Paulson - Food and Consubstantiation

Body, Nation, and Consubstantiation in Bolivian Ritual Meals
Author(s): Susan Paulson

Source: American Ethnologist, Vol. 33, No. 4 (Nov., 2006), pp. 650-664
Published by: Wiley on behalf of the American Anthropological Association
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SUSAN PAULSON
Miami University
Body, nation, and consubstantiation in

Bolivian ritual meals
ABSTRACT ndigenous identity has gained new plac

national
During a remarkable period of official scene
ethnic during the past 15 yea
havemobilization
recognition and indigenous political formally represented
in the nation a
ethnic "New
Bolivia, farmers in the rural Municipality Bolivia."
of Mizque Yet neoliberal pol
have invested increasing energy lowed by
in ritual privatization and decentraliza
meals
contributed
widely characterized as indigenous, to the
expanding the deterioration of emplo
andincreasing
number of meals celebrated and other conditions
their of life for disadvanta
tional
spatial distribution. Multisited media and
ethnographic public
study of programs have ex
how people connect to body, music, weavings,
place, and identity and food, important sec
Indian
shows that the intense corporal (indio)and
experiences bodies as dirty and racially
tangible materiality of these incorporation into the body politic. Indig
ritual meals contrast
with tendencies of official multiculturalism
ments burst to onto this contradictory scene
ouster
privilege symbols and products of a multinational
of indigenous culture corporation and t
Bolivian
while disregarding the substance presidency in December 2005.
of indigenous
bodies and the material bases of their survival.
During this time of astonishing change o
Consubstantiation in ritual meals resonates
nomic scene,with
farmers and migrants in the
arethat
other collective bodily practices in some ways
are gaining marginal to-although
nation-state,
prominence in Bolivia, including mass have been investing increasi
characterized
manifestations and constituent as point
assemblies, to indigenous.' In the 1980s, M
toward possibilities for a newfied
kindthemselves as Indians, yet during carn
of civil society
tions called
grounded in concern for the ethnic "qhopuyus,"
identities and for dedicated to the A
Pachamama.
the bodily and material subsistence By 2000,
of its diverse some young and m
talk
members. [Andes, body, food, race,openly
nationalabout their
identity] indigenous identit
many parts of the world, and qhopuyu fea
time, space, and energy than other activit
nival. Today, Mizque's carnival contrasts s
parades that are portrayed as the epitom
the latter display indigenous-inspired
Mizque's qhopuyu meals emphasize corpora
identity.
In this article, I draw on ethnographic study of practices, discourses,
and sensations through which people in different locations in the nation
AMERICAN ETHNOLOGIST, Vol. 33, No. 4, pp. 650-664, ISSN 0094-0496, electronic
ISSN 1548-1425. ? 2006 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights reserved.
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Body, nation, and consubstantiation in Bolivian ritual meals * American Ethnologist
experience and express identity, and I ask how these phe- Burawoy (2000) have explored ways to connect ethnog
nomena relate to Bolivia's changing political-economic con- knowledge predicated on attention to local phenome
text. My focus is on the body and food, specifically, the pro- face-to-face interactions with other types of inform
duction and consumption of ritual meals that symbolically and knowledge, such as the national and internationa
represent indigenous cultures and physically constitute in- and processes considered in this study. Byjuxtaposing
digenous bodies. I find that the intense sensual and corpo- and manifestations of Bolivia's official culture and of farmers
ral experiences and the tangible materiality of ritual meals and migrants in a rural community, this article contributes
played out far from the national capital push against ten- to ongoing efforts to decolonize anthropological studies by
dencies of official multiculturalism to separate symbols of including dominant groups and practices in the same frame
indigenous culture from the substance of indigenous bod- of analysis with the colonized or marginal peoples long stud-
ies and the material bases of their survival. My analysis of ied by ethnographers. For Thomas Abercrombie, this implies
the interplay among nationally dominant discourses and moving beyond holistic ethnographies of isolated groups:
policies and local-indigenous practices and meanings in "Instead of a 'whole-cloth,' we must see, then, a plurality of
shaping Bolivia's emerging civil society has implications for partially and asymmetrically interpenetrating meaning sys-
efforts to understand unprecedented forms of political par- tems, and we must ask how these systems form and interact"
ticipation and cultural identity emerging in many parts of the (1992b:95).
world, particularly in situations in which liberal governance To help interpret relations among elements, spaces, and
systems and neoliberal economic policies have neither rep- realms of life brought together here, I draw concepts and
resented nor responded to indigenous and other nondomi- insights from scholars who are working to bring together
nant cultural groups in substantive ways. ideas from the anthropologies of body, food, gender, race,
John Bodnar's notions of "official" and "vernacular" cul- and nation to understand cultural and political phenomena
ture offer a fruitful way to think about the different realmsin the Andes (among others, Albro 2001; Canessa 2005;
of Bolivian life considered here. For Bodnar (1993:13), Colloredo-Mansfeld 1998; Orlove 1998; Seligmann 2004;
expressions of official culture stem from the concerns ofand Weismantel 1997, 2001) as well as other parts of the
leaders and authorities at all levels of society, who share aworld (Liechty 2005; Watson and Caldwell 2005; Wilk
common interest in social unity, the continuity of existing1999), and I hope to contribute to conversations among
institutions, and loyalty to the status quo. Material pre- them.
sented here from Bolivian national legislation, government In the next section of this article, I identify key litera-
discourses and policies, municipal governance processes,ture, concepts, and theoretical issues that inform my analy-
presidential campaign speeches, national media, and urban sis. Following it are three ethnographic sections: first, a pre-
parades can be understood as manifestations of official sentation of Mizque carnival with a multisensory description
culture that advance normative views of what "imagined" of one qhopuyu meal celebrated in 1990; second, a look at
communities should be like (Anderson 1991). Vernacular Bolivian policies and discourses that have worked to differ-
cultures, which have a greater tendency to convey what entiate bodies and identities in recent expressions of official
social reality feels like in small-scale communities and multiculturalism, decentralized governance, and indigene-
interest groups (Bodnar 1993:14), are manifest in the prac- ity; and third, descriptions of several qhopuyus celebrated
tices of food preparation and serving, ritual organization, in the mid-1990s that point to dynamics between local and
labor exchange, and conversations and testimonies as national processes. Interspersed in these descriptions are
well as in language, clothing, music, and other aesthetic voices and visions of poor indigenous migrants and non-
expressions of rural farmers and migrants presented here. indigenous elite emigrants in Cochabamba City, where both
groups remember and talk about the ritual meals in ques-
My analysis of Bolivian materials, like Bodnar's U.S. studies,
shows that these realms are not discrete: Individuals can tion. These differently located experiences are connected
through descriptions of physical travel to Mizque for carni-
and do engage in official and vernacular expressions alter-
nately or simultaneously. Rural meals described here draw val and of journeys back to cities after carnival by individuals
from, emulate, reconfigure, or challenge aspects of elite sated with ritual meals, redolent of local smells, and bearing
home-grown produce.
and official culture, and performances of Bolivia's official
culture cunningly imitate and index local or indigenous My initial understanding of these events developed
customs. through 18 months of farming, herding, and preparing food
For anthropologists committed to holistic, with locally
Mizque families. This traditional fieldwork is comple-
grounded, and richly contextualized study in all mented
parts ofby the
a dozen return visits to Mizque, by 15 years of in-
teraction with
world, forging methodological and analytic frameworks that Mizquefios and others in Bolivian cities, and
encompass diverse spaces and scales is an ongoing chal-participation in initiatives led by Bolivian in-
by observant
tellectuals
lenge. George E. Marcus (1995) and, more recently, and political actors.
Michael
151
American Ethnologist m Volume 33 Number 4 November 2006
Making material bodies and meaningful Eucharist.2 Christian ideas of consubstantiation (and tran
identities through food substantiation) coexist with other understandings of sub
stance and spirit in the practices described here and offer
Throughout anthropology's history, food and eating have re- sights to help interpret them. During carnival, people tra
