Scribd Logo
Fazer o upload

Bem-vindo(a) ao Scribd!

  • Indefensible: Iran's Systematic Criminalisation of Human Rights Defenders

    Enviado por

    FIDH
    2K visualizações36 páginas
    Human rights defenders in Iran, long-time targets of the government, have been subjected to systematic judicial harassment since late 2017. The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, an FIDH-OMCT partnership, sheds light on this wave of repression in a new report released today.

    Título original

    Indefensible: Iran's systematic criminalisation of human rights defenders

    Direitos autorais

    © © All Rights Reserved

    Formatos disponíveis

    PDF ou leia online no Scribd

    Você considera este documento útil?

    Este conteúdo é inapropriado?

    Denunciar este documento
    Human rights defenders in Iran, long-time targets of the government, have been subjected to systematic judicial harassment since late 2017. The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, an FIDH-OMCT partnership, sheds light on this wave of repression in a new report released today.

    Direitos autorais:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Baixe no formato PDF ou leia online no Scribd
    Sinalizar o conteúdo como inadequado
    2K visualizações36 páginas

    Indefensible: Iran's Systematic Criminalisation of Human Rights Defenders

    Enviado por

    FIDH
    Human rights defenders in Iran, long-time targets of the government, have been subjected to systematic judicial harassment since late 2017. The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, an FIDH-OMCT partnership, sheds light on this wave of repression in a new report released today.

