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© 1998 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.
Abstract. The Japanese stock market is characterized by two prominent features. First, stock prices
have been extremely volatile over the past ten years. Second, the market is dominated by cross-
shareholdings and stagnant individual stock ownership. So, there are two purposes on this paper. The
first is to assess the effects of stock cross-holdings on the stock market. The second is to look at
recent stock price fluctuations, in the bubble period before 1990 and during the subsequent collapse.
It will be recognized that these two features are interrelated.
Key words: bubble, corporate governance, Japanese stock market, stock cross-shareholdings.
1. Introduction
The Japanese stock market is characterized by two prominent features. First, stock
prices have been extremely volatile over the past ten years. Second, the market is
dominated by cross-shareholdings and stagnant individual stock ownership. The
former trait is an issue pertaining to stock prices. The latter is a separate matter in
and of itself brought about by problems in market structure. Cross-shareholdings
are now under critical observation; however, amid recent stock price slumps and
the recessionary environment. The Japanese stock market structure is deeply influ-
enced by share price weakness, so these two dominant traits are interrelated. Here
we aim to introduce and analyze in theory and practice the special characteristics
of the Japanese stock market, especially pertaining to the two leading features just
mentioned.
With the first major feature of the domestic stock market, wide stock price fluc-
tuations were evident in the sharp stock price rises until 1989 and the subsequent
market plunge in the 1990s. Naturally, trends in investor levels figures prominently
in the market swings. For example, banks, insurance companies and other financial
institutions were large net buyers of stocks when share prices rose. Afterwards, they
became net sellers, if only temporarily. Regional and private companies carried
out large-scale equity financing activities in Japan and abroad when stock rallied,
but have largely refrained from such actions in the 1990s. Securities companies
also used their unprecedented profits for active capital investment before 1990, but
? Address for correspondence: Prof. Y. Yonezawa, Faculty of Business Administration, Yokohama
National University, 79-4 Tokiwadai Hodogaya-ku, Yokohama 240, Japan
2 YASUHIRO YONEZAWA AND KAZUHIRO MIYAKE
recently all except a few major firms are posting losses. Such activities have been
the primary causes of the current weakness in the Japanese economy.1
Japanese-style management and its emphasis on cross-shareholdings – the sec-
ond major feature of the domestic stock market – are facing widespread reeval-
uation in the current weak economic environment. The seniority wage-order sys-
tem, for example, is being wholly reassessed. Japanese management practices that
largely ignore shareholder needs are facing criticism under the leadership of for-
eign investors amid increases in pension fund money. Cross-shareholdings were
originally maintained to support Japanese-style management, with its lack of em-
phasis on shareholder value. But the Japanese system is undergoing major changes
because of both difficulties in Japanese-style management and the unwinding of
cross-shareholdings.
The domestic stock market is currently experiencing a large-scale transforma-
tion. The previously mentioned stock price weaknesses and recession are impe-
tus for structural change. The Japanese financial Big Bang reform is a second
stimulus for reform. No one has an overall conception as to what the Japanese
stock market will look like as a result of these changes. But their effect on cross-
shareholdings will be of vital importance. We see a connection between changes
in cross-shareholdings and the transformation of the Japanese economy itself. The
objective of our analysis is to provide some limited answers as to what this outlook
will be.
Here we will closely examine these dominant characteristics and changes in the
market. Our principal aim is to clarify some of the realities and misconceptions
about the Japanese stock market through accurate information supply. In the next
section, we will show the characteristics of the Japanese stock market. In the third
section, we will focus our assessment on stock cross-shareholdings and their effects
on the Japanese stock market. In concrete terms, we will analyze their effect on
stock prices and corporate governance and afterwards examine the position they
will assume in the future. In Section 4, we look at recent stock price fluctuations,
in the bubble period before 1990 and during the subsequent collapse, including a
closer analysis of whether the bubble really existed. Finally, we will present a short
conclusion.
Japan U.S.
The breakdown varies widely between Japan and the United States, however (see
Table I).
First, in the United States, the individual investors’ shareholding rate is falling
but still remains at about 50%. In Japan, individual shareholders own only about
20% of stocks.