ceived fruitful attention, which has advanced understand- from distant places and dissimilar situations, bearing pr
ing of a wide range of other cultural practices. Richard Wilk's duce that embodies their farm and wage labor and the gr
(1999) analysis of the use of Belizean food in personal and of Pachamama. Through collaborative labor, they transfor
political contexts to create a sense of the nation addresses a this produce into meals that constitute them as comm
paradox emerging in many parts of the Americas where in- nities. In this process, individuals, products, places, a
creasing global penetration and political-economic depen- spiritual-natural forces are forged into a kind of commun
dency coexist with growing emphasis on localized cuisines substance that, like the Eucharist, mysteriously joins diff
and ingredients. James Watson and Melissa Caldwell "point ent essences. For subaltern people marginalized in a hier
to the future of food studies, not its past" by promoting at- chical society, the ritual process of becoming part of a coll
tention to people-food relationships that "can help us to tive body provides specific types of strength and meanin
understand the big issues of twenty-first-century politics: The prospect of making bodies indigenous throug
State formation and collapse, global flows and anti-global consubstantiation opens up new ways of thinking abo
reactions, new notions of identity and the rebirth of nation- broader debates concerning nature versus nurture. As
alism" (2005:1-2). I explore some of these issues in Bolivia ciations among human physiology, culture, and race hav
by asking how certain uses of food relate to racial-ethnic aroused theoretical and political contention throughout a
identity, locally understood to reside in people's bodies and thropology's history. In the Andes, like in the United Stat
in geographic places, and how certain bodies and places re- many people imagine race, gender, and nationality to
late to a nation that is being reconfigured under internal and located in the body and point to observable bodily charac
external pressures. teristics and practices to justify and maintain social distin
In Bolivia, the polysemic Spanish term comida tipica-- tions. In general, however, Andeans tend to focus less on
generally meaning traditional food, food that represents a genetic codes and more on metabolic processes to expl
people or a way of life-is used in many ways and contexts. the source of bodily similarities that constitute membersh
People talk of "comida tipica boliviana," food that repre- in a family, social group, or nation. Mary Weismantel writ
sents national identity, and many manifestations of "comida "The body, in Andean thinking, is an object built up ove
tipica regional," food that represents regional populations time. As it ingests, digests, and expels substances from th
and places. Traditional foods are variously associated with world around it, it provides its owner an identity drawn fro
rural indigenous life and are semiotically contrasted to co- worldly substances. Body and identity thus originate in th
mida internacional (international cuisine), which involves intimate physical relationship between persons and their
something like steak and french fries. cial milieu" (2001:91). Ritual meals described here provok
Men and women in Mizque say that they prepare one to think about ways in which practice and sensory e
traditional ritual meals to "convidar a la Pachamama." perience work to embed cultural ideas of race and nation
Pachamama is a feminine spiritual-natural force with pre-body in irrefutably material ways. In a sharp critiq
in the
Columbian roots, associated throughout the Andes with the
of scholarly analyses circumscribed by U.S.-European rac
fertility of plants and animals. Convidar, a verb used to in-
ideologies, in which race is equated with genetic differen
vite someone to share food and drink, relates conceptually
and racism with theories of biological inferiority, Weisma
and conversationallywith ideas of"compartir" (commensal-
tel and Stephen E Eisenman (1998:121) draw attention to r
ity) and "convivir" (cohabitation) as well as "communion."
cent studies that reveal hygiene, clothing, dance, and for
Rather than seek literal translations of these overlapping
of sexuality as potent racial markers in the Andes. Like th
terms used by participants to talk about ritual meals, foodI re-
practices described here, these racial idioms accentu
late them loosely as the English term consubstantiate, atein itsphysicality of odors, textures, and bodily moveme
the
most concrete meaning, "to unite in common substance." and the agency of participants.
After mass one Sunday in Mizque, a couple explained In to this study, I am particularly interested in practice
me that Christ's body is in the bread of Holy Communion
andand
agency yet must emphasize that Andean ethnic-racia
that, when people eat it together, they come to sharenational
bodily identities cannot be chosen at will. Rather, they
substance, like brothers do. The sharing of food and drink
slowly built into one's body through work, weather, clothing
has long been sacralized in the Christian tradition: The New
postures, sex, and, of course, eating and drinking, exercis
Testament book of Acts describes how early Christian in faith
specific material contexts. This process is tangibly exem
communities shared food, and 2,000 years later, many Boli- in feet, an important racial-ethnic index across t
plified
vians engage in the most tangible Catholic sacramentAndes.
of theBenjamin Orlove writes that "mestizos tend towar
152
Body, nation, and consubstantiation in Bolivian ritual meals m American Ethnologist
footwear that prevents contact with the earth and that dis- tions in which indigenous women, together with traditional
plays this lack of contact through its shininess; the Indians foods, serve as producers of Bolivianness and key symbols of
have footwear more open to the earth, when they wear shoes Bolivia.
at all" (1998:215). An Indian life of toil in rough tire-tread Ritualized sharing of food, coca, and chicha (fermented
sandals leads to flat, hardened, dirt-caked soles. People can- corn beverage) is recorded in the earliest chronicles and ar-
not make such feet mestizo by squeezing them into shiny chaeological records of the Andes and is practiced through-
wingtips or high heels, but many do try to raise their children out the region today, where I found it to be a key site of social
in Western shoes and mestizo manners in hopes of distanc- change and innovation. Although some Mizquefios express
ing them from hard Indian life. Krista E. Van Vleet's (2003) fear that the incorporation of dominant national ingredients
sensitive ethnography in Chuquisaca, Bolivia, demonstrates and practices will destroy local recipes and identities, many
that such initiatives may be taken by youths themselves, such declare that it can make them even better, "more traditional."
as 11-year-old Reina, who skipped school after her teacher Hosts described here organize meals in ways that demon-
called her "india" and who refused to return until getting strate changing status and consolidate new relationships
new shoes. with development workers and urban connections. In these
Although polarizing ideologies of race are arguably circumstances, decisions about how to prepare meals can
present in most social interactions, Bolivians are not easilybe quite political. Weismantel (1997) describes an Ecuado-
divided into discrete racial categories, and few Mizquefios rian context in which eating traditional barley soups makes
seem comfortable labeling themselves "Indians," "mesti-one more Indian, and eating dishes such as chicken with rice
zos," or "whites." Most individuals may be considered-and helps to establish one as more white. For indigenous women,
consider themselves-more Indian in interactions with menu decisions are fraught with tension, as the racial and
those who are more European, educated, or powerful than superiority claimed by white society motivates some
cultural
themselves and more mestizo or white in interaction with to emulate white food practices and others to condemn this
those who are poorer, more rural, or less fluent in Spanish. as a threat to cultural heritage and betrayal of community
In the absence of clear phenotypical markers, individualssolidarity.
shift social identities through time as well as across contexts. Orlove represents Lake Titicaca regional cuisine as en-
People can and do adopt characteristics that are considered compassing two traditions: mestizo and indigenous. Al-
more mestizo than those with which they came of age: In though both cuisines draw on local products (potatoes,
chosen contexts, some individuals speak Spanish rather grains, meats, and fish), the manner of preparing and serv-
than their native Indian languages; some women and girls ing food is markedly different: Indigenous meals are mostly
exchange their pollera skirts for Western clothing; and some one-pot soups or boiled tubers, whereas mestizo meals usu-
families cook and eat beef and fries rather than traditional ally involve several different dishes, cooked in different ways.
soups. What is interesting about practices I describe in this
Orlove writes that "Indians value the strength that their food
article is that they appear to move in the opposite direction,
gives them, and deride mestizo food for not really filling them
at least on some levels. A growing number of people from up" (1998:212), whereas mestizos disdain Indian food partly