    Direitos autorais:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Baixe no formato PDF ou leia online no Scribd
    Sinalizar o conteúdo como inadequado
    de 36
    ODS The Observatory {or the Protection ‘of Human Rights Defenders INDEFENSIBLE: IRAN'S SYSTEMATIC CRIMINALISATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS OMCT Network D *orciverewoens.eu Ea wo CiGe FIDH and OMCT are both members of ProtectDefenders.eu, the European Union Human Rights Defenders Mechanism implemented by international civil society. This study was produced notably ‘within the framework of ProtectDefenders.eu, FIDH and OMCT would like to thank the Republic and Canton of Geneva, the Agence Francaise de Développement (AFD) and the European Union for making the publication of this study possible. The contents ofthis report are the sole responsibility of FIDH and OMCT and shall under no circumstances be interpreted as reflecting the views of these organisations, Cover photo: Taghi Rahmani accepts the Weimarer Menschenrechtspreis (Weimar Human Rights Award) on behalfof ‘is wife, Narges Mohammadi, on December 10, 2016, in Weimar, Germany. Narges Mohammadi was Vice-President ‘of the now banned Iranian human rights organisation, Defenders of Human Rights Center (DHRC). She is serving 2 16-year prison sentence in Tehran's Evin prison. © Arifoto Ug/Michael Reichel/dpa ‘The Observatory I NDEFENSIBLE: IRAN'S SYSTEMATIC CRIMINALISATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS TABLE OF CONTENTS ‘Acronyms . I. Introduction . Methodology IL. A legal system used to repress peaceful dissent . 6 2.1 Lack of independence of the judiciary . a: 2.2 Broad provisions of the Islamic Penal Code used as a tool of judicial harassment .....7 9 A, 2.3 Legal representation constrained . 2.4 Right to a fair trial denied IIL. Judicial harassment of human rights defenders 3.1 Repression of women's rights defenders .... 3.2 Judicial harassment of lawyers... .. 3.2.1 Atleast five human rights lawyers still detained «2.1.0.0 sscsvsssssss 3.2.2 Eight lawyers facing imminent risks of re-arrest 00.00.0000. 00eeeceee0 020 3.3 Constant violations of the right to a fairtrial ........- 22 3.4 Widespread abuse of ‘national security’ charges savanna vx sano a dO 3.5 Harsh prison sentences and ban on future activities... 6.000000 ceee eee 2M 3.6 Detention conditions tar below international standards .... 25 2.83 Tacommnunieso detent expodag delentecs higher risk of torture and ill. treatment oa eae at 26 3.6.2 Denial of visits... 2... 2:26 3.6.3 Solitary confinement, 26 3.64 Denial of adequate medical care... P27 3.7 Retaliation against families of human rights defenders ..... IV, Recommendations .. I NDEFENSIBLE: IRAN'S SYSTEMATIC CRIMINALISATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS Acronyms cat CEDAW crc DHRC FIDH ICCPR ICESCR IRGC LDDHI NGO omcT UN UPR ‘The Observatory Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading ‘Treatment or Punishment Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women Convention on the Rights of the Child Defenders of Human Rights Center European Union International Federation for Human Rights International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Islamic Revolution Guard Corps League for the Defence of Human Rights in Iran Non-governmental organisation World Organisation Against Torture United Nations Universal Periodic Review I NDEFENSIBLE: IRAN'S SYSTEMATIC CRIMINALISATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS I. Introduction Over the past 15 years, human rights defenders in Iran have faced increased criminalisation and their situation has continued to worsen. Defenders have been frequently arrested without charge, held in prolonged pre-trial detention without access to legal representation of their choosing, sentenced to lengthy prison terms on vague charges following unfair trials, and incarcerated in poor conditions. Human rights lawyers and women's rights defenders have been specifically targeted in an attempt to undermine their rights to have an adequate legal defence by a lawyer of their own choosing and to quash emerging women’s rights initiatives. Other groups of defenders, such as minority and labour rights activists, have also been regularly repressed. Legal provisions that allegedly relate to ‘national security’ have been regularly used by the authorities to limit freedoms of expression, association, and peaceful assembly, pursue politically-motivated cases against human rights defenders, and violate their right to a fair trial. The use of these provisions is enabled by a judiciary that lacks independence from the executive branch of government and fails to uphold Iran’s obligations under international law with regard to the right to a fair trial. The situation for human rights defenders has particularly worsened since the election of former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in 2005 and under his successor and current President, Hassan Rouhani, and further deteriorated since nationwide street protests erupted, in December 2017 in reaction to the government's economic policies. Despite language that was seen by observers as ‘pro-reform’ during the two campaign periods, President Rouhani has done little to improve the human rights situation in the country and has, instead, continued to allow violations to occur. In this context, human rights defenders, activists, and lawyers have borne the brunt of violations, including a wide-ranging crackdown, spearheaded