknowledge his
origin immediately once he met the master and learned the secret
instructions. Hence, he progressed gradually by keeping close to his
origin.” This was the method of “original nature preceding life” of
the northern Quanzhen School. The obtuse one would not be able
to understand quickly. He would need the method of “life preceding
original nature” of the southern Quanzhen School. In the Xiuzhen bian-
nan, the methods of Taoist inner alchemy were classified in three cat-
egories that corresponded to three levels among Taoists. The superior
“Free Method” and the moderate “Expedient Method” were dedi-
cated to those who followed the practice of original nature and life.
The inferior “Hard Method” was meant for disciples who, deprived
of intelligence, “had to leave aside all their affairs and work hard
physically and spiritually. One day they would suddenly understand
the origin. Knowing that, they should continue to work following the
superior and moderate methods.” Liu Yiming developed this method
of teaching according to everyone’s ability.
the revival of the longmen branch of the quanzhen school 247
In the Xiuzhen biannan it says: “the double practice of the Tao and
techniques, original nature and life is the supreme way of the unique
vehicle . . . it should be practiced in gradual steps.” There were 18
secrets and 24 keys for this practice, which could be organized in
four stages. The first, “constructing the base and cultivating the self,”
consisted in abstaining from anger and desire, destroying attachments,
studying doctrines thoroughly, enduring hardship, being tolerant to
others, regarding others like another self, putting life and death on an
equal footing, keeping one’s semen, and pushing away the demons of
sleep, all of which were “based on the non-self.”24 For the second and
third stages, Liu Yiming followed the methods described in the Wuzhen
pian and the key points he noted resembled (eminent Song-period Tao-
ist) Bo Yuchan’s. For instance, the key point for the second stage of
collecting medicine, cultivating, and washing was “comprehending the
Male and guarding the Female and following natural cycles.” The key
point for the third stage of taking medicine and cultivating the self was
“forgetting the body and the mind. Think not and do not. Approach
not and leave not.” The key point for the fourth stage of cultivat-
ing the spirit and returning to vacuity was “living between Existence
and Non-existence and regarding the world as vacuity.” In addition,
Liu Yimin classified the timing of Taoist inner alchemy internally and
externally, collecting medicine, refining it, refining cinnabar, making
cinnabar, cultivating heat, taking cinnabar, nurturing the fetus, culti-
vating nature, cultivating life, civil fire, and martial fire. He also dealt
with the practice of female alchemy. He did not explain the meth-
ods of Taoist inner alchemy in precise detail. However, he developed
the theories of Taoist inner alchemy more than other scholars of the
Qing dynasty.
24
Xiuzhen jiuyao 修真九要.
248 chen bing
That is the prenatal jing.” According to him, the prenatal jing and the
prenatal shen were identical. The qi moved, while the jing remained in
peace. In the moment of chaos, there was a movement in peace. It was
the moment called the “Flexible Moment of the zi hour.” Then the
original jing was born. After that, the practitioner refined the original
jing with civil or martial fire, according to its status. The spiritual and
physical effect of the making of the jing and medicine was especially
detailed:
The qi is full and the medicine is efficient. It is peaceful and then the
celestial pace is activated. Naturally, the practitioner will feel comfort-
able in his whole body. The feeling of softness and joy will spread from
the fingers to the body. The body will be upright like a mountain and
the heart will be peaceful and calm like the image of the autumn moon
reflected in a lake. Each pore will tickle and the heart will be full of joy.
It is hard to express such feeling in words.
Liu Huayang decrypted classical works on Taoist inner alchemy,
revealing their methods and effects directly. His writing were typical
of the vulgarization of these kinds of books. Even though Liu Hua-
yang was a Buddhist monk, he had a Taoist name and studied Tao-
ist doctrines. His disciples, such as the Buddhist monks Huoran and
Zhenyuan, also studied Taoist inner alchemy. Liu Huayang was also
renowned for annotating Buddhist works with Taoist terms. In the
Jinxian lunzheng and Huiming jing he said that the Buddhist unique law
and direct way of transmission taught by Bodhidharma and Huineng
was indeed the practice of Taoist inner alchemy, which consisted in
the double cultivation of original nature and life. At the same time
he criticized such popular Buddhist practices as studying abstract dia-
logues, reciting Buddha’s name, reciting sutras, and fasting for seven
days because “they were not the orthodox law of Buddha.” He con-
sidered the words of Buddhist masters to be ridiculous and caused
Buddhist monks to react angrily to his criticism. The printing blocks
for his books were burned for that reason.
Min Yide compiled the most influential book on Taoist inner alchemy
in the Qing dynasty, the Gushu yinlou cangshu, which contained 28
distinct works. Most were about Taoist inner alchemy. Min Yide’s
knowledge of Taoist inner alchemy was transmitted by Shen Yibing,
250 chen bing
who was taught by the immortal Li Niwan. Works in the Gushu yinlou
cangshu included the Sanni yishi jue 三尼医世诀 [Practical Instructions on
the Three Sages’ Doctrine of Healing the World], Tianxian xinchuan 天仙心传
[Heart Transmission from the Heavenly Immortal], and Suoyan xu 琐言续
[Sequel to an Ignored Transmission], all transmitted by Shen Yibing and
annotated by Min Yide and also the Jindan sibaizi zhu 金丹四百字注
[Annotation on the Four-hundred Words Essay on Inner Alchemy] written by
Min Yide. Min Yide also annotated the works written by other authors
in that book.
Shen Yibing and Min Yide proposed three methods of Taoist inner
alchemy: the direct practice of original nature, the method of “original
nature preceding life,” and that of “life preceding original nature,” and
attached importance to the cultivation of the heart in the revelation
of one’s original nature. Shen Yibing said, in his Tianxian daojie xuzhi
天仙道戒须知 [Essentials on the Taoist Precepts of the Heavenly Immortals]:
“[t]he study of immortals is the study of the heart. The practitioner
has to cultivate his heart until it reaches enlightenment. The Tianxian
xinchuan also says: “[t]he true study of immortals can not be analyzed
or measured. All the practitioner has to do is to empty his mind. All
his practical experiences should be left aside.” Neophytes who have
not acceded to the practice of refining the jing and transforming the
qi, are asked to cultivate their hearts and original nature directly and
“start from the Biyuan tanjing.” Clearly, Shen Yibing and Min Yide had
adopted Wang Changyue’s theory.
Shen Yibing and Min Yide believed that vacuity, non-existence,
and original nature were the bases of the practice. In the Suoyan xu,
the rules of inner practice were summed up as: “sit straight, empty
the heart, and realize the idea.” “The essential is attached to noth-
ing and is ‘immovable’.” Cultivate original nature in movement and
life in peace. When the “Flexible Moment of the zi hour” came, the
practitioner should seize the opportunity to practice. The essential is
to be natural during practice and not to do it forcibly. He annotated
the notion of “non-idea” as “observe the change of jing, qi, and shen
with a clear and concentrated mind.” The practitioner should have
no other ideas than this one. That was why it was called “non-idea”
or “realizing the idea.”
Some of Shen Yibing’s and Min Yide’s theories, especially those of
the latter, differed from traditional ones. For instance, for the begin-
ning stage, according to the Tianxian xinfa, the practitioner conducted
the light from the vertex to the point between the eyebrows and
the revival of the longmen branch of the quanzhen school 251
Chen Xia
1
Published originally in Daojiao quanshanshu yanjiu 道教劝善书研究. Chengdu:
Bashu shushe, 1999, ch. 2, section 4. This chapter is a revised version.
254 chen xia
the gist of Taoist morality books. From the Song and Yuan dynasties,
numerous Taoist morality books were compiled; they culminated in
the Ming and Qing dynasties. Taoist morality books were widespread,
exerted great influence right into the Republican period, and had by
then existed for almost a thousand years in China.
2
Li Gang, “Daojiao gongguoge jiexi 道教功过格解析,” in Daojia wenhua yanjiu,
no. 7, Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1995.
the impact of the taoist morality book 255
3
On this text, see Daozang tiyao. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1991,
p. 777.
4
Jingming zhongxiao quanshu, see the Taoist Canon. Shanghai shudian: Tianjin Ancient
Books Publishing House, 1988, Cultural Relics Press, vol. 24, p. 623.
5
Idem, p. 629.
256 chen xia
he belonged to the Jingming School and that this book was compiled
in the eleventh year of the Dading reign of Emperor Shi of the Jin
dynasty (also the seventh year of the Qiandao reign of Emperor Xiao of
the Southern Song dynasty, AD 1171). According to a Japanese study,
the Taiwei xianjun gongguoge was a classic of the Jingming School.6
As a new school advocating the use of talismans, the Jingming, also
called Jingming Zhongxiao School stemmed from the Lingbao School
and took in elements from the Shangqing and the Zhengyi Schools.
In AD 1125, after conquering the Liao kingdom with the allied forces
of the Northern Song government, the Jin government, taking advan-
tage of its unguarded boarders, attacked and conquered the Northern
Song empire. Prince Kang (Zhao Gou) established the Southern Song
government in the Jiangnan region to oppose the Jin government.
Most of the northern region was ruled by the Jin government and suf-
fered from intense fighting between different ethnic groups and social
classes. The ancient Taoist system was destroyed, but the need for
religion gave rise to many new Taoist Schools. Under pressure from
the Jin government, the people—but also the emperor of the South-
ern Song—lived in fear and prayed for the protection of the gods.
Although Taoism at that time was not as successful as under the reign
of the emperors Zhen and Hui, schools that used talismans, such as
the Jingming School, were active because they were experts at con-
ducting rituals and finding solutions to the daily needs of the people.
The outstanding feature of the Jingming School was its emphasis
on feudal ethics. The name Jingming was interpreted thus: “Jing-
ming means simply sincerity and loyalty and filial piety, which helps
strengthen the social structure. (. . .) What is the meaning of jing? It
means unpolluted. What is the meaning of ming? It means untouched.
Unpolluted and untouched, then loyalty and filial piety follow natu-
rally.” The Taiwei xianjun gongguoge was the book of rules and behavior
of the Jingming School. Its author wrote:
I write 36 rules concerning merits and 39 rules concerning demerits,
classified, respectively, in four categories. This book is dedicated to those
who long to become immortal. Write down merits and demerits every-
day. Verify them every month and examine them every year. Then a
Taoist can measure his merits and demerits, which will correspond to
6
Fukui Kojun, Daojiao 道教, translated by Zhu Yueli. Shanghai: Shanghai guji
chubanshe, 1992, vol. 2, p. 118.
the impact of the taoist morality book 257
those noted down by celestial officials. . . . Observe these rules, shun evil,
and strive for goodness. If you practice these with sincerity, you will
become immortal.7
Compared with later Taoist morality books, entries in the Taiwei xian-
jun gongguoge were simpler and fewer. The highest-ranking good action
deserves 100 merits, whereas the lowest-ranking evil action deserves
100 demerits. In the category of merits, there are 36 clauses dedicated
almost exclusively to Taoists and divided into four groups: the first
group concerns assistance to others. It includes saving people with
talismans and medicine; helping widows, widowers, people who live
alone, and famine refugees; and repairing roads and bridges. For
example, “he who treats serious illness with talismans and medicine
deserves 10 merits, 5 merits for minor ailment. If one accepts reward,
there will be no merit for him. The same applies if he cures the patient
with exorcism.” “For repairing a road and cleaning a place covered in
mud, one deserves 10 merits a day.”
The second group concerns scriptures. It includes the study of Tao-
ist classics, the seeking of advice on scriptures, their protection, and
transmission. For example, “he who transmits the scriptures for the
salvation of people deserves 5 merits, 4 merits for the transmission of
the meditation scriptures, 3 merits for the transmission of the scrip-
tures on rituals.”
The third group deals with rituals, including those for repairing
Taoist buildings, instructions for carrying out rituals, and reciting
scriptures for people. For example, “He who honors gods day and
night for country and people deserves 2 merits a day. If he does it for
himself, he deserves 1 merit a day.” “He who conducts a ritual for the
country, people, ancestors, wandering souls, and parents, driving away
calamities, and saving souls, deserves 2 merits per ritual, 1 merit for
his client and one for himself. If he has received a pledge (in payment),
there will be no merit for him.”
The fourth group dealt with social life. It includes charity, propa-
gating doctrines, mediation in disputes, and thriftiness. For example,
7
The Taoist Canon. Shanghai shudian: Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House,
1988, Cultural Relics Press, vol. 3, p. 449.
258 chen xia
the Shijie gongguoge 十戒功过格 [Ledger of Merits and Demerits of the Ten
Precepts], the Jingshi gongguoge 警世功过格 [Register of Merits and Demer-
its of Admonishment], and the Shi Yinfu gongguoge 石音夫功过格 [Register
of Merits and Demerits of Shi Yinfu], and set a trend in the writing of
such registers under the Ming and Qing dynasties. Compared to the
Taiwei xianjun gongguoge, the registers of merits and demerits of the
Ming and Qing dynasties were simpler, more accessible, and more
practical. The classification was more meticulous and all classes in
society were involved, whereas the Taiwei xianjun gongguoge had been
meant only for Taoists. A novel spirit of syncretism pervaded these
books and was characterized by a drive to adapt to contemporary con-
ditions. For instance, the Wenchang dijun gongguoge, the product of spirit-
writing in the second year of Yongzheng (AD 1724), recommended a
simpler method for recording merits and demerits—that of yellow and
black beans:
Make a purse of any size and tie it to the waist. The purse has three
layers. The internal layer contains yellow beans, the external layer con-
tains black beans, and the middle layer is used for counting merits and
demerits. When one wins a merit, he takes a small yellow bean and puts
it in the middle layer. When one commits a fault, he takes a small black
bean and puts it in the middle layer. A big yellow bean for 10 merits,
a big black bean for 10 demerits. Before sleep, count the beans in the
middle layer and note in a daily register. That is the secret and simple
method. In this way people can assess their behavior. One could attain
a very high level before knowing it. If unregistered, most of those actions
done during the day would be forgotten before being noted at night.8
A calendar was appended to this book. Before using this book, a rit-
ual of announcement would be carried out, and an account would
be made to Lord Wenchang one month after the application. The
method of the yellow and black beans mentioned in this book was
used by Taoists and ordinary people alike. The Shi Yinfu gongguoge gave
an example of someone who had become immortal after this method
was used in a ritual.
Influenced by Taoist registers of merits and demerits, gentlemen
and literati also compiled a great number of registers of merits and
demerits, like the Dangguan gongguoge 当官功过格 [Register of Merits and
Demerits for Officials], the Bufeiqian gongdeli 不费钱功德例 [Merits without
8
Yuan Xiaobo, Wenchang dijun gongguoge, see Minjian quanshanshu 民间劝善书.
Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1995, p. 202.
260 chen xia
9
The chapter “Gongguoge xuyan 功过格绪言” of the Huizuan gongguoge, see the
Wang Shihe fushanlun 王石和福善论, chapter 5: “Xiushenge huocai 修身格货财.”
10
Zhu Guozhen, Yongchuang xiaopin 涌幢小品, see the Biji xiaoshuo daguan 笔记小说
大观. Hangzhou: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1983, vol. 13.
11
“Morality Books urge people to do good. They synthesize the three religions
and explain the consequences of good and bad actions from a Taoist point of view.
Influenced by the Taishang ganying pian, Yuan Liaofan of the Ming dynasty wrote the
Yingzhi lu. The monk Zhuhong transformed it into a Buddhist book, the Zizhi lu.” See
Ren Jiyu, Du Jiwen, Fojiao shi 佛教史. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe,
1991, p. 514.
the impact of the taoist morality book 261
the famous monk Zhuhong in the 32nd year of the reign Wanli of the
Ming dynasty (AD 1605). Zhuhong wrote, in the preface:
When I was young, I was pleased to read the Taiwei xianjun gongguoge and
printed it for people. Later, I became a monk and engaged in practice.
Then I lived in seclusion and committed myself to meditation. I had no
time to learn this. Today, although I am old, I am pleased when I read
this book again. Then I collated and reprinted it. . . . Ancient people said:
“the worst thing for people is that they do not know themselves.” If they
know their demerits, they will be afraid and stop doing evil. If they know
their merits, they will be pleased and encourage themselves. If they do
not know these, they will lose their temper like animals. When people
note their merits and demerits clearly, they cannot lie to themselves.
This book is serious like a teacher and sincere like a friend. It advises
without reward or punishment. Do not look for divination to know good
and bad fortune. There is promotion and demotion instead of Heaven
or Hell in this book. In this way, the Tao is not difficult to reach. I
changed the name of the book to Zizhi lu.12
This preface clearly shows why the author compiled this book, whose
style and content were very similar to the Taiwei xianjun gongguoge. In
the Zizhi lu, the “category of merits” was changed into the “section of
benevolence” while the “category of demerits” was changed into the
“section of malevolence.” As Zhuhong wrote: “in this book, Taoist
lords and immortals are replaced by Buddhist deities. Taoist rituals are
replaced by Buddhist rituals. The religion has been changed. As to the
meting out of merit and demerit, it has been altered but little.”
Conclusion
The main objective of the Register of Merits and Demerits was to urge
Taoists through the meting out of merits and demerits to do good in
order to become immortal. It exemplified the development of Taoist
practices and theory. Taoist morality books not only urge people to
do good, but also teach people how to do so. The new method for
measuring merits and demerits was simpler than in the early Taoist
practices. At that time, the Register of Merits and Demerits was really
efficient to propagate ethics.
The Taoist Register of Merits and Demerits was the product of
secularized and popularized Taoism. Taoism adapted itself to society
12
Zizhi lu, see Minjian quanshanshu. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1995, p. 182.
262 chen xia
and influenced it. This change allowed Taoists to regain the govern-
ment’s support. In this way, Taoism transformed itself into an ethical
religion. Through simple ways of doing good, the Taoist Register of
Merits and Demerits attracted more and more people, from all social
classes, who were seeking good fortune.
ABNEGATING KILLING AND CHERISHING LIFE1
Li Yuanguo
Caring for human beings and cherishing life, abnegating killing because
of compassion, these were among the most far reaching Taoist ideas.
From “caring for life,” “appreciating the self,” and “longevity,” all
found in the Lao-tzu, “protecting life,” “making life complete,” “liv-
ing to the end of one’s alloted lifespan,” and “respecting life,” in the
Chuang-tzu, and “caring for life and appreciating the self,” of the Lüshi
chunqiu 吕氏春秋 [Master Lü’s Spring and Autumn Annals], to “enjoying
life” and “appreciating life” in the Scripture of Great Peace, the Xiang’er
zhu, the Zhouyi cantongqi, the Baopu zi neipian, the Xisheng jing 西升经
[Scripture of Western Ascension], the Duren jing, the Wuzhen pian 悟真篇
[Awakening to Reality], and other Taoist texts, these notions have always
been present in Taoist teachings.
Going Through Life and Death and Strengthening the Root of Life
“Sheng 生,” which encompasses all life, is the most important con-
cept of the Taoist philosophy of life. From Lao-tzu onwards, Tao-
ism emphasized “maintaining life,” “caring for life,” “appreciating the
self,” and “longevity.” Lao-tzu wrote: “Among those who leave the
womb at birth and eventually enter death, three out of ten celebrate
life, three out of ten celebrate death, and three out of ten simply go
from life to death.” This passage means danger is everywhere and
life is threatened permanently. So people should do their utmost to
“maintain life”: “Then they walk safely among wild animals. When
they go into battle, they remain unharmed. Animals find no place to
attack them and the weapons are unable to harm them. Why? Because
they can find no place for death in them.”2 Life and death are serious
matters that cannot be ignored. He who comprehends the Tao should
1
Published originally in Zhexue, no. 30. Taipei: Bianqiang chubanshe, 1999.
2
Lu Xisheng, Daode zhenjing zhuan 道德真经传, chapter 1. in Daozang (Taoist Canon),
Shanghai shudian; Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House; Cultural Relics Press,
1988, vol. 12, p. 598.
264 li yuanguo
know all life is born in the Tao and will be respected according to their
virtue. So life should be appreciated, as Lin Xiyi 林希逸 wrote: “giv-
ing birth to it, cultivating it, caring for it, nurturing it, sheltering it in
peace, and helping it to grow. There is a beginning and there will be
a following. The continuous reproduction of life is due to the power of
the Creator.”3 “Maintaining life” means using a certain self-cultivation
regimen and following the Tao to cultivate life. Inwardly, one should
seek peace and serenity, cultivate his own being with simplicity, and
protect himself from desires. This is what we call “neijie 内解.” “ ‘Nei-
jie’ means remaining in peace and calm and avoiding worry . . . even
while remaining in this world, one would not be troubled by desire.”4
Outwardly, one should be kind to all beings and devoid of viciousness.
Wu Cheng wrote: “welcoming peace inside, showing apparent weak-
ness, as motionless and emotionless as the tree and the stone, naive as
the child who has no desire, even though one meets beast and mon-
ster, he would not be hurt.”5
For Lao-tzu, there are 13 favorable strengths and 13 unfavorable
weaknesses in life. He who understands them can “go through life
and death.” “Emptying people’s minds and filling their stomachs,”
“preferring simplicity and freedom to desires,” “non-action,” “selfless-
ness,” “wanting nothing from the world,” “focusing on living breath
until it becomes supple,” “cleansing one’s inner vision,” “emptying
one’s mind of all thoughts,” “embracing simplicity, desiring little,” and
“avoiding extravagance, excess and extremes,” all these phrases refer
to a certain life regimen. Conversely, “taking an empty cup and fill-
ing it,” “sharpening a knife,” and “wanting to rule the world,” these
phrases are metaphors for the causes that lead to death. Yan Junping
summed up these ideas:
Vacuity, non-existence, purity, peace, obscurity, loneliness, suppleness,
weakness, humbleness, loss, appropriateness, harmony, and stinginess,
these are 13 points favorable to life. Solidity, existence, impurity, trouble,
manifestation, multitude, hardness, strength, height, full, excess, prosper-
ity, and waste, these are 13 points opposing life. Why? The Tao of Sages
make them act when they have to, and rest when they are invited to.