varied social groups travel during carnival to Mizque, wherebecause of its contact with the earth, as it is prepared in clay
they engage in activities and eat foods that are socially
pots on adobe stoves fueled by dung, sticks, and grasses.
marked and verbally identified as indigenous. Orlove concludes by linking food practices to place in the
Just as official cultures imagine national communities,nation: "If the two groups agree on the greater proximity of
they also organize bodily experiences. The bodies of Bolivian
Indians to the earth, they also agree on a complementary ob-
men identified as Indians have been shaped by and made ject.
to The mestizos are closer than the Indians to the nation"
contribute to the nation through conscript and wage labor (1998:219).
and through military service (Gill 1997). Associations among Like residents of rural Ecuador and Lake Titicaca,
Andean women, food, and nation are contradictory. LindaMizquefios are caught in a tug-of-war between official power
Seligmann (2004) describes how Indian women who work as and prestige (imagined to reside principally in cities and
towns and to be embodied in people who eat international
produce traders are perceived as contaminating intruders in
towns and cities, and Weismantel (2001) demonstrates how cuisine) and strength drawn from rural households that are
the bodies of Indian market women, imagined as anoma- literally constituted by traditional food in the form of piles
of potatoes and bags of wheat crowding adobe rooms, ears
lously dirty, smelly, and strong, excite both fear and sexual
frisson among mestizos. Throughout Bolivia, food prepara- of corn hanging from the rafters, squashes balancing on
tion is largely in the hands of indigenous women who sell rooftops, corrals sheltering livestock, and foodcrops planted
produce at markets, prepare meals in restaurants, and la-in houseyards (cf. Colloredo-Mansfeld 1998:189-190). The
bor as cooks in diverse homes and institutions. This asso- meals I look at in the next section are rooted in this rural
foodscape and are prepared and consumed by people who
ciation fuels a national imagination and official representa-
.5'
American Ethnologist s Volume 33 Number 4 November 2006
sleep among stores of crops and share living quarters with farm households cannot supply food by themselves-they
chickens and guinea pigs, where their bodies acquire smells depend on support from Pachamama and from social rela-
and gestures marked as indigenous. Yet these people also tions within and outside of the community. Because Andean
migrate and work in the kind of mixed urban environments relationships of reciprocity (ayni, mink'a, compadrazgo, and
described by Albro 2001. Although ideologies that polar- other forms) are initiated, sacralized, and sustained through
ize Indian and mestizo bodies, and official and vernacular the ritual sharing of food and chicha, meals are essential
culture, are present in Mizque, phenomena and voices pre- not only to sustain each physical life but also to sustain the
sented here suggest that these dichotomies do not play out human and spiritual relationships that constitute social sys-
so neatly in the power, prestige, or practice of ritual meals. tems of production and reproduction.
At carnival time, emigrant Mizquefios return from cities,
tropical colonies, and other distant places. Most arrive in
To reunite on home territory, eat homegrown overflowing, streamer-covered trucks and buses. During
hours on the road, travelers share food, exchange stories
food, and be Mizquefio-Mizquefia
of ventures afar, gossip about fellow Mizquefios, and lean
People who reside in, or grew up in, the Municipality of against one another, sharing body heat and cushion over
Mizque in the intermontane valleys of central Bolivia call the irregular mountainous terrain. Youths who left for high
themselves, and each other, "Mizquefio" and "Mizquefia." school or apprenticeships and girls who left to work as maids
Mizquefios experience a range of identities and relationships or seamstresses arrive in the latest urban fashions and hair-
as they move through space and time; however, most neither dos. There are so many homecomers that transport com-
call themselves "Indians" nor identify with a named ethnic panies double their regularly scheduled trips to and from
group. A majority of families speak Quechua at home, and Cochabamba City during carnival week.
most mature women wear polleras, full skirts that mark in- Members of former landowning families also return, of-
digenous identity. Children and youth are more likely than ten in their own jeeps, to indulge childhood nostalgia and to
their parents to speak Spanish and to wear Western-style share local traditions with their children and grandchildren.
clothing, yet accounts presented here show that young men After the 1952 revolution, Mizque haciendas, which covered
and women are also some of the most enthusiastic promot- proportionately more land than in any other province in the
ers of "traditional culture." department (Rivera P. 1987), were taken over by peasants,
The small provincial town of Mizque, renowned in the and most elite families moved to Bolivian or foreign cities.
1600s for its colonial elegance, is now the commercial and Because the socioeconomic constellation of the valley has
administrative hub of hundreds of small farms crowded into changed so significantly, a return of elite Mizquefios to their
a fertile valley and scattered along its upper slopes. Resi- childhood homes means a return in time as well as space to
dents' productive and social networks extend throughout an earlier social order whose values, vocabulary, and power
the large department of Cochabamba, which encompasses relations linger on in the voice of a former mayor who remi-
sierra, valleys, and tropical lowlands. Until the mid-1990s, nisced fondly about the era when nonindigenous elites dom-
people traveled between Mizque and Cochabamba City by inated the town. "Before, Mizque was a very elegant town,
train or cattle truck, either method taking at least eight hours everyone went out in suits and ties, and the women wore el-
and frequently twice that long. A new road has been a cat- egant dresses to stroll and go to mass. It was a well-educated
alyst for change over the last decade, accelerating rhythms town too, all the men read the newspapers, and some went as
of travel and facilitating the entrance of commercial farm- far as Europe to study." He explained that illiterate Quechua-
ers and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). It is on this speaking peasants used to wear native garb and worship na-
road that hundreds of Mizquefios "return home" each car- ture idols in the hinterlands.
nival season. Although maintaining a spatial map of distinct cultures
Carnival is celebrated in February or March, just before and religions is increasingly difficult, the differential con-
Catholic Lent, which comes at the end of the warm, rainy struction of bodies continues to draw attention. As resi-
season called "q'omer timpu" (green time), when the earth's dents and returnees fill the plaza, elite women wear stylish,
fertility is most tangible. Potatoes, corn, squash, and fruits narrow skirts and high heels, some local girls and women
are ripening and animals are nursing young; it is a season for don chola outfits with indigenous connotations, and others
great human activity and collaboration for residents, many dress themselves and their children in inexpensive West-
of whom farm small plots of land and raise sheep or a few ern clothing. Some young Mizquefias echo the choices of
cows. One man explained, "What we do in carnival is thank a young woman from Chuquisaca described by Van Vleet
Pachamama and share food and drink with her so that the (2003): They prefer Western clothes for everyday and cele-
crops and animals will produce well." Carnival is a harvest brate carnival by dancing in pollera skirts and lacy blouses,
festival and, in contexts in which poor harvests or unfavor- using clothing to identify themselves with modern nation in
able markets mean real hunger, food is a major concern. But some contexts and with region and family in others.
154
In Mizque, carnival encompasses eight days ofactivities, how much we put into a fiesta. We forget everything and
including parades, song and dance contests called "taqui- are happy just to do the qhopuyu." Yet she was fascinated
payanakus," and blessings of homes and vehicles called by my inquiry and, the following day, joined several other
"ch'allas," all described in Paulson 2003. Here, I focus on women in scrupulously supervising the weighing of ingre-
qhopuyus, events hosted in a rotating manner that in- dients. Ema, Patrona, and neighbors later chuckled at and
volve brewing chicha, cooking a meal called "t'impu," con- commented on drafts of the recipes presented here. Some
structing a ritual table (also called "qhopuyu"), then eating, years later, I presented material on which this article is based
drinking, and playing around the ritual table with dozens to a group of aging former landowners at a Club Mizquefio
of guests. The word qhopuyu derives from the Quechua dinner in Cochabamba City, at which the bulk of the hour-
root qhoy, meaning "to give" or "to yield"; the form qopuy long discussion, rich with reminiscences, focused on the
means "to return" or "to give back." Participants say that recipes.
through qhopuyus they return the care, gifts, and hospital-
ity of Pachamama. APPROXIMATE INGREDIENTS FOR CANELAS T'IMPU