by the country's security forces and the judiciary. Methodology The following report builds on a joint submission made in March 2019 by FIDH and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), in the framework of their partnership under the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, and the League for the Defence of Human Rights in Iran (LDH), to the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council ahead of Iran's third Universal Periodic Review (UPR),' which will be held in November 2019. The report is based on an analysis of individual cases on which the Observatory worked in 2018 and the first half of 2019. These cases have served as the basis for analysing the trends concerning the judicial harassment of human rights defenders in Iran, supplemented by an assessment of the criminal justice system in Iran and the ways in which it has been used by the authorities to repress fundamental freedoms. 1 Seo FIDH, OMCT, & LDDHI, Joint submission for te United Nations Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of tran, March 28, 2019, htips.fwwwfidh.org/IMGipdttidh omet_Iddhi-iran_upr submission 2019-tinal pdt I NDEFENSIBLE: IRAN'S SYSTEMATIC CRIMINALISATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS IL. A legal system used to repress peaceful dissent Iran's legal system has gone through multiple changes and iterations over the past century. Since the 1979 Islamic revolution, the legal code, previously based primarily on secular civil law, has become deeply intertwined with Islamic law (sharia). The 1979 Constitution enshrines various provisions pertaining to the right to a fair trial: ‘equal protection under the law (Article 20); the right to recourse to the courts (Article 34); the right to a legal counsel (Article 35); sentencing in accordance with the law (Article 36); the presumption of innocence (Article 37); and the prohibition of torture (Article 38). However, those rights are restricted by Article 20 of the Constitution, which makes their enjoyment conditional upon “compliance with Islamic tenets”, and often denied because of the complete subordination of all State institutions, including the judiciary, to the Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei. As a result, although the judiciary is an “independent power" according to the Constitution, it remains a tool of the executive and is used to repress fundamental freedoms. Criminal law in Iran is composed of three primary pieces of legislation: 1) the Islamic Penal Code, the first version of which came into effect in 1982 and was last amended in 2013; 2) the Code of Criminal Procedure; and 3) the Law Establishing General and Islamic Revolution Courts. The 2013 Islamic Penal Code contains 728 articles divided into five “books”. Book one details general penal provisions; books two to four cover the Islamic hudud, qisas, and diyat categories of crimes and related punishments; and book five’ contains provisions concerning ta’zir and other crimes, including ‘national security’ offences In addition to domestic laws, Iran is bound by several core international human rights treaties, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) Despite Iran's ratification of these international human rights treaties, the Islamic Penal Code remains in violation of international human rights laws and fair trial standards, particularly Article 14 of the ICCPR, which recognises the right to a fair trial and equality before the courts. This situation is exacerbated by the codification of a number of ‘national security’ legislative provisions that have been regularly used by the authorities to violate fundamental rights, including the right to a fair trial, and to pursue politically-motivated cases against human rights defenders. 2 Article 38 does not prohibit torture in absoluteterms ut only “or the purpose of obtaining confession or information.” 2 Book five isa fection of the 1996 Islamic Penal Code, which has remained in force (with the exception of eight articles) under the provisions of Article 728 ofthe 2013 Islamic Penal Code. Some article numbers are repeated, This ‘means tat, for example, Article 638 concerning the wearing athe hijab isa provision ofthe 1996 Islamic Penal Code, ‘whereas Article 638 of the 2013 Islamic Ponal Code concerns financial compensation for damage to a limb, 4 Hudud, qisas, diyat and ta'2ir are forms of punishment in traditional islamic criminal jurisprudence. Hudud refers to punishments that are specified in the Qur'an or the Hadith. The doctrine of qisas provides for retributory punishment (e.. ‘eye for an eye") analogous tothe crime against a convicted perpetrator of murder oF intentional bodily injury. The victim or victim's heirs have the right to demand punishment orto forgive it. An alternative ‘punishment to gisas is diyat under which financial compensation is paid tothe victim or helrs ofa victim in cases ‘of murder, bodily harm of damage to ability. Tazir rtets to punishments applied to the other offences for which ho punishment is specified in the Qur'an oF the Hadith and which are at the discretion ofthe judge ot ruler ofthe State. S Iran has taken no concrete steps towards signing or ratifying the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms ‘of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman er Degrading Treatment ot Punishment (CAT), ‘The Observatory I NDEFENSIBLE: IRAN'S SYSTEMATIC CRIMINALISATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS 2.1 Lack of independence of