Second, in the United States, the portion of shares sold by individual investors
is being bought mainly by institutional investors who manage corporate and public
pension funds, investment trusts, and other institutional investors. Of course, the
principal beneficiaries of institutional investment are in fact company employees
and other individual investors. The assets utilized by institutional investors at the
very least are systematically and practically put to use to generate earnings for
individual investors to a much larger extent than in Japan. In other words, indi-
viduals are transferring their shares from direct ownership to indirect sources that
provide effective fund dispersion. But in the end the individual investor’s rights
are carefully protected in the fund. From a macroeconomic standpoint, individual
investors remain committed to the stock market and maintain an important position
in it.
In Japan, on the other hand, the portion of shareholdings sold by individual in-
vestors so far has been transferred to banks and private companies who have closer
ties with the issuer. Such investment fund sources reach individual investors and
employees if one looks to the final source. But instead of the straight connection
between institutional and individual investors as in the United States, the situation
is ambiguous. In fact, in many cases, bank and private company shareholdings are
not net investments for the primary purpose of generating profits. Instead, they are
mutual cross-shareholdings and means for providing stable stock ownership. If, for
example, the operating conditions for a company listing shares are sound, the banks
and private firms holding the shares will not exercise ownership rights and retain a
say in the company’s management.
4 YASUHIRO YONEZAWA AND KAZUHIRO MIYAKE
Japan U.S.
to revert to the conditions seen in the second half of the 1980s. These are structural
changes that are probably irreversible. The shift toward caution may not be an
irreversible structural change. But some time will likely be required to return to a
more normal condition.
We noted in the previous section that one structural characteristic about stock
ownership in Japan is that individuals and households own a low percentage of
stockholdings and investment trusts despite large asset holdings. The individual
investors’ shareholders rate is strikingly low compared with the United States and
on a lesser level even when matched against Germany. A deeper look reveals that
Japanese households keep much of their assets in bank savings accounts and life
insurance policies.
Consequently, the portion of shares held by individuals is low and declining
annually even when analyzing the breakdown of stock shareholders. No matter
how high the amount of household assets, this result is not at all unusual if the
proportion of investments in stocks is on a declining slope.
Why don’t Japanese households own stocks? The long-running debate on this
subject hasn’t provided any persuasive answers. Among the responses given are
(1) the lowest number of shares purchasable (1,000 shares at the issue price) is
too expensive, (2) stock prices are too high because of cross-shareholdings, and (3)
many households are burdened with housing loan liabilities and don’t want to incur
risk. If this first reason were accurate, however, households would actively invest
in investment trusts. If the second point were true, households would own stocks
with minimal cross-shareholding amounts, but they don’t seem to be making this
choice. Proving the third point would require confirmation that Japanese house-
holds are burdened with large debts compared with households in other nations.
But the differences with the United States, for example, are minimal, and this
third reason doesn’t seem particularly convinging.2 Concerning the second point,
however, the decline in household shareholdings should certainly be discussed in
the same context as the cross-shareholding phenomenon, but the issue is complex.
If the lack of share ownership by households is a phenomenon unique to Japan,
then the cause must also be something peculiar to this country. Let us examine this
problem in more detail.
stock investment. Households look favorably on riskless asset when making asset
selections, so in such cases expected return on assets on balance has to pay high
risk premiums.
In Japan, a standardized wage profile under the lifetime employment and senior-
ity wage-order systems shows depressed wages for younger workers and a salary
peak for employees in their fifties. This earnings picture differs sharply from other
countries where earnings picture are relatively stable. The wage formula is peculiar
to the Japanese-style management system. Although it is difficult to measure real
labor productivity, we imagine that it peaks at a younger age than when wages
reach their height.
The basis of this incompatibility is the fact that younger workers, who don’t re-
ceive wages commensurate to productivity, are forced into compulsory savings and
hidden investments. These savings make up other moneys and capital investment
funds. We think that the high wages in the second half of their working lives spring
in part from earnings on investments.