All ethnographers struggle to translate the rich intersub- (including lunch for cooks)
jective experience of fieldwork into text, and many have re-
75 pounds of potatoes
flected critically on that translation process. As I write about
13 pounds of rice
cooking, serving, and eating, I translate some of my field 1 large sheep
notes into recipes, a genre that allows me to represent ma- 3 gallons of fresh cow's milk
terial ingredients and proportions together with activities 15 green cabbages
performed in temporal sequence. Women in Mizque contin- 2 pounds of chickpeas
ually teach their daughters, granddaughters, and daughters- 10 pounds of onions
in-law to prepare meals and have done their best to teach 10 pounds of tomatoes
me according to their ways. Most Mizquefias, however, are 4 pounds of hot locoto peppers
relatively unfamiliar with written recipes and rarely transfer 3 pounds of pig lard
technical knowledge through such direct verbal instructions.
1 pound dried yellow aji pepper
1/2 pound of salt
In cooking, farming, or other realms, women most frequently
answered my queries of "How do you do this?" by handing
Thursday morning, Patrona and Ema dressed in their best
me a knife or a hoe and saying, "Let's do it." Thus, the recipes
and paraded several miles to Mizque town, proudly carrying
presented here are not quotes from local chefs; neither are
rough wooden crosses. They walked decidedly through the
they cultural artifacts in the sense that a song or a weav-
colonial plaza and into the 300-year-old church to have their
ing might be. Rather, they are heuristic devices by which I
crosses blessed by the Italian priest. After returning to
translate ethnographic observations and experiences into
their shady home patio, Patrona and Ema received daugh-
text.
ters, sisters, daughters-in-law, comadres, and goddaughters
Such recipes help to describe a 1990 celebration in who came to work. As in other Andean contexts, commu-
which Patrona Canelas and her middle-aged daughter Ema
nity here is defined partly through exchange of labor in
hosted two qhopuyus in one place. Emma observed, "We
various ritualized forms, including the serious labor of cook-
don't usually celebrate two qhopuyus together like this, but
ing for agricultural and festival gatherings. Women arrived
we decided to do it because that way we can do it better.
from next door, from Mizque town, and from across the val-
We can prepare everything that tradition dictates, while one
ley, bearing carrying cloths packed with potatoes, onions,
person alone cannot do it as well." The desire for authentic or tomatoes, in some cases, bundled with a toddler. One
tradition and for improvement juxtaposed in this comment
woman brought a bag of rice that her husband had earned
presages dynamics evident in the subsequent evolution of
working on a commercial farm in the eastern lowlands; sev-
qhopuyu practice described below.
eral brought stacks of tin bowls and spoons, distinguished
Several Canelas sisters regularly bake collectively for oc-
by initials painted on in nail polish; and each brought along
casions such as All Saints Day and Holy Week, indulging in
her tin knife to join the eternal task of peeling runa and way-
the shared sensations of kneading and shaping the dough,
cha potatoes, rarely larger than an egg. The following list of
breathing the yeasty aroma, and sating themselves with
activities offers a sense of the extent and complexity of labor
warm bread. On Ash Wednesday 1990, half a dozen women
required.
gathered at the adobe oven of one of Ema's sisters to bake
bread wreaths and several batches of bread. Later, they HOW TO MAKE T'IMPU
checked their stores and reviewed other people's commit-
ments, making sure that desired ingredients were readied * Deftly peel 75 pounds of small potatoes.
for the next day's feast. When I asked Ema how many kilos * Use some of these to make soup to serve lunch for
of potatoes they would use, she replied, "We don't calculate the hungry cooks.
.55
American Ethnologist n Volume 33 Number 4 November 2006
* With machete and butcher knife, cut a sheep into (1990:80). Men tied Tatalacruz to a wooden yoke from an ox-
chunks of meat and bone. drawn plow, perhaps the most masculine of common tools,
* Cut cabbages into chunks. "because a yoke is very strong and can support the cross."
* On the stone, grind dried aji peppers into powder. In late afternoon, Hernin dug a hole in the corner of
* Boil potatoes, lamb, cabbage, and chickpeas in a gi- the corral, and Ema buried the first plate of t'impu as an
ant cauldron over a fire.
offering to Pachamama. All present poured a few drops of
* Cook rice and milk in a second giant cauldron.
chicha on the spot, and a participant remarked, "If they have
* Hold onion, tomato, or hot locoto pepper in left hand,
lots of faith in sharing with Pachamama, both will bury the
slice thinly with tin knife.
* Saut6 a couple of pounds of onions and tomatoes in offering, husband and wife, in order to make the potatoes
lard with ground aji pepper and salt to make a savory and other things grow. Isn't it true that they both work culti-
sauce. vating the earth? Of course they are both going to bury the
offering aspeppers,
* Dump remaining sliced tomatoes, onions, well." A young woman likened Pachamama to
oil, and salt into jumbo plastic washtub, prepare
her godmother: Both are generous and helping, both punish
salad by mixing with hands and forearms.
severely for misconduct, and both need to be remembered at
* Line up a pot of potatoes, a pot of meat andtime.
carnival cabbage,
"Pachamama could get angry. If we share with
a cauldron of rice, a pan of sauce, andPachamama,
a tub ofgiving
salad,her the first plate of food and inviting
with a woman stationed at each.
her to drink chicha, she is going to be happy, otherwise she
could eat us." Through their labor in cooking and brewing,
women mediate and transform the earth's gifts and then re-
The serving of midday soup allowed Dofia Patrona to re-
ciprocate the generosity of women who offered their laborturn them in food offerings and libations. After Pachamama
and to recognize honored collaborators with a special stew was served, the kitchen crew set to work serving some 40
bone or chunk of fat. In the elaborate semiotics of soup serv-guests in a solemnly orchestrated dance of generosity and
ing, distinctions in the size, shape, and quality of bowls andsatiety.
spoons, the assembling of food in each bowl, and the distri-
bution of choice bits all play a part (cf. Weismantel 1997:40). ORCHESTRATED RITUAL SERVING
Thus, even as shared labor, food, and drink unite people, rit- Woman 1 puts 8 to 12 small potatoes in a tin bowl
ual feasts are also arenas for establishing unequal prestige Woman 2 pours 1 cup of milky rice over the potatoes
and power and not infrequently become scenes of conflict.
Woman 3 (head hostess, who directs coservers) piles
Competition to assemble the largest kitchen crew, the most on purposefully selected pieces of lamb and several
guests, and the most generous feast inspires innovations like chunks of cabbage
this double qhopuyu.
Woman 4 drizzles on a couple of tablespoons of sauce
Women who come together to spend the day (and
Woman 5 balances a handful of salad on the pile
often the night) in the hostess's patio bring their bodies, la-
bor, and produce from places near and far to mix them to- Woman 6 carries plate to guest, as directed by head
hostess
gether in ritual space and time. Men follow different rhythms
as they join in small groups to construct ritual tables and
later move through social and physical territory, stopping
Patrona imposed repeat helpings, and Ema found
ways to express her own generosity without jeopardizing
at multiple locations where they are invited to share food
and chicha. Ema's husband, Hernan, together with Patrona'sher mother's preeminence. The quantity of food is not the
only remarkable feature of this meal: The decadently rich,
son Edmundo and grandson Felix, selected a site in a fallow
field, cleared a flat area, and used picks to make holes in spicy, and colorful t'impu sauce contrasts with the boiled
potatoes and rice that constitute the bulk of daily soups,
which to plant the yoke and flags that would flank the two
and generous portions of valued ingredients that are used
tables, side by side, then paused to chew coca and offer some
to Pachamama. Echoing his grandmother's strong character
sparingly in daily cooking-meat, milk, and fat-make
t'impu eating an unusually intense sensory experience.
for organizing, Felix took charge, even giving instructions to
Savored flavors, textures, and aromas invoke multiple
older men, in his expressed desire to construct "the most
pleasures, melding immediate experience with sensations
beautiful qhopuyus ever seen in Bolivia."
remembered from carnivals past in a powerful synesthesia
Each table, called "qhopuyu" or "Tataqhopuyu," was
covered with a woven carrying cloth and topped by a cross
that helps bodily sensation to maintain meaning across
time and place (cf. Bigenho 1999:958).
called "Tatalacruz." Tata is the Quechua word for father, and
the suffix la connotes fertility. In Quechua tales, a charac-
COMMUNAL T'IMPU
ter named Tatala often represents a Christ figure, and Jos6
Antonio Rocha holds that "Tatala means phallus, penis, in 150 boiled potatoes
the sense of a receptacle of paternity, of generative forces" 4 liters of milky rice
.15
Body, nation, and consubstantiation in Bolivian ritual meals " American Ethnologist
15-20 chunks of meat of citizenship and cultural identity. In parallel processes,