the judiciary Article 14 of the ICCPR, to which Iran is a State party, and the UN Basic Principles on the Independence of the Judiciary, impose an obligation on States to guarantee that criminal trials are adjudicated by independent tribunals. However, in Iran, the judiciary lacks independence from the executive branch of government and fails to uphold Iran’s obligations under international law with regard to the right to a fair tral Despite the separation of powers purportedly guaranteed by Article 57 of the Constitution, the same article empowers Iran's Supreme Leader to supervise and exert control over the ‘executive, legislative, and judicial branches and other key institutions. This is reinforced by the system of “advisory councils” provided for in the Constitution, whose members are in their majority appointed by the Supreme Leader and who have extensive powers to request amendments to legislation or veto changes, vet candidates and supervise elections, and more, Article 156 of the Constitution describes the judiciary as “an independent power which shall support individual and social rights and be responsible for ensuring justice.” However, Article 61 of the Constitution qualifies this independence by stating that “the functions of the judiciary are to be performed by the courts of justice, which are to be formed in accordance with the criteria of Islam." ‘The Head of the judiciary is the most senior judicial official in Iran and bears ultimate responsibility for the administration and supervision of the judicial system. He is appointed by the Supreme Leader every five years. The current Head of the judiciary, appointed by Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei on March 7, 2019, is Hojattolislam Ebrahim Ra’eesi, Mr. Ebrahim Ra’eesi is known for being part of a small group of high and medium level government officials ‘who sent thousands of political prisoners to death following summary trials in 1988.* 2.2 Broad provi harassment ns of the Islamic Penal Code used as a tool of judicial ‘The provisions of the Islamic Penal Code that authorities have most frequently invoked to arrest, detain, and prosecute human rights defenders include: + Article 498 (“establishing a group that aims to disrupt national security"); + Article 499 (‘membership in a group that aims to disrupt national security"); + Article 500 ("spreading propaganda against the system"); + Article 508 (“cooperating with hostile foreign States against the Islamic Republic of Iran"); + Article 510 ("disrupting [public] order"); + Article 514 (“insulting the founder of the Istamic Republic and the Supreme Leader”); + Article 609 (“insulting public officials + Article 610 (“gathering and collusion against internal or external security"); + Article 618 (“disrupting order and comfort and calm of the general public or preventing people from work"); + Article 697 (“falsely accusing someone of an offence”); and + Article 698 ("spreading falsehoods with intent to disturb the public opinion”) lll these provisions are highly arbitrary and incompatible with international human rights law, The overly broad terms used (such as “national security”, “insulting”, “order") allow prosecutors to apply them to any person deemed undesirable or in politically-motivated cases. 6 For more information on the 1988 tials and executions, See: FIDH & LDDHT reports, Iran: 25 years on, and still no justice ~ 1988 prison executions remain unpunished, September 2013, https:/rwwfidh org/IMG/pdtireport-1988_ prison_executions_ 092013. eng pdf; IRAN/death penalty: A state terror poli, April 2009 htps:/wwwelidh.org7 IMG/pavRapport_iran_final pdt I NDEFENSIBLE: IRAN'S SYSTEMATIC CRIMINALISATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS In his 2017 reporton the situation of human rightsin Iran, the UN Secretary-General emphasised that “invoking charges related to national security against individuals for merely expressing their opinion or participating in peaceful assemblies not only endangers their physical integrity but also undermines their work as human rights defenders and instils fear in society.” “A protest okay Noto Mandatory Hi as handed of Canaan tke prt poet ag ani Tra, Cala on Tar 62018, Pt by Cate Tad agg LPs Iran’s mandatory hijab laws Soon after the 1979 Revolution, it became compulsory for all women in Iran, regardless of their religion or belief, to wear the hijab and dress “in accordance with sharia.” These requirements, enshrined in the Islamic Penal Code in 1982, 1991, and 1996, have been used to discriminate against women and largely exclude them from many areas of public life. Article 638 of the Islamic Penal Code prescribes prison sentences ranging from 10 days to two months and/or a fine for women not wearing the Islamic hijab in public. However, Article 639 provides for punishments of one to 10 years for “encouraging people to commit immorality and prostitution”, a charge that has also been used to sentence individuals to lengthier prison terms in cases related to protests against the mandatory hijab [see below, Section 3.1] Punishments in Iranian criminal law ‘The different forms of crimes and punishments are listed in book one of the Islamic Penal Code, and are then divided into the four categories of Islamic law: hudud, qisas, diyat, and ta’zir and others. For the first three, punishments are in accordance with sharia law, while (a’zir and other deterrent punishments are spelled out. Divided into eight degrees, {a’zir punishments include: prison