The Literacy Environment and the Acquisition and Application of Literacy:

A case study from Senegal

Mariko Shiohata
School of Education, University of Sussex, UK

1. Introduction: The Literacy Environment in Senegal

How should we explain the inequalities in literacy achievement and utilisation that exist
at present in developing countries? Certainly, there are multi-layered socio-economic
status differences that affect performance. These differences can be seen among regions,
countries, communities, households, and individuals. The layers often influence each
other. For example, it is unlikely that one would find a skilful computer user in a remote
rural village in Africa, lacking power or telephone lines. For an individual to function
effectively, an–selecting an available literacy material and making use of it for his/her
daily activities --, a appropriate enabling environment is indispensable.
This paper attempts to explore such environments for literacy achievement and
utilisation. The work is based on fieldwork conducted from September 2003 to June 2004
in two communities in the outskirts of Dakar, the capital of Senegal. The premise of the
research is that in order to capture the complex dimensions of the literacy environment,
both community-level and individual-level analysis are required. Learning and
development cannot be considered apart from the socio-economic environment in which
each individual functions. People absorb values and conventions from their social and
physical universe, hence cognition is situated in the social and physical context (Neuman
& Celano, 2001).
People’s everyday activities, which are structured by the environment, incorporate
opportunities for both children and adults to learn and develop through observation and
practice. Each literacy environment has its possibilities, which affect what kinds of
literacy activities can be undertaken, the type and level of learning that can be achieved,
and the meanings that can be generated (Neuman & Celano, op. cit.).
The literacy environment is also important in relation to formal education. As the quality
problem in primary education in developing countries has started to be recognised, it is
widely acknowledged that five or six years of schooling does not automatically bring
about requisite skill levels in reading, writing, and calculating among children. According
to the most recent data, of 100 Senegalese pupils entering Cours Préparatoire (CP; Grade
1), only 75.6 reach Cours Moyen 2 (CM2; Grade 6), nearly half of them after having
repeated at least one class. Of the pupils reaching CM2, only 47.6 % pass the Certificat
de Fin d’Etude Elémentaire (Primary Completion Certificate) (Ministry of Education,
Senegal, 2000). These data suggest that many pupils leave school without functional
skills in literacy and numeracy.
While this is serious, the problem for children and adults who have never been to school
is even more acute. Both are frequently expected to function as ‘literate’ individuals to at
least some degree, especially in urban settings. A recent informant, for example, told me
that she operates a bank account, though she lacks reading and writing skills. When she
withdraws money she signs with a cross – but she wishes she could sign her name.

1 26 September 2005
Many children and the vast majority of adults without school experience struggle to read,
write, and calculate in out-of-school settings1. Hence it is important to document and
analyse the intellectual activities and accomplishments of children and adults in the
context of the environment in which they function. These activities are diverse in
function, form and purpose.
2. Research methods
2.1 Studied areas
The research was conducted in Guediawaye Town (Ville de Guediawaye), about 20
kilometres north of the capital, Dakar. Guediawaye is a part of Pikine Department
(Département de Pikine), which lies in Dakar Region (Région de Dakar). The total
population of Guediawaye is estimated at around 400,000 as of 2004.
Guediawaye consists of five boroughs (communes d’arrondissement), from which I
selected two with contrasting historic and socio-economic backgrounds as research sites.
I did so purposively in order to explore whether the different backgrounds of the two
communities affect their literacy environments.
Prior to the 1950s, the land now occupied by Guediawaye Town was virtually
uninhabited. In the 1950s, in a central part of this area, the government created a new
community aimed at easing the increasing congestion in the centre of Dakar. An urban
plan was made to introduce basic infrastructure, including roads, water supply and
electricity. I selected this borough as one of my research sites (Community I).
Some time after the establishment of Community I, in the early 1960s, Guediawaye
started to receive an influx of population from rural areas, mainly from the eastern and
northern parts of the country. The immigrants settled informally in an area adjacent to
Community I. Initially, they were regarded as illegal settlers by the government. The
informal houses they constructed were destroyed by the authorities from time to time.
Despite these interventions, the influx continued. In the 1970s the government abandoned
its attempts to expel the informal settlers. This community continued to grow, and by now
its population is nearly as large as that of Community I, and has equal administrative
status to Community I. I selected this borough as my second research site (Community
II).
Although the government halted the destruction of the informal houses in Community II,
this did not mean that the government took on the role of social service provider. The
paths are narrow and labyrinthine, there is no public transport service, no public schools,
and no health clinics. As most of the plots are occupied by private individuals, it is now
difficult to find spaces to create public service facilities, despite the urgent need for such
facilities. The living environment contrasts with that of Community I in many ways.
According to a Guediawaye town document, 25% of economically active population is
unemployed. Since there are few employment prospects in the town, many go to Dakar
either for casual labour or for more secure employment. As the town was originally
1
Except in a few studies, applications of school-acquired skills in reading, writing, and
calculating to daily activities have not been comprehensively analysed for African settings. Hull
& Schultz (2001) provide a concise review of recent accounts of literacy in out-of-school
contexts in both developed and developing countries.