25 chunks of cabbage symbols of idealized indigenous culture were variously used
2 cups of sauce in endeavors to establish national identities in postcolonial
republics (Abercrombie 1992a:312; de la Cadena 1998).
Once guests had been served, women arranged the above Whereas early 20th-century leaders in Argentina and
ingredients in a plastic washtub, which they placed with Brazil tried to whiten the national race biologically through
pots of chicha before the ritual tables. The meal went on European immigration (Rockefeller 2003:236-240), Andean
intermittently for hours as neighbors, relatives, and others intellectuals and policy makers developed culture-based
visited, ate from the communal t'impu, and were servedstrategies to "whiten" racial-ethnic characteristics of indige-
gourdsful from the chicha bucket. Individual dishes of nous populations through practice, hygiene, and education.
t'impu and glasses of chicha were served to strategicallyAs Rudi Colloredo-Mansfeld (1998:187) points out, this was
powerful guests who stopped by, in this case, the director not a conservative racism based in preserving class privi-
and subdirector of an NGO that had for years promotedleges, but a dynamic racism, a racism of expansion. Brooke
rural development by strengthening farmers' unions and Larson (2003) analyzes gendered rural projects imple-
supporting rural men's and women's voices in local polit- mented in the 1940s to promote bodily, homemaking, and
ical processes. Rural neighbors, truckers, civil authorities, farming habits that would transform Bolivia's unruly and
and workers home from the city all joined in phujllay (play- heterogenous Indians into uniform mestizos who would also
fight) that involved making sounds with a whip used to herdbe docile peasants. Larson notes that this dual goal reflects
cows and scare birds from ripening crops. Success in mak- a classic dilemma posed by this type of cultural racism: the
ing sounds that are sufficiently loud and amusing augurs aneed to eradicate socioracial differences in the service of
prosperous year and a player's ability to host a successful building a national race and unified culture and the simul-
qhopuyu in the future. taneous need to maintain such differences to stabilize and
Festivities culminated in the passing on of the crossjustify inequitable social orders.
and hosting responsibilities. Ema lit incense in a shovel and Bolivia's assimilationist impulse saw its strongest state
passed the pungent smoke under the four corners of each ta- expression in the wake of the 1952 revolution, when a cen-
ble and over the chicha pots; Patrona placed a bread wreathtralized government led by the National Revolution Move-
around the neck of her grandson Julio, and Ema passed ment (MNR) tried to overcome racial exclusion that limited
hers to her sister Elizabeth, saying with a laugh, "I didn't national development by extending suffrage to all adults,
even think about it at all, I didn't even decide. They say that expanding national education and health care, instituting
Tataqhopuyu chooses where it wants to go, that must have land reform and a peasant union system, and purging the
been it." Hosts blessed each other with confetti, then em- word indio from official discourse. Many predicted that a
braced and were embraced by others. Future hosts filled fully mestizo modern nation would emerge in the next gen-
their carrying cloths with fruit and bread from the altar while eration. And it was not only elites who longed to make Indi-
companions took up the crosses, corn stalks, and stream- anness disappear. Observing Bolivian life in the 1980s, Aber-
ers and marched after them in procession. The crosses, ar- crombie wrote that, "Given their advantage in force, it is not
rayed in yellowing streamers and dried flowers, sat in the surprising that aspects of the colonizers' value systems have
corner of each future host's house throughout the year, keep- become hegemonic, so that the stigma attached long ago by
ing alive the challenge and glory ahead. In 1991, Julio and Europeans to 'Indianness' has worked its way into 'Indian'
Elizabeth prepared a second double qhopuyu in Patrona's self-consciousness as well. Consequently, self-proclaimed
patio-helping to consolidate a new tradition. Indians are exceedingly scarce" (1992b:96).3
To the surprise of many, the scene has changed
significantly since Bolivia's return to democracy in the
Body, place, and identity in Bolivian
official culture 1980s amid contradictory international trends. On the one
hand, pressure for neoliberal structural adjustment helped
Through most of Bolivia's history, citizenship has been con-launch Bolivia into the global age in 1985 with landmark
stituted through Spanish heritage, language, and literacy presidential decree 21060, which promoted economic sta-
and administered via European-style legal and educational bilization, privatization, and free trade while cutting back
systems. A majority labeled Indian paid tribute to the na- social programs. On the other hand, a push for indigenous
rights and cultural recognition championed by the United
tion under Bolivia's caste system until 1874 and were largely
illiterate and disenfranchised until 1952 (Larson 2003). In Nations and International Labour Organization, incorpo-
contexts in which speech, manners, and clothing that failed rated into the constitutions of ten Latin American nations,
to correspond with European-oriented norms marked peo- and advocated by groups such as the Zapatista Army of
ple as Indians and excluded them from full privileges in the National Liberation (EZLN) in Mexico and Confederation
nation-state, bodybecame inseparablybound up with issues of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE), provided
157
American Ethnologist n Volume 33 Number 4 November 2006
new impetus for Bolivian social movements to take up the 4.6 percent until Bolivia's 2002 national elections, when
banner of a resignified indigenous identity. indigenous-movement-based parties captured an aston-
In a dramatic about-face in 1994, a new MNR govern- ishing 27 percent of the vote, contributing to a situation in
ment instituted multicultural discourse, policies, and pro- which approximately one-third of legislators identified as
grams. I observed, and in small ways participated in, the indigenous.
Bolivian government's efforts to move away from its long- As indigenous movements and leaders enter spaces for-
standing assimilationist stance and foster a new prodiversity merly dominated by nonindigenous voters and politicians,
official culture.4 In 1994, Bolivia's Constitution was changed they are bringing with them distinctively corporal forms of
to acknowledge the multiethnic and pluricultural charac- political expression and civil participation. Numerous na-
ter of the nation (Art. 1), and in the next year educational tional legislators wear highly marked ethnic clothing, and
reforms were passed to institutionalize intercultural and some insist on speaking indigenous languages rather than
bilingual education. The national Secretariat of Ethnic, Gen- Spanish. Bolivia's new president, Evo Morales, raised eye-
der and Generational Affairs, created in 1994 with a man- brows around the world by attending European state func-
date to address inequities that limited human development tions in his alpaca sweater and rubber-soled shoes. In future
amongBolivia's population, demonstrates tensions inherent analyses, these gestures may be interpreted as representa-
in the official project. In various strategic-planning meet- tions of indigenous culture made accommodatingly palat-
ings, projects, and evaluations, I observed that, despite the able to dominant groups or as the kind of bodily invasion of
transformative goals of its members, the secretariat's work official culture that many elites find so threatening.
ended up focusing more on helping Indians, women, and old The latter interpretation comes more readily to ac-
people than on changing the discriminatory socioeconomic tions in which indigenous-identified groups have used their
systems identified in the bureau's title (Paulson and Calla bodies-in strategic alliance with urban poor, students,
2000). This and other public programs that advocate and peasants, and others-to fill streets and plazas, blockade
display indigenous culture have been accused of pandering roads, and surround government buildings. Massive bod-
to international donor agencies that favor multiculturalism ily manifestations were vital in driving out transnational in-
and of manipulating the sympathies of indigenous voters, vestors in the Water War of 2000, aborting the sale of natural
who constitute the majority of Bolivia's population.5 gas in 2005, and forcing the resignation of Presidents Gon-
These official moves to support diversity connect in zalo Sanchez de Lozada in 2003 and Carlos Mesa in 2005.6
paradoxical ways with two key processes of political and Over the past couple of years, indigenous groups, parallel
economic redistribution legislated in 1994: The Law of Pop- with other communities defined in diverse ways, have been
ular Participation gave local populations the right to elect getting together in gatherings called "constituent assem-
municipal councils and to set priorities for spending funds blies" to engage in long sessions of dialogue and consensus
to be distributed from 20 percent of national government building understood as part of an effort to build a new nation
revenues, and the Law of Capitalization transferred state- and constitution from the grassroots up.
run enterprises and resources to private investors. In theory, Nancy Postero (2005:73) argues that these public
the transfer of fiscal responsibility to municipalities could protests and actions respond not only to economic crises
strengthen territory-based identity groups. Yet Benjamin but also to profound questions about the role of civil soci-
Kohl (2003) points out that, in practice, privatization has ety in neoliberal Bolivia. And Alvaro Garcia Linera (2004),
jeopardized federal financial resources available to the mu- now vice president of Bolivia, notes that, as workers' unions
nicipalities to support already-limited public services. Thus, are undermined by subcontracting and fragmentation of the
whereas new policies have heightened inclusive democratic production process, preexisting forms of cultural and terri-
rhetoric and increased political recognition, they have-at torial organization are gaining new relevance. This is just the
least in the short term-reduced state capacity to maintain point at which practices and meanings of vernacular tradi-
the material substance of citizenship: health care, employ- tions inform a new kind of civil engagement that is based
ment, education, and infrastructure. less on liberal legislation of multicultural citizenship and
It is struggles surrounding these tangible issues that more on the kind of bodily, place-grounded solidarity ex-
have recently launched indigenous movements into the perienced in ritual meals. Two relevant places to observe
national and international spotlight. Xavier Alb6 (2003:226) tensions surrounding Bolivia's emerging civil society are
demonstrates that indigenous Andean peoples have long urban carnival celebrations and decentralized governance
played a substantial role in Bolivia's political life via thou- mechanisms.
sands of rebellions during the early republican period, the During the 20th century, carnival balls and costumed
agrarian revolution of the 1950s, and the Katarista move- parades, long popular among nonindigenous elites across
ments in the 1970s. Yet Donna Lee Van Cott (2003:751-752) SouthAmerica, became icons of official culture-and spaces
points out that, in national elections, the best result for of contestation-in countries such as Brazil (Parker 2003)
all indigenous parties combined was never greater than and Trinidad, where, Christine G. T. Ho argues, "In the
858
post-independence era, carnival has been constructed as of- traditional Bolivian food and swears 'It's the best food in the
ficial 'national culture,' a performance of solidarity powerful world.'" Evo Morales (Movement toward Socialism [MAS]),
enough to constitute a sense of brotherhood in a population the dark-horse indigenous union leader who, in a remark-
fractured by competing racial, ethnic, and class loyalties. But able finishing surge, nearly tied with Goni in the popular
as a symbol, carnival cannot be 'owned,' and remains the vote (then returned with a sweeping victory in December
stage on which conflicting ideas and values are contested" 2005 elections), "has a special weakness for lamb and dishes
(2000:3). made with lamb. The traditions of his native Oruro mark his
Bolivia was not particularly renowned for its carnival life." And military figure Manfred Reyes Villa (New Republi-