To put it simply, let us divide labor periods into first and second halves of the
working life span and consumption into first half (C1 ) and second half (C2 ) over
this same period. In the same way, labor productivity is separated into first-half
(W1 ) and second-half (W2 ) sections. Stock demand is S and riskless asset demand
is B. Household budget constraints are
C1 = W1 − Z − S − B , (1)
C2 = W2 + (1 + rz )Z + (1 + rs )S + (1 + r)B . (2)
Here Z is compulsory savings, the earnings rate is rz , and the stock return is
rs . rz and rs are uncertain. r is the earnings return on riskless assets, which is
deterministic.
Essentially, Japanese actual wages are equivalent to W1 − Z in the first half and
W2 + (1 + rz )Z in the second half. In the event of a strong correlation between
rz and rs , Z and S become substitute assets. Z is low in the United States but
high in Japan. And we think that stock investment is declining because of similar
expectations for earnings on compulsory savings as on stock investments. To state
it another way, Japanese households are forced into large, high-risk savings in the
younger years. As a result, incentive to take on additional risk from savings is
lacking.
But why don’t we see large-scale stock demand from the workers in their fifties
receiving high earnings? If demand for stocks is high during this period, from a
macroeconomic perspective it shouldn’t necessarily follow that shareholdings are
low. However, savings during this period serve as an income source after retire-
ment. Their gestation period is not long, and such savings cannot be exposed to risk.
Thus, earnings during this period are not appropriate for stock market investment.
Other reasons for high savings in Japan are the large number of inheritances
received late in life and high wage payments for workers in their fifties, which
8 YASUHIRO YONEZAWA AND KAZUHIRO MIYAKE
explain why Japanese often have savings in excess of their needs late in life. Thus,
the fact that Japanese households own few stock assets can be attributed in part to
Japanese-style management and institutionally complementary practices.
nonexistent. But in fact there is no clear evidence that this is true. If stock prices
were to rise, under the same risk factors the expected stock returns would have to
be lower.
Another argument is that the percentage of shares in circulation declines if
cross-shareholdings increase, causing higher risk from stock-price fluctuation.
There is a counter-argument, however, that such risk is actually lower. The six
major company groups have a stronger image for stability than for growth poten-
tial, and business risk is shared with cross-shareholders and main banks. Earnings
fluctuations are relatively low even for company groups. So one could argue that
risk is therefore lower.
To clear up these uncertainties, as a first step in the weighted analysis of the
six groupings it is necessary to surmise whether or not return on stocks and return
after risk adjustment is higher for the six major company groups than for the market
portfolio or market average. We will examine this issue using CAPM (Capital Asset
Pricing Models) to assess return, risk factors, and the distinctive features for the six
major company groupings.
Here the numerator on the right side of the equation illustrates the average value
during the time period of excess return for targeted company group P . rp is return
over t months for group P , and rf uses the call rates for t months as a represen-
tation of risk-free interest rates. The denominator σp is standard deviation for the
relevant period of excess return.
Next, for efficient markets formulated under the capital asset pricing theory, as
is illustrated in Equation (4), E(rp ), or expected stock return for targeted group
(portfolio) P , is equal to the value (total on right side of equation) of rf , added to
risk premium βp [E(rm ) − rf ]. Further, E(rm ) is the expected return on the market
portfolio.
The Jensen Measure evaluation based on CAPM (Jensen’s α) shows whether ex-
post-facto return on targeted group P reaches the levels of returns on the right
10 YASUHIRO YONEZAWA AND KAZUHIRO MIYAKE
side of the equation in Equation (4) calculated with CAPM. When positive α
is included, the relevant portfolio achieves excess profit over estimated CAPM.
Return after risk adjustment outperforms the market.
The Jensen’s α can be estimated using the following time series regression
analysis, and extracts the estimated value of αp . The capital letter R is excess return
calculated by subtracting interest rates on risk-free assets rf from relevant portfolio
returns and market portfolio return, respectively.
Grand total of Total of 6 Mitsui Mitsubishi Sumitomo Fuyo Sanwa Daiichi Kangyo
3 markets company groups group group group group group group
Notes: E(R) is average of monthly excess return; σ is standard deviation of monthly excess return.