sentences that range from 10 days to over 25 years, fines of up to one billion Rials (26,871 Euros}, confiscation of assets, deprivation of rights (such as bans on participation in political or social activities), and flogging of up to 100 See UN Human Rights Council report, Situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran ~ Report ofthe Secretary General, UN Document NHRC/34/40, March 13, 2017, hiips:/wwwsecuntycouncilrepor.org/a (P47 B63BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-#CD3-CFGEAFF9GFFGD/a re 34 40.pal 2.3 Legal representation constrained Iran's Constitution sets no limits to, or conditions on, the right to legal counsel or representation, which is guaranteed by Article 35. In addition, according to Article 48 of the Criminal Procedure Code, people have the right to ask for - and have meetings with - a lawyer as soon as they are detained. However, a note to Article 48 prescribes that during the investigation phase in cases of “crimes against internal or external security” defendants select their attorneys from a list approved by the Head of the judiciary. In January 2018, the then Head of the judiciary began issuing lists of lawyers who are allowed to take up cases involving ‘national security’ charges. Defendants accused of “crimes against internal or external security” are only allowed to choose legal representation from those lists during the preliminary investigation stage. This violates Article 35 of the Constitution, as well as Article 2(d) of the ICCPR, which stipulates that everyone is entitled to “defend himself in person or through legal assistance of his own choosing.” It was reported that only 20 out of 2,000 lawyers who are members of Tehran's Bar Association ‘were included in the list issued by the Head of the judiciary. As a result, many human rights defenders who faced ‘national security’ charges were prohibited from being represented by a lawyer of their own choosing and were instead represented by lawyers handpicked by the then Head of the judiciary. For example, in March 2019 Mr. Reza Khandan, Ms. Nasrin Sotoudeh's husband, stated that his wife waived her right to choose a lawyer for two reasons: first, because of the note to Article 48 of the Criminal Procedure Code;"* and second, because in 2010, four of the six lawyers who had represented her were prosecuted and she did not want to cause any problems for her colleagues agai {8 Awide range of otfences are punishable by death in ren, ranging oma number of sexual offences (e.g. fornication, ‘adultery, sodomy, lesbianism, incest, rape) to drinking, thet, drug trafficking, murder, and certain other offences (e.g. apostasy and cursing the prophet), ‘waging war’ on people’God and ‘corruption on earth’ - offences that may ‘extend from armed robbery to politcal apposition ar espionage. A numberof economic offences are also punishable by death. For an assessment ofthese offences inthe Islamic Penal Code of 2013, see: FIDH & LDDHI report, Death Penalty in Ian: A State Teror Policy ~ Special Update for 11® World Day agains the Death Penalty, October 10,2013, hitps:/www:tidh org/en/regionasi/iran/death-penalty-in-iran-a-state-teror-policy-14075. 9 Article 6(2} of the ICCPR statos that a “sentence of death may be imposed only for the most serious crimes.” The ‘expression "most serious crimes” has since been interpreted as meaning that capital punishment should not be Imposed for eximes beyond intentional crimes with lethal or other extremely grave consequences. UN Human Rights Committee, General Comment No. 36 (2018) on aticle 6 ofthe International Covenant on Civil and Political [Rights onthe right to life, UN Document CCPR/C/GC/36, October 30, 2018. 10 Center for Human Rights tran, ran!an Lawyers: Judictary's Mandatory List of Approved Counsel Sets “Dangerous Precedent,” March 14, 2018, hitps/iranbumanrights.o7g/2018/0Vicanian-lawyers-judiciarys-mandatory-list-o!- ‘approved:-counsel-sets-dangerous precedent. 11 Center for Human Rights in Ian, Deiying Unjust Court Process, Nasri Sotoudeh Refuses fo Appeal Prison Sentence, ‘March 19, 2019: bntps:/iranhumanrights.ory/20 1/03/detying-unjust-court-process-nastin-sotoudeh-refuses-to- ‘appeal-prison-sentencey The Observatory I NDEFENSIBLE: IRAN'S SYSTEMATIC CRIMINALISATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS The systematic denial of defendants’ right to receiving proper legal representation, and the direct harassment and prosecution of lawyers for doing their job blatantly violate the UN Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers, which state that governments shall ensure that “lawyers {a) are able to perform all of their professional functions without intimidation, hindrance, harassment or improper interference; (b) are able to travel and to consult with their clients freely both within their own country and abroad; and (c) shall not suffer, or be threatened with, prosecution or administrative, economic or other sanctions for any action taken in accordance with recognised professional duties, standards and ethics.” The Basic Principles further state that lawyers “shall not be identified with their clients or their clients’ causes as 4 result of discharging their functions.” 12 The Iranian Bar Association currently comprises 13 individual Bar Associations, including the Central Bar Association in Tehran. 