until the 1980s and 1990s, when newspaper and television can Force [NFR]) "likes traditional Bolivian food, especially
coverage, tourist propaganda, and beauty contests began regional specialties of Cochabamba. He is a food lover, and
to portray urban folklore parades, and particularly Oruro's eats quickly."
carnival parade, as the quintessence of Bolivian national Even as urban parades and political discourses fore-
culture. Abercrombie observes, "Each year during carnival ground indigenous cultural products, new "decentralized"
time in Oruro, Bolivia, urban elites abandon their usual governance mechanisms are in some places working to ex-
disdain for customs, superstitions and clothing of indige- clude concerns surrounding ethnic autonomy and territorial
nous peoples and working classes to dance in the streets management. In 1994, the Municipality of Mizque became
in 'Indian' costumes, representing 'indigenous' dramas" a new administrative unit encompassing the town (formerly
(1992a:279). For Abercrombie, this rapidly growing phe- run by mestizo mayors and council members) and exten-
nomenon expresses a poignant postcolonial paradox: The sive hinterlands (whose indigenous residents had been or-
more than 5,000 dancers who celebrate local and national ganized for generations in peasant unions). As the local im-
indigenous heritage and precolombian spiritual beings also plementing agency of popular-participation legislation, a
portray a drama of repentance (for falling into such unciv- progressive NGO, the Center for Agricultural Development
ilized revelry) and redemption (through penitence to the (CEDEAGRO), helped to conduct surveys among 98 commu-
Virgin Mary). Yet, even as increasing numbers of young men nities, organize a workshop to prioritize goals for municipal
and women from urban middle and upper classes perform development, and draft a five-year plan, all with impres-
dances inspired by Indian traditions in costumes styled on sively broad participation. Some farmers in Mizque have
native dress, a more bodily indigeneity is thrusting itself into allied with leftist political parties that support greater in-
urban performances as working-class folkloric fraternities digenous rights, including the Free Bolivia Movement (MBL)
gain broader access to urban parades. in the 1990s and now MAS, headed by President Morales.
Official representations of place and identity in numer- Explicitly indigenous political consciousness and activism,
ous Andean nations draw enthusiastically on indigenous however, has been largely concentrated in Raqaypampa,
cultural products, including weaving (Zorn 2004), music a highland section that opted out of the municipal plan-
(Bigenho 2002), and romantic images of Indian women ning process and, with the support of the NGO National
(Rogers 1998). Within this broader phenomenon, I focus on Center for Development in the Andean Region (CENDA),
how indigenous-identified food is used in official culture drafted its own "Plan for Indigenous Development of Raqay-
as well as rural rituals in Bolivia. In increasingly massive pampa" (Raqaypampa, Centro Regional Sindical Unica de
and commercialized urban carnivals that draw on and re- Campesinos Indigenas 1999).
figure the rural fiesta, certain types of indigenous food haveMizque's first "Five Year Participatory Sustainable De-
velopment Plan" states as its general objective, "to improve
emerged as delightful commodities that index rural lifeways.
Parade routes are lined with vendors of "authentic tradi- conditions of extreme poverty and low human development"
tional food," including not only plates of t'impu but (Municipio
also de Mizque 1997b:11) and makes no mention of
dishes associated with All Saints Day and other holidays. ethnic identity. A companion diagnostic report (150 pages)
The extent to which politicians have tapped into the
indicates that 95 percent of Mizque's inhabitants are clas-
meanings of traditional food is evident in a national news-
sified as living in poverty (Municipio de Mizque 1997a:42)
paper story run a few weeks before the 2002 Bolivian and lists the culture of each of 91 communities in the mu-
presi-
dential elections, entitled "Characteristics of the Presidential
nicipality (including the town) as "Quechua" (1997a:39-40).
Candidates" and including personal profiles of ten official
An astonishingly terse section entitled "Analysis of Ethnic
contenders (La Razon 2002). The three who would garner Characteristics" is composed of three sentences on the re-
the most votes in the popular election all emphasized gion's
their history, followed by, "The predominant language is
love for traditional Bolivian food. Goni Sanchez de Lozada [sic] Quechua and Spanish, and the religion is Catholic"
(MNR), awealthy entrepreneur educated in the United States(Municipio de Mizque 1997a:38). Neither recognition of eth-
(who was elected president of Bolivia for the second time nic identity nor redistribution of land or other productive
in July 2002 then forced to resign in October 2003 by massresources appears among the priorities set in these docu-
protests) made it clear that "he has a special weakness for
ments, which focus, instead, on the provision of sanitation,
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American Ethnologist m Volume 33 Number 4 November 2006
health, and education services. This evidence seems to cor- In the 1990s, residents of Pojo community, a few miles
roborate Carmen Medeiros's contention that the kind of ru- from Mizque town, emerged as leaders of cultural revival-
ral civil society fostered by popular participation tends toism. Pojo families apparently had made remarkable prof-
be "a space highly regulated by the technologies of develop-its in an onion boom and invested in transport businesses
ment through which political issues are permanently recastthrough which they increased their wealth and power (ad-
in terms of purely technical problems calling for technical ditionally enhanced, according to rumor, through the elab-
solutions" (2001:403). oration and transport of coca paste for cocaine). A woman
The failure of the official territorial-based planning from a nearby community exclaimed, "Pojo celebrates car-
process to address ethnic issues contrasts sharply with the nival how it used to be done, it's more indigenous," and a
great concern that Mizquefios show for defining them- townswoman stressed, "In Pojo they do carnival the way it
selves, indeed, making themselves, through practices and should be done." Indeed, people described the qhopuyus of
relationships surrounding ritual meals, a concern that Pojo and neighboring Aguada as the most autochthonous
appears to have intensified during the same years that and the most popular in the valley. When I asked "What is so
decentralization was being implemented. traditional about carnival in Pojo?" people replied that Pojo's
qhopuyus are bigger and more beautiful than others. Pojo
trucks bring in participants from all over the valley. There is
more food and drink, including bottled beer. And the dancers
Newfangled traditions: Traffickers, truckers,
and teens are gorgeous! Handsome young women dance and sing in
fabulous traditional dress of the latest style: full pollera skirts
It was qhopuyus, rather than fancy parades, that burgeoned in velvet brocade or embossed satin and gold earrings dan-
gling over thick, falsie-enhanced braids. Finally, carnival in
in Mizque carnival during the 1990s. People say that for many
years there was only one qhopuyu in Mizque town itself, Pojo has more music: When live musicians take breaks, hosts
passed between families who lived on the road to the ceme- play commercial tapes on boom boxes. These gatherings vi-
tery. Gradually, a few more took place, and in the late 1980s talize local traditions through commodities that depend on
the trend took off, as townspeople vied to receive qhopuyus national currency and convey national identities: Beer labels
are identified with Bolivian cities (Pacefia and Cruzefia), and
from their rural relatives. There are other ways to receive the
ritual responsibility as well: Pachamama sometimes makescommercial folkloric groups such as Los Kjarkas play musica
nacional (national music).
a tree branch grow in the shape of a cross and reveals the
branch to a person who must cut it down, get it blessed by After gaining wealth and power through transport ven-
a priest, and host a qhopuyu. From then on, the cross tures,
is the rural Lopez family moved from their farm to the
passed from host to host, and some say that each host is town plaza and began to shift their social and ritual posi-
supposed to make his or her celebration "twice as big" as tions accordingly. On carnival Monday 1990, the Lopezes
the preceding one. By 1993, ten qhopuyus were celebrated decorated two of their trucks with streamers and balloons
in the town; a professional visiting her ancestral home de- and set up a drinking and dancing arena complete with
clared, "Indians have taken over the town," and a young man musicians. Their party seemed to combine qhopuyu with
who returned from work in the tropics enthused, "This year ch'allaku (the blessing of a newly purchased truck). Although
carnival is better than ever!" During carnival 2000, qhopuyus the event was more commodity rich than rural qhopuyus I
were celebrated on nearly every block of the provincial town. had seen-with glasses and plates, bottles of beer and liquor,
Mizque's eight-day carnival encompasses remnants of and plastic decorations-men devotedly built a qhopuyu al-
the parades, costumes, and musical comparzas once com- tar and women prepared and served t'impu. Rural relatives,
mon among nonindigenous elites. The extent to which townspeople, and urbanites alike stopped to party in front
qhopuyus have come to monopolize people's space, time, of the Lopez house, in plain view of Mizque town. Because
and energy has raised the ire of an older mestizo who insists the plaza has long housed the town hall, church, jail, and
that Bolivian culture is better represented by what he sees government
as offices as well as the people who access and em-
more traditional festivities: "Carnival has really gone down- body national power, the invasion of Mizque's plaza by qhop-
hill here, Susan, these days they don't do anything. Before uyus
it marks a significant shift in the ideological polarization
was beautiful, the entire town went around in costumes and of rural and urban spaces. During the 1990s, members of
there were great quantities of fruit alcohol. Now there isn't the Lopez family twice more hosted traditionally rotating
anything. Since you study traditions, you should go to see qhopuyus and in other years put on more informal carnival
parties that incorporated many elements from the qhopuyu
carnival in Oruro. There they do it well." In contrast, a young
migrant identified Mizque qhopuyus as part of a nationaltradition.
tradition, insisting, "If you don't do carnival, you're not Bo- Also in town, in 1991, two teenage sisters hosted a qhop-
livian. I've seen carnival in Cochabamba; it's beautiful. Hereuyu together with friends. They served soft drinks and a
in Mizque it's great too." few pitchers of chicha and played cassette tapes of popular
B10
Body, nation, and consubstantiation in Bolivian ritual meats * American Ethnologist
Bolivian music. No one I talked to had heard of children A few weeks after carnival in 1997, two Mizquefia sis-
hosting before, but two older women agreed "it is a good ters invited me to their rented room in Cochabamba City,
tradition." One of the teen hostesses told me enthusiasti- "so that we can cook carnival for you." They told me about
cally, "Now we girls are putting on a qhopuyu-Elizabeth, their truck trip to the countryside, about family members
with whom they shared meals there, fellow migrants who
Juliana, Nati, and I. Juliana saw a tree below the tollgate with
branches in the shape of a cross. They were keeping their eye had returned from diverse locations and conditions, and the
on it, and this year we cut it. Next year we are going to putqhopuyus that were hosted on every town block and in every
on a bigger event, with a band, invitations, everything. I'mrural community. Their narratives connected Mizque festiv-
responsible for party favors. You have to make everything ities with the soup that we were eating together in the city,
twice as good for the next year." soup made with potatoes from the same crop that had been
Starting with Patrona and Ema's innovative doubleused for a qhopuyu t'impu. "Since you couldn't go to Mizque
qhopuyu, Mizque voices and practices presented here ex- for carnival," one joked, "you have to eat this food; otherwise
press a desire that qhopuyu celebrations be simultaneouslyyou won't be Mizquefia anymore."
more traditional and bigger and better each year. The rapid
expansion of qhopuyus interacts dynamically with evolu- Conclusion