3
Wei Dayou, Daode zhenjing jiyi 道德真经集义, chapter 7. in Daozang, vol. 13,
p. 598.
4
Qiang Siqi, Daode zhenjing xuande zuanshu 道德真经玄德纂疏, chapter 14. in Dao-
zang, vol. 13, p. 598.
5
Idem, p. 597.
abnegating killing and cherishing life 265
Four limbs and nine orifices are the exterior appearance of life and
death whereas the transformation of vacuity into solidity, and of hard-
ness into suppleness are inner destiny. That is why we count 13. Solid-
ity is born of vacuity, eternity issues from non-existence. Purity leads to
intelligence, peace gives birth to light. Multitude issues from one, hard-
ness from suppleness, strength from weakness, high issues from low, and
gain issues from loss. Appropriateness leads to freedom, harmony leads
to neutrality, and stinginess leads to richness. These are all beneficent to
life. He who can follow this Way, will live as long as Heaven and Earth.
If he rules the country, his governance will be long.6
Obviously, Lao-tzu wanted to figure out “the Tao of reinforcing the
root and of lengthening life” through a reflection on the rules of life
and death.
Chuang-tzu advocated that “life and death are equal,” considering
them both part of a natural evolution. He wrote: “life and death are
fixed, like day and night, which are natural. Human beings cannot
intervene.”7 So people should be open-minded when facing life and
death and “be content with being alive.” To explain this, Chuang-tzu
told the story of Zilai. When Zilai was dying, his wife cried and his
friend Zili came to see him. Zilai spoke to Zili: “nature gave me a
body, told me to work through “life,” granted me rest in old age, and
finally allowed me to rest in peace through death.” If “life” is gain,
so is “death.” These were more than his last words, they were the
description of the life of ancient people who were born, faced life with
pleasure and calmness, worked hard with few needs, grew old, and
had no regrets. Taoists also dealt with life earnestly and with death
peacefully.
One who cultivates life is free, unconventional, lives detached from the
world and from his appearance and strengthens his spirit to the extreme.
He does not consider life for its benefits nor death as harmful. He takes
everything as part of himself without preference. His energy is ample,
and he possesses good fortune and virtue. The Tao rules within him,
and he shines towards the outside world. He can react appropriately to
natural phenomena and can’t be defeated.8
6
Yan Junping, Laozi zhigui quanyi 老子指归全译, translated and annotated by
Wang Deyou. Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 1992, p. 635.
7
Lin Xiyi, Nanhua zhenjing kouyi 南华真经口义, chapter 8. in Daozang, vol. 15,
p. 731.
8
Yan Junping, Laozi zhigui quanyi, p. 636.
266 li yuanguo
Before understanding death, one must understand life: seizing life and
facing death with courage.
Chuang-tzu’s phrase “allowing me to rest in peace through death”
described the attitude that helps one return to nature. It differs from
Western philosophy in this regard. Western philosophers from Socrates
onward were influenced by Orphism and aspired to a transcendental
world. On the other hand, Taoists believed this world is full of life and
beautiful. Even though sometimes they wanted to leave this world,
they feared loneliness in the next world, which might be less interest-
ing than this world.9
So according to Chuang-tzu, life and death should be understood
and body and life should be valued. He wrote: “nature gave me a
body, told me to work through ‘life,’ granted me repose through ‘old
age,’ and finally allowed me to rest in peace in ‘death.’ He who under-
stands my life will understand my death.”10 Life should be honored
until pre-ordained death occurs. Chuang-tzu criticized the idea of
“despising life,” insisting that “only he who values his life as much
as the world can be entrusted with the world.”11 Hence Chuang-tzu’s
concept of “life and death as equal” did not consist of despising life; on
the contrary, seeing through life and death was necessary to transcend
this world and cultivate the self. The notions Chuang-tzu that advo-
cated, such as “indifference,” “despising things,” “despising benefit,”
“simplicity,” “non-existence,” and “withdrawing from this world,”
emphasized keeping spiritual peace and keeping away from the affairs
of this world. Then, “he who abandons work rests his body and he
who forgets life keeps his spirit.” In this way he protects his body and
recovers his spirit before communing with Heaven.12
The philosophy of nourishing life was expressed in the Lüshi chunqiu:
“the sage valued life more than anything.”13 A methodical ecological
philosophy of life was elaborated along three lines. First, sheng (life) is
“composed of energy”; it proceeds from and is part of nature. There
are five levels in life: 1) ming 命 means life granted by Heaven; 2) qi 气
means energy, the origin of life; 3) xing 形 means the physical form
9
Su Shi, Shuidiao getou 水调歌头, in Tang Guizhang, Tang Song ci jianshang cidian
唐宋词鉴赏辞典. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, p. 379.
10
Lin Xiyi, Nanhua zhenjing kouyi, chapter 8. in Daozang, vol. 15, p. 731.
11
Idem, chapter 13, p. 755.
12
Idem, chapter 20, p. 800.
13
Lüshi chunqiu, in Zhuzi jicheng 诸子集成. Changsha : Yuelu shushe, 1996, vol. 8,
p. 16.
abnegating killing and cherishing life 267
The Taoist philosophy of life originates in “the Tao gives birth to every-
thing,” from the Tao Te Ching, according to which all things evolve and
transform themselves. This notion of sheng (life) as transformation and
14
Idem, p. 17.
268 li yuanguo
15
Daozang, vol. 34, p. 618.
16
Wang Ming, Taipingjing hejiao. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979, p. 223.
17
Wang Ming, Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979, p. 262.
18
Daozang, vol. 2, p. 936.
19
Idem, vol. 1, p. 5.
abnegating killing and cherishing life 269
Dong Sijing, Dongxuan lingbao ziran jiutian shengshen zhangjing jieyi 洞玄灵宝自然九
21
In this sacred majestic moment, a new life was born. Apparently, this
passage, which described the process of birth, was full of mysterious
codes. However, it made people respect, cherish, and appreciate life.
Taoism values life even more than other religions. All Taoist scrip-
tures advocate the appreciation of life. For example, the Santian neijie
jing says: “the preaching of Lao-tzu consisted in keeping and reinforc-
ing the root. People were born from the qi from the Tao. He who
loses qi dies. He who focuses on the Tao and reinforces the root will
become immortal. . . . The true Tao appreciates life and abnegates kill-
ing. Immortality is the Tao. Death is not. A dead king is not worth a
live mouse. So the preaching of the sage consists in appreciating pre-
cious life.”22 The Lingbao wuliang duren shangping miaojing states: “[K]ing
and people live in peace forever. The world is calm while the sun
and the moon are bright. Insects follow their nature and grow. Gods
give help. Governance has the same eternal virtue as the Tao. Merit
is due to Heaven. Disasters are overcome. Good fortune and wealth
are promised, non-action and peace are forever.”23 We find in the
Taiqing jing taiqing jing 太清境太清经 [Scripture of Great Purity of the World
Great Purity]: “all people share the same nature. The nature of Heaven
and Earth is good and it cares for all things. The sage governs the
world obeying the rules of Heaven and Earth, so all things enjoy great
benevolence. Gods who help Heaven and Earth respect, cherish, and
protect all things as the Original Qi. So good fortune prevails over
bad fortune.”24
According to Taoism, wealth does not mean gold or silver, but the
variety and bounty of nature. This point was clearly explained in the
Scripture of Great Peace. In the times of the Upper Emperor, there were
more than 12,000 kinds of species, so that time was called “rich.”
In the times of the Middle Emperor, there were fewer than 12,000
kinds of species, so that time was called “poor.” In the times of the
Lower Emperor, there were even fewer species, so that time was called
“poorer.” Then there was the time of the “poorest.” If the world is
poor, so are the people.25 This philosophy of respecting life and pro-
tecting species, which was elaborated 1800 years ago, was Taoism’s
great contribution to ecology. Taoism asks people to cherish nature. It
22
Daozang, vol. 28, p. 416.
23
Idem, vol. 1, p. 25.
24
Taishang sanshiliubu zunjing 太上三十六部尊经 in Daozang, vol. 1, p. 597.
25
Wang Ming, Taipingjing hejiao, p. 30.
abnegating killing and cherishing life 271
26
Daozang, vol. 21, p. 703.
27
Idem, p. 738.
28
Idem, vol. 3, p. 447.
272 li yuanguo
29
Wang Ming, Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi, p. 47.
30
Zangwai daoshu. Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 1994, vol. 12, p. 128.
31
Idem, vol. 27, p. 627.
32
Idem, vol. 27, pp. 627 and 632.
abnegating killing and cherishing life 273
Do not catch birds while in the mountains. Do not poison fish in the
river.”33 According to these excerpts, if people do good, they will be
under the protection of gods. That was how Taoism advised people.
It was written in chapter 3 of the Taishang lingbao chaotian xiezui dachan
太上灵宝朝天谢罪大忏 [Great Penitential Rite of the Most High Numinous
Treasure, to pay Homage to Heaven and Pardon Sins]: “killing birds and
eating animals will lead to bad karma. Some people kill numerous
animals. They kill cows, goats, donkeys, horses, pigs, dogs, roosters,
bears, foxes, tigers, panthers, rabbits, magpies, pigeons, doves, eagles,
swallows, sparrows, insects, snakes, bees, scorpions, ants, fish, turtles,
shrimp, and other creatures. People will set up traps, set the mountain
on fire, break eggs, cut off heads and legs, and peel off skin. All these
actions transgress the way of Heaven and people will pay retribution
for them. When they die, they will be conducted to Hell and suffer
punishment.”34
Similar passages can be found in the Taishang ganying pian that
bemoan “cutting down trees,” “killing fish and serpent,” saying that
“behaviors like these will shorten life. Sins will even be transmitted to
descendants if they are not purged.”35
Many stories recorded in Taoist scriptures told people of the dif-
ferent consequences of cherishing life and abnegating killing. For
instance, one story told of a certain compassionate man named Guo
Hui who saved millions of fish and shrimps. He lived to the age of
96 and his children all became officials.36 Another told how a certain
Mr. Fan’s wife was dying of illness. The doctor told Fan to buy hun-
dreds of birds to make medicine. His wife said: “If hundreds of birds
should be killed to save me, I prefer to die.” Then they freed the
birds. Soon afterward his wife was cured and even bore a child. People
believed their benevolence touched Heaven.37 On the other hand, a
certain cruel Zhang Zhifang loved to kill animals whenever he could.
Finally everyone in his family was exterminated because he killed some-
one.38 The scriptures also contained advice such as “do not burn char-
coal,” and stories of “Meng Tan killing birds,” “Shen Wenbao freeing
33
Idem, vol. 12, pp. 409 and 417.
34
Daozang, vol. 3, p. 473.
35
Idem, vol. 27, p. 135.
36
Yinzhiwen tushuo 阴骘文图说, in Zangwai daoshu, 1994, p. 27.
37
Baihua gongjie lu 白话功戒录, in Zangwai daoshu, p. 12.
38
Ganyingpian tushuo 感应篇图说, in Zangwai daoshu, p. 27.
274 li yuanguo
First, life is sacred. The human being and the beast alike are the prod-
ucts of nature and manifestations of the great Tao. Conception, birth,
growth, and death of any life are sacred. As religious believers, Tao-
ists committed themselves to the protection of life with respect and
passion.
Second, life is an interdependent system. All beings, even mountains,
rivers, and the Earth are linked to each other and evolve together in
the same world. As was said in Guanyin zi: nature is like a sea made of
millions of changes. The crocodile, the fish, and the water in which
they live belong to the same life system. All beings live in the same uni-
verse which never stops evolving, so all beings have the same nature.
Having understood this, we will understand the human being can not
live in isolation.
Third, Taoism, while affirming the central role of humanity in
creation, refused an arrogant anthropocentric vision and declared all
beings equal, governed by the same laws. As said in the Wuneng zi 无
能子: when the world was created, Yin and Yang interacted. Then
the naked beings, the scaled beings, the hairy beings, the feathered
beings, and the shelled beings were born. “The Human beings, as
hairless beings, and the other beings are all the products of the inter-
action of Yin and Yang.”41 So people should look at everything on an
equal footing and resolve all problems with compassion because the
world is like a chain of life: if one segment is broken, the others can-
not survive.
39
Wenchang dijun yinzhiwen xiangzhu, in Zangwai daoshu, p. 12.
40
Baihua gongjie lu, in Zangwai daoshu, p. 28.
41
Daozang, vol. 21, p. 708.
abnegating killing and cherishing life 275
Taoist philosophy has strong links with modern ecology and its ethics.
Modern ecological ethics were founded in the 1930s and 1940s by the
Franco-German philosopher Albert Schweitzer (1875–1965)—who
received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1952—and the American ecologist
Aldo Leopold (1887–1948). Deep Ecology was a branch of the ecologi-
cal philosophy initiated in the 1980s by Arne Næss and Bill Devall,
two philosophers who embodied a new modern conscience toward the
environment.
In his Civilization and Ethics, Albert Schweitzer regarded the rela-
tionship between the human being and nature as a kind of culture
and founded his philosophy and ecological ethic on reverence for life.
His main points of view were that “the new ethic is necessary to the
development of culture,” “the basis of the new ethic is the reverence
for life,” “the human being is responsible for all life around him,” and
that “real life should be dictated by the ethics based on a new reason.”
He said: “I am life, which wills to live, and I exist in the midst of life,
which wills to live. Human beings should be aware of, and sympathize
with the will to live in their fellow creatures.”42 His new ethic was
based on reverence and respect for life in all beings, which was the
principal value and code of ecological ethics and made him the first
modern western ethicist who emphasized “respect for life.”
Later, Aldo Leopold proved the necessity and urgency of ecological
ethics by founding Land Ethic. His points of view can be summed up
in the following concepts: ecological value, ecological thought, and
ecological ethic.
Concerning the first, he believed human beings belonged to the
biotic community composed of mountains, rivers, animals, and plants.
In this system, each being takes its place in a close interaction with its
predator, which gives the whole system its balance. However, thanks
to evolution, humans no longer have predators. This was beyond the
control of nature and it caused an ecological crisis. As a remedy, an
ecological civilization should be looked upon as an alternative and
people should realize that many historical events were caused by the
interaction between human beings and nature and recognize the equal
42
Albert Schweitzer, Jingwei shengmin 敬畏生命, translated by Chen Yihuan. Shang-
hai: Shanghai shehui kexue chubanshe, 1992, p. 89.
276 li yuanguo
43
Xun Qingzhi, Lüse wutuobang—shengtai zhuyi de shehui zhexue 绿色乌托邦—生态主
义的绿色哲学. Jinan: Taishan chubanshe, 1998, p. 100.
278 li yuanguo
Yin Zhihua
Ecological Ethics in the Taoist Concepts “The Unity of Heaven and Man”
and “The Communion of All Things”
According to Taoism, humans share the same origin with all things.
In chapter 42 of the Tao Te Ching it says: “the Tao gives birth to One.
One gives birth to Two. Two gives birth to Three. Three gives birth
to everything.” The Taoist master of inner alchemy Zhang Boduan
interpreted this sentence as follows: “activated by the Tao, Non-exis-
tence gives birth to the Unique Qi. The Unique Qi gives birth to Yin
and Yang. The union of Yin and Yang, Yin, and Yang forms a trin-
ity. This trinity gives birth to all things.”1 All things are the product
1
Daozang. Shanghai shudian, Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, Cultural
Relics Press, 1988, vol. 2, p. 944.
280 yin zhihua
2
Idem, vol. 22, p. 383.
3
Idem, vol. 33, p. 129.
4
Wang Ming, Taiping jing hejiao. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1960, p. 673.
5
Daozang, vol. 20, p. 223.
6
Idem, vol. 1, p. 821.
7
Wang Ming, Taiping jing hejiao p. 124.
taoist philosophy on environmental protection 281
The Tao is not only the origin but also the noumenon of everything.
That means the Tao not only gives birth to but also exists in all
things. So the Tao is the origin of all values. All things in the uni-
verse are “generated by the Tao and raised by Virtue.” They have
their own intrinsic value, created in the Tao. Wang Xuanlan, of the
Tang Dynasty, wrote in Xuanzhu lu 玄珠录 [Record of Mysterious Pearl]:
“The Tao exists in everything, so everything is the Tao.”10 Accord-
ing to the Daomeng jingfa xiangcheng cixu 道门经法相承次序 [Order of the
Transmission of Taoist Scriptures and Rites], the Taoist Pan Shizheng said
to the emperor Gao of the Tang Dynasty “everything contains the
nature of the Tao.”11 The Tang Dynasty Taoist Meng Anpai wrote
in the Daojiao yishu 道教义枢 [Taoist Philosophy]: “everything, including
beasts, fruits, trees, and stones has the nature of the Tao.”12 From this
point of view, Taoism claims that all things are equal, refusing man’s
superiority over other things. In the chapter “Qiushui 秋水” of the
Chuang-tzu, the god of the Northern Sea said “for the Tao, all things
are equal.” The Tang Dynasty Taoist Cheng Xuanying wrote in his
commentary on the Chuang-tzu: “the Tao is natural. All things are born
equal.”13 Moreover, the author of the Xisheng jing 西升经 [Scripture of
Western Ascension] declared “the Tao exists not only in me but also in
everything.”14 Thus, man should not be self-important and should not
consider himself the center of the world and should not try to conquer
and rule nature.
8
Daozang, vol. 1, p. 821.
9
Idem.
10
Idem, vol. 23, p. 620.
11
Idem, vol. 24, p. 786.
12
Idem, vol. 24, p. 832.
13
Idem, vol. 16, p. 371.
14
Idem, vol. 16, p. 371.
282 yin zhihua
15
Idem, vol. 21, p. 708.
16
Idem, vol. 21, p. 598.
17
Idem, vol. 26, p. 693.
taoist philosophy on environmental protection 283
18
Holmes Rolston, Environmental Ethics: Duties to and Values in the Natural World, trans-
lated by Yang Tongjing. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 2000.
19
Joseph Needham, Science and Civilisation in China, translated by He Zhaowu.
Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1990, vol. 2, p. 76.
20
Wang Ming, Taiping jing hejiao, p. 203.
284 yin zhihua
nature of things and do not try to intervene with personal skills. Let
things take their course and then human beings and things will be
perfect.”21 “All things have their own nature. If people want to change
them, they will transgress the laws of nature.”22 People should abide by
these principles: “the Tao is Non-action, let things take their course”23
“Be modest and let things take their course. Everything will be in its
place.”24 “Just ease your mind and do not act, then things will trans-
form themselves.”25 The sage who understands the “wonderful laws of
nature” lives a simple life, remains in Non-action, and lets things take
their course.26 Then “everything is prosperous.”27
Taoism proposes dealing with things through the “Tao” and not the
“human self,” in order to apply “Nature and Non-action” correctly to
every human action. “Dealing with things through the ‘Tao’” means
observing all things throughout the universe in order to understand
the role of everything in the ecological system. Then people will act in
favor of the values of nature, the conservation and evolution of diver-
sity, and the integrity of the ecological system. Conversely, “dealing
with things through the ‘human self ’ ” leads to intervention in nature
only for the benefit of human beings.
Modern science has proved that nature works following its own
course. Natural balance is realized through self-regulation. Since
nature is whole, human intervention will inevitably unbalance it and
cause problems. For example, in order to protect their sheep, herdsmen
recruit hunters to kill all the wolves. In the absence of wolves, rabbits
and other animals multiply rapidly and threaten grassland. This tells
us that human intervention in nature often produces a chain reaction,
which destroys the environmental balance in unexpected ways. Tao-
ism advocates “Non-action” and promotes minimum interference in
nature. According to this concept, things work in their own way. This
concept is far-reaching.
21
Daozang, vol. 16, p. 384.
22
Idem, p. 417.
23
Wang Ming, Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985, p. 136.
24
Daozang, vol. 16, p. 418.
25
Idem.
26
Idem, p. 384.
27
Idem, p. 416.
taoist philosophy on environmental protection 285
28
Tao Te Ching, chapter 50.
29
Idem, p. 416.
30
Rao Zongyi, Laozi xiang’erzhu jiaozheng. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1991,
p. 10.
31
Wang Ming, Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi, p. 136.
32
Daozang, vol. 23, p. 704.
33
Idem, vol. 3, p. 390.
34
Idem.
286 yin zhihua
35
Idem, vol. 23, p. 702.
taoist philosophy on environmental protection 287
36
Wang Ming, Taiping jing hejiao, p. 203.
37
Daozang, vol. 23, p. 704.
38
Idem, vol. 33, p. 474.
39
Idem, vol. 33, p. 474.
40
Zangwai daoshu. Chengdu. Bashu shushe, 1994, vol. 28, p. 91.
41
Wang Ming, Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi, p. 126.