13 The Disciplinary Court of Judges, as its names suggests, should be empowered to deal with ollences and ‘misconduct of judges. In contrast, under the Law for Independence of Lawyers (1954), the only body empowered to examine and investigate the offences and misconduct of lawyers related to their profession was the Disciplinary Court of Lawyers The Observatory I NDEFENSIBLE: IRAN'S SYSTEMATIC CRIMINALISATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS 2.4 Right to a fair trial denied ‘The denial of the right to a fair trial is also the result of the general lack of due process in criminal proceedings before Islamic Revolution Courts, where trials of political cases and ‘national security’ cases are held. The 1979 Constitution makes no mention of Islamic Revolution Courts within the structure of the judiciary. They were later included in the structure of the judiciary through an ordinary law. The establishment of Islamic Revolution Courts are provided for in Article 297 of the Criminal Procedure Code. They are separate from ordinary courts and operate independently from the overall justice system. Article 303 of the 2013 Criminal Procedure Code gives Islamic Revolution Courts jurisdiction over cases concerning: 1) crimes against national and international security; 2) insults against the Founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Supreme Leader; 3) drug-related crimes; 4) gathering and collusion against the Islamic Republic of Iran or carrying weapons and rebellion; and 5) other offences under the jurisdiction of Islamic Revolution Courts provided for by other specific laws. The Islamic Revolution Courts are also notorious for delivering harsh verdicts and were responsible for the vast majority of death sentences imposed in the country before the anti-narcoties law was amended in October 2017. The overwhelming majority of trials held before the Islamic Revolution Courts are not public and are adjudicated by a single judge. Information on the trials is disclosed at the entire discretion of the judiciary. In addition, many judges in Iran, in particular in Islamic Revolution Courts, are clerics who do not have any judicial qualifications and training and have been appointed by the Head of the judiciary to their positions based on their non- academic theological background. These elements are in direct violation of Article 14 of the ICCPR, which states that “everyone is entitled to a fair and public hearing by a competent, independent and impartial tribunal established by law." Judges also have broad discretion to sentence the defendants based on an arbitrary provision known as “judge's knowledge,” which judges frequently invoke even for handing down death sentences. I NDEFENSIBLE: IRAN'S SYSTEMATIC CRIMINALISATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS " 2 IL. Judicial harassment of human rights defenders Iran has a long history of repression against human rights defenders. Scores of human rights defenders were detained prior to, and during, 2018, Many of them are currently serving prison terms, including Mses. Narges Mohammadi, Atena Daemi, Golrokh Ebrahimi Iraee,"* and Sepideh Qoliyan and Messrs. Arash Sadeqi, Saeed Shirzad, Esmael Abdi, Mehdi Beheshti Langaroodi, Mohammad Habibi, Jafar Azimzadeh, and Esmael Bakhshi. Many were arrested in the aftermath of protests against the government's economic policies that began on December 28, 2017, in Mashhad, in northeast Iran, and subsequently spread to the rest of the country. They were met with unnecessary and disproportionate use of force by the authorities, which resulted in the deaths of at least 21 protesters, according to the authorities. There were also reports that at least seven protesters died in custody - three in Tehran's Evin prison and two each in Arak, Markazi Province, and Dezfoul, Khuzestan Province, As the reasons why people took to the streets expanded, the movement began to feature protests against Iran's mandatory hijab laws [see above, Section 2.2]. Scores of women participated in the movement by standing on boxes and removing their headscarves in public, Many of the people who participated in these peaceful protests against the mandatory hijab laws were subsequently arrested, detained, and charged in various criminal cases. By late 2018, at least 112 women human rights defenders had been arrested or detained for opposing compulsory hijab laws."* ‘The Observatory, in collaboration with their member organisations for Iran, documented 28 ‘cases of judicial harassment of human rights defenders, including 15 women human rights defenders, between January 2018 and June 2019. This figure reflects only some of the most prominent cases that have drawn international attention. This judicial harassment generally takes the form of arbitrary arrests, detentions, and secret trials on vague ‘national security’ charges, which are aimed at punishing human rights defenders for their peaceful and legitimate activities in defence of human rights, 1M Ms. Galrokh Ebrahim Ire as released on Apri 7, 2019, after serving her prison sentence of 30 months, but ‘was subsequently sentenced, along with Atena Daemi, to three years and seven months in prison on charges of “spreading propaganda against the system" and “insulting the Supreme Leader” in July 2019. They have also ‘been banned from "membership in social groups” fortwo yeas. 15 See Amnesty International Statement, tan's ‘year of shame’: More than 7,000 arrested in chilling crackdown fn dissent during 2018, January 24, 2019. bups:/www.amnesty org/en/atestnews/2019/0 /rans-year-ot shame- ‘more-than-7000-arrested-in-chiling-crackdown-on-

    Você também pode gostar