tion of other events with which they coexist in the space-
time of Mizque's carnival and in the ritual and agriculturalIn this article, I make the case that bodily practices and sen-
year. Their shape and meaning also emerge in relation to sual experiences surrounding specific meals contribute to
civil rituals that are taking on new forms stimulated by offi- making certain kinds of bodies and identities and that peo-
cial enthusiasm for multicultural symbols and celebrationsple in different locations in the nation connect to food, body,
and by newly decentralized governance mechanisms. and identity in different ways. I conclude that these related
Roger Rasnake (1986) and, more recently, Michelle processes are changing in response to larger historical de-
Bigenho (1999) have described highland carnival celebra- velopments and are also influencing important historic pro-
tions that invoke membership in the large Ayllu Yura by mov-cesses, namely, the emergence of new kinds of civil society
ing music and people through meaningful spaces. Bigenho and cultural-political identity.
notes that new rituals of civil society introduced by the na- These findings have implications for societies around
tional political apparatus under the auspices of the Law of the world that, like Bolivia, are living out tensions between
Popular Participation differ from traditional carnival festiv- neoliberal structural adjustments and privatization policies
that often jeopardize the survival of nondominant groups
ities in key ways. First, official events privilege visual repre-
sentations, whereas carnival celebrations are constituted by and struggles for indigenous rights and cultural recognition
rich multisensory experience. Second, official events seek of discriminated ethnic groups. This study draws attention to
to map ethnic identities onto discrete territories that indi-connections between (re)emerging forms of social and po-
cate where (not when or with whom) one identity ends andlitical expression-massive street protests, blockades, and
another begins, whereas carnival rituals consolidate certain constituent assemblies-and ritual meals understood as in-
ethnic identities but also encompass multiple belongings digenous traditions. The focus here on bodily and sensory
and locations experienced by Yurefios. elements may provoke analysts to look beyond legislation,
Official efforts to fix ethnic identities in place, by link-governance, and public discourse to explore sensory and
ing decentralized state funds to municipal census figures, kinesthetic dimensions of emerging civil societies in diverse
among other mechanisms, are challenged by the force of contexts.
Mizque qhopuyus to reach through time and space. Some My ethnographic study across multiple spaces and yea
say that in the old days every fiesta continued through theoffers a methodological model for other studies that aim
octavo, the eighth day, but now only carnival does. Even theexplore parallels, connections, and contradictions amo
octavo is not really the end of carnival, however, as sensa-phenomena taking place on various sites and scales, inclu
tions linger with revelers returning to their daily activities.ing official culture and discourses and diverse vernacular
Travelers bear in their carrying cloths cooked corn, potatoes, practices and voices. This methodological approach has le
eggs, meat, fruit, and other foods, keeping smells and tastesto results that shed new light on body-food-nation relati
of home on and in their bodies. More affluent returnees ships by demonstrating how certain uses of food relate
leave Mizque with souvenir cheeses, special breads, andracial-ethnic identity, understood in Bolivia to reside in p
fruit; some are given produce, eggs, or a lamb by their god-ple's bodies and in geographic places, and how certain bod
children or tenants. Migrants, students, and urban workersand places relate to a nation that is being reconfigured u
bear sacks of potatoes, peanuts, and sweet potatoes, prod- der internal and external pressures. The prospect of maki
ucts cultivated by family members that physically support bodies indigenous through consubstantiation opens up ne
ventures into the outside world and carry a taste of home inways of thinking about broader debates concerning natu
each morsel. versus nurture.
181
American Ethnologist * Volume 33 Number 4 November 2006
Presidential candidates make themselves more Bolivian ditions needed to sustain indigenous lifeways. I do not
by confessing publicly to carnal and spiritual weakness for argue that qhopuyus function to redistribute wealth in
indigenous food. Middle- and upper-class urban dwellers the way anthropologists imagined potlatches do. Rather,
make pilgrimages to the countryside, dress in native- qhopuyus are tangibly and consciously about managing
inspired costumes, dance folkloric dances, and eat tradi- vital economic resources, both in the immediate sense
tional food so as to embrace a folkloric indigeneity more of obtaining foodstuffs, organizing labor, and producing
palatable than the malodorous bodies of workers and farm- meals to feed people during a harvest festival and in the
ers whom they call "Indian." And, those who are some- long-term sense of sacralizing bonds of reciprocity with
times called "Indian" come together in rural settings where Pachamama and with local and extralocal social relations
they nourish and constitute their bodies in ways that func- to assure continued access to social and natural resources
tion on some levels to affirm dominant systems and on throughout the agricultural and migration cycle.
others to challenge or resignify them (cf. Canessa 2005). As bodies and produce that create qhopuyus move into
As they cook homegrown produce over fires, chew coca the provincial town during carnival, and later out to dis-
with stained teeth, and celebrate pagan rituals in the fields, tant cities and workplaces, they boldly carry indigenous
Mizquefios described here embody stereotypes of dirty un- smells, tastes, textures, and meanings into an unequal so-
civilized Indians. Yet, as they build shared substance and ciety dominated by mestizo cultural representations and
move strong bodies throughout the nation, these same par- political-economic powers. Sated with the meals and sensa-
ticipants push against long-standing efforts to marginalize tions of their rural homes, Mizquefios and others like them
the bodies of such Indians, to transform them into mesti- have been affecting not just the symbols but also the sub-
zos, and to represent them through disembodied cultural stance of Bolivia's multicultural nation. As they courageously
products. employ their bodies in manifestations, roadblocks, cross-
How do these phenomena relate to the multicultural country marches, and constituent assemblies, these actors
discourses, neoliberal economic policies, and indigenous work to resignify the category "Indian" to encompass bodily
movements that characterize the "New Bolivia" as well as substance and nation-making agency.
many other nations? Since 1988, I have observed Mizquefios The influence of these practices and meanings on emer-
invest increasing energy and resources in certain ritual meals gent forms of civil society deserves ongoing study and anal-
and enthusiastically talk about the indigenousness of foods ysis. That Mizque's first municipal study and municipal plan
and practices that constitute these meals. This purposeful show little concern for ethnic recognition and do not pro-
marking of indigenous practice suggests a change from the pose redistributing resources necessary for the survival of
1980s, when, Abercrombie (1992b:96) observes, Bolivians indigenous communities seems to corroborate Medeiros's
rarely self-identified as Indians and, Van Cott (2003:755) cal- contention that state mechanisms and NGO management
culates, no more than 2.7 percent of the populace voted are narrowing and depoliticizing the potential scope of pop-
for indigenous-identified political parties in any national ular participation. Yet Medeiros also recognizes that "it is too
election. It also presages tensions between two different early to knowwhat shape this 'civil society' will end up taking.
and sometimes antagonistic strategies for addressing in- Bolivian history contains a wide range of indigenous tactics
digenous identity in the 21st century: official multicultur- of resistance to, appropriation of, and negotiation with hege-
alism and oppositional indigenous politics. monic strategies of incorporation and exclusion" (2001:419).
These processes relate in complex ways to Bolivia's By expanding rural rituals perceived as indigenous, en-
newly decentralized governance regime and privatized hancing them with national commodities and connections,
economic system. In what Lesley Gill (2000) calls "the incorporating NGO workers and officials, and moving qhop-
armed retreat of the Bolivian state," the federal government uyus right into the town plaza, Mizquefios are exceeding
has gradually withdrawn from responsibility for the material the kind of technical participation circumscribed by the Law
well-being of its diverse people and eliminated class-based of Popular Participation and changing their municipality in
discourse and institutions from its political system. As ways not outlined in the five-year plan.
connections between mass labor organizations, state-run Because ritual meals, like people who become strong
production systems, and indigenous demands weaken, and united by eating them, are inseparably meaningful and
struggles by and for oppressed Bolivians have increasingly material, they challenge the type of multiculturalism that
focused on respect and recognition of specific identity privileges symbols and products of indigenous identitywhile
groups (Lagos 2001). In this context, policies and programs disregarding the extreme material inequalities engraved
designed to support multicultural expressions have been on Bolivia's bodies and landscapes. Consubstantiation-the
largely disconnected from support for the material condi- process of uniting people, places, and forces in common
tions that give rise to such cultural expressions. Qhopuyus, substance through ritual meals-is among a constellation
in contrast, fuse recognition and respect for indigenous of practices gaining prominence in Bolivia that point toward
values and traditions with support for the material con- possibilities for a new kind of civil society united in support
882
Body, nation, and consubstantiation in Bolivian ritual meals m American Ethnologist
of the ethnic identities, cultural practices, and material con- Alb6, Xavier
ditions of is diverse members. 2003 Andean Ethnicity Today: Four Aymara Narratives from Bo-
livia. In Imaging the Andes: Shifting Margins of a Marginal
World. Ton Salman and Annelies Zoomers, eds. Pp. 226-248.
Notes Amsterdam: Aksant.
Albro, Robert
Acknowledgments. I would like to express my gratitude to the 2001 Fictive Feasting: Mixing and Parsing Bolivian Popular Sen-
Mizquefios who have shared their lives and knowledge with me. timent. Anthropology and Humanism 25(2):142-157.
Thanks to the Social Science Research Council and the Fulbright- Anderson, Benedict
Hays Commission, which funded my initial research in Mizque 1991 Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and
(1988-90), and to the numerous organizations that have supported Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso.
shorter visits to Mizque most years since then. I appreciate input Bigenho, Michelle
from Ton Salman and Annelies Zoomers, who published a chapter 1999 Sensing Locality in Yura: Rituals of Carnival and of the Bo-
dealing with some of the ethnographic material analyzed here, and livian State. American Ethnologist 26(4):957-980.
from Andrew Canessa, Chaise LaDousa, Doug Rogers, and numer- 2002 Sounding Indigenous: Authenticity in Bolivian Music Per-
ous anonymous reviewers, who motivated me to understand the formance. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
material in new ways. Bodnar, John
1. The meaning and application of indigenous are hotly debated 1993 Remaking America: Public Memory, Commemoration, and
in Bolivia and elsewhere. Here, I draw on the definition advanced by
Patriotism in the Twentieth Century. Princeton: Princeton Uni-
the UN Sub-Commission on the Prevention of Discrimination and
versity Press.
Protection of Minorities, which highlights the role of agency: Burawoy, Michael
Indigenous communities, peoples and nations are those 2000 Global Ethnography: Forces, Connections, and Imagina-
which, having a historical continuity with pre-invasion tions in a Postmodern World. Berkeley: University of California
and pre-colonial societies that developed on their terri- Press.
tories, consider themselves distinct from other sectors of Canessa, Andrew