288 yin zhihua
person cherishes life and hates killing, saves the weak and protects
the winner, prohibits killing, and keeps from envy. He can unify Yin
and Yang and protect the quick and release the dead. He always has
compassion in mind. His humanity will give him longevity until he
becomes immortal.”42 In the Jingshi gongguoge 警世功过格 [Ledger of
Merits and Demerits to Admonish Humanity] it says: “When someone saves
the life of an animal that works for a human being (like a cow, a horse,
or a dog), he wins from five to fifty merits. . . . When he saves the life of
an animal that does not work for human being (such as a pig or sheep),
he wins three merits.”43 The Liu dusheng jie 六度生戒 [Six Rules for
Releasing Life] insisted on the benefit of being kind to animals. Accord-
ing to the third rule, “if someone can save a helpless animal, he will be
healthy and never meet with calamity.” According to the fourth rule,
“if someone helps animals and shares food with them, he will be rich
and win good fortune.” According to the fifth rule, “if someone frees
animals and looks after them, he will be prosperous and never meet
with calamity.” According to the sixth rule, “if someone is kind to all
beings and saves life, his merits will be great. He will always be safe,
healthy, and rich. His wishes will come true.”44 Conversely, if someone
“kills birds, breaks eggs, and hunts in spring or summer . . . each of his
acts will cost him a demerit and the God of Destiny will reduce his
lifespan.”45 In the Jingshi gongguoge it says: “if someone teaches others
to hunt, he is given thirty demerits . . . If someone poisons fish, he is
given thirty demerits . . . If someone kills a domestic animal, he wins
five demerits . . . If someone kills a bird, a fish, or an insect, he wins a
demerit . . . If someone ensnares an animal, he receives three demerits
(if the animal dies in the process, the demerit will be multiplied).”46
In the Shijie gongguoge 十戒功过格 [Ledger of Merits and Demerits of the
Ten Precepts] it says: “if someone kills animals to eat or sells their fur
or bones, he will be considered as blood-thirsty (for instance, killing
shrimps for food, killing oysters to make medicine, and killing mussels
to make jewelry). One occurrence costs two demerits and two extra
demerits if the number of animals exceeds a hundred. One who kills
a thousand animals will receive twenty demerits. . . . Ensnaring animals
42
Daozang, vol. 33, p. 475.
43
Zangwai daoshu, vol. 12, p. 76.
44
Daozang, vol. 6, p. 948.
45
Wang Ming, Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi, p. 126.
46
Zangwai daoshu, vol. 12, pp. 82–83.
taoist philosophy on environmental protection 289
for game is called killing for game (like cricket fighting). One demerit
is noted for each animal killed. Even if one does not kill, but ensnares
an animal, he will be given a demerit. One who sees others ensnare
animals but does not prevent them from doing so will receive also
one demerit.”47
The demerit for killing was even more serious in the Wushang neimi
zhenzang jing 无上内秘真藏经 [Scripture of Secret Real Pitaka of Most
High]: “he who loves killing will be sent to the Hell of Avici when he
dies. He who kills for offering in a heterodox rite will be sent to the
Hell of Feishan when he dies. He who burns fields and forests to hunt
will be sent to the Hell of Fenxing when he dies.”48 Qiu Chuji wrote
the poem “Jing shasheng 警杀生” (Exhorting People not to Kill Ani-
mals): “He who kills animals as a game never thinks of Hell. But his
demerits are secretly noted.”49 These texts clearly show that Taoism
advocated the cherishing of life in all its forms and the protection of
the environment.
Moreover, Taoism created many rules for environmental protec-
tion. The rule of “prohibiting killing” always comes first and foremost
among numerous and complex lists of rules regarding the environ-
ment. In the Dongxuan lingbao liuzhai shizhi 洞玄灵宝六 十直 [Six
Annuals Months of Fast and Ten Monthly Days of Fast of the Numinous Treasure
from the Cavern Mystery] it says: “among the five Taoist rules, the first is
‘prohibiting killing’.”50 According to Lu Xiujing’s Shouchi bajie zhaiwen
受持八戒 文 [Text of the Ritual of Receiving the Eight Rules], “the first
rule is the prohibition of killing.”51 The first rule of the Siwei dingzhi
jing shijie 思微定志经十戒 [The Rules of the Scripture of Concentration and
Reinforcing Mind ] was also “do not kill and be kind to all beings.”52 The
second rule of the Chuzhen shijie 初真十戒 [Ten Rules for Novices] was
“killing animals to eat is prohibited.”53 This rule can also be found
in the Miaolinjing ershiqi jie 妙林经二十七戒 [Twenty-seven Rules of the
Scripture of Miaolin], the Laojun shuo yibaibashi jie 老君说一百八十戒
[One Hundred and Eighty Rules Spoken by the Old Lord], and the Sanbai
47
Idem, p. 43.
48
Daozang, vol. 1, p. 476.
49
Idem, vol. 25, p. 841.
50
Idem, vol. 22, p. 258.
51
Idem, p. 281.
52
Idem, p. 267.
53
Idem, p. 278.
290 yin zhihua
dajie 三百大戒 [Three Hundred Primordial Rules]. Clearly, this rule is all-
important in Taoism.
Taoism not only prohibits killing, but also enects specific rules to
enforce this commandment. The 95th rule of the Laojun shuo yibaibashi
jie was “do not disturb hibernating animals.” The 97th was “do not
climb trees to steal eggs.” The 98th was “do not encage animals.”54
The 112th rule of the Zhongji jie 中极戒 [Rules of Middle Ultimate] was
“do not pour boiling water on fields and do not hurt ants.”55 All these
rules showed the Taoist consideration for animals.
Taoists also opposed the ill-treatment of animals. The 132nd rule
of the Laojun shuo yibaibashi jie was “it is prohibited to terrify animals.”56
And in the Sanbai dajie: “it is prohibited to terrify and corner animals.”57
The 49th rule of the Laojun shuo yibaibashi jie was “it is prohibited to kick
animals.” The 129th was “it is prohibited to beat domestic animals
without reason.”58
According to modern ecological ethics, humans should establish a
partnership with nature in order to replace the traditional relationship
based on the conquest of nature and man’s overwhelming domina-
tion. Nature is the ultimate creator of all things and the mother of all
beings. Everything in this world has its own value and right to exis-
tence. As fellow creatures, they deserve to be respected. This respect
can be found in Taoism, which prohibits the killing and ill-treatment
of animals.
There is a further point that needs to be illustrated. Taoist pre-
cepts prohibit all killing, but they are meant for Taoists. For laymen,
Taoism opposes only indiscriminate slaughter. In the Xuhuang tianzun
chuzhen shijie wen 虚皇天尊初真十戒文 [Text of Ten Rules for Novice from
the Emperor of Vacuity and Celestial Worthy] we can read, “the reason for
prohibiting killing is to keep man’s humanity whole . . . For anyone,
however humane, it is inconvenient to follow the rules because he lives
with profane people.” When someone has to kill, he should act like
Emperor Tang of the Shang Dynasty, who gave the animals an oppor-
tunity to flee in order to show the celestial virtue, or like Confucius,
who “fished with a fishing pole but no net and did not kill sleeping
54
Idem, p. 272.
55
Daozang jiyao. Changchun: Jilin renmin chubanshe, 1995, vol. 10, p. 152.
56
Daozang, vol. 1, p. 476.
57
Idem, vol. 6, p. 948.
58
Idem, vol. 22, pp. 271–72.
taoist philosophy on environmental protection 291
Conclusion
59
Idem, vol. 3, p. 404.
60
Wang Ming, Taiping jing hejiao, p. 203.
61
Daozang, vol. 6, p. 270.
62
Idem, vol. 22, p. 269.
63
Idem, vol. 6, p. 947.
64
Idem, vol. 22, pp. 271–73.
65
Idem, vol. 6, p. 948.
66
Wang Ming, Taiping jing hejiao, p. 205.
67
Idem, p. 88.
292 yin zhihua
the human being should “help Heaven to elevate other beings,” “help
the Earth to reinforce the body,”68 and make the world better. The
criterion for evaluating the wealth of a society is its natural resources.
Wealth means no shortage of anything. If all beings develop fully and
the world lacks nothing, it lives in abundance. In Upper Antiquity,
all species were still extant. It had been a time of bounty. In Middle
Antiquity, the numbers of species were reduced. It was a poorer time.
Today, many more species are dying out. This is a time of dearth.69
This philosophy of the Taiping jing in favor of the protection of species
opens up broad perspectives.
68
Idem, p. 36.
69
Idem, p. 30.
STUDY OF THE MEDICAL ELEMENTS IN
TAOIST HEALING: THE USE OF TALISMANS
AND INCANTATIONS1
Gai Jianmin
1
Published originally in Shijie zongjiao yanjiu, no. 4, 1992.
2
Gai Jianmin, Daojiao yixue 道教医学. Beijing: Zongjiao wenhua chubanshe, 2001,
pp. 4–5.
3
Yunji qiqian, chapter 45: “Miyao juefa xushi diyi 秘要诀法·序事第一,” in the
Taoist Canon. Shanghai shudian: Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1996,
vol. 22, p. 317.
294 gai jianmin
The Tao and techniques are inseparable, as noted in the phrase “the
Tao cannot be applied without the techniques.” Ritual techniques are
one of the most important means used in the practice of the Tao.
Taoist ritual techniques are numerous. Among the most important are
talismans, qi, and medicine, which are called the three essential fac-
tors: “The talisman is the spiritual writing of the Three Lights and the
message of celestial perfection. Qi is the great union of Yin and Yang
and the spirit of everything. Drugs are the gem of the five agents and
the essence of Heaven and Earth. It will be enough to be expert in one
of these three domains to realize what one wills.”4 People commonly
believe that a talisman consists of a certain type of graphic writing
and a line drawn in red or black, or made of curved strokes. It is at
the same time a character and a picture. As for incantations, they are
formulas chanted to a certain rhythm. Talismans and incantations can
be used together or separately. Generally speaking, however, the use
of Taoist talismans is linked to incantations. There are great numbers
of Taoist talismans,5 which can be classified according to different cri-
teria. Among Taoist talismans, there is a large proportion dedicated to
medical treatment. We will briefly present them here.
Among Taoist talismans, those originating from shamanistic talis-
mans and used for curing people, are among the most ancient and
have developed into the most systematic and coherent use. Ancient
Taoist talismans were principally used in exorcism. In the Scripture of
Great Peace there are many talismans made of “superimposed char-
acters 复文”: “There are four parts, 95 chapters, and 2,128 char-
acters in total. They are all the original text of the Scripture of Great
Peace. The 362 chapters (of the current version of the Taipingjing) were
4
Idem.
5
The title and category are recorded in Sandong shenfu ji 三洞神符记, which con-
tains several Taoist scriptures. In it we find “the method of three origins, eight unions,
and six writings,” “the cloud seal characters” “the six writings and six characters of the
body,” “the character of the talisman,” “the eight manifestations,” “the formula of the
jade character,” “the character of the emperor and writing of the king,” “the celes-
tial writing,” “the character of the dragon,” “the writing of the phoenix,” “the jade
document and the golden book,” “the stone character,” “the white title,” “the jade
writing,” “the east character,” “the jade document,” “the jade dispatch,” “the writ-
ing of connecting fortune,” “the gem mussel and jade book,” “the silver document,”
“the red writing,” “the real character refined by fire,” “the character of the golden
pot and ink,” “the jade document,” “the purple character,” “the natural character,”
“the character of the four unions,” and “the gem document and the stamen book.”
See the Taoist Canon, vol. 2, p. 142; see also Yunji qiqian, chapter 7: “Erdong jingjiao
bu benwen 二洞经校部·本文.”
study of the medical elements in taoist healing 295
developped by Mister Gan (Gan Ji) from the original text and circu-
lated henceforth.”6 The urge to invent those “superimposed charac-
ters,” to treat disease and drive away demons, was presented in detail
in “Taipingjing fuwen xu 太平经复文·序” [Preface to the Superimposed
Characters of the Scripture of Great Peace]. With links established over the
centuries between Taoism and medicine, Taoists emphasized medical
treatment through the use of talismans and considered such treatment
a means to benefit people and save the world. Driven by this religious
purpose, the variety and the function of Taoist medical talismans was
enriched, expanded, and perfected until a complete system of medical
talismans was formed.
Early Taoist medical talismans were primitive, coarse, unsophisti-
cated, and they were used in a general way: no specific talisman was
dedicated to a specific disease. One talisman would be used to cure
hundreds of different diseases. Its structure was simple and easy to
decipher. With the development of Taoist medicine, in the Southern
and Northern dynasties, the Sui, and the Tang, the number of Taoist
medical talismans multiplied. Many different specific clinical talismans
appeared and were classified into categories. For instance, in the first
and second chapters of the Taishang dongxuan lingbao suling zhenfu 太上
洞玄灵宝素灵真符 [True Talismans of the White Numen from the Supreme
Mysterious Cavern of the Lingbao (Canon)], which were signed “revealed to
Mister Lu (Lu Xiujing),” not only were the talismans for hundreds of
diseases recorded, but also those for specific diseases, such as 88 kinds
for epidemics, 8 for typhoid, 12 for chills and fever, and 13 for head-
aches.7 In the third chapter of the same book, 15 kinds of talismans for
thoracalgia, 45 for diarrhea, 4 for cholera, 17 for constipation, 5 for
gonorrhea, and 55 for malaria were recorded.8 This showed the great
variety of Taoist medical talismans.
It is also worth noting that Taoists were capable of applying talis-
mans not only according to different types of diseases but also accord-
ing to the evolution of the disease. Hence the use of different talismans
through the different stages of treatment and different objectives. For
example, for the talisman against epidemics, there was one “swallowed
6
Taipingjing fuwen xu, see Wang Ming, Taipingjing hejiao. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju,
1960, p. 745.
7
Taishang dongxuan lingbao suling zhenfu, first chapter, see the Taoist Canon., vol. 6,
pp. 343–48.
8
Idem, pp. 355–61.
296 gai jianmin
9
Idem, p. 351.
study of the medical elements in taoist healing 297
10
Idem, p. 346.
11
Daofa huiyuan, chapter 1, see the Taoist Canon., vol. 28, p. 674.
12
Shangqing lingbao dafa, chapter 58, see the Taoist Canon, vol. 31, p. 244.
13
Idem, p. 245.
14
Zhuyouke zhufu mijuan 祝由科诸符秘卷. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe,
1994, p. 12.
298 gai jianmin
15
Gai Jianmin, Daojiao yixue 道教医学, p. 292.
16
Zhuyou yixue shisanke 祝由医学十三科, see Zangwai daoshu. Chengdu: Bashu shushe,
1994, vol. 26, p. 337.
17
Gai Jianmin, Daojiao yixue 道教医学, pp. 292–95.
study of the medical elements in taoist healing 299
master must purify the body by taking a bath and changing clothes.
Take a bath with fragrant water, then wear new clothes before enter-
ing the meditation chamber. If the body is not clean, the god will not
lodge in it and the technique will not be efficient. In that case, the
Taoist master cannot be in touch with Heaven.”18 Taoists are very
particular about bathing and put all kinds of perfumes and medici-
nal herbs in the bath water. At the end of the section on “Sending a
Memorial and Purification” mentioned above, we find a “prescription
for boiling medicine”: “half a jin of Peach Skin, half a jin of Citronella,
half a liang of Agastache, half a liang of perfumed Angelica, and half a
liang of Holy Basil.”19 In this “prescription of boiling medicine,” agas-
tache, as a kind of herbal medicine, is associated with the character
for spleen, stomach, and lungs. According to chapter 14, “Herbs,” in
the Bencao gangmu 本草纲目 [Compendium of Materia Medica], agastache
is used for relieving “the swelling and the toxicity caused by wind and
water, getting rid of evil qi, preventing cholera and relieving heart and
belly pain. It is the essential medicine for the reflux of gastric acid. It
is used also for reinforcing the stomach qi, stimulating the appetite,
warming the heart, hastening the qi, cold lungs, the heat of the Upper
Warmer, halitosis after drinking alcohol, and gargling.”20 The modern
study of medicine shows the inhibiting effect of agastache in cases of
pathogenic dermatophyte.
Angelica is a perennial plant with a strong perfume, hence its other
name, perfumed angelica. It is used for relieving fever, preventing
rheumatism, relieving swelling, eliminating toxicity, relieving pain, and
clearing nasal passages. In the Shennong bencao jing 神农本草经 [Materia
Medica of Shennong] it notes: “Angelica is used against leukorrhea, the
swelling of private parts caused by clots of blood, the heat caused by
18
Before sending a memorial, the Taoist master must prepare the pledge (xin 信).
Instructions are found in chapter 1, “Memorial and Symbol,” in the Daomen dingzhi
道门定制: “36 chi of yellow rope . . . 1 liang of cinnabar, a silver knife, 3 guan, and
600 wen of ‘life money,’ 12 sheng of ‘lucky rice,’ 120 pieces of yellow paper, a pair of
good quality brushes, a piece of high quality ink stick, and a liang of frankincense.”
(The Taoist canon, vol. 31, p. 662). Among them, the cinnabar, related to the heart
character, was used for calming the nerves and clearing away heat and toxic mate-
rial. Frankincense, related to the heart, the liver, and the spleen character, was used
for stimulating blood circulation, stopping pain, relieving swelling, and regenerating
tissue. The ink could be used as medicine. A silver knife could be used for sterilizing
and identifying poison.
19
Shangqing lingbao dafa, chapter 25, see the Taoist Canon, vol. 31, p. 500.
20
Idem.
300 gai jianmin
fever, the excessive tears caused by the syndrome of the wind in the
head.” According to the Rihuazi bencao 日华子本草 [Materia Medica of
Rihuazi], angelica is used against chest pain, carbuncles on the back,
dermatitis, hemorrhoids, apocenosis, sores, dermatomycosis, odynoly-
sis, regenerating tissues, and scars on the face. Holy basil is also called
xuncao 薰草 or huicao 蕙草. According to chapter 14, “Herbs,” in the
Bencao gangmu, basil is used to “improve eyesight, stop tears, and cure
premature ejaculation, deodorization, migraine, and lumbago.”21 Cit-
ronella is also called maoxiang 茅香 or xiangma 香麻. The citronella
flower is used in cases of “heart disease, heating and settling the stom-
ach, treating the pain in the heart and the belly caused by cold.”22 The
leaf of the citronella bud is used for “preparing bath water, driving
away demoniac influence and perfuming the body.”23
Peach skin is in common use in Taoist talismans and incantations.
Taoists have always considered the peach as protecting people from
demons and many ritual instruments are made from peach tree wood.
The presence of the peach in Taoism is influenced by the yasheng 厌胜
in shamanistic medicine. Yasheng means one thing can always be sup-
pressed by another, as noted in the proverb “when a Taoist increases
his power, demons also increase their power, even more so.” A Sha-
man believes that the wearing or the laying of amulets protects people
from demons. Taoists’ preference for peaches also rests on their medi-
cal properties. Peach skin or the white skin of a peach stem, also called
taoshu pi 桃树皮 or tao baipi 桃白皮, is used against edema, epigastral-
gia, the mass in the right hypochondrium, bellyache, and pharyngi-
tis. Peach skin contains naringenin, aromadendrin, persicogenin, and
other organic elements. One can gargle with soup made with it to
treat toothache. In addition, peach pits, peach leaves, peach blossoms,
and peach root can be all used as medicine. The peach pit is used for
invigorating blood circulation, allaying tiredness, easing constipation,
and inflammation. The peach leaf is used for detoxification, dispers-
ing pathogenic wind, disinfection, and treating furunculous, eczema,
urticaria, hemorrhoids, and malaria. A decoction of peach leaf can
be used for killing several viruses such as Shigeila flexneri and killing
mosquitoes and flies because it contains several fungicidal components,
21
Bencao gangmu. Beijing: Renmin weisheng chubanshe, 1977, vol. 2, p. 900.
22
Idem, p. 902.
23
Idem, p. 897.
study of the medical elements in taoist healing 301
like laetrile, quinine acid, and ursolic acid. Bath water perfumed with
peach blossoms used for purification is mentioned in chapter 9, “Taboo
of Fast—Purification,” in the Shangqing lingbao dafa:
In the Taishang jiubian shihua yixin jing 太上九变十化易新经 [Most High
Scripture for Easy Renewal Through Nine Transformations and Ten Transmuta-
tions] we find the following: if one steps on dirt or goes through dirty
places, he should take a bath to purify himself. Follow the instructions,
put 10 liang of bamboo leaves and 4 liang of peach branches in 12 dou
of water and boil it. Adjust the temperature and then take a bath with
it. Not only will all inauspicious things go away, but also eczema and
hemorrhoids can be prevented, because bamboo leaves and peach
branches purify.24
Taoists strongly believed in the virtues of bathing and thought “they
must purify themselves with perfumed water.”25 There are many ver-
sions of the components of the five-perfume water. The most com-
mon one is composed of Caryopteris incana, Holy Basil, Radix aristolochiae,
and Sandalwood. But it can also composed of medical herbs such as
mastiche, tambac, angelica, cypress leaves, and peach skin. Taoists
explain that purification with perfumed water has a religious impli-
cation, maintaining that “if the Taoist master does not purify him-
self with perfumed water, his soul will be lost and captured by other
ghosts,”26 “cypress leaves enable him to invite true immortals,”27 and
“holy basil enables him to assemble deities.”28 If they do not purify
themselves, the talismans and incantations will be polluted and there-
fore lose their strength. Although this is only Taoist ideology, taking
regular baths with special medicinal herbs used against inflammation,
infection, eczema, and eliminating damp can really prevent people
from catching diseases. Having a haircut and changing clothes can
also be preventive.