11
12
YASUHIRO YONEZAWA AND KAZUHIRO MIYAKE
Figure 1. Estimated α and β of major 6 company groups (measuring period: from April 1978 to August 1994).
THE STRUCTURE OF THE JAPANESE STOCK MARKET 13
Note: The estimated time dummy coefficients are omitted from this table.
conclusively negative. Individual investors are not included in the explanatory vari-
able, so we may interpret as follows: when share ownership shifts from individual
investors to, for example, foreign corporations, productivity improves.
Next, we find that productivity improves significantly when the top ten con-
centration and executive categories represent a high portion of stock ownership,
with an especially big positive impact in the case of high executive ownership.
This indicates that when shares are concentrated in the hands of a relatively small
number of shareholders, management tends to be highly committed to the share-
16 YASUHIRO YONEZAWA AND KAZUHIRO MIYAKE
The estimated time dummy coefficients are omitted from this table.
eign corporation and executive categories’ share ownership correlates with a rela-
tively low labor distribution rate, while ownership by securities companies corre-
lates with a relative high labor distribution rate. However, given securities com-
panies’ propensity for owning companies that feature extremely poor earnings
performance (for the reasons given in note 8), we exclude the securities company
from our analysis. We can understand that, as the portion of overall stock ownership
represented by financial institutions, foreigner and top 10 concentration increase,
corporate manager will tend to flow to neo-classical type companies which boast
relatively high profit distribution rates.
Moving along, we find that in the case of the machinery industry, the dummy
variable for the keiretsu category is a positive coefficient. From this we conclude
that these companies tend to hold labor-managed companies and that these labor-
managed companies feature relatively low rates of return on capital. In contrast, in
the case of the electric equipment industry, the keiretsu group dummy variable was
not statistically significant and did not yield a conclusive result.
Finally, while many financial institutions – particularly main bank system –
have doubtless positioned themselves as protectors of the labor-managed corpora-
tion, or what is otherwise known as institutionally complementary to the Japanese
management system, the results of our inquiry show that, contrary to standard hy-
pothesis, financial institutions’ share-holding behavior is putting downward pres-
sure on labor distribution rates and showing a preference for neo-classical-type
corporations.
(f) Summing up
Taken together, the results of the analysis undertaken so far lead us to the following
conclusions. Cross-shareholdings do exert something of an influence on corporate
governance, productivity, and the labor distribution rate. But when we narrow the
focus of our analysis to the six major keiretsu groups, we can only conclude that
this influence is not highly significant. There are no theoretical grounds for assert-
ing that the consistently low rates of return on capital of the companies belonging
to the six big groups translate directly into low corporate productivity, as has been
argued heretofore. In fact, we have demonstrated that in the case of TFP no such
connection exists. A low rate of profit on capital may be indicative of nothing
more than a high labor distribution rate, and the cross-shareholding structure of
a company may be understood to be the product of a labor-managed company’s
efforts to defend against takeover plays from outside shareholders. However, even
this factor is also relatively minor. In short, where the six major keiretsu groups
are concerned, productivity is not substantially different from that of non-keiretsu
companies. Still, because the structure of share ownership does influence corporate
behavior, it should not be ignored.
THE STRUCTURE OF THE JAPANESE STOCK MARKET 19
Corporations have been loosening keiretsu ties and liquidating stable shareholdings
since the beginning of this decade and the structure of Japanese stock ownership
has begun to undergo a dramatic shift as a result. The portion of equity owned
by financial institutions and other corporations rose steadily in the post-war years
amid widespread strategic investment aimed at securing relationships through mu-
tual shareholding. But this so-called corporatization of stock ownership is showing
signs of coming unraveled in this decade. And corporations have begun to look
critically at Japanese-style corporate governance (i.e., corporate capitalism and
management capitalism which is unresponsive to the average shareholder) as well
as at the structure of Japanese stock ownership. As a result, large scale liquidation
of cross-held share positions is getting underway.
bottleneck. The relationship was also advantageous to the bank in that it provided
a means of expanding business through bringing growing companies under its
umbrella. Naturally, had Japan’s financial markets been sufficiently developed,
Japanese companies might have met their financing needs via the capital markets.
However, with an eye to catching up with the U.S. and Europe as quickly as pos-
sible, the government of the time was pursuing a growth strategy which focused
on funneling available funds to strategic industries through banklending. And with
the capital markets still too underdeveloped to meet their needs, companies came
to place a great deal of importance on the relationships with their main bank. These
linkages were secured with cross-held shares, and relationships between companies
and banks that are the principal providers of their financing comprises the main
bank system.
Companies likewise needed partners to take care of their trading requirements
and to facilitate upstream and downstream distribution, and the practice of cement-
ing ties with trading and distribution allies through interlocking further advanced
the practice of cross-shareholding. Cross-shareholding expanded still further when
a stock market slump around 1965 prompted companies to employ the practice
to guard against takeovers by foreign firms. Along with Japan’s growing strength
and OECD membership in 1964 came international responsibilities, and Japan was
compelled to gradually open its market to trade and to liberalize capital flows. And
worries that this liberalization would invite a massive inflow of foreign capital gave
further impetus to efforts to secure stable shareholders.
The biggest change since the first oil crisis came during the bubble period.
From around 1975, cross-shareholdings began to look less important from the
perspective of fundamentals than they had before. However, the percentage of
stable shareholdings actually increased in the late 1980s thanks to the increase in
superficial cross-shareholdings stemming from the excessive zai-tech activity and
equity finance during the period.
4. Stock Price Trends of Recent Years and the Factors Behind Them
4.1. THE LATE 1980 S SHARE PRICE RUN - UP
investor group buying trends depicted in Figure 2 we can surmise that banks and
insurance companies played this role. In the case of the banking sector, banks’
trust account divisions grew rapidly because banks introduced new tax-preferred
investment vehicles like tokkin funds and kingaishin funds.
Financial system liberalization enabled the marketing of tokkin and kingaishin
funds, but corporations became the most aggressive buyers of these instruments.
At the same time, the earnings growth of the Japanese manufacturing sector was
slumping, so instead of using the proceeds of capital increases to invest in capital
equipment, companies put the money in large lot deposits and into these new fi-
nancial instruments. Was this rational financial behavior? This question will be our
next point of inquiry.
Figure 2.
THE STRUCTURE OF THE JAPANESE STOCK MARKET 25
half the amount of 1989. And while money placed in large lot deposits did not fall
as sharply as equity finance activity, it did rise sharply during the years of the late
1980s.
It was inferred that this dynamic arbitrage is evidence for bubbles. However,
there is one point that must be considered in this connection. While corporations
were making direct purchases of each other’s stock only in small amounts dur-
ing the period, they were investing in stock indirectly through their investment
of surplus funds in tokkin and kingaishin funds. Using a portion of the stock
raised through a capital increase to buy stock is effectively the same as employing
that portion for a treasury stock repurchase, and this is completely different from
dynamic arbitrage.
However, these corporations were often guaranteed against losses on stock in-
vestment as was revealed when it came to light that securities companies were
compensating clients for losses. So, at least in a limited sense, companies were
acting rationally. And if companies had been engaging in dynamic arbitrage the
bubble might have collapsed and share prices fallen. But instead, investment in
tokkin and kingaishin funds made it possible for the bubble to inflate further.
While this process kept share prices moving higher, the process could only
be sustained if interest rates kept falling. Therefore the factors that sustained the
process were irrational interest rate expectations, the corporate earnings slump,
financial deregulation, and noise traders. Of course, from the macro side, smooth
growth of the money supply was also essential. However, during this period, indi-
vidual investors and foreign investors deserve special mention for having behaved
rationally.
4.2. THE SHARE PRICE TREND SINCE THE COLLAPSE OF THE BUBBLE
The nature of stock price formation changed in two fundamental ways follow-
ing the collapse of the bubble. First: During the bubble period Japanese stocks
were expensive compared to U.S. or European stocks as measured by PCFR and
other yardsticks of value. But Japanese stocks have since come down to the levels
prevailing in those two markets.
Second: In assigning value to stocks, emphasis is now being place on prof-
itability as measured by consolidated-based cash flow and consolidated ROE. In
addition, the low PBR effect and low priced stock effect that prevailed until the
1980s have vanished.
A two-tier trading trend has prevailed since the fall of 1996. This bipolarization
of weak and strong performing stocks has simultaneously taken shape between
different industries and between different companies operating within the same
industry. Specifically, led by international blue chips and companies that are mak-
ing progress in globalizing their operations, the manufacturing sector occupies the
upper tier and non-manufacturing industries dependent on domestic demand (i.e.,
finance and construction) occupy the lower tier.
26 YASUHIRO YONEZAWA AND KAZUHIRO MIYAKE
5. Conclusion
Our analysis has lead to the following conclusions:
1. When discussing the history of the Japanese stock market, prominence should
be given to cross-shareholdings and the speculative bubble of the late 1980s.
2. Our analysis here shows that the effect of interlocking share holdings on share
prices is not particularly strong. In addition, while we have shown how the
practice of cross-shareholding supports Japanese style management and we
also ascertained that the companies of the six major keiretsu groups display
no marked propensity for employing Japanese-style management practices
than are other companies.
3. However, the relatively low productivity and efficiency of Japanese industry
means that an overhaul of the Japanese system of management is inevitable,
and through this process industry is taking a critical look at the practice of
cross-shareholding.
4. If cross-shareholdings positions are unwound, the stock will be purchased
by other investor groups. Likely candidates are pension funds, investment
trusts and foreigners. There is also a good chance that individual investors
will increase in number.
5. We ascertained that large-scale capital increases and the practice using the
proceeds from stock issues to invest in relatively non-bubble assets (i.e., the
practice) were a chief feature of Japanese finance in the late 1980s and we
may conclude from this dynamic arbitrage that the share price run up of those
years was in fact a speculative bubble. We may also conclude that the source
of this bubble was mistaken expectations on the direction of interest rates.
6. In the years since the collapse of the bubble, the various valuation measures
have come down to levels prevailing in other leading global markets, but that
at the same time a two-tier trading pattern has taken shape in the Japanese
THE STRUCTURE OF THE JAPANESE STOCK MARKET 27
market. And the emergence of this two tier trading trend is properly under-
stood as being a reflection of the dramatic structural transformation that the
Japanese market is undergoing.
Notes
1. Stock and other asset prices also surged in Northern Europe and other developed countries in
the second half of the 1980s, but not to the levels seen in Japan. The subsequent stock price
stagnation and accompanying recessions were deeper in Japan than in these nations.
2. For example, we can calculate the debt-disposable income ratio of households. The Japanese
ratio is 111.9% (1994), and the U.S. ratio is 97.7% (1995) respectively. The difference is not so
much. See Sato (1997).
3. With CCAPM, see Breeden (1979).
4. This analysis is based on Miyake (1994).
5. Strictly speaking, value weight on market portfolio must be adjusted by cross-share holdings.
We omit this adjustment. However, impact of this adjustment on return of market portfolio may
not be so significant.
6. This analysis is based on Yonezawa and Miyazaki (1996). Since re-estimation is tried in our new
paper, estimated results are different from Yonezawa and Miyazaki’s paper.
7. Lichenberg and Pushner (1994) also analyzed the same problems using the TFP. They esti-
mate the TFP as residuals of production function and then estimate the simple correlation
between TFP and each shareholder’s holding ratio. They report that financial institution, other
domestic corporation, individual, concentration and executive have positive correlation with TFP
respectively.
8. Estimation is run on the following panel regression with random effect method;
ln y = ln A + a ln k + c ln L = a0 + a1 X1 + a2 X2 + · · · + a ln k + c ln L
P = d/r
when the investor has static expectation on interest rate r. However, when the interest rate is
fallen to r ∗ in the next year, actual stock price of next year is
P ∗ = d/r ∗ .
Then one year realized rate of return on this stock rs can be calculated as
rs = (P ∗ − P + d)/P
= (r/r ∗ − 1) + r.
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