the societies now prevailing in those territories, or parts of 2005 Making the Nation on the Margins. In Natives Making
them. They form at present non-dominant sectors of soci- Nation: Gender, Indigeneity, and the State in the Andes. An-
ety and are determined to preserve, develop and transmit drew Canessa, ed. Pp. 3-32. Tucson: University of Arizona
to future generations their ancestral territories and their Press.
ethnic identity, as the basis of their continued existence Colloredo-Mansfeld, Rudi

as peoples, in accordance with their own cultural pat- 1998 "Dirty Indians," Radical Indigenas, and the Political Econ-
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2. Acts 2:42 (NRSV) reads, "They devoted themselves to the apos-
1998 Silent Racism and Intellectual Superiority in Peru. Bulletin
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lation as indigenous (Van Cott 2003:752). Ho, Christine G. T.
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prescient warning that systematic exclusion of serious political op- monic Struggle in Postcolonial Nationalism in the Trinidad Car-
tions defined in terms of ethnic identity, together with the co- nival. Transforming Anthropology 9(1):3-18.
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Body, Nation, and Consubstantiation in Bolivian Ritual Meals

Author(s): Susan Paulson

American Anthropological Association, Wiley are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize,

Body, nation, and consubstantiation in

ABSTRACT ndigenous identity has gained new plac

15-20 chunks of meat of citizenship and cultural identity. In parallel processes,

tories, consider themselves distinct from other sectors of Canessa, Andrew

ethnic identity, as the basis of their continued existence Colloredo-Mansfeld, Rudi

References cited La Razon

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