Taoists put great emphasis on hygiene at the ritual site. They clean
the site beforehand and purify it once more with vinegar on the day of
the ritual. “Prepare a calm chamber and prevent anyone from entering
it. Clean it beforehand and fumigate it with vinegar and the purifica-
tion talisman.”29 “Fumigation with vinegar” is an efficient and simple
24
Shangqing lingbao dafa, chapter 9, see the Taoist Canon, vol. 31, p. 396.
25
Yunji qiqian, chapter 41, “Bath,” see the Taoist Canon, vol. 22, p. 282.
26
Idem.
27
Idem, p. 283.
28
Idem.
29
Shangqing lingbao dafa, chapter 23, see the Taoist Canon, vol. 37, p. 489.
302 gai jianmin
method for purifying the chamber and eliminating viruses. Even today
it is used for protecting people from respiratory viruses.
The medical elements of Taoist talismans and incantations can be
found in the making of the talismans using choice substances.
Taoists make talismans with peach, which are called peach talismans
and consider them able to drive away demons because of their medical
properties. We have already given details on the pit, branch, leaf, and
blossom, which all contain some disinfecting medicinal components.
Even the use of the ash of a burnt peach talisman and the water mixed
with it are to some extent also effective. Besides the peach, Taoist tal-
ismans can be also made of paper, silk, bamboo, metal, even rice or
fruit. Cinnabar is often chosen for writing talismans with.
Cinnabar is used for writing secret words. Grind it and write with it on
yellow paper. In urgent cases, write words in some soil with your right
hand in the form of a sword seal, then swallow the soil. The sincerity
of the moment should suffice. Secret words can be written on bamboo,
wood, and stone boiled in water. Secret words can be written on cake
or fruit. These can be eaten to cure a disease.30
Cinnabar is also called chensha 辰砂 or dansha 丹砂. Its chemical prop-
erties are very special. Its red color represents what Taoists seek—the
essence of the universe and life. Taoists use cinnabar not only as a
material in Taoist alchemy but also for writing talismans. Taoist talis-
mans written with cinnabar on yellow paper, cake, or fruit prove their
therapeutic effect through their mysterious characteristics.
Cinnabar, whose character is “sweet” and “cold,” is associated with
the heart. It is used for relieving uneasiness in body and mind, clear-
ing away heat and toxins, treating insomnia, carbuncles, malaria, and
sores caused by inner heat. Moreover, yellow paper used for writing
talisman is dyed with turmeric, which is also called huangjiang 黄姜,
maojianghuang 毛姜黄, and baodingxiang 宝鼎香, and whose character is
spicy, bitter, and warm. It is associated with the heart, the spleen, and
the liver. It is used for treating scabies, stagnation of the circulation
of vital energy, chest and belly pain, tingling in the side, wandering
arthritis, dysmenorrhea, amenorrhea, injuries from falls, and inflam-
mation. The curcumin contained in turmeric can contain staphylo-
coccus. Turmeric soup can increase appetite, relieve pain, and boost
30
Zhuyou yixue shisanke, see Zangwai daoshu, vol. 26, pp. 345–46.
study of the medical elements in taoist healing 303
31
A talisman written with ink has also its medicinal effects. According to the Yilin
zuanyao 医林纂要, “previously ink was made from turpentine soot whose character-
istic is warmth. Today’s ink is made from tung oil whose characteristic is coldness.
However its odor is lighter and its character is flat. The better ink is mixed with pearl,
gold, and ice and kept for a long time.” Paper can be used as medicine. According to
the Bencao gangmu, “fruit paper is sweet, flat, and non toxic. The ash from red paper
is used for treating hematemesis, hemorrhinia, bleeding, and open wounds. Bamboo
paper is used for preventing paludism. The ash from rattan paper is used for treating
wounds, interior heat, and hemorrhinia. Mix the ash of rattan paper with wine and
drink it. Twirl herb paper and apply it on gangrene and pus. The ash of hemp paper
can be used for staunching. Paper money can be used for gangrene and its ash can
be used for staunching.” See Bencao gangmu. Beijing: Renmin weisheng chubanshe,
1977, vol. 3, p. 94.
32
Dengzhen yinjue, chapter 2, “Memorial and Talisman,” see the Taoist Canon, vol. 6,
p. 621.
304 gai jianmin
33
Zhuyou yixue shisanke, see Zangwai daoshu, vol. 26, pp. 345–46.
34
Idem. There is also a similar passage: “If the origin of disease is Yang, use vin-
egar of good quality; ginger juice if it is Yin. Apply golden ink on sores and write a
talisman in the margin” See chapter 1 of the Taishang zhuyou ke 太上祝由科, p. 12.
35
Huangdi neijing suwen jiaoshi 黄帝内经素问校释. Beijing: Renmin weisheng chu-
banshe, 1982, vol. 1, p. 92.
36
Jingyue quanshu 景岳全书, chapter 1 “Essay on Loyalty,” see Yingyin wenyuange siku
quanshu, vol. 777, pp. 4–5.
study of the medical elements in taoist healing 305
Zhuyou yixue shisanke [Thirteen Sections of zhuyou (Conjuring the Causes of Ill-
nesses) Medicine]:
Drink Perilla soup with the talisman for treating chills. Perilla, spicy
and warm is associated with the lung and the spleen. It is used for
expelling wind, clearing away colds, and treating fever, headache, and
rhinostegnosis.
Drink oriental wormwood decoction with talisman for treating inter-
nal moisture. Herba Artemisiae Capillaris, which is bitter and a little cold is
associated with the spleen, stomach, liver, and bile. It is used for elimi-
nating dampness and heat and treating jaundice.
According to Zhang Shanlei’s Bencao zhengyi 本草正义 [True Meaning of
Materia Medica]: “Herba Artemisiae Capillaris, whose taste is light, is used
for alleviating water retention and treating dampness and the heat of
spleen and stomach.” Drink Amomum villosum soup with the talisman for
preventing miscarriage. Amomum villosum, which is spicy and warm, is
linked to the spleen and the stomach. It is used for eliminating damp-
ness, facilitating the circulation of energy, and preventing miscarriage.
Other principles will not be presented here in further detail for want
of space. These include drinking Tuckahoe soup with the talisman to
treat malnutrition in children, drinking ginger soup with the talisman
to settle the stomach, drinking Radix aucklandiae soup with the talisman
to treat diarrhea and dysentery, drinking Pericarpium citri reticulatae soup
with the talisman to treat borborygmus, drinking angelica soup with
the talisman to treat hematemesis, drinking Asiatic plantain seed soup
with the talisman to treat urinary obstructions, and drinking bupleu-
rum and peppermint soup with the talisman to treat internal heat.
The medical effectiveness of Taoist talismans and incantations is
due not only to actual medicinal elements present in soups or herbs
but also to psychological effects applied during treatment.
First, Taoist asks the patient to be sincere and to have faith in the
Taoist talisman and incantation during treatment. As mentioned above,
this principle is stated at the beginning of the Zhuyou yixue shisanke. In
the chapter “Zhuyou Ritual of the Most High,” in the Zhufanke zhufu
mijuan 祝凡科诸符秘卷 [Secret Text of Talismans of the Zhufan Ritual],
similar ideas were noted under the title “Rules of the Most High,”
which emphasize that “zhuyou means to cast a spell on the origin of the
disease and treat it with a ritual. This ritual is based on sincerity and
faith.”37 Taoists believe the patient’s trust helps with the treatment.
37
Zhuyou zhufu mijuan, p. 3.
306 gai jianmin
Modern psychological studies show that the patient’s trust in the doc-
tor and his prescriptions has a direct impact on clinical effects. During
treatment with talismans, Taoists often declare that the talisman and
incantation are revealed and are endowed with divine power. If the
patient wears, eats, or recites the talisman, the treatment will have
positive effects. Although Taoist propaganda overstates the efficiency
of all those practices, Taoist worship of talismans helps to increase
trust, improve the psychological impact, and set at rest the minds of
incurable patients who have lost all hope. According to modern medi-
cal studies, clinical effects not only depend on the appropriate medi-
cine but also on the patient’s frame of mind. For the same patient, the
medicine given by a doctor he trusts may be more effective than that
given by a doctor he does not trust.
The ash of a talisman or talisman soup, besides their medicinal ele-
ments in the case of some diseases, is also used as a placebo. Placebo
therapy is common in modern clinical treatment. According to this
therapy, the full treatment, or just a part of it, is effective for some dis-
eases even though it is not exclusively meant for these diseases. Mod-
ern placebo therapy includes oral placebos,38 symbolical operations
like skin cutting, and injections without medicine. Because the patient
believes he is being treated, placebo therapy can have a healing effect.
So it is easy to understand the curative effect of writing a talisman
and reciting an incantation in which the Taoist master paces the Big
Dipper, holds the sword with disheveled hair, mutters, and writes a
talisman on a cup of water. Taoist talismans and incantations are espe-
cially effective as placebos in cases of physiological dysfunction and
psychogenic disorder caused by psychological problems. In antiquity,
when medicine was still underdeveloped, treatment with talismans and
incantations could supplement treatment with medicine.
During treatment with talismans and incantations, the Taoist doc-
tor asks the patient to enter a peaceful chamber to meditate. “Purify
the heart and clean the anxiety, that is what we call a bath.”39 It
is a psychological “bath,” which facilitates the circulation of energy
in the internal organs; eliminates the patient’s delusion, depression,
and tension; and relieves the negative effects of these emotions on the
38
Modern oral placebos are classified in two categories: one is a pure placebo with-
out medicine like candy, a starch tablet, or saline, the other contains a little medicine
like vitamins or calcium tablets, which are not used for curing specific diseases.
39
The chapter “Pointing out Mystery” in the Xiuzhen shishu 修真十书, see the Tao-
ist Canon, vol. 4, p. 606.
study of the medical elements in taoist healing 307
40
Dongyi baojian. Beijing: Zhongguo zhongyiyao chubanshe, 1995, collated version,
chapter 1.
41
Taishang dongxuan lingbao suling zhenfu, chapter 1, see the Taoist Canon, vol. 6,
p. 345.
42
Idem.
308 gai jianmin
Conclusion
43
Santian neijie jing, chapter 1, see the Taoist Canon, vol. 28, p. 414.
44
Lu xiansheng daomen kelüe, see the Taoist Canon, vol. 24, pp. 779–80.
A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE RITUAL OF
THE “THREE GREAT PURITIES”, THE “TAIYI RITUAL
OF SUBLIMATION”, AND THE “DOUMU RITUAL
OF SUBLIMATION”
—SIMILARITIES AND DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE
TAOIST RITUALS OF THE CANTONESE REGION AND
OF THE JIANGNAN REGION
Chen Yaoting
between the Taoist rituals in different regions and understand the his-
torical characteristics of Taoism in the Cantonese region in order to
understand its development.
1
Hu Daojing et al., Daojiao yaoji xuankan. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1989,
vol. 8, p. 808.
a comparative study of three rituals 311
2
The Taoist Canon. Shanghai shudian: Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House,
1988, Cultural Relics Press, vol. 10, p. 449.
3
Zangwai daoshu. Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 1994, vol. 17, p. 664.
312 chen yaoting
4
Idem, vol. 30, p. 352.
a comparative study of three rituals 313
Table 1 (cont.)
Content “The Anterior “The Taiji “The Anterior
Heaven Ritual Numinous Heaven Golden
for Feeding, Treasure Ritual Ritual of Doumu
Saving and for Saving and for Saving and
Sublimating Sublimating Sublimating Souls”
Souls” Souls”
3. Purification Yes Yes (with one Yes
difference). There
are also the Pacing
of the Dipper and
the pool of water
and the fire-pit are
installed
4. Meditation Yes Yes (same) Yes (but after the
dispatch of report)
5. Dispatch of Yes Yes (same) Yes (but before the
report meditation)
6. Five offerings Yes No Yes
7. Break into Yes Yes (with one Yes
Hell difference)
8. Three Yes Yes (with one No
summons difference)
9. Summon Yes Yes (with one Yes
difference)
followed by the
feeding of souls
10. Tame and Yes Yes (with one Yes
control difference)
11. Eulogy for Yes No No
Taoist ritual
12. Greeting to Yes No Yes (with one
ten directions difference).
Greeting to five
directions
13. Placate Yes Yes (same) Yes
hatreds
14. Scripture Yes Yes (same) Yes
of five kitchens
15. Feeding the Yes Yes (brought Yes
souls forward)
314 chen yaoting
Table 1 (cont.)
Content “The Anterior “The Taiji “The Anterior
Heaven Ritual Numinous Heaven Golden
for Feeding, Treasure Ritual Ritual of Doumu
Saving and for Saving and for Saving and
Sublimating Sublimating Souls” Sublimating Souls”
Souls”
16. Sublimation Yes Yes (with one Yes
with water and difference)
fire
17. Three Yes Yes (with one Yes
refuges difference)
18. Nine Yes Yes (different) Yes
commandments
19. Hymn to Yes Yes (same) Yes (with one
send off the difference) preceded
souls by the hymn to
send off the gods
20. Eulogy No Yes No
for the god
Qinghua
will now compare the similar content of the scene “Break into Hell.”
In “the Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving, and Sublimating
Souls” it says:
The Jade Sovereign and Celestial Worthy who Forgives Sins, whose
appearance is the most majestic. Osier in hand, he sits on the precious
lotus. The Jade Maiden carries a streamer beside his imperial chariot,
while the Golden Lad descends from Heaven with a tally. Reciting the
white document, the Sovereign opens the sky and the world is full of
propitious clouds. The Sovereign of innumerable virtues and ultimate
perfection ascends the precious throne. His power spreads to the dou
and niu constellations.
The eternal night surrounds prisoners with a metal barrier and stone
walls. In dark Hell is the prison of metal and sand. This zone can be
touched neither by the rain nor by the sun. The blade of swords is fro-
zen by frost, while the flame of the fire chariot is stirred up by lightning.
Horrible cries under mill and mortar shake the earth, while the heat
of the pan and tripod burns the sky. In hailstorms, wind, thunder, and
lightning, it is impossible to say how great the pain is. This prison cannot
be reopened unless the compassionate light of the Great High dawns.
The secret incantation should be uttered to open the doors of Hell.
In deep Hell, there are numerous mountains. The inconceivable light
of the Numinous Treasure penetrates the pool of fire. The sinful souls
in Hell follow the banner of fragrant clouds. On the lotus flower of wis-
dom, they will be reborn and forever in peace. The golden light of merit
illuminates the darkness. The true fragrance flows in the flower pool.
The canopy of lotus floats on the clouds. All the gods live harmoniously
in the twelve pavilions. Quickly announce the decree of the Numinous
Treasure! Then souls may enjoy life in Heaven. Life in Hell is miser-
able. Quickly welcome the Original Emperor with heart. The talisman
of Nüqing 女青 and the Numinous Treasure and the book of the real
emperor of Zhongshan allow souls to ascend to Great Clarity at the first
recitation and return to Great Non-existence at the second recitation.
The merit reaching deep Hell enables souls to be reborn gradually in
the Purple Star.5
We find the following text in the “Taiyi Ritual of Sublimation”:
The Celestial Worthy of the light of wisdom illuminates universally, his
three lights casting orthodox wisdom, joined by the inner light. This
light gives blessing to the world and shows its power. The pain of fire
poison is cured and the ice pool is lit up. The barrier around Hell and
its dark door are illuminated. Great compassion reaches down to help
5
Ōfuchi Ninji, Zhongguoren de zongjiao liyi 中國人の宗教禮儀 (in Japanese). Tokyo:
Fuwu shudian, 1983 p. 887.
316 chen yaoting
souls; the saints show their compassion. Souls in Hell are released and
ascend to Heaven.
The eternal night surrounds prisoners with a metal barrier and stone
walls. In dark Hell, is the prison of metal and sand. This zone can be
attained neither by the rain nor by the sun. The blade of swords is fro-
zen by frost while the flame of the fire chariot is stirred up by lightning.
Horrible cries from under mill and mortar shake the earth while the heat
of pan and tripod burns the sky. With Hailstorms, wind, thunder, and
lightning, it is impossible to ascertain how great the pain is. This prison
cannot be reopened unless dawns the compassionate light of the Great
High. The secret incantation should be uttered to open Hell’s gate.
The Celestial Worthy illuminates the night. In Deep Hell, there are
numerous mountains. The inconceivable light of the Numinous Trea-
sure penetrates the pool of fire. The sinful souls in Hell follow the banner
of fragrant clouds. With the lotus of wisdom and meditation, they will
transmigrate peacefully. The golden light of merit opens the dark bar-
rier. The true fragrance flows in the flower pool. The canopy of lotus
floats on clouds. All the gods live harmoniously in the twelve pavilions.
Quickly announce the decree of the Numinous Treasure! Then souls
may enjoy life in Heaven. Life in Hell is miserable. Quickly salute the
Original Emperor with heart. The talisman of Nuqing and the Numi-
nous Treasure and the book of the real emperor of Zhongshan allow
souls to reach Great Clarity at the first recitation and return to the Great
Non existence at the second recitation. The merit reaching deep Hell
allows souls to be reborn gradually in the Purple Star.6
As to the scene of “placating hatreds,” the content is identical.
Human beings are always possessed by hatred. Deprived of intelligence
and lost [“numerous” according to the “tai” version], how can they
cooperate and live an harmonious life? They still feel hatred even after
transmigration. The animosity of several generations cannot be placated
even after centuries. Harsh temper is at work and competitive minds are
ruling. With the body, they can do what they will. Without the body
they can also do so. [“what can they do?” according to the “tai” version]
They should understand that dreams and flowers are not real, dew and
lightning do not exist. He who can perceive this and renew himself, may
become immortal and attain the Tao. Placate hatred with a talisman.
The followers of the law are compassionate. Utter the saint’s name. [The
last two phrases are missing in the “tai” version]
The Celestial Worthy who placates hatred.
We inherit body and the skin from our parents. How could we dare
to let them be injured? He who fights dies by the sword, because he has
6
Zangwai daoshu. Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 1994, vol. 17, p. 628.
a comparative study of three rituals 317
enlightenment in the world of life. The followers of the law are compas-
sionate. Announce it with a sincere heart.
One builds a tomb following the results of divination. But he offends
Feng shui. One cuts down trees and exploits mountains. He transgresses
the forbidden area of his ancestors (gravesite). Sued in Hell, people of this
world often meet with premature death. Now I request gods to bestow
the talisman to placate hatred and rivalry. Leave aside the suffering and
attain [“follow” according to the “tai” version] enlightenment in the liv-
ing world. The followers of the law are compassionate. Announce with
a sincere heart.
Although innocent, he who is imprisoned can only swallow his anger.
Bribed officials condemn him with fabricated charges. He wants to tell
the truth but does not know how. Finally he is assassinated and said
to have committed suicide. Obsessive hatred engenders hatred. Now I
request gods to bestow the talisman to placate hatred and rivalry. Leave
aside the suffering and attain [“follow” according to the “tai” version]
enlightenment in the living world. The followers of the law are compas-
sionate. Announce with a sincere heart.
He who is converted to the Tao through his nature and inclination
[“but his spirit is ignorant” according to the “tai” version], is then attacked
by demons. He whose heart is full of vanity and illusions is tormented by
spirits. He dies prematurely and is led to the world of ghosts. His hatred
is endless and he cannot turn to the true way [“return” according to the
“tai” version]. Obsessive hatred engenders hatred. Now I request gods to
bestow the talisman to placate hatred and rivalry. Leave aside the suffer-
ing and attain [“follow” according to the “tai” version] enlightenment in
the living world. The followers of the law are compassionate. Announce
with a sincere heart.
Accumulated anger becomes hatred that cannot be placated. Prom-
ises broken and virtue violated cannot be forgotten. If one has escaped
condemnation in this world, he will be accused in Hell. Obsessive hatred
engenders hatred. Now I request gods to bestow the talisman to placate
hatred and rivalry. Leave aside the suffering and attain [“follow” accord-
ing to the “tai” version] enlightenment in the world of life. The followers
of the law are compassionate. Announce it with a sincere heart.
The talisman and decree of the Original Commencement will placate
hatred. All hatred and wrong condemnations will disappear with the
use of talisman. The fire pool will become a lotus [“cool” according to
the “tai” version]. Grief will become peaceful, the chain of hatred will
be broken. All souls are delivered and ascend [“reborn” according to the
“tai” version] to Heaven with talismans written in red words.
The Celestial Worthy who placates hatred.
Hatred placated and bad karma dispelled; like ice melting; hunger
appeased, like fire burning in an empty stomach. Take the breath of
Great Harmony and drink the elixir of cool dew. Each grain of sand
is attached to a wandering soul. Each spoon of water is transformed
into a sea to give life to dead trees. The benediction is universal and all
a comparative study of three rituals 319
beings are satisfied. The ritual food is consecrated and we will announce
it together.7
There are more differences between the scripture of “the Anterior
Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving, and Sublimating Souls” and that
of “the Anterior Heaven Golden Ritual of Doumu for Saving and
Sublimating Souls.”8
Through the comparison above, we have shown that the scripture
of “the Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving, and Sublimat-
ing Souls” had absorbed many elements from the “Taiyi Ritual of
Sublimation.”
The ritual arena of “the Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving,
and Sublimating Souls” and that of the “Doumu Ritual of Sublima-
tion” are identical. The ritual arena of one Taoist master consists of
one rectangular table, whereas that of the three masters is composed
of three rectangular tables. The Taoist master sits on one end and the
sticks of incense and other ornaments are laid out on the other end.
The Taoist acolytes stand along both sides of the table. On the table
for “the Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving, and Sublimating
Souls” stand the statues of the Three Purities, whereas the statue of
Doumu stands on the table in the “Doumu Ritual of Sublimation.”
The ritual arena of the “Taiyi Ritual of Sublimation” is differ-
ent from that of “the Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving,
and Sublimating Souls” and of the “Doumu Ritual of Sublimation.”
According to what I saw, on the side table stood the statue and shrine
of the Celestial Worthy of Salvation and Taiyi 太乙救苦天尊. The
Taoist master sat facing the wall. One or two Taoists sat on two sides
of the table. The size of the ritual arena was smaller and the table
decoration was simpler than for the other two rituals.
On the tables of “the Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding, Saving,
and Sublimating Souls” and the “Doumu Ritual of Sublimation” there
are also offerings like “incense, flowers, a lamp, water, and fruits,” all
7
The quoted text is from the scripture of “the Anterior Heaven Ritual for Feeding,
Saving, and Sublimating Souls.” The use of tai in italics refers to “the Taiji Numinous
Treasure Ritual for Saving and Sublimating Souls.”
8
Zangwai daoshu. Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 1994, vol. 30, p. 343.
320 chen yaoting
1. Taoism from the Cantonese Region Crossed the Lines Drawn between Schools
and Assimilated Their Characteristics
The Cantonese region is far from the central plains of China. The level
of its culture is not as high as in the central plains or in the Jiangnan
region. Therefore, it is less conservative and it has always welcomed
the more advanced culture of other regions. In addition, the Canton-
ese region engaged in maritime and land trade early in its history,
which helped this area to open up its culture to other, more advanced
cultures. In fact, Taoism in the Cantonese region was imported from
the central plains of China. Once rooted in the region, it continued to
absorb Taoist ideology and rituals from other regions. In this cultural
context, the Quanzhen School of the Cantonese region, based on the
Quanzhen “Iron Bottle Ritual of Sublimation,” absorbed the “Taiyi
Ritual of Sublimation” of the Jiangnan region and the ritual of sublima-
tion of other Taoist Schools to create its “Anterior Heaven Ritual for
Feeding, Saving, and Sublimating Souls.” On the other hand, Taoism
a comparative study of three rituals 321
3. Taoism in the Cantonese Region Aims at Splendor and Perfection in Its Use
of Ornaments and Music in the Rituals
Given the special features of its geography, language, and music, the
culture of the Cantonese region is marked by great diversity. Its music
is varied; its art is full of dense colors, and its literature is flowery. In
addition, it has had close links with other regions for over a hundred
years. With its economical support and the diversity of its culture, the
Cantonese region has helped other Chinese cultures to grow. In this
context, its Taoism emphasizes the splendor of the ritual arena and
the melody of ritual music. It even integrates a new type of lighting
and sound effects into the tradition. This is rare in the Taoism of
the Jiangnan region and of the central plains of China because these
limited their use to simpler, slower music without any added modern
lighting effects.
Liu Zhongyu
tilts on the side because the straw man has become heavier, the banner
becomes heavier and falls too. Then we know the soul (of the deceased)
has arrived. The Taoist master takes the perfumed water, boiled with
the talisman of taiguang, and purifies the site with osier. Taoist acolytes
recite the “Secret Language of the Great Brahmâ”. The soul is led to a
bath. Then the soul comes before the Three Treasures, is offered talis-
mans, and observes a fast.
The scale tilting is in fact influenced by people’s actions and emotions:
if the banner becomes heavier, it is only because the feelings of the
person who holds the banner are influenced by the atmosphere. But
these all nonetheless serve as proofs of the arrival of the soul. This
performance is vivid. The vividness is based on the visuality and the
emotions of the spectators and participants. This is especially obvious
in the scene of the soul going to the ritual site. The procedure consists
in the installation of the shrine of the prison emissary and the officer in
charge of arresting souls and offerings. Then:
The Taoist master first swallows the talisman of loneliness. He burns a
talisman and blows it onto the ritual site. He invites the generals of the
divine tiger, the jade maiden, and soldiers. “Now I go to the ritual site
with all souls and make them visible.” Then the Taoist master puts the
talisman for taking souls in the water and sprays the water in four direc-
tions and on the two altars. He burns all the talismans and covers the
site with a green tent. He proceeds to burn the order to the emissary of
the prisons of Hell. After a moment, a relative (of the deceased) is per-
mitted to enter the site and face the four walls to look from afar at the
soul, which looks alive. When the soul is released, two novices, banner
in hand, lead the soul out of the ritual site to its place.
The Taoist master asks the novice to enter the green tent. This scene
shows the feeling of the relatives when they meet the soul in person.
Since the relatives of the dead come to observe the ritual, they believe
a priori in the existence of souls. After having entered the ritual site,
they are full of sorrow, affection, and other feelings, which easily leads
to illusion. The shadow on the wall is no doubt the reflection of the
straw man. As the shadow is indistinct it allows the relatives to recon-
struct the image of the dead in their mind. Dressed in clothes that
belonged to the dead person, the straw man resembles him and the
shadow resembles him even more. This is why the relatives believe in
the arrival of the soul and cry. The arrival of the soul has been vividly
enacted. Now we will see the scene of its “release,” which will be even
more so.
328 liu zhongyu
1
The “Pacing the Void” is also called the “Vacant Grotto Movement of Pacing
the Void and Stepping the Non-existence 步虚蹑无虚空洞章,” which refers to the
melody sung by immortals in the sky. In his Daoyue kao luegao 道乐考略稿, Chen
Guofu retraced its origin to the Yunzhong yinsong xinke jiejing revealed to Kou Qianzhi
in AD 415. However, the Duren jing 度人经, which was compiled at the latest in AD
397, contained various hymns of the type of “Pacing the Void,” thus already existing
18 years before Kou Qianzhi. See Liu Zhongyu’s Duren jing yu poluomeng sixiang 度人
经与婆罗门思想, in Xueshu jikan 学术季刊, 1993, n. 3.
the theatrical character of taoist rituals 329
After kneeling, the participants in the fast walk in an orderly line to the
left and then around the incense burner three times. Then they sing the
“Vacant Grotto Movement of Pacing the Void and Stepping the Non-
existence.” Immortals observe a fast while singing, then go around to
climb the Terrace of Seven Treasures ruled by the Most High Lord of
Great Tao in the All-encompassing Heaven (. . .). Now we follow suit.
The lyrics of the “Pacing the Void” express the will to follow the
“Most High.” In the phrase “greeting the Most High by kneeling,
burning incense, and returning to Non-existence” the melody is gentle
and flat with little modulation. It is repeated to create a serious, har-
monious, and pious atmosphere. Its objective is not only to praise the
Tao, but also to transform the world into Heaven and make Tao-
ists and participants feel this transformation. The force of music to
adjust emotions and adapt to the acting has a very important role in
the ritual. It creates a particular atmosphere and helps its spectators
to understand it. For example, in Shanghai, when Taoists enter the
ritual site, the melody “Greeting the Divine Guests” is played. Its very
name asks for a graceful and lively melody, which shows that Taoists
are transformed from ordinary people before entering the ritual site
into immortals.
In the ritual for sending memorials, the offerings are presented
with the “Ode of Offering Flowers,” played on wind and percussion
instruments. This melody is very lively and creates a dynamic and
sincere atmosphere. In the ritual of sending talismans of the Changshu
region, the scene, set at Yujing Mountain, is told in the “Ode of Jade
Altar.” The lyric is as follows: “the Jade Altar is installed in the Yujing
Mountain and is very close to the Heaven. The god comes down on
a feather chariot and takes his imperial place. The pearl curtain is
lifted so that the god’s face can be seen. The soft melody is played
with golden bell and jade stone while the precious terrace is lit up by
phoenix candles and dragon lamps. All the immortals arrive and the
world is full of happiness and blessing.” The phrases are articulated
by drums in order to create a propitious atmosphere. In the chapter
on audience in the Ritual of Performing the Tao and Morning audi-
ence, there is a distinctive and pleasing dialogue, called “Rhapsody of
Longevity,” between the transmitter, played by a drummer, and the
Taoist priest before he enters the court:
The Star of Good Fortune, the Star of Prosperity, and the Star of
Longevity show their propitious colors in the shadow of the clouds.
The moon goes out of the imperial palace. The Cowherd Star and the
330 liu zhongyu
Weavergirl Star stop their loom. The East Dipper, the West Dipper, and
Middle Dipper shine in the sky and will come down to the altar. The
Northern Dipper and the Southern Dipper stop playing chess. Dong-
fang Shuo comes across the Eastern Sea holding a peach in one hand,
and smiles. Zhang Guolao comes down with his donkey. Mister Zhongli
comes in a boat. Immortal Guojiu has fabricated several pieces of golden
cinnabar and presents the medicine of longevity. He Xiangu, with her
earnestness, guards over the tree and offers the flower that never with-
ers. Lü Dongbin comes across Lake Dongting with a calabash on his
back. Han Xiangzi plays the divine music with his jade flute. Lan Caihe,
whose arrival is preceded by the sound of his ring and pendant, comes
to give longevity. Playing the flute, Tieguai Li presents the goblet of
cloud. The Star of Literature kicks the Dipper and glares. The Lord
of Zitong blesses a candidate to the imperial examination. Cranes hold
purple grass in their beaks to present auspicious items, while divine birds
hold red paper in their beaks to present good fortune. Green birds fly
and dance around. This is the sign of the arrival of the Empress, who
comes to offer the divine peach. The sound of ring and pendant is the
sign of the arrival of the Purple Maiden, who comes holding the divine
jujube. The Celestial officer comes to give felicity, while Zhang Xian
comes to give fecundity. The palace is reopened in the Nine Heavens.
All the immortals come for the audience. The introduction is not over,
but the reporting officer has already arrived. All officers are stern looking
and take their place according to the order. Music strikes up and the
memorial is read to greet the master.2
This dialogue should be said with inflexion and rhythm while being
acted out. After the prologue, the meaning of the next action, “playing
music” to greet the master, will be clearer. This musical performance
affects not only Taoists but also spectators. The prologue is easy to
understand: all immortals assemble at the altar. The invited master
comes to the Jade Pool. Then he will carry out the ritual before all
immortals. Since the function of music in ritual consists in adjusting
emotions and representing a narrative line, it lends rhythm to the
whole ritual. Through the variations of the rhythm, music leads the
ritual from the beginning to the end. So its role is all- important as
the several examples I have mentioned show.
2
In this text, some words and phrases are difficult to understand. For example,
Zhang Guolao’s “donkey” might be “footstep of the donkey.” “He Xiangu keeps
the tree” might be “He Xiangu keeps the jade tree,” in the vernacular language of
Changshu. There is also an error in the name of Caihe. The reason is probably that
Taoists copied the scripture many times and so introduced errors.
the theatrical character of taoist rituals 331
the Big Dipper symbolizes flying in the sky, while raising a tally sym-
bolizes commanding celestial soldiers. They are different in approach
but equally effective.
As to the participants, actors are asked to have experience and to
be emotionally involved in their role. On the other hand, Taoists con-
ducted by the Taoist master must meditate to become involved in the
performance and change their emotions to adapt to the relationship
between deities and humans, for example, awe and praise when facing
the deity, anger when facing demons, and compassion when summon-
ing wandering souls. These elements shared with theater give Taoist
rituals a theatrical feature. However, Taoist ritual is not theater. No
Taoist master thinks his performance is only a theatrical performance.
There are three main differences between them.
First, the representations they create are different. Theater creates
representations of human characters. The famous playwright Li Yu
wrote: “[e]ven though there are a lot of characters in a drama, they
are all supporting roles. A drama is written for one person only. For
this person, from the beginning to the end, there are many themes,
such as separation, reunion, sorrow, and happiness; they are all super-
fluous. A drama is one story only. This one person and one story are
at the core of drama.” Otherwise, it would be like “a pearl necklace
without a thread and a house without a roof beam. The author would
have no clue, while the spectators would remain mute.”3 On the other
hand, the Taoist master transforms himself into a deity and summons
the divine generals to join in the ritual and to create a virtual image
different from that prior to the ritual. Nevertheless, the aim of the
ritual does not consist in creating representations. If the Taoist mas-
ter or acolytes play certain roles, like deities or divine generals, it is
to accomplish a particular religious mission. When an actor plays a
character, he and the spectators know the role is not real, but should
be considered real so as to attain the expected effects.
Second, their theatrical expressions are different. As mentioned
above, the Taoist ritual consists of more than music and dance; these
are only secondary elements. The main languages of the performance
of the Taoist ritual are the talismans, the incantations, and other ritual
3
Li Yu, Xianqing ouji 闲情偶寄, quoted in the Zhongguo gudian xiqu lunzhu jicheng 中
国古典戏曲论著集成. Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1959, second edition 1980,
vol. 7, p. 14.
the theatrical character of taoist rituals 333
media; pacing and hand seals are also used. These actions are clas-
sified according to their rhythm, but their artistic feature is not their
main quality. Their main quality lies in the way they control objects
through sincerity and conviction. Hand seals are radically different
from orchid-shaped fingers (hand gestures used by actors in theater).
The Pacing of the Big Dipper, although comprising dance, consists of
flying to Heaven and controlling spirits and objects and is clearly dif-
ferent from the circles paced on stage.
The significance of such performative languages is determined by
religious doctrines and does not exist in theater. For instance, the scene
of summoning the Spiritual Officer in Taoist ritual consists of sending
the talisman, pacing the Dipper, and forming the hand seal, actions
which are matched by religious dialogues. Even the scene of the arrival
of the Spiritual Officer on the altar is not represented by an actor play-
ing the role. On the other hand, in the Yue opera Chasing Fish, the
actor who plays the Spiritual Officer should be represented with a steel
baton in hand and accompanied by lightning, thunder, and drums.
The three-headed god in the Taoist rite of Tianpeng could very well
be played by the Chuan Opera Changing Face technique. However,
the scene in the Taoist ritual is represented only through incantation,
hand seal, and meditation. Even though spectators understand what
the Taoist master is doing, they can only imagine the Marshall of
the Heavenly Canopy, instead of seeing a real player acting out the
scene. The Marshall’s actions, like sending eagles and dogs to hunt the
“demon,” are represented by talismans, incantations, and hand seals.
These scenes would be represented by martial action in theater.
Third, the most important difference lies in the fact that their func-
tions are completely different. Theater was related to witchcraft and
sacrifice in its infancy. However, when it developed along its own lines,
its main object became aesthetic and consisted in creating aesthetic
shows. On the other hand, the function of the Taoist ritual, purely
utilitarian, consists in controlling objects, spirits, and the transforma-
tions of the body. The aesthetic function of the theater is shown on
stage, whereas the religious function of the Taoist ritual is realized
only at the end of the ritual or in the imagination. The performance,
with Taoists trying their best to make spectators understand the ritual,
is not their main objective.
Thus, Taoist ritual bears only some resemblance to theater. It is the
presentation of a certain religious ideology whose function is realized
through the performance of different actions.
334 liu zhongyu
The theatrical function of Taoist rituals was decisive for their circula-
tion in society at large. Through this function, spectators could under-
stand and learn the significance of Taoist rituals and appreciate them.
Without them, Taoism would have found it very difficult to survive
for almost 2,000 years.
First, ritual performances evoke, reinforce, and propagate the fol-
lowers’ beliefs. The realization of rituals is based upon certain convic-
tions or concepts. For instance, the precondition for the popular ritual
of praying for rain is that people believe Heaven or a Celestial Officer
controls the rain and the Taoist master is capable of controlling and
influencing Heaven or Celestial Officers through his ritual techniques.
The precondition for the funeral ritual “Breaking Hell” (opening the
door to Hell and saving souls) and “Sublimation” (conducting souls to
Heaven through water and fire) is a belief in the existence of Heaven
and Hell. For any Taoist ritual, the precondition is the belief in the
mysterious powers of the Taoist master. The performance of rituals
enhances this kind of belief. Through stylized performances, this belief
is carried over to ordinary people. Hence, Taoist rituals have the func-
tion of explaining abstract notions and communicating with imaginary
ghosts or with deities. A complete ritual of sublimation includes the
transformation of the spirit, the universal summons (summoning souls
of five realms), the incantation on food (transforming ordinary food
through incantation into ritual food in order to feed ghosts and spirits),
sublimation through water (sublimating the form of the soul ), and the
sublimation through fire (sublimating the spirit of the soul ). The aim
of the sublimation through water and fire is to release the soul and
transform it into a divine fetus (using the imagination). The announce-
ment of the three refuges and nine rules, the crossing of the celestial
bridge, and the rebirth in Heaven clearly shows the patron and specta-
tors alike the Taoist concept of the fate and release of the soul.4
4
This point is clearer if we compare Taoist rituals with the Buddhist ritual of
Flaming Mouth ( yankou). The objective and the function of those rituals are similar—
releasing souls from the suffering of the Six Realms, according to Buddhism, or the
Five Realms and Nirvana, according to Taoism. However, the Taoist ritual of subli-
mation transforms the soul through water and fire so that the form and the spirit of
the soul become numinous and are unified with the Tao, whereas the Buddhist ritual
of the Flaming Mouth consists of releasing the spirit of the soul instead of its form.
The different objectives represent the different ways to salvation and the different
the theatrical character of taoist rituals 335
ideologies of the two religions. Buddhism underscores the sublimation of the spirit
because, according to it, the form is only mortal flesh, whereas Taoism emphasizes
the sublimation of the spirit and the form because it aims at eternity.
5
Treatise on Diviners and masters of techniques, in Songshi 宋史.
336 liu zhongyu
ritual for driving away epidemics) would be held every couple of years
to prevent epidemics.
Today, sanitation is better and the ritual for driving away epidemics
is less in demand. However, in many regions, especially Hong Kong,
Macao, and Taiwan, the ritual of driving away epidemics is still often
held. The social basis of this ritual is to pray for peace in a local com-
munity. The ritual for driving away epidemics is a vivid performance.
Generally, the Taoist master prepares a ritual boat made of paper or
straw. In the coastal region of Fujian and Taiwan, the ritual boat is
made of wood, just like a real boat, and loaded with all kinds of things.
The performance includes song, recitation, and hand seals. The gods
of epidemic are invited “in the flower boat” to enjoy a last banquet
before being sent away again on the boat. Then “the paper boat will
be burnt and the light will illuminate the sky.” As to the Taoist master,
he imagines in his meditation that gods and ghosts vanish in the fire.
The wooden boat will be burnt or sent to sea. When the spectators
attend the ritual, they understand that the gods of epidemic vanish,
regain a feeling of safety, and all their fears, doubts, and anxieties are
dissolved.
In the funeral ritual, through visible performance, patrons are satis-
fied because they observe filial piety or parental love. In traditional
Chinese funerals, a Taoist or a Buddhist monk is often invited. Filial
piety and parental love are key social elements.6 The founder of the
Ming Dynasty, Zhu Yuanzhang, who had been a poor commoner
when young, said: “[i]n the families of officers or ordinary people,
the funeral should be presided over by a Taoist or Buddhist monk.
Otherwise, parents would be judged as uncompassionate and children
would be judged as unfilial. They would be ashamed to face their
neighbors.”7 He wrote about the situation in the Ming Dynasty, which
6
Chinese feelings toward a relative’s death have greatly evolved. Despite the grief
that is a permanent element, before the Eastern Han Dynasty, the fear that bad luck
from the dead influenced the living or that the dead attacked the living was predomi-
nant. That is why shamans and later Taoists broke the chain of contamination and
cut off the road to the tomb through rituals in order to radically separate the dead
from the living. One important reason is that at that time there was no concept of
reincarnation. After this concept was imported from India, people sought to improve
the conditions of souls through all kinds of actions. So the followers of Buddhism
or Taoism believed they could satisfy the dead only through the rituals of Flaming
Mouth, Sublimation, or Breaking Hell.
7
Yuzhi xuanjiao zhaijiao yiwen xu 御制玄教斋醮仪文序, in Daming xuanjiao licheng zhai-
jiao yifan 大明玄教立成 醮仪范.
the theatrical character of taoist rituals 337
Cai Jingfeng (“Jindai yixuejia Ge Hong” Cao Yuanyu (“Ge Hong yiqian zhi
[A Medical Scientist in the Jin Dynasty: Ge jindan shilüe” [A Brief History of Taoist
Hong]), 18 Alchemy before Ge Hong]), 12
Cai Shao (“Song Shenxiao yuqing Cao Zhenyang (Daodejing zhujie [An
wanshou gong zhaoshi kaoshi” [Studies Annotation of the Tao Te Ching]), 28
on the Imperial Stele of Shenxiao Yuqing Cao Zhi (Biandao lun [Essay on the Debate
Wanshou Temple of the Song Dynasty]), on the Tao]), 105
13 Catalogue and Index of the Taoist Scriptures
Cai Yuanpei xiansheng liushiwu sui lunwenji Quoted in the Documents from the Six
[Essays Dedicated to the 5th Anniversary of Dynasties, Tang, and Song Dynasties
Cai Yuanpei (vol.2)], 9 (Ofuchi Ninji, Ishii Masako), 60
“The Canon of Immortal Scriptures of “Catalogue of All Spirits from Lao-tzu,”
Spirit Cavern,” 49 142
“The Canon of the Precious Scriptures Catalogue of the Scripture of Great Peace, 56
of Mystery Cavern,” 49 Catalogue of Xuandu, 47
“The Canon of the Precious Scriptures Catalogue on the Taoist Scriptures of
of the Three Caverns,” 49 Dunhuang (Ofuchi Ninji), 56
“The Canon of the Scriptures of Great Cathay Bookshop, 31, 54
Mystery,” 49 Celestial Doctor, 296–297
“The Canon of the Scriptures of Great Celestial Emperor Lord of Virtual
Peace,” 49 Venerable Man, 129
“The Canon of the Scriptures of Great Heavenly Master, 47
Purity,” 49 Celestial Worthy of Original Beginning,
“The Canon of the Scriptures of 268
Orthodox Unity,” 49 Central Daily News, 11
“The Canon of the True Scriptures of Central Yellow Supreme Unity
Great Cavern,” 49 (Zhonghuang taiyi), 102
Cantong zhizhi [Explanation of the Zhouyi Chan Buddhism, 184, 235
cantongqi ] (Liu Yiming), 244 Chan School, 175, 237
Cao Benye Chang’an Zhongnanshan daojiao shilüe [A
Shanghai Baiyunguan shishi keyi yinyue Brief History of the Taoism of Chang’an
yanjiu [Studies on the Ritul of Feeding and Zhongnan Mountains] (Fan
Hungry Ghosts: Ritual Music of Guangchun), 30, 42
Shanghai Baiyun Temple], 38 Changchun. See Qiu Chuji
Wudangshan daojiao yinyue yanjiu Changchun daojiao yuanliu (Chen Minggui),
[Studies on Taoist Music from Wudang 222, 230, 231, 242
Mountain], 38 Changchun Daojiao yuanliu kao [The History
Zhongguo daojiao yinyue shilüe [A Brief of the Taoist School founded by (Qiu)
History of Chinese Taoist Music], Changchun] (Chen Minggui), 10
38 Changchun Temple, 227
Cao Cao Changchun zhenren benxing bei [Stele of the
Buchu Xiamen xing, 115 Biography of Changchun zhenren (Qiu
Duange xing, 115 Chuji)] (Chen Shike), 217
Jinglie, 115 Changchun zhenren xiyou ji (Li Zhichang),
“Letter to Huangpu Long,” 109 217, 220
literary achievements, Taoism’s Changchun zhenren xiyouji jiaozhu [Collation
relation to, 113–117 and Annotation of Changchun Zhenren
“Nineteen Ancient Poems,” 116 Xiyouji ] (Wang Guowei), 9
regime of, 101–107 Changdao Temple, 231
self-cultivation regimen of, 107–113 Changes, Confucian teachings on the,
Shanzai xing, 115 45
Sishi shizhi [Food of the Four Seasons], Changge xing, 113
108 Changsheng busi de tanqiu daojing Zhengao
Cao Huanyang, 247 zhimi [The Search for Longevity—The
342 index
Daodejing xujue kaiti (Cheng Xuanying), 164 “Daojiao de qiyuan he xingcheng” [The
Daodejing yishu (Cheng Xuanying), 162, Origin and Formation of Taoism] (Yu
164 Songqing), 15
Daodejing zhujie [An Annotation of the Tao Daojiao dianji baiwen [A Hundred Questions
Te Ching] (Cao Zhenyang), 28 on Taoist Scriptures] (Ding Peiren), 27
“Daoguan kaoyuan” [Studies on the Daojiao fayin lingpai tan’ao [Taoist Seals
Evolution of Taoist Temples] (Chen and Command Tablets] (Wang Yuchen),
Guofu), 13 39
Daoguan zhenyuan [The True Origin of the Daojiao gaishuo [Introduction to Taoism]
Tao], 53 (Li Yangzheng), 40
Daoguang reign, 230 Daojiao he daojiao sixiang yanjiu [Studies on
Daoji lingxian ji [Annals of Transcendant Taoism and Taoist Ideas] (Wang Ming),
Immortals, (Abstracted) from the Traces of 32
the Tao], 135 “Daojiao jiaoyi de jiantao yu pipan”
“Daojia de yanshou yu changsheng” [Review and Criticism of Taoist Doctrines]
[The Prolongation of Life and Longevity in (Yi Junzuo), 11
Philosophical Taoism] (Yang Jing’an), 13 Daojiao jichu zhishi [Taoist Basic Knowledge]
Daojia jinshi lüe (Chen Yuan, Chen (Shi Yanfeng, Zheng Zhaonan), 39
Zhichao), 27 Daojiao jingdianshi lun [Remarks on the
Daojia qigong baodian [The Treasury of History of the Taoist Classics] (Yoshioka
Taoist Qigong] (Zhou Xiaoxue), 36 Yoshitoyo), 59
Daojia shiji [Notes on Taoist Poetry], 53 Daojiao lianyang xinlixue yinlun [An
“Daojia sixiang yu Daojiao” [Religious Introduction to Psychology in Taoist Inner
Taoism and Philosophical Taoism] (Xu Alchemy] (Zhang Qin), 37
Dishan), 11 Daojiao lishi baiwen [A Hundred Questions on
Daojia sixiang yu HanWei wenxue [Taoist Taoist History] (Guo Wu), 40
Ideas and Literature in the Han and Wei Daojiao liyi [Taoist Liturgy] (Min Zhiting,
Dynasties] (Shang Shiduo), 34 Zhang Zehong), 39
Daojia wenhua yu kexue [Taoist Culture and “Daojiao lüegao” [An Essay on Taoism]
Science] (Zhu Yaping), 35 (Chen Guofu), 12
“Daojia xianyao zhi huaxue guan” [A Daojiao lungao [Studies on Taoism] (Wang
Chemical Approach of Taoist Alchemy] Jiayou), 29
(Xue Yu), 12 Daojiao meishu shihua. [A History of Taoist
Daojia yangsheng miku [A Secret Treasury of Art] (Wang Yi’e, Zhan Shichuang),
Taoist Self-Cultivation Regimen] (Hong 34–35
Jianlin), 37 Daojiao neidan yangshengxue gaiyao [An
Daojia yangshengshu [Taoist Self-Cultivation Outline of the Taoist Regimen of Inner
Techniques] (Chen Yaoting, Liu Alchemy] (Shi Dalang), 36
Zhongyu, Li Ziwei), 37 Daojiao qigong baiwen [A Hundred Questions
Daojia yu chuantong wenhua yanjiu [Studies on Taoist Qigong] (Chen Bing), 36
on Taoism and Traditional Culture] Daojiao qigong yangshengxue [The Taoist
(Wang Ming), 32 Regimen of Qigong], 36
Daojia yu minzu xingge [Taoism and the “Daojiao qiyuan zakao” [Studies on the
National Character] (Lü Xichen), 32 Origins of Taoism] (Li Simian), 10
Daojia yu shenxian [Taoism and the Daojiao quanshanshu yanjiu [Taoist Morality
Immortals] (Zhou Shaoxian), 20 Books] (Chen Xia), 33
Daojiao [Taoism] (Fukui Kōjun), 41 Daojiao Sanzijing zhushi [An Annotation on
Daojiao changshi dawen [Questions and the Taoist Three-Character Classic] (Guo
Answers on Taoism] (Guo Wu), 40 Wu, Xing Xitai), 27
Daojiao dacidian [A Large Dictionary of Daojiao shi [A History of Taoism] (Noritada
Taoism] (Li Yangzheng, Min Zhiting), Kubo, Qing Xitai, Tang Dachao, Xu
40 Dishan), 29
Daojiao de jingshen [The Spirit of Taoism] Daojiao shi gailun [A Panorama of the History
(Wen Yiduo), 11 of Taoism] (Fu Qinjia), 10
index 347
“Daojiao shi suotan” [An Essay on the Daojiao yixue [Taoist Medicine] (Gai
History of Taoism] (Meng Wentong), Jianmin), 38
15 Daojiao yixue daolun [An Introduction to
Daojiao shilüe [A Brief History of Taoism] Taoist Medicine] (Gai Jianmin), 38
(Qing Xitai), 29 Daojiao yu chaoyue [Taoism and
Daojiao shouce [Handbook of Taoism] (Li Transcendence] (Xu Zhaoren), 31
Yangzheng), 40 Daojiao yu daoxue changshi [Knowledge of
Daojiao shushu yu wenyi [Taoist Divination Taoism and Taoist Studies] (Qing Xitai),
and Arts] (Zhan Shichuang), 33 40
Daojiao tonglun jianlun daojia xueshuo [An Daojiao yu kexue [Taoism and Science] ( Jin
Overview of Taoism, Including Philosophical Zhengyao), 35
Taoist Studies] (Wang Baoxuan), 31 Daojiao yu liandan [Taoism and Inner
Daojiao wenda [Questions and Answers on Alchemy] (Ma Jiren), 37
Taoism] (Zhu Yueli), 40 Daojiao yu meixue [Taoism and Aesthetics]
Daojiao wenhua [Taoist Culture], 21 (Gao Nan), 34
Daojiao wenhua cidian [A Dictionary of Taoist Daojiao yu minsu wenxue [Taoism and Folk
Culture] (Zhang Zhizhe), 32 Literature] (Liu Shouhua), 34
Daojiao wenhua mianmian guan [A Panorama Daojiao yu shenmo xiaoshuo [Taoism and
of Taoist Culture] (Lu Guolong, Ma Novels on Deities] (Gou Bo), 35
Xisha, Wang Ka), 33 Daojiao yu Tangdai wenxue [Taoism and
Daojiao wenhua xindian [A New Anthology Literature in the Tang Dynasty] (Sun
of Taoist Culture] (Qing Xitai, Zhan Changwu), 34
Shichuang), 32 Daojiao yu wenxue [Taoism and Literature]
Daojiao wenhua xintan [New Studies on (Huang Zhaohan), 34
Taoist Culture] (Qing Xitai), 32–33 Daojiao yu xianxue [Taoism and Immortality
Daojiao wenhua yanjiu [Studies on Taoist Study] (Hu Fuchen), 37
Culture], 26 Daojiao yu xiju [Taoism and Theatre] (Zhan
Daojiao wenxue sanshitan [Thirty Essays on Shichuang), 34
Taoist Literature] ( Jiang Jianyuan, Wu Daojiao yu yangsheng [Taoism and Self-
Weimin), 33 Cultivation Regimen] (Chen Yingning),
Daojiao wenxue shi [A History of Taoist 37
Literature] (Zhan Shichuang), 33 Daojiao yu Yunnan wenhua Daojiao zai
Daojiao xinyang yanjiu [Studies on Taoist Yunnan de chuanbo yanbian ji yingxiang
Beliefs], 35 [Taoism and Yunnan Culture—
Daojiao xue [Taoist Studies] (Chen Min, Propagation, Evolution, and Influence]
Zhu Yueli), 40 (Guo Wu), 30
Daojiao yangshengfa [The Taoist Self- Daojiao yu Zhongguo chuantong wenhua
Cultivation Regimen] (Li Yuanguo), 37 [Taoism and Traditional Chinese Culture]
Daojiao yaoji gailun [The Conspectus of Taoist (Qing Xitai), 32
Essential Scriptures], 27 Daojiao yu Zhongguo chuantong yinyue
Daojiao yaoyi huida daquan [Collection of [Taoism and Chinese Traditional Music]
Answers to Questions on the Essence of (Pu Hengqiang), 38
Taoism] (Li Shuhuan), 20 Daojiao yu Zhongguo liandanshu shi [Taoism
Daojiao yifan [Taoist Ritual Standards] (Min and the History of Chinese Alchemy]
Zhiting), 39 (Meng Naichang), 35
Daojiao yifan Zhongguo chuantong yishi Daojiao yu Zhongguo minjian wenxue
yinyue yanjiu jihua zhiyi [Taoist [Taoism and Chinese Folk Literature] (Liu
Ritual Standards,One of the Projects on Shouhua), 34
Chinese Traditional Ritual Music] (Pu Daojiao yu Zhongguo yiyaoxue [Taoism and
Hengqiang), 39 Chinese Medicine] (Meng Naichang), 37
Daojiao yinyue [Taoist Music] (Shi Xinmin, Daojiao yu Zhouyi [Taoism and the Book of
Wang Zhongren, Xiang Siyi, Zhou Changes] (Liu Guoliang), 32
Zhengxi), 38 Daojiao yu zhuzi baijia [Taoism and
Daojiao yishu [Taoist Philosophy] (Meng the Hundred Schools of Thought] (Li
Anpai), 281 Yangzheng), 32
348 index
Daojiao zai haiwai [Taoism Overseas] (Chen Daoxue tonglun daojia daojiao xianxue
Yaoting), 29 [An Overview of Taoism: Philosophical,
“Daojiao zai Taiwan fenbu yu Religious, and Self-Cultivational Taoism]
xianzhuang [The Distribution and Current (Lü Xichen), 31
Situation of Taoism in Taiwan] (Shi Daoyan wuzhong [Five Kinds of Taoist
Yihui), 20 Discourses], 53
Daojiao zhaijiao fuzhou yishi [Studies on Daoyao lingqi shengui pin jing [Scripture of
Taoist Talismans, Incantations and Taoist Principal Deities and Spirits], 131,
Rituals] (Zhang Zehong), 39 142, 145
Daojiao zhaijiao keyi yanjiu [Studies on Taoist Daoyi kuimi daojiao yishu kangfushu [The
Rituals] (Zhang Zehong), 39 Decyphering of Taoist Medicine,
Daojiao zhenglüe [An Essay on Taoism] (Liu Rehabilitation Techniques in Taoist Medicine]
Jianquan), 10 (Kuang Wennan, Wang Qi), 38
Daojiao zhengpai danfa jingxuan [A Selection Daoyin tu [Charts of Circulating Energy], 107
of Taoist Orthodox Inner Alchemy] (Wang Daoyue kao lüegao [An Essay on Taoist
Mu), 36 Music] (Chen Guofu), 14–15
Daojiao zhexue [Taoist Philosophy] (Lu Daoyun [The Sound of the Tao], 26
Guolong, Lu Pengzhi), 31 Daozang fenlei jieti [A Classification and
“Daojiao zhi genben sixiang ji qi duiyu Explanation of the Titles in the Taoist
rensheng de taidu” [The Essential Canon], 27
Philosophy of Taoism and Its Attitude with Daozang jinghua [The Essence of the Taoist
Regard to Life] (Xu Dishan), 11 Canon] (Xiao Tianshi), 19
Daojiao zhishi baiwen [A Hundred Questions Daozang jinghua lu [The Essence of the Taoist
on Taoism] (Lu Guolong), 40 Canon] (Ding Fubao), 52
Daojiao zhishi baodian [A Treasury of Taoist Daozang jiyao [Collected Essentials of the
Knowledge] (Tian Chengyang), 27 Taoist Canon], 41
Daojiaoshi ziliao [Documents on the History of Daozang mulu xiangzhu [Detailed Comments
Taoism] (Chen Yingning), 57 on the Catalogue of the Taoist Canon] (Bai
Daojing miji [A Collection of Secret Taoist Yunji), 59
Scriptures], 53 Daozang nannü xingming shuangxiu migong
Daojing zonglun (Zhu Yueli), 27 [Esoteric Sexual Practice in the Taoist
Daomeng jingfa xiangcheng cixu [Order of Canon] (Ren Farong), 36
the Transmission of Taoist Scriptures and Daozang quejing mulu [A Catalogue of the
Rites] (Pan Shizeng), 281 Lost Scriptures of the Taoist Canon] (Wen
Daoshu jicheng [Collection of Taoist Books] Dujian), 59
(Ding Huang, Tang Yijie, Zhang Daozang suoyin [Concordance to the Taoist
Guangbao), 54 Canon] (Chen Yaoting, Schipper), 60
Daoshu jijiao shizhong (Ten Edited and Daozang tiyao, 27
Commented Taoist Classics), 164 Daozang xubian [A Supplementary Collection
Daoshu quanji [A Complete Collection of of the Taoist Canon], 53
Taoist Scriptures], 53 Daozang yuanliu kao (Chen Guofu), 9, 12,
Daoshu shierzhong [Twelve Taoist Works] 13, 14
(Liu Yiming), 53, 244 Daozang yuanliu xukao (Chen Guofu), 27
Daotong dacheng [The Great Accomplishment Daozang zimu yinde [Combined Indexes to
of Taoist Lineage], 53 the Authors and Titles of Books in Two
Daotong yuanliu [The Evolution of Taoist Collections of Taoist Literature], 9
Lineage], 54 Dasheng qixin lun (Mou Zongsan), 206
Daoxie huikan, 15, 19 Dasheng yizhang [Doctrine of the Mahayana]
Daoxuan ( Ji gujin fodao lunheng [Collection (Huiyuan), 163
of the Debates between Buddhism and Davis, Tenney L., 12
Taoism]), 163 Daxue, 242, 244
Daoxue cidian [A Dictionary of Taoist Dayu (“Yaowang Sun Simiao” [Sun
Studies] (Dai Changyuan), 20 Simiao: the King of Medicine]), 18
index 349
Guansheng dijun jueshi zhenjing [The Book of Haerbin zhongyi [Harbin Journal of
Enlightenment of Lord Guan], 253 Traditional Chinese Medicine], 17, 18
Guanzhong School, 214 Hagiography, 139
Guanzi Hainan guoji xinwen chuban zhongxin,
“Baixin (Simple Mind),” 181 37
jing in the, 185, 188 Haixia liang’an daojiao wenhua xueshu
“Neiye (Inner Work),” 181, 185 yantaohui lunwen [Articles from the Cross-
“Xinshu shang” (Techniques of the Straits Conference on Taoist Culture]
Mind), 181 (Gong Pencheng), 31
Guo Hui, 273 Han Dynasty
Guo Pu, 113–114 apocalypse during, 134
Guo Qingfan (Zhuangzi jijie [Collection of Buddhism in, 97
the Annotations to the Chuang-tzu]), 163 Cao Cao-Taoism relationship in, 117
Guo Shouzhen, 229–230, 238 Confucian morals imposed on
Guo Shusen (Tianshi dao [The Heavenly literature, 116–117
Master School ]), 29 Confucianism-Taoism interaction, 90
Guo Wu cosmogonical themes, 151–152
Daojiao changshi dawen [Questions and cults of, 122
Answers on Taoism], 40 diyu (Hell) in, 143
Daojiao lishi baiwen [A Hundred Questions Doubting Antiquity School, 124
on Taoist History], 40 immortality techniques under the,
Daojiao Sanzijing zhushi [An Annotation 107–108
on the Taoist Three-Character Classic], imperial rites, evolution of, 122
27 literati on enjoying life, 116
Daojiao yu Yunnan wenhua Daojiao zai magical arts, 97, 105, 107, 111
Yunnan de chuanbo yanbian ji yingxiang morality books, 253
[Taoism and Yunnan Culture— philosophical Taoism in, 93
Propagation, Evolution, and Influence], 30 poetry about immortals, 113
MingQing daojiao lunli ji qi liubian [The sacrifice in, 122, 123, 128
Evolution of Taoist Ethics in the Ming Six Heavens concept in, 124, 125, 126
and Qing Dynasties], 33 symbol of the, 79
Quanzhen daozu Wang Chongyang zhuan, Taoism and Buddhism development,
30 95
Guo Xiang Taoist scriptures in the, 47, 54, 55, 69
Chuang-tzu preface, 158 worship of immortals, 214
Existence, emphasis on, 158–161, yu (prison) in, 143
165, 168, 169, 170 Han Wei LiangJin Nanbeichao daojiao lunli
Tao Te Ching annotations lungao, [Essays on Taoist Ethics in the
“Qiwu lun,” 158, 160 Han, Wei, Western Jin Eastern Jin, and
“Xiaoyao you,” 158 Southern and Northern Dynasties] ( Jiang
“Zhibeiyou,” 159 Sheng), 33
Ying diwang, 160 Han Yu, 8
Guo Yangxiao (Zhuzhusheng), 232 Handai daojiao zhexue [Taoist Philosophy in
Guocui xuebao [ Journal of Chinese the Han Dynasty] (Li Gang), 31
Quintessence], 9 Handwritten Letters to the Three
Guoli Beijing daxue shizhounian jinian Officers, 69
lunwenji [Essays Dedicated to the Tenth Hanfenlou publishing house, 52, 62
Anniversary of Beijing University], 10 Hang Shijun, 124
Guoxue jikan [Quarterly of Sinology], 9 Hanguguan ming [Inscription of Hangu Pass]
Guoxue lunheng [Debates in Sinology], 13 (Li You), 94
Guoyu, 121 HanNom Institute, 58
Gushu yinlou cangshu [Books from the Hidden Hanshu
Library of Ancient Books] (Min Yide), 53, “Treatise on Literature,” 45, 55
229, 249–250 Yan Shigu commentary, 142
354 index
the Han, Wei, Western Jin Eastern Jin, “Jijiao Laozi Li Rong zhu ba” [A Postscript
and Southern and Northern Dynasties], to the Compilation of Lao-tzu Annotated by
33 Li Rong] (Meng Wentong), 9
MingQing daojiao lunli ji qi liubian [The Jilin jiaoyu Press, 29
Evolution of Taoist Ethics in the Ming Jin Dynasty (265–420)
and Qing Dynasties], 33 Arcane Learning, 90–91
Zhongguo daojiao kexue jishushi HanWei Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the
liangJin juan [A History of Chinese Barbarians, 99–100
Taoist Science and Technology (Chapter literati on enjoying life, 116
on Han, Wei, Western Jin, and Eastern Mystery study in the, 151–161, 174
Jin Dynasties)], 35–36 poetry about immortals following, 113
Zongjiao yu renlei ziwo kongzhi Zhongguo Six Heavens concept in, 134
daojiao lunli yanjiu [Religions and Taoist scriptures in the, 46, 48, 59,
Human Self-Control, Studies on Chinese 62, 69–70, 80, 84
Taoist Ethics], 33 Jin Dynasty (1115–1234)
Jiang Weiqiao Dading reign, 51, 214–215, 256
“LaoZhuang zhi yangshengfa” [The Jingming School, 256
Regimen of Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu], Louguan Taoist School, 213
12 Mingchang reign, 51, 216
Yinshizi jingzuo fa [Master Yinshi’s Quanzhen School, 209, 214, 216,
Meditation Method], 12 217, 225, 244
Jiang Yu’an, 238 Jin Jingling, 237, 240
Jiang Yuanting (Collected Essentials of the Jin Yunzhong (Shangqing lingbao dafa
Taoist Canon, compilation), 52 [Great Rituals of Highest Purity and
Jiangsu guji Press, 32, 40 Numinous Treasure]), 326–327
Jiangsu Journal of Traditional Chinese Jin Zhengyao (Daojiao yu kexue [Taoism
Medicine, 18 and Science]), 35
Jiangxi People’s Publishing House, Jin Zhongshu (Lun BeiSong monian zhi
30 chongshang daojiao [Official Support
Jianming Zhongguo daojiao tongshi [A Brief for Taoism at the end of the Northern Song
History of Chinese Taoism] (Qing Xitai), Dynasty (Parts 1, 2)]), 20
29 “Jindai da yixuejia Ge Hong” [Ge Hong:
jiao, 119 The Great Medical Scientist in the Jin
Jiao Sacrifice of the Three Ancient Dynasty] ( Jiang Jingbo), 18
Dynasties, 122–123 “Jindai yixuejia Ge Hong” [A Medical
Jiao Sacrifice to Heaven, 120, 122 Scientist in the Jin Dynasty: Ge Hong]
jiao sacrifices, 122–123 (Cai Jingfeng), 18
Jiaodong region and the Quanzhen “Jindai yixuejia Ge Hong dui zuguo
School, 212–220 yixue de gongxian” [The Contribution to
“Jiaoji shiyi” [A Definition of the Offering Chinese Medicine of Ge Hong, a Medical
Ritual ] (Liu Zhiwan), 21 Scientist in the Jin Dynasty] (Kuang
“Jiaoli Laozi Cheng Xuanying shu xulu” Heling), 18
[Descriptive Notes of Collation of Laozi Jindan [The Golden Elixir] (Wang Erfeng,
Annotated by Cheng Xuanying] (Meng Xiaozhu), 36
Wentong), 9 Jindan huohou [Timing of Refining Golden
Jiaozhu region, 209 Cinnabar] (Xie Ningsu), 248
Jiaqing, Emperor, 52 Jindan sibaizi zhu [Annotation on the Four-
Jiaqing reign, 124, 248 hundred Words Essay on Inner Alchemy]
Jieshao Chen Zhixu de Jindan dayao [An (Min Yide), 250
Introduction of Chen Zhixu’s Essential on jing
Cinnabar] (Chen Guofu), 12 cultivation of, 177
Jieyin gongguoge [Register of Merits and evolution of the person and, 200
Demerits for Preventing Lewdness], 260 form becoming concrete in, 196
358 index
Laozi zhongjing [Scripture of the Center from Li Simian (“Daojiao qiyuan zakao”
Lao-tzu], 125, 145 [Studies on the Origins of Taoism]), 10
Le Shaowen, 214 Li Te, 101
Legalism, 90 Li Wei, 125
“Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Li Xueqin, 16
Barbarians,” 87, 95, 96–97, 99–100 Li Yangzheng
Leng Li (Zhongguo shenxian daquan [The Dangdai daojiao [Contemporary Taoism],
Chinese Pantheon]), 35 29
Leng Shouguang, 108 Dangdai Zhongguo daojiao [Contemporary
Lengyan jing, 242 Chinese Taoism], 29
Lengyuan xianshu [The Divine Book of Leng Daojiao dacidian [A Large Dictionary of
Park], 53 Taoism], 40
Leopold, Aldo, 275–278 Daojiao gaishuo [Introduction to Taoism],
“Letter to Huangpu Long” (Cao Cao), 40
109 Daojiao shouce [Handbook of Taoism], 40
li, 282 Daojiao yu zhuzi baijia [Taoism and the
Li Changming, 229 Hundred Schools of Thought], 32
Li Dingguo, 240 Li You (Hanguguan ming [Inscription of
Li Fengmao (Liuchao SuiTang daolei Hangu Pass]), 94
xiaoshuo yanjiu [Studies on Taoist Novels in Li Yu, 332
the Six Dynasties, the Sui, and the Tang]), Li Yuanguo
34 Daojiao yangshengfa [The Taoist Self-
Li Gang Cultivation Regimen], 37
Handai daojiao zhexue [Taoist Philosophy Qigong jinghuaji [An Essential Collection of
in the Han Dynasty], 31 Qigong], 36
Quanshan chengxian, Daojiao shengming Sichuan daojiao shihua [The History of
lunli [Becoming Immortal Through Taoism in Sichuan], 30
Morality,The Taoist Ethics of Life], Zhongguo daojiao yangsheng chaoshoushu
33 [Chinese Taoist Techniques of Self-
Li Houqiang (Wawushan daojiao wenhua Cultivation Regimen and Longevity], 37
[Taoist Culture of Wawu Mountain]), Li Yuanqing, Prince Dao, 163
30 Li Zhichang, 221, 222
Li Jingwei (Sun Simiao zai guyixue Changchun zhenren xiyou ji, 217, 220
shang de weida de gongxian [Sun “Li Zhichang zhi zunian” [The Date of
Simiao’s Great Contribution to Ancient the Death of Li Zhichang] (Chen Yuan),
Medicine]), 18–19 10
Li Jungu (Zhouyi cantongqi de zhexue Li Zi’ao, 131
sixiang [Philosophy of the Token for Li Ziwei (Daojia yangshengshu [Taoist Self-
the Kinship of the Three According to the Cultivation Techniques]), 37
Zhouyi ]), 17 Liandanshu de chengzhang yu xichuan [The
Li Lishe, 163 Evolution of Taoist Alchemy and Its
Li Niwan, 242, 247, 250 Introduction in the West] (Feng Jiasheng),
li of the dead, 142 16
Li Pengtou, 232, 238 “Liandanshu de fasheng yu fazhan”
Li Qingzhao, 14 [The Origin and Evolution of Taoist
Li Rong, 168, 210 Alchemy] (Zhang Zigao), 17
Li Shan, 113, 254 Liang Dynasty, 46
Li Shaojun, 214 Liang Sheng (“Zaoshen de yanjiu”
Li Shuhuan (Daojiao yaoyi huida daquan [Studies on the Stove God ]), 12
[Collection of Answers to Questions on the Lianwanquanqu Palace, 138
Essence of Taoism]), 20 Liao kingdom, 256
Li Shutong (“Tangdai de zhengjiao Liaoning Education Press, 27
guanxi” [The Relationship Between Liaoning guji Press, 36
Politics and Religions in the Tang Liaoning People’s Publishing House,
Dynasty]), 21 34, 35
index 361
Liu Jianquan (Daojiao zhenglüe [An Essay Taiwan minjian xinyang lunji [Essays on
on Taoism]), 10 Taiwan’s Popular Religions], 21
Liu Ling, 41 “Taoyuan xian Longtan xiang jianjiao
Liu Pi, 102 jidian” [The Offering Ritual in Longtan
Liu Qing, 108 Village of Taoyuan County], 21
Liu Qun (Zhongguo minjian zhushen [The “Xiuzhai kao” [Studies on the Taoist
Chinese Folk Pantheon]), 35 Fast Ritual ], 21
Liu Shipei, 8 Liu Zhonglu, 217
Du Daozang ji [Remarks on the Taoist Liu Zhongyu
Canon], 9, 59 Dao xian ren [The Tao, Immortals and
Liu Shouhua Humans], 32
Daojiao yu minsu wenxue [Taoism and Daojia yangshengshu [Taoist Self-
Folk Literature], 34 Cultivation Techniques], 37
Daojiao yu Zhongguo minjian wenxue Zhongguo daojiao wenhua toushi [A
[Taoism and Chinese Folk Literature], 34 Perspective on Chinese Taoist Culture],
Liu Song Dynasty, 125 32
Liu Wansu, 308 Liuchao SuiTang daolei xiaoshuo yanjiu
Liu Xiaoming (Zhongguo fuzhou wenhua [Studies on Taoist Novels in the Six
daguan [A Panorama of the Culture of Dynasties, the Sui, and the Tang] (Li
Chinese Talismans and Incantations]), 39 Fengmao), 34
Liu Yan, 80 Liujiang village, 212–213
Liu Yiming, 230, 232 Liu-Song Dynasty, 80
Cantong zhizhi [Explanation of the Zhouyi Liuxi waizhuan [Unofficial Biography of
cantongqi ], 244 Liuxi ], 227, 228
Daoshu shi’erzhong [Twelve Taoist Works], Liuzi, 271
244 Long Xianzhao (BaShu daojiao beiwen
Jingyan zafang [Diverse Verified jicheng [A Collection of the Taoist Stone
Prescriptions], 244 Inscriptions in Sichuan]), 56
Kongyi chanzhen [True Explanation of longevity, 236
Kongyi ], 244 Cao Cao’s desire for, 110–112,
Taoist inner alchemy theory, 114–115
243–249, 251 defined, 192
Wuzhen zhizhi [Explanation of the Ghenghis Khan’s desire for, 218
Wuzhen pian], 244 Heaven and, 268
Xiangyan poyi [Explanation of the Different moderation and frugality in, 285
Compositions of the Trigrams], 244 Quanzhen School, 237
Xiuzhen biannan [Solving Difficulties for and realization of the Tao, 178–184
Self-cultivators], 245, 247 ritual techniques and, 293
Yanke qimeng [Ophthalmology for in the Taoist doctrinal system,
Beginners], 244 172–174
Yili chanzhen [True Explanation of the Taoist doctrine on, 128, 211
Yijing], 244 Taoist inner alchemy and, 235
Yinfujing zhu [Commentary on the Longevity Congregation, 219
Yinfujing], 244 longevity theory, 92
Zhinanzhen [Compass], 244 “Longhu shan Shangqing gong kao”
Zhouyi chanzhen [True Explanation of [Studies on Shangqing Temple on Longhu
Zhouyi ], 244, 245 Mountain] (Yang Daying), 13
Liu Yu (Hermit of the Western Longhudandao Daojiao neidanshu [The
Mountain), 255 Taoism of the Cinnabar of Dragon and
Liu Zhiwan Tiger,The Taoist Inner Alchemy] (Hao
Jiaoji shiyi [A Definition of the Offering Qin), 200
Ritual ], 21 Longmen Branch Temple, 221
“Taibei xian Zhonghe xiang jianjiao Longmen School
jidian” [The Offering Ritual in Zhonghe Confucianism and Taoism combined,
District of Taipei County], 21 239–243
index 363
nine orifices, 189–190, 235, 265 Numinous Treasure Ritual for Feeding,
“Nine Precepts for Taoist Nuns” (Wang Saving, and Subliming Souls, 310,
Changyue), 233, 234 311
“Nineteen Ancient Poems” (Cao Cao), Numinous Treasure School, 47
116 Nüqing guilü (Code of Nüqing for (Controlling)
Ninth Five-Year Plan, 23 Demons), 130, 131, 133, 134, 142
nirvana, 166–167, 172
nirvana study, 169, 174 Obi, Lucia (“Taoist Aspects of Yao
Niu Hong, 47 Ritual Manuscripts in the Bavarian
non-action State Library”), 57
in Arcane Learning, 91 “Ode of Jade Altar,” 329
attaining, 201–202, 270 “Ode of Offering Flowers,” 329
Buddhism vs. Taoism, 97, 99 Office of the Celestial Doctor, 297
meaning of, 283 Ofuchi Ninji
nature and, 88, 90, 283–284 Catalogue and Index of the Taoist Scriptures
nirvana and, 166 Quoted in the Documents from the Six
Tao of, 125, 217 Dynasties, Tang, and Song Dynasties, 60
in 13 strengths and weaknesses, 264 Catalogue on the Taoist Scriptures of
in Wang Bi’s philosophy, 155 Dunhuang, 56
nonentity, life born of, 205 Dunhuang daojiao wenxian yanjiu [Studies
Non-existence on the Taoist Documents of Dunhuang],
abandoned by Existence, 158 56
gives birth to qi, 279 Pictures and Photos of the Taoist Scriptures
as root of Existence, 152–154 of Dunhuang, 56
state of, 207 Omnipresent Reason, 170
things emerging from, 158 One Mystery, 150
ultimate, 157–158 origin, meaning of, 193–194
unconstrained, 152–153 origin of vacuity, 207
Non-existence-Existence relationship, original nature and life, 245–247, 250
152–154, 157–161, 165–166, Original qi, 93–94, 268, 270, 280
168–169 Orphism, 266
non-idea, 250 Orthodox Law of Three Heavens, 126,
non-Non-existence theory, 160 129, 132, 133
Noritada Kubo (Daojiao shi [A History of Orthodox Unity, 63, 309, 323
Taoism]), 41
Normand, Simone, 2 Pacing of the Big Dipper ritual, 330,
Northern Dynasty 332, 333
medical talismans, 295 Pacing the Void, 328–329
Neo-Taoism, 174 Palace of the Six Heavens, 135–146
Taoism and, 91 Palaces of the Three Origins, 69
Taoism-Buddhism conflicts, 95 Pan Junliang, 2
Taoist scriptures in the, 47, 48, 55, Pan Qiming (Zhouyi cantongqi xintan [New
59 Studies on the Token for the Kinship of the
Twofold Mystery in, 164, 167, 174 Three According to the Zhouyi ]), 27
Northern Emperor, 145, 146 Pan Shizeng (Daomeng jingfa xiangcheng
Northern Quanzhen School, 221 cixu [Order of the Transmission of Taoist
Northern Song Dynasty, 50, 256, 323 Scriptures and Rites]), 281
Northern Star of Taiyi, 144–145 Pan Xianyi (Damei buyan daojiao meixue
Northern Wei Dynasty, 47 sixiang fanchou lun [True Beauty Without
noumenon, 155, 193–194, 207, Saying A Word,A Definition of Taoist
245–246, 281 Aesthetics]), 35
Nüjie [Rules for Women], 253 parental love, 336–337
Numinous Treasure Congregation, 219 peace, 264, 280
see also Lingbao peach talismans, 300–302
368 index
souls, sublimation and the release of, Sun Bu’er nügong neidan cidishi zhu [An
310–314, 334 Annotation of Sun Bu’er’s Poem on the
Southeast Longmen Branch, 228 Procedures of Female Alchemy] (Chen
Southern Dynasty Yingning), 12–13
medical talismans, 295 Sun Buer (Qingjing), 214, 216
Neo-Taoism, 174 Sun Changwu (Daojiao yu Tangdai wenxue
Taoism and, 91 [Taoism and Literature in the Tang
Taoism-Buddhism conflicts, 95 Dynasty]), 34
Taoist scriptures in the, 47, 48, 55, Sun Deng, 149–150
59 Annotation on the Lao-tzu, 164
Twofold Mystery in, 164, 167, 174 Sun Deyu, 221
Southern Quanzhen School, 212, 221 Sun Jian, 102
Southern Song Dynasty, 51, 217, 253, Sun Kekuan
255–256, 323 Hanyuan daolun [The Study of Hanyuan
Southwest China Normal University on Taoism], 20
Press, 28 SongYuan Daojiao zhi fazhan [The
Special Edition of the Bulletin of the Institute Evolution of Taoism in the Song and
of Ethnology of Academia Sinica, 21 Yuan Dynasties], 20
spirit and body, double cultivation of, “Tangdai Daojiao yu fazhan daolun”
210, 212 [An Introduction to Taoism and Its
Spirit Cavern, 63 Evolution during the Tang Dynasty], 20
Spirit of Blood Sacrifice, 130 “Tangdai daojiao yu zhengzhi”
Spirit of Five Great Mountains, 130 [Taoism and Politics in the Tang
Spirit of Jade and Soil of Great Heaven Dynasty], 20
and High Lord, 130 Yuandai Daojiao zhi fazhan [The Evolution
Spirit of the Four Ditches, 130 of Taoism in the Yuan Dynasty], 20
Spirit of the Nine Rivers, 130 Sun Mingdao (Dajin xuandu baozang [The
Spirit of the Three Waters, 130 Precious Canon of Mystery Capital of the
spirits of the Six Heavens, 130, Great Jin Dynasty]), 51
144–146 Sun Quan, 104, 107
spiritual world, 207 Sun Sheng (Laodan fei daxian lun [Lao-tzu
spirit-writing, 57, 259 Is Not a Saint]), 165
Student Book of Taiwan, 31, 34 Sun Shouyi (Yuyang), 227, 228, 238
Studies in World Religions, 26 Sun Simiao, 18
Studies on the Evolution of the Taoist Canon Sun Simiao Tangdai weida de yixuejia
(Chen Guofu), 59 [Great Medical Scientist of Tang Dynasty
study of nature in Taoist inner alchemy, Sun Simiao] (Fang Zhao), 18
162, 174, 175 Sun Simiao zai guyixue shang de
Su Shi yu daojia daojiao [Su Shi, Philosophical weida de gongxian [Sun Simiao’s Great
Taoism, and Religious Taoism] (Zhong Contribution to Ancient Medicine] (Li
Laiyin), 34 Jingwei), 18–19
Su Zixun, 108 Sun Xuanqing, 231
sublimation and the release of souls, Sun Yat-sen University, 25
ritual for, 310–314, 334 Sun Yat-sen University Press, 36
Sui Dynasty, 47, 48, 167, 209–210, Sun Zeyang, 240
295 Sunzi bingfa [The Art of War], 46
Suichao daoshu zongmu [The Catalogue of Suoyan xu [Sequel to an Ignored Transmission]
Taoist Scriptures of the Sui Dynasty], 47 (Min Yide), 250
Suishu [The Book of Sui Dynasty] Supplement to the Taoist Canon of China, 60
“Treatise of Bibliography,” 150 sutras, preservation of, 48
“Treatise of Books,” 47 Suzhou daojiao keyi yinyue yanjiu [Studies
Sulao Temple, 230, 231 on Taoist Ritual Music of Suzhou] (Liu
Sulü zi (Zhang Hu), 271 Hong), 38
Summary of the Complete Library of the Four Suzhou Daojiao yishu ji [The Taoist Arts of
Treasuries, 60 Suzhou] (Yang Yinglan), 19
376 index
Tianren zhiji [Between Heaven and Human] True Talismans of the White Numen from the
(Zhang Shiying), 200 Supreme Mysterious Cavern of the Lingbao
Tianshang renjian daojiao shenxian puxi [Men (Canon), 307
in Heaven: The Taoist Pantheon] (Huang Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies, 11
Haide), 35 “Tuijinle liandanshu de Ge Hong he
Tianshi dao [The Heavenly Master School ] tade zhuzuo” [Ge Hong, Who Promoted
(Guo Shusen), 29 Taoist Alchemy, and His Works] (Yuan
“Tianshi Dao yu Binhai diyu zhi Hanqing, Xu Keming), 17
guanxi” [The Relationship Between the Tujia people, 57
Heavenly Master School and the Coastal Tunghai University, 20
Region] (Chen Yinke), 10 turmeric, 302–303
Tianshidao ershisizhi kao [Studies on the Tushu jikan, 10, 11
Twenty-Four Dioceses of the Heavenly Twelve Kinds of Taoist Scriptures, 193
Master School ] (Wang Chunwu), 30 The 20th Anniversary of the Institute
Tianshidao shilüe [A Brief History of the of Religious Studies of Sichuan
Heavenly Master School ] (Zhang Jiyu), University and International
29, 43 Conference on Taoist Studies and
Tianxi reign, 50 Chinese Traditional Culture, 26
Tianxian daojie xuzhi [Essentials on the Twenty-Four Histories, 57, 60
Taoist Precepts of the Heavenly Immortals] Two Immortals Temple, 52
(Shen Yibing (Zingyun zi)), 250 Two Polarities, 310
Tianxian jindan xinfa [The Mental Method of Twofold Mystery
the Inner Alchemy of Heavenly Immortals] attachment in the, 149–150
(Song Fei), 27–28 attaining the, 150, 167–168, 171–172
Tianxian xinchuan [Heart Transmission from Cheng Xuanying and the study of
the Heavenly Immortal ] (Min Yide), 250 the origin and development of the
Tianxian xinfa, 250 learning, 161–175
Tianxian zhengli [Orthodox Principle of Wei and Jin Dynasties, 151–161
Immortals] (Wu Shouyang), 247 development of, 164
Titles Quoted in the Scriptures Collected in the gateway to the manifold secrets of,
Taoist Canon, 63–64 168
Token for the Kinship of the Three According origin, 149, 150
to the Zhouyi, 17, 46 philosophical system, 150–151
Tong Fukui, 230 theoretical basis, “mystery upon
Tongbo Temple, 228 mystery,” 164, 168
Tongzhi [A Comprehensive (Treatise on) Twofold Mystery School, 162
Politics and Regulations] (Zheng Qiao), Twofold Mystery study, 195
59
Traditional Chinese Medicine Journal, 18 Ultimate Man, 182
transcendence, 46, 90, 92–93, 193, 196, unconscious mind, 205
205, 210–211, 266 Unique Orifice of Mystery Pass, 246
transformation of the qi theory, 173 Unique qi, 279
Treasure of the Celestial Palace of the Great Unique Vehicle, 244
Song (Zhang Junfang), 50 Unity of Heaven and Man, 245,
“Treatise of Buddhism and Taoism,” 279–281
47, 80 “Unity of the Noumenon and the
“Treatise of the Jiao Sacrifice” (Ban Application” (Wang Bi), 150
Gu), 122 the universe
true heart, 234–235, 236, 245 in the body, 280
True Man, 182–183, 189, 190 genesis of, 151–152, 179, 281
true Reason, 170 noumenon of, 170, 171
True Scriptures of the Four University of Sichuan, 3
Supplements, 63 University Press of America., 44
index 383
Daoren Min Zhiting: An Anthology WeiJin shenxian Daojiao [The Taoism of the
of Orthodox Music of the Quanzhen Immortals in the Wei and Jin Dynasties]
School ], 38 (Hu Fuchen), 31
Zhongguo Longhushan tianshidao yinyue WeiJin shenxian Daojiao Baopuzi neipian
[The Music of the Heavenly Master yanjiu [The Taoism of the Immortals in the
School from Longhu Mountain], 38 Wei and Jin Dynasties,Studies on Baopuzi
Wang Zhongyi (Zhongguo daojiao yinyue neipian] (Hu Fuchen), 28
shilüe.[A Brief History of Chinese Taoist Weilüe “Xirong zhuan” (Yu Huan), 98
Music]), 38 Weishu, 47, 69, 80
Wang Zongyu ( Jin-Yuan Quanzhenjiao Welcome Rite, 104
shike xinbian [A New Collection of Stone Wen, Emperor, 47
Inscriptions of the Quanzhen School of the Wen, King, 139
Jin and Yuan Dynasties]), 56 Wen Dujian, 8, 9
Wanli reign, 51, 261 Collected Essentials of the Taoist Canon
Wanshou daozang [The Taoist Canon of (compilation), 59
Wanshou], 50–51 Daozang quejing mulu [A Catalogue of the
Wanshou Temple, 230 Lost Scriptures of the Taoist Canon], 59
Wanyan Chongshi (Kunyang Wang zhenren Wen of Zhou, 123, 136
daoheng bei [Stele of the Taoist Life of Wen Yiduo
Perfected Wang Kunyang]), 227 Daojiao de jingshen [The Spirit of Taoism],
“Wanzhou xiandao fensanpai kao” 11
[Studies of the Three Schools of Immortality “Shenxian kao” [Studies on the
in the Late Zhou Period] (Meng Immortals], 11
Wentong), 10–11 “Siming kao” [Studies on the Controler of
Warding off Calamities Congregation, Life], 11
219 Wen Yiduo quanji, 11
Warring States period, 90, 121 Wen Yiduo quanji [The Complete Works of
Wawushan daojiao wenhua [Taoist Culture of Wen Yiduo] (Wen Yiduo), 11
Wawu Mountain] (Li Houqiang), 30 Wenchang dijun gongguoge [Register of
Way of the Twofold Mystery, 167–168 Merits and Demerits of the Lord
wealth, 270, 285–286, 292 Wenchang], 258
Wei Dynasty, 101, 104–105 “Wenchang dijun kao” [Studies on Lord
apocalypse during, 134 Wenchang] (He Cijun), 12
Arcane Learning, 90–91 Wenchang dijun xizi gongdelü [Merit Rules
Cao Cao-Taoism relationship in, 117 on Cherishing Written Characters of Lord
immortality techniques under the, 108 Wenchang], 260
“Legend of Lao-tzu Converting the Wenchang dijun yinzhiwen [Lord Wenchang’s
Barbarians,” 99–100 Text of Hidden Administration], 253,
literati on enjoying life, 116 272
magicians in the, 107 Weng Chaoyang, 240
Mystery study in the, 151–161, 174 Wenhua xianfeng [The Pioneer of Culture], 11
poetry about immortals following, 113 Wenhui Press, 28
Taoism and Buddhism development, Wenjin Press, 28, 29, 31, 34, 37, 38
95 Wenzhan ge, 9
Taoist scriptures in the, 46, 47, 48, Wenzi, 55, 178, 181, 185, 186, 189–190
55, 59, 69 Western Han Dynasty, 45, 139
Zhengshi reign, 152 Western Jin Dynasty, 95
Wei Huacun (Huangting neijing jing [The Wind and Dew of Great Clarity, 54
Scripture on the Internal View of the Yellow wisdom, 166–167, 171
Court]), 69–70 witchcraft, 328
WeiJin Nanbeichao shiqi de daojiao [Taoism “Woguo gudai huaxuejia Ge Hong”
in the Wei, Jin, Northern, and Southern [The Story of a Chinese Chemist: Ge Hong]
Dynasties] (Tang Yijie), 29 (Chen Manyan), 17
386 index
Yu Xun (“Zaoqi Daojiao zhi zhengzhi Yuanshi wulao chishu yupian zhenwen tianshu
xinnian” [Political Beliefs in Early jing, 144
Taoism]), 11 Yuanshi wuliang duren shangping miaojing
Yu Yan (Zhouyi cantongqi fahui [Commentary sizhu (Four Commentaries on the
on the Zhouyi Cantongqi ]), 280 Upper Wondrous Scripture on the
Yu Yue, 136, 141 Salvation of Humanity, Preached
yuan, 125 by the Limitless (Pure One) of
Yuan Dynasty Original Beginning) (Cheng
morality books, 254 Xuanying), 164
Neo-Confucianism, 236 Yuanyou (Qu Yuan), 113
Quanzhen School, 209, 220–223, Yue Yi, 239
225, 229, 232, 244 Yuenan hannan wenxian mulu tiyao
Taoist inner alchemy School, 183 [Descriptive Notes on the Catalogue of the
Taoist scriptures and the, 51 Documents in HanNom in Vietnam] (Liu
Taoist scriptures in the, 54, 59, 62 Chunyin, Wang Xiaodun), 58
Zhida reign, 221 “Yueyang Tower,” 331
Yuan Hanqing, 14 Yuhua zi. See Fuxi
“Cong Daozang li de jizhongshu Yuji jinxiang [The Jade Book in the Golden
kan woguo liandanshu” [Studies on Box], 53
Chinese Taoist Alchemy in the Scriptures Yuli chaozhuan [Jade Register], 254
in the Taoist Canon], 16–17 Yuli suo zhoukan [The Institute of History and
“Tuijinle liandanshu de Ge Hong Philology Weekly], 13
he tade zhuzuo” [Ge Hong, Who Yun Dabian, 241
Promoted Taoist Alchemy, and His Yunchao branch, 238
Works], 17 Yunnan University Press, 30
Zhongguo huaxueshi lunwenji [Essays on the Yunzhong yinsong xinke zhijie [Precept
History of Chinese Chemistry], 16 Scripture of the New Code, Recited in the
“Zhouyi cantonqi shijie liandanshi shang Clouds] (Kou Qianzhi), 47
zuigu de zhuzuo” [Token for the Yushu [Book of Speeches], 253
Kinship of the Three According to the Yuwen Yong (Lutu zhenjing
Zhouyi—The Most Ancient Work in [The Perfect Scripture on Talismans
the World History of Alchemy], 17 and Charts]), 47
Yuan Liangyi, 16 Yuxi daoren Min Zhiting chuanpu quanzhen
Yuan Miaozong, 50 zhengyunpu ji [The Music Score of Yuxi
Yuan Shu, 102 Daoren Min Zhiting: An Anthology of
Yuan Shuyan (Wudang yun [The Music of Orthodox Music of the Quanzhen School ]
Wudang Mountain]), 39 (Liu Hong, Xhi Xinmin, Wang
Yuandai Daojiao zhi fazhan [The Evolution Zhongren, Xiang Siyi), 38
of Taoism in the Yuan Dynasty] (Sun Yuxu Temple, 227
Kekuan), 20
“Yuandai Quanzhendao yu Zhongguo Zang, 48, 49
shehui” [The Quanzhen School and Zang Zhifei (Zhongguo daojiao fazhan
Chinese Society in the Yuan Dynasty] (Nan shigang [An Outline of the Evolution of
Huaijin), 20 Chinese Taoism]), 29
Yuankang, 166–167 Zangjing, 48
Yuanmiao Temple, 230 Zangwai daoshu [Collected Essentials of the
Yuanshi dongzhen cishan xiaozi baoen Taoist Canon], 52, 59, 60
chengdao jing [Original Beginning Zangwai daoshu [Extra-canonical Taoist
Authenticity Cave Scripture of the Good and Texts], 27, 41, 53, 54
Dutiful Son Who Repaid His Debt and “Zaoqi Daojiao zhi zhengzhi xinnian”
Attained the Tao], 271 [Political Beliefs in Early Taoism] (Yu
Yuanshi tianwang huanle jing [Scripture of Xun), 11
Happiness of The Celestial King of Original “Zaoshen de yanjiu” [Studies on the Stove
Beginning], 271 God ] (Liang Sheng), 12
index 391
“Zaoshen kao” [Studies on the Stove God ] JinYuan quanzhendao neidan xinxingxue
(Yang Kun), 12 [Spirituality and Inner Alchemy of the
Zeng Yiguan, 230, 238 Quanzhen School in the Jin and Yuan
Zeng Zhaonan Dynasties], 37
Daojiao jichu zhishi [Taoist Basic Zhang Guoxiang, 51
Knowledge], 39 Zhang He, 106
Xinyi Yangxing yanming lu [A New Zhang Heng, 69, 80
Translation of Yangxing yanming lu], 28 Zhang Hongya, 255
Zhan Renzhong (Laoshanyun ji Liaodong Zhang Hu (Sulü zi), 271
Quanzhendao qiyue yanjiu [Studies on Zhang Hua (Bowu zhi), 108
the Music from Lao Mountain and the Zhang Jiao, 46, 80, 93
Instrumental Music of the Quanzhen School Zhang Jingyue, 304
of Eastern Shandong]), 39 Zhang Jintao (Zhongguo Longhushan
Zhan Shichuang tianshidao [The Heavenly Master School of
Daojiao meishu shihua [A History of Taoist Chinese Longhu Mountain]), 29–30
Art], 34 Zhang Jiyu (Tianshidao shilüe [A Brief
Daojiao shushu yu wenyi [Taoist Divination History of the Heavenly Master School ]),
and Arts], 33 29, 43
Daojiao wenhua xindian [A New Anthology Zhang Jue, 104–105
of Taoist Culture], 32 Zhang Jueren (Zhongguo liandanshu yu
Daojiao wenxue shi [A History of Taoist danyao [Chinese Taoist Alchemy and
Literature], 33 Alchemical Drugs]), 35
Daojiao yu xiju [Taoism and Theatre], 34 Zhang Junfang (Treasure of the Celestial
NanSong Jin Yuan de daojiao [Taoism Palace of the Great Song), 50
in the Southern Song, Jin, and Yuan Zhang Liang, 130
Dynasties], 29 Zhang Ling, 46, 80
NanSong JinYuan daojiao wenxue Zhang Lu, 46, 69, 101–107
yanjiu [Studies on Taoist Literature Zhang Mayi, 226
in the Southern Song, Jin, and Yuan Zhang Pengtou, 240
Dynasties], 33 Zhang Qin (Daojiao lianyang xinlixue yinlun
Shengming lingguang daojiao chuanshuo [An Introduction to Psychology in Taoist
yu zhihui [The Halo of Life—Taoist Inner Alchemy]), 37
Legends and Wisdom], 33 Zhang Qizhi, 16
Yixue yu daojiao fuhao jiemi [The Book of Zhang Rongming (Neidan yu chanding
Changes and Taoist Symbols], 31 daofoyi qigong dianji xuanjie [Inner Alchemy
Yixue yu daojiao sixiang guanxi yanjiu and Chan Meditation—An Explanation
[Studies on the Relationship between from Selected Books of Taoist, Buddhist,
the Book of Changes and Taoist and Medical Qigong]), 36
Thought], 31 Zhang Shanlei (Bencao zhengyi [True
Zhan Shouchun, 226, 227, 239 Meaning of Materia Medica] Herba
Zhang, Emperor, 51 Artemisiae Capillaris), 305
Zhang Boduan, 210, 212, 228, 268, 279 Zhang Shiying (Tianren zhiji [Between
Zhang Daheng (Shizhao shanren), 232 Heaven and Human]), 200
Zhang Daoling, 125–126 Zhang Shouqing, 222
Laozi xiang’er zhu, 285 Zhang Songgu (Danjing zhinan [A Guide to
Zhang Diao, 108 Scriptures of Inner Alchemy]), 13
Zhang Guangbao, 6 Zhang Songhui
Chaoyue xinxing ershi shiji Zhongguo HanWei Liuchao daojiao yu wenxue
daojiao wenhua xueshu lunji [Taoism and Literature in the Han, Wei,
[Transcending Nature—Essays on and Six Dynasties], 34
Twentieth-Century Chinese Taoist TangSong daojia daojiao yu wenxue
Culture], 31 [Philosophical Taoism, Religious Taoism,
Daoshu jicheng [Collection of Taoist Books], and Literature in the Tang and Song
54 Dynasties], 34
392 index
Zhongguo qigong de shi li fa [The History, the Shesheng zongyao yu shuangxiu yaoji [The
Logic, and the Doctrine of Chinese Qigong] Essence of Life-preserving Regimen and
(Wang Songling), 36 Sexual Practice], 37
Zhongguo shenxian daquan [The Chinese Zhongguo Antangshan daojia neigong neidan
Pantheon] (Fan Li, Leng Li), 35 shu [Taoist Inner Alchemy of Chinese
Zhongguo waidan huangbaifa kao [Studies Antang Mountain], 37
on Taoist Laboratory Alchemy] (Chen Zhou Shaoxian (Daojia yu shenxian
Guofu), 35 [Taoism and the Immortals]), 20
Zhongguo waidan huangbaishu kaolun lüegao Zhou Shiyi (Zhouyi cantongqi xintan [New
[An Essay on Chinese Taoist Laboratory Studies on the Token for the Kinship of the
Alchemy] (Chen Guofu), 15 Three According to the Zhouyi ]), 27
Zhongguo wenlian Press, 38 Zhou Tailang (Mingyang), 228, 231,
Zhongguo Wudangshan daojiao yinyue [Taoist 237, 240, 242
Music from Wudang Mountain, China], Zhou Tixia, 228
38 Zhou Xiaoxue (Daojia qigong baodian [The
Zhongguo wudao yishu yanjiuhui, 19 Treasury of Taoist Qigong]), 36
Zhongguo xianhua [Chinese Legends of the Zhou Yan, 214
Immortals] (Chen Xiaoqin), 34 Zhou Yun
Zhongguo xianhua yanjiu [Studies on Wudang yun [The Music of Wudang
Chinese Legends of the Immortals] (Luo Mountain], 39
Yongling), 34 Zhongguo daojiao yinyue shile [A Brief
Zhongguo Zhexue [Chinese Philosophy], 15 History of Chinese Taoist Music], 38
Zhongguo Zhexue shi [A History of Chinese Zhou Zhengxi
Philosophy] (Ren Jiyu), 14 Daojiao yinyue [Taoist Music], 38
Zhonghua daojiao dacidian [A Large Yuxi daoren Min Zhiting chuanpu quanzhen
Dictionary of Taoism in China] (Hu zhengyunpu ji [The Music Score of Yuxi
Fuchen), 40 Daoren Min Zhiting: An Anthology
Zhonghua daojiao jianshi [A Brief History of Orthodox Music of the Quanzhen
of Chinese Taoism] (Qing Xitai, Tan School ], 38
Dachao), 29 Zhongguo Longhushan tianshidao yinyue
Zhonghua daotong Press, 28, 29, 30, [The Music of the Heavenly Master
32, 40 School from Longhu Mountain], 38
Zhonghua daoxue tongdian [A Reference Book Zhouguan [Officials of Zhou], 120
of Chinese Taoist Studies] (Song Yifu, Zhoujueyintian Palace, 138
Wu Feng), 40 Zhouli “Xiao zongbo,” 122
Zhonghua shuju, 12, 27, 28, 37, 40 Zhouyi, 242
Zhongji jie [Rules of Middle Ultimate], 290 Zhouyi cantongqi, 242, 263
Zhongjing, 48 Zhouyi cantongqi de zhexue sixiang
Zhongmiao zhimen daojiao wenhua zhimi [Philosophy of the Token for the Kinship
tanwei [The Gate to All That Is Subtle of the Three According to the Zhouyi ] (Li
and Wonderful, Deciphering Taoist Culture] Jungu, Wang Zhanyuan), 17
(Luo Chi, Xiao Shafu), 33 Zhouyi cantongqi fahui [Commentary on the
Zhongyang minzu xueyuan Press, 28 Zhouyi Cantongqi ] (Yu Yan), 280
Zhongyi guji Press, 36 Zhouyi cantongqi kaobian [A Collation
Zhongyong, 242, 244 of the Token for the Kinship of the
Zhongzhou guji Press, 28, 40 Three According to the Zhouyi] (Meng
Zhou, Duke of, 122 Naichang), 35
Zhou Dynasty, 47, 122, 125, 132, 134, “Zhouyi cantongqi kaozheng” [Collation of
136–137 the Token for the Kinship of the Three
Zhou Guoting (“Tang daojiao kao zhi According to the Zhouyi ] (Wang Ming), 10
Yuanshi tianzun” [Studies on Taoism in Zhouyi cantongqi shiyi [An Annotation of
the Tang Dynasty—Heavenly Worthy of the Token for the Kinship of the Three
Original Beginning]), 12 According to the Zhouyi ] (Ren Farong),
Zhou Ruming 28, 36
index 395
Zhouyi cantongqi xintan [New Studies on Zhufanke zhufu mijuan [Secret Text of
the Token for the Kinship of the Three Talismans of the Zhufan Ritual ], 305
According to the Zhouyi ] (Pan Qiming, Zhuhong (Zizhi lu [Register for Self-
Zhou Shiyi), 27 knowledge]), 260–261
“Zhouyi cantonqi shijie liandanshi Zhurong (Guangshou zi), 125
shang zuigu de zhuzuo” [Token for Zhuyou yixue shisanke [Thirteen Sections of
the Kinship of the Three According to the zhuyou (Conjuring the Causes of Illnesses)
Zhouyi—The Most Ancient Work in Medicine], 305
the World History of Alchemy] (Yuan Zhuzhen zongpai zongbu [Register of All
Hanqing), 17 Branches descending from the Various
Zhouyi chanzhen [True Explanation of Immortals], 231
Zhouyi ] (Liu Yiming), 244, 245 Zilai, story of, 265
Zhu Chunyang, 238 Zishi. See Cheng Xuanying
Zhu Fahu, 84 Zitong dijun huashu [Transformation Book of
Zhu Heting (Zhongguo michuan baodian Lord Zitong], 254
[The Chinese Esoteric Treasury]), 37 Ziyou Press, 19
Zhu Jianming (Shanghai Baiyunguan shishi Zizhi lu [Register for Self-knowledge]
keyi yinyue yanjiu [Studies on the Ritul of (Zhuhong), 260–261
Feeding Hungry Ghosts: Ritual Music of Zizhi tongjian, 157, 158
Shanghai Baiyun Temple]), 38 Zong Li (Zhongguo minjian zhushen [The
Zhu Senpu (Xuanzhulu jiaoshi [A Collation Chinese Folk Pantheon]), 35
and Annotation of Xuanzhulu]), 28 Zongjiao cidian into Zongjiao dacidian [The
Zhu Sheng (“Yixue shang danji he Great Dictionary of Religions], 40
liandan de lishi” [Alchemical Treatments Zongjiao yinyue Hunan yinyue pucha baogao
in Medicine, and the History of Alchemy]), fulu zhiyi [Religious Music,Appendix to the
17 Report on Hunan Music] (Yang Yinglan),
Zhu Xi, 124 19
Zhu Yaping (Daojia wenhua yu kexue Zongjiao yu renlei ziwo kongzhi Zhongguo
[Taoist Culture and Science]), 35 daojiao lunli yanjiu [Religions and Human
Zhu Yuanzhang, 336 Self-Control,Studies on Chinese Taoist
Zhu Yueli, 41, 43 Ethics] ( Jiang Sheng), 33
Daojiao wenda [Questions and Answers on Zonglingyintian Palace, 138
Taoism], 40 Zongxuan xiansheng wenji [Collected Works of
Daojiao xue [Taoist Studies], 40 Master Zongxuan], 195–196
Daojing zonglun, 27 “Zuguo liandanshu yu zhiyao huaxue de
General Remarks on the Taoist Canon, 59 fazhan” [The Evolution of Chinese Taoist
Zhuang, Prince, 231 Alchemy and Pharmaceutical Chemistry]
ZhuangLin xu daozang [Zhuang-Lin Taoist (Yu Shenchu), 17
Canon] (Saso), 19, 53 Zuiqixianchi Palace, 138
Zhuangzi jijie [Collection of the Annotations to Zuo Ci, 106, 108, 110
the Chuang-tzu] (Guo Qingfan), 163 “Zuowang lun kao” [Studies on Zuowang
Zhuangzi shu (Cheng Xuanying), 163–164 Lun] (Meng Wentong), 9
zhu-dispelling texts, 55 Zuozhuan, 121