2 26 September 2005
 established as a commuter town, there has been no major industrial development which
could provide employment for newcomers. The same document states that the population
is ethnically diverse: ‘it is a mosaic of all the ethnicities in Senegal along with some from
other West African nations.’
The table summarises and contrasts various characteristics of the two selected
communities.
Basic profiles of the two communities
Community I Community II
Surface Area 2.6 kmCom
bin 1.1 kmCom
bin

Population Around 100,000 Around 80,000

History Started as a commuter town for Dakar in
the 1950s. The government provided site
and service plots together with roads and
other infrastructure.
Location and Located in the centre of Guediawaye
environment City. The northern boundary of the
community faces the Atlantic Ocean.
Despite the long commuting time to
Dakar, some residents regard the living
environment of this area as relatively
desirable.
Infrastructure -Around 80% of household have water
supply.
-Sewage construction work has started in
2004 with Swedish government
assistance.
-Nearly 90% of households are
electrified.
-Around 15% of households have
telephone.
Education (a) There are nine primary schools and
(a) Formal two secondary schools.
(b) Non (b) There are several private schools
formal (Ecole Franco-Arabe) and Koranic
Schools (Daara). No literacy classes for
adults.
Health There are four health posts.
Economy -The economy is largely based on
employment and casual labour in Dakar.
Overseas emigration is common.
-The government is rehabilitating a large
covered market.
Ethnicity Very diverse; Pulaar are not the majority.
Started in the 1960s as an informal
settlement of immigrants from eastern
and northern parts of the country.
Adjacent to Community I. The area is
lower lying than Community I. During
the rainy season the water stagnates and
many houses are severely inundated.
Many residents have to find temporary
shelter. Water-borne diseases are
prevalent especially in the rainy season.
-Many residents depend on common
water taps.
-There is no proper drainage system; the
residents dig holes to drain polluted
water.
-Electrification rate is around 20% at the
household level.
-Only 2% of households have telephone.
(a) There is no formal school, primary or
secondary. Many children travel to
schools in other communities.
(b) There are some private schools
(Ecole Franco-Arabe) along with
numerous Koranic Schools (Daara).
Several literacy classes are held for
adults.
Previously two health posts, both now
closed.
-The economy is predominantly based on
informal sector activities (e.g. tailoring,
carpentry, retail, etc.). Overseas
emigration is common.
-There is no covered market.
The majority of residents are Pulaar.
Originally, they came from the northern
parts of the country, but many were born
in Guediawaye.

3 26 September 2005
2.2 Data collection methods
In order to explore the literacy environment at community, household and individual
levels, I conducted a series of observations and interviews along the streets of both
communities and at informants’ houses. These were undertaken with three Senegalese
research assistants. All of them were Pulaar, and spoke both Pulaar and Wolof, the most
widely used oral language in Senegal today.
To make a detailed inventory of literacy materials in public spaces, I walked along the
main street in each community and systematically photographed materials. I also
interviewed all shop proprietors who were available at the time of my visit, whether or
not they were displaying materials. This process yielded a data set of 271 materials,
consisting of photographs of shop signs, billboards, and advertising posters, along with
other materials.
For the literacy environment at the household and individual levels, I interviewed 25
informants at their houses, of whom 14 were women (12 from Community I and 13 from
Community II). I relied on a local leader in each community to introduce me to
informants. Educational background and age were applied as the informant selection
criteria. Female informants outnumbered males because fewer men were available than
women in the research areas.

3. Matrix of the literacy environment

We noted earlier that the literacy environment structures people’s everyday cognitive
activities. These activities cannot be separated from the material resources and the skills
people have at their disposal. In this paper, I will examine the literacy environment
focusing on the availability of scripted materials: the varieties and quantities of these in
specific physical and socio-economic contexts.
3.1 Components of the literacy environment
The low literacy rates in the developing world have been repeatedly pointed out and
documented, whilst the fact that scripted materials are often lacking in terms of both
quantity and quality has been relatively neglected (Nakamura & Hisamatsu, 2003). In
order to understand the literacy environment, it is important to collect more
comprehensive information on these materials. We need to know where we can find
scripted materials, what kind of materials they are, who is using these materials, and how
they are used.
The table below shows a general matrix of the literacy environment with particular
reference to the two research sites, based on the observations and interviews conducted
there.
First, the environment is divided along the vertical axis into public, household, and
private spaces, identifying the general location of the scripted materials. Individual
people usually have their own private spaces within the household where they live, and
each household is located in a larger community space. People function within multi-
layered spaces made up of public, household, and private components. Different kinds of

4 26 September 2005
scripted materials tend to be located in different spaces. In this matrix, the materials are
recorded in the space where they are most likely to be found.
Horizontally, the table is divided into six type categories: political and administrative;
economic and commercial; livelihood-related; educational; cultural and religious; and
personal. The boundaries between the categories are arbitrary in some cases, but this
grouping is useful in considering the nature and purpose of the materials.
Starting from the top of the table, the first row (A) comprises materials that are found
along the streets and other open public spaces. They can be accessed by virtually
everyone, both community members and outsiders. These materials are often designed to
be read at a distance and thus tend to be large in size.
The second row of the table (B) is made up of materials found in public spaces typically
frequented by particular sections of the community. These public spaces provide
opportunities for community members to address their various needs -- whether
economic, educational, or medical. Such spaces include shops, schools, health clinics,
and workplaces. Because the materials are designed to be read at close quarters, they are
generally smaller in size than most materials in open public spaces, except advertising
posters that are often seen both inside and outside shops.
The third row (C) encompasses materials found within household spaces, produced for
wide distribution but collected or purchased by individual household members. They may
be used exclusively by the individual who acquired them, or shared with other household
members. There is, of course, a good deal of overlap between these materials and those in
row (B). Literacy education materials, for example, are likely to be found both in the
literacy classroom and in the houses of participants.
The fourth row (D) consists of materials produced outside the household, but specific to
individual household members. ID cards, school records and various certificates are
typical materials belonging to this category. In almost all cases, the documents identify
the name of the recipient for whom it is intended. They may be kept in the individual’s
personal space such as within a drawer, but some may well be hung on a wall in the
house, especially if the document records a personal achievement (e.g. a school
testimonial or examination certificate).
The last row (E) encompasses materials produced by individual household members
themselves. This category is different from the other four because the materials involve
writing rather than just reading. In both field sites wide variation was observed in the
range and quality of these self-generated materials. This variation has the potential to
provide a useful barometer of the degree to which literacy skills are put to actual use by
individuals, households, or communities.
The materials entered in each cell are examples based on my own observations and
interviews with the 25 informants at their houses in the two communities. No doubt there
are many more materials in existence which I did not observe during fieldwork. However
this two-dimensioned matrix, plotting location against content, provides, I believe, a
useful framework for observing and documenting the literacy environment.
There are certain limitations in investigating materials in the household and private
spaces. People tend to take scripted materials in their everyday environment for granted,

5 26 September 2005
and therefore may not always show them to an outsider who asks about them.
Furthermore, respondents may feel certain documents are too private or sensitive to show
readily to a relative stranger.
3.2 Comparative view of the two communities
How do the socio-economic differences between the two communities influence their
literacy environments? In order to capture the similarities and dissimilarities between the
two, I first analyse the scripted materials observed in public spaces. Then, secondly, I will
examine whether the differences in the household and private literacy environments
reflect the differences in the wider community environment in which they are located. As
the data processing and analysis are still in process, I limit this analysis to a general
comparative description.
(1) Public spaces
Community I, located in the centre of the town, has more materials in relation to politics
and administration than Community II. At the time of the fieldwork, there were several
public works underway in Community I, but none in Community II. Usually, these works
display large scale signs to show the purposes of the work such as drainage, children’s
centre construction, and the like. As described above, the second community started as an
irregular settlement. Even now it does not receive much government attention, hence
there is hardly any political and administrative material in the public space of Community
II.
Another example is provided by a campaign poster made by an association of
international NGOs. Several copies of the poster were displayed along the main street of
Community I, appealing to the public to join the movement to abolish the small firearm
trade. The poster was attracting a great deal of attention from passers-by because its size
was large, and furthermore, a famous Senegalese football player was represented in it.
This poster was not observed in Community II.
Availability of newspapers is also contrasted. I found two newspapers stands along the
main street in Community I, while none was observed along the street in Community II.
Commercial materials, however, were more equally distributed between the two
communities. Walls of grocer shops are usually covered with numerous advertising
posters and there was little difference between the two communities.
Although the landscape of the main street in Community II is lively and vigorous at first
look, this is mainly the consequence of commercial posters. The type and variety of
materials in open public spaces is more limited in Community II than in Community I.
How about the materials in enclosed public spaces? Materials found inside the shops in
the two communities such as advertising posters, price lists, and product labels are
identical. The difference is in the livelihood-related and educational materials, and this is
mainly due to the different education services provided in the two communities.
As mentioned earlier, there is no public school in Community II, whilst there are nine
primary schools in Community I. Although children can go to school outside their
community, in my observation, school enrolment in Community II was lower than that in
Community I. Adults also have less education experience in Community II.

6 26 September 2005
For non formal education, however, the situation is different. The absence of formal
school in Community II means that the community meets the government’s criterion for
opening a literacy class. The government’s programme prioritises areas where there is no
school, and adults who have no formal education experience. Consequently, there are
several literacy classes in Community II, but none in Community I. Hence, in
Community II, there are substantial number of materials related to literacy education
including literacy and numeracy textbooks, and functional books such as income
generation activities and health issues. These materials are not available in any public
space visited in Community I.
(2) Household and private spaces
The differences in the literacy environment at the household and individual levels
between the two communities have yet to be analysed in detail.
In either community, those who completely lack reading and writing skills generally
possess very little literacy material. They will certainly have an ID card, because this is
compulsory, and perhaps an old calendar with a religious photograph.
In Community I, I encountered several women, who lacked reading and writing skills, but
whose children had formal education opportunities to the primary, secondary, or even
tertiary levels. These children bring literacy materials home with them. Hence, their
mothers seemed more familiar with written materials than women whose children do not
go to school2.
These cases suggest that the literacy environment at the household and private levels is
more directly influenced by socio-economic status of the community, rather than by its
literacy environment. This relationship needs further analysis.

4. Language uses
4.1 Language use in present Senegal
The languages used in the literacy materials set out in the matrix are varied and mixed. In
Senegal, there are three main language groupings:
1) French: The official language of the country, and the medium of instruction
throughout formal education from Grade 1 of the primary school to the tertiary
level.
2) Arabic: A religious language, learnt by many people in Daara, the Koranic School.
Some learners become competent enough to write in Arabic for mnemonic
purposes, but the language is rarely if ever used as a means for oral
communication.
3) Langues nationales (national languages): There are around twenty local languages
in the country, ten of which are defined as langues nationales. At present six of

2
Often, women’s literacy and education are believed to have positive impacts on their children’s
health and education. However, if formal education is not provided, even a ‘literate’ woman
cannot send her children to school.

7 26 September 2005
 them are employed in government literacy programmes (Wolof, Pulaar, Seereer,
Joola, Mandinka, and Soninke)3. However none of the national languages are
employed at any level of the formal education system, even in the lower primary
grades4.
As in many other African countries, the Senegalese education system faces problems of
language discontinuity; the language differences between home and school are serious.
Government’s adult literacy programmes emphasise learning in the first language
(mother tongue). No government literacy classes teach reading and writing in French.
This approach is based on the pedagogical notion that learning is more effective when
carried out in the first language of the learners rather than in a foreign language such as
French. However this principle is not applied in the case of formal schooling, where, as
we have noted, French is the sole language of instruction.
Literacy class participants do not always appreciate learning in their first language, but
often prefer acquiring literacy (and oral speaking skills) in the official language, or in
another more economically advantageous language5. A number of informants said that
even though they learn literacy in their first language, the majority of the reading
materials available to them in their community are written in French. Others, however,
said there has been an increasing number of materials in the national languages.
In addition to the privileged status of French, there is a hierarchy among the national
languages. In 1998/1999, there were 184,913 literacy class participants, of whom 88,331
(48%) learnt in Wolof (Ministry of Education, Senegal, 2000). This figure is
approximately proportionate to the Wolof representation in the total population (43.7 %,
based on the national census in 1988). Some non-Wolof informants, however, said that
they had chosen classes in Wolof because there was no class in their first language
available in their neighbourhood. Others chose the Wolof class for more positive reasons,
since Wolof is much more widely used than any other national language, especially in
mixed language communities. Labelling Wolof as la langue de la rue (the street
language), Dumont estimates Wolof speakers (first-language plus second-language) at 80
to 90 % of the total population (1998: 40).
4.2 Language use in different types of materials
i) Political & administrative materials

3
Direction de l’Alphabétisation et de l’Education de Base (DAEB; Department of Literacy and
Basic education) within the Ministry of Education collects data each year on the number of
participants in literacy classes by language. As government programmes teach only in national
languages, there is no data about literacy rates in French or in Arabic.
4
Apart from a trial teaching programme in six national languages in primary education launched
by the government in the late 1990s.
5
A similar case in Ghana is described by Yates (1995). She contrasts the two different views on
literacy and language. Literacy planners in the capital emphasised the benefits of ‘mother tongue’
literacy, giving both pedagogical and cultural reasons to support this policy. On the other hand,
many women learners in her research sites were demanding to learn English language and literacy
skills. English was seen to have important instrumental and symbolic dimensions for the learners.

8 26 September 2005
Reflecting the fact that the official language is French, most political and administrative
materials, from public work announcements to marriage certificates, are written in
French.
There are more than ten daily newspaper titles in the country, all of which are published
in French, apart from one bilingual title in French and Arabic. Although the government
has been subsidising the production of local monthly or weekly newspapers in national
languages, their availability is limited. These newspapers are not sold in the conventional
newspaper stands; instead, one has to go to a NGO office or a literacy class to find a
copy.
ii) Economic & commercial materials
The language used in billboards and advertising posters (e.g. soft drinks, cigarette,
toothpaste, etc.) is predominantly French. These materials are mass-produced and
distributed all over the country. This suggests that international and national
manufacturers regard French as the most useful language for conveying commercial
messages to potential customers for their products.
As for locally made shop signs, which are original to each shop, the majority is in French
but a substantial minority is in Wolof, widely used as a lingua franca in these peri-urban
communities. Many shop proprietors use a French word to indicate the nature of the
business such as ‘couture’ (tailor) and ‘menuiserie’ (carpentry), followed by a proper
shop name. Some local proprietors said that the number of people who understand
writing in national languages is still so limited that there is no point in putting up signs in
a local language.
Arabic is found mainly in religious materials, but it is also used in some shop signs – the
proprietors say that their intention is to attract pious customers. Some shop proprietors
keep account books in Arabic. I interviewed a woman who writes her shopping list in
Arabic and sends her children with the list to a corner shop, where the list is read by the
proprietor. This, however, is an unusual case for a woman in that she learnt Arabic from
her father, who was a Koranic teacher.
iii) Livelihood related materials
Language use is more mixed in livelihood-related materials; some are written in French,
others in national languages such as Wolof and Pulaar. Livelihood materials, including
books about crops, livestock raising, and children’s health, are often produced in
conjunction with literacy projects for the purpose of strengthening participants’ reading
skills and at the same time adding functional aspects to the literacy programme.
Sometimes these materials are published in several national languages with identical
content, and distributed according to the language used in the literacy class. Often, these
materials are distributed to each literacy learner alongside literacy and numeracy
textbooks.
iv) Educational materials
The textbooks and other materials used in the formal education are all in French. Pupils
bring their cahiers de composition (school reports) to their homes from time to time to
show to their parents. Likewise, children take lesson notes in French. One secondary
student told me that she has no idea how to write in Pulaar, her first language.

9 26 September 2005
In striking contrast, materials in non-formal education programmes are all written in the
national languages. A 46-year-old Wolof woman, who despite having a secondary
education background, has been to literacy class recently, told me that she had
improvised writing in Wolof even before going to the class. She was motivated to attend
literacy class for social rather than learning reasons, but she also hoped to strengthen her
writing skills in Wolof. Yet, as she is educated in French, she spells the words in French
unconsciously when she writes something. She finds it difficult to write pure Wolof texts,
using only Wolof words.
v) Religious and cultural materials
In Senegal, religious murals are omnipresent. The central motifs in the murals are human
images regarded as Islamic symbols in the country. These murals are often accompanied
by texts such as ‘Alhamdoulilahi’ (Thank God), an Arabic word but spelled using roman
script. One of the most common materials in the households are calendars with religious
images. Even if the calendar is outdated, people tend to keep it believing that the images
of marabout (Muslim hermits) or mosques bring religious benefits. For many, the dates
are of secondary importance. In fact, the dates on these calendars are often small and
difficult to read, suggesting that the calendars are designed mainly to display the image.
Many books about religion are in Arabic, but there also exist religious books in French
and in national languages. In my interview at several coins de lecture (reading corner),
books about history, culture, and religion are more popular than titles on functional issues
such as health and livestock keeping.
vi) Personal materials
As a large number of Senegalese workers emigrate to other countries, people often
exchange letters with family members abroad. Some informants showed me the letters
they had received. In most cases, these letters were written in French. Most emigrant
workers are male, and they usually have a background in formal education. The wives of
many emigrant workers cannot read, and so must find someone to read their husbands’
letters for them. Another informant said that as telephone costs have been dropping
recently, the family use the telephone to communicate with relatives abroad, rather than
writing letters.
One family was keeping a letter written in English from a Belgian girl, who financially
supported one of the children of the family to keep him in school. A worker from the
sponsoring NGO had read the letter for them.
Those who produce their own written materials generally have a primary education
background. They usually write in French, or occasionally in their first languages if they
have attended a literacy class after formal schooling. It was very rare to find a person
who started writing letters and other materials solely as a consequence of attending
literacy classes. One exception was a woman who acquired literacy in Arabic at an early
age. She attended a literacy class in Wolof after she turned 30 years, and mastered Wolof
literacy relatively quickly. It is evident that her knowledge of Arabic enhanced her
learning in Wolof reading and writing. Now she reads novels and talks about them to her
children. She also occasionally writes poems in Wolof.
4.3 Literacy material production

10 26 September 2005
In government literacy programmes, enriching the literacy environment through
publication of various materials in national languages is strongly emphasised. The main
purpose of this is to encourage former and current literacy class participants to continue
reading practices, and thus to avoid losing skills acquired in the class. Hence, provision
of various reading materials is recognised as a priority. While the main emphasis in these
texts is on the instrumental and functional aspects of literacy, it is interesting to note that
other aspects such as reading as recreation or as leisure are also recognised (Senegal,
Ministry of Technical Education, Vocational Training, and Literacy and National
Languages, 2002).
The publication of books in national languages is supervised by the Ministry of
Education, and financed by two donor-supported projects6. The Ministry has a technical
committee, called Comité d’analyse technique, consisting of linguists and other scholars,
which calls for manuscripts in national languages from writers. The committee decides
which manuscripts will be published after examining them from content and linguistic
points of view. The copies of books printed through this government’s scheme are
distributed to literacy classes nationwide.
Out of the 723 titles published in the national languages from 1980 to 2000, 256 (35%)
were in Wolof, followed by Pulaar 214 (30%), and Seereer 71 (10%). More than half the
titles are fiction such as novels, stories, poems, and proverbs. (Ministry of Education,
Senegal, 2001) A literacy class normally has a contiguous coin de lecture, where some
thirty to forty books are stocked. It functions as a library from where people can loan
books to read at home.
However, these books often have numerous typographical errors due to the government’s
hasty promotion of the use of the national languages. The local printing companies had
experience in working only in French, so there is insufficient number of technicians to
cope with the demand for editing and printing in the national languages. The private
publishing companies are not interested in printing books other than in French. At
present, publication in the national languages cannot be achieved without the government
subsidies.

5. Skills in using literacy

In the research sites, I observed a wide range of scripted materials, and also a wide range
of skills in using them. In this section, I briefly present two cases which illustrate literacy
skills in use.
5.1 Tailor apprentices
I interviewed five young tailors who had mastered clothes-making techniques through
apprenticeship. Apart from one, none of them had any formal education, and all were
considered ‘illiterate’ by their employer and had been appointed on that basis. I asked
each of them to prepare a statement concerning the garment they had made most recently.

6
Projet d’Alphabétisation Fonctionnelle Priorité Femme (PAPF; Functional Literacy Project
Prioritising Women) by the World Bank, and Projet d’Appui au Plan d’Action (Action Plan
Support Project) by the Canadian government.

11 26 September 2005
All five drew sketches, but also without exception used some verbal symbols to explain
the garment, and numeric symbols to indicate dimensions.
This was an unexpected outcome because they were regarded as ‘illiterate’ by the
employer and they had not had any formal opportunity to learn how to read and write.
Nevertheless, continuous exposure throughout their training and working period to
specific scripted materials, the order books in this case, led them to the point where they
could use some verbal and numeric symbols. They wrote words such as manche (sleeve)
and longueur (length) in French, which are printed in their order books.
This suggests that, even without prior literacy skills, it is possible to acquire professional
techniques. In this tailoring case, these young men acquired literacy skills through
experience which involves exposure to scripted materials. Within the apprenticeship
approach, apprentices were seen to be learning conventional literacy skills even though
these were not explicitly taught or even seen as a goal by the employer. However their
gains seemed to be limited to areas directly addressed in their work. There was little
indication of carry-over or transfer to other areas.
5.2 Women’s group leader
The second case concerns a Pulaar woman with a primary education background, who
has been to a literacy class in Wolof recently. She is a leader of a group called Mbootaay
(in Wolof, “association”) with 70 female members in her neighbourhood. This is a
rotating savings association. Twice a month, at their meetings, members pay 1,500 CFA7
(around 1.5 pounds) each, and then they draw lots. The winner receives the whole
amount collected from the members. They repeat this 70 times until all the members
receive the same amount in turn. The winner can use the money for any purpose. This
system is called Tontine and is very common in Senegal, where banks generally shut their
doors to women seeking to obtain loans.
As the group leader, the informant has to keep records about the payment status of every
member. Each time, prior to the meeting, she writes a list of members’ names, and then
during the meeting, she ticks names to indicate who has paid and who has not. But she
writes down 70 names each meeting, instead of making a simple attendance table with a
column to record the names and rows to record the dates.
She may well be ‘literate’ in a conventional sense in that she can read and write the
participants’ names. But can we conclude that she has a good command of literacy skills
of the full range of skills she needs for effective functional literacy?

6. Summary and conclusions

I have described and analysed the literacy environment in an African urban setting
drawing on fieldwork in Senegal. My argument is that effective literacy skills cannot be
achieved without the help of an environment rich in a range of artifacts such as shop
signs, posters, and books.

7
Equivalent to US$ 2.7 as of February 2004.

12 26 September 2005
The matrix of the literacy environment presented in this paper identifies various kinds of
scripted materials according to their location in communities, households, and private
spaces. By identifying the producers and users of the materials, it becomes possible to
examine the potentials and constraints of these materials. It is possible, for example, for
policy makers and practitioners, to analyse factors which enhance or impede practising,
acquiring, and applying literacy skills through the existing literacy and numeracy
textbooks; but it is unrealistic for them to attempt interventions concerning religious
materials.
There are strong three-way relationships among the content and quality of scripted
materials, skills in using these materials, and actual literacy practices. People cannot
practise literacy effectively without proper skills, nor can they develop literacy skills
without good quality materials.
Scripted materials have three main functions: first, recording and conveying knowledge
and information; second, helping people to develop ideas; and third, enabling people to
express themselves.
The great majority of the materials identified in the two research sites fell into the first
category. Materials communicating messages of various kinds –administrative,
commercial, or educational—are overwhelmingly predominant whether in public,
household, or private spaces.
Typical materials which help people to develop ideas include sketches made by craftsmen
such as carpenters and tailors, who continuously create new designs for their work,
whether beds, doors, dresses, or embroidery. These materials were found frequently in
spaces such as tailoring, carpentry, and other workshops, but much less in literacy classes
and vocational training centres.
Materials produced for self-expressive purposes – letters, diaries, and the like – were
even less frequent. While the majority of the informants had kept a collection of letters
they had received, only a few had produced diaries, stories, or poems.
Finally, we note that the use of scripted materials is deeply embedded in the society’s
history and language. In the case of English, for example, the recording of the oral
language in written form profoundly influenced its further development in terms of
vocabulary, grammar, and syntax (Olson, 1977, 1994). At the end of the colonial period,
many newly independent African states introduced to varying degrees the use of African
languages for educational activities. We do not have sufficient knowledge as to the
consequences of these new language uses. To what extent have the newly-transcribed
languages, used solely as oral languages in the past, become viable as written languages
by now?

13 26 September 2005
References
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Enda tiers monde
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London, Routledge
Nakamura, Y.; Hisamatsu Y. 2003. Documents for Knitting: Document Management
Practice in a Craft Workshop for Bilingual Migrant Women. Paper presented at the
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Educational Development Vol. 15, No. 4 October: 437-447

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 Table: A Matrix of the Literacy Environment (A case from an urban community in Senegal)
Types of Materials
Location of Materials Political & Economic& Livelihood- Religious
Educational Personal
Administrative Commercial related &Cultural
(A) Materials in open -Election posters -Shop signs -NGO signs -School signs -Religious murals -Graffiti
public spaces; -Community -Billboards -Training centre (public/private/ -Religious events
Community - wide campaign posters -Advertising signs Koranic) posters
access (e.g. streets, -Traffic and public posters -Posters (e.g.
public parks) transport signs -Lottery & betting improved cooking
-Public works signs prize numbers stoves)
(B) Materials in enclosed -Books about -Advertising -Books on income -Health posters (e.g. -Religious murals -Graffiti
public spaces; political and legal posters generation activities HIV, drugs) -Religious events
Public
Spaces typically frequented issues -Price lists (e.g. cloth dying, -Environment posters
by particular sections -Newspapers -Shop proprietors’ crops, livestock) posters -Religious books
of the community (e.g. account books -Books on health -School textbooks -Books about plays
shops, schools, literacy -Product labels -Books on group -Literacy books and games
classes, libraries, health -Order books (e.g. management -Numeracy books -Books about ethnic
clinics, pharmacies, tailoring, carpentry) -Work records -Reference books culture, history, and
training centres, -Sample albums (e.g. reading, language
workplaces) (e.g. clothes, history) -Novels
furniture)
(C) Materials produced -Books about -Product labels -Books on income -School textbooks -Religious books
for wide distribution, political and legal -Calendars with generation activities -Literacy books -Calendars with
but collected or issues advertisements (e.g. cloth dying, -Numeracy books religious images
House- purchased by -Newspapers crops, livestock) -Reference books -Books about plays
hold individual household -Telephone -Books on health (e.g. reading, and games
Spaces members directories -Books on group history) -Books about ethnic
management culture, history, and
language
-Novels
(D) Materials produced -Birth certificates -Receipts -Training course -School records -Membership cards -Personal letters
outside the household, -Vaccination cards -Bills certificates -Examination (religious, cultural) from others
but specific to -ID cards (NGO/government) certificates (family, friends)
individual household -Marriage -Mutual help -School
members certificates membership cards testimonials
Private
Spaces -Land certificates -Literacy class
certificates
(E) Materials produced -Shopping lists -Group activities -Notebooks -Stories written by - Personal letters to
by individual -Account books records individuals others
household members -Poems written by -Personal diaries